SECRET

To: Chief, MID
From: Chief of Station, Havana

SUBJECT: Commercial Matters

Enclosure: Lienal Guillermo SOTO Prieto

1. When Subject was arrested on 21 September 1957, a number of scraps of paper containing incomplete notes were found in his possession. The following names were legible:

   Eduardo GARCIA, Av. 23 between Calles 16 and 17, Vedado.
   No previous record in Station files.

   [Dr. Salvador] MANSO, Avenida 9 No. 802, Tel. 89-1388.
   Files show him to be a professor at the University of Havana and father of Salvador MANSO Valdes who has a long record of Communist activities.

   Angelito MANSO, Calle 20 No. 272-2, Tel. 7-1388.
   Files show him to be a member of the Communist Party, currently active in cultural organizations.

   Agusto GARCIA, Calle 165, Apt. 12-bajo. No previous file record.

   Gilberto LEON, Calle 165, Apt. 12-bajo. No previous file record.

   Gilberto LEON, Calle 165, Apt. 12-bajo. No previous file record.

   R. D. CALDERON, Calle 16, Casa 16.
   This person may be associated with the Cuban Communist Party, with whom he was active in 1955. He was a member of the National Executive Committee of the Party and the International Committee of the Party.

   Lienal Guillermo SOTO PRIETO, Calle A y 14, Regla.
   No previous record in files.
SECRET

Otto FUCHS, Calle Estralla 209, Havana.

Files reflect that he was a Communist sympathizer at the University of Havana during 1953. He was a member of the Committee for the Defense of Guatemala in 1954.

Karel VICK, Calle F No. 105 y Lino, Havana.

He is a leader of the youth section of the Communist Party.

An unconfirmed report dated 15 May 1954 from a reliable source stated that LESNICK is a Communist sympathizer and a very good friend of Lionel SOTO. In a recent interview in connection with his application for a U.S. visa, LESNICK admitted knowing SOTO but said he did not share SOTO's views.

Baldemar de RIOS, Calle Santria 52, Tel. 2-205 (Havana).

Rios's notes contained the name Baldemar de RIOS and directly beneath it in parenthesis the name "Guerra." RIOS was a Puerto Rican student at the University of Havana. He was anti-Communist but claimed to be anti-Communist. "Guerra" is unidentified.

Marquesa de TITIMA, Tel. 2-1177; Calle F No. 160, apt. 17 y 19, Vedado, Havana.

The Marquesa de TITIMA is not identifiable from station files. Her husband, the Marquesa de TITIMA, was a Spanish monarchist who is believed to have died in 1953.

Dr. Luis PAVEL, Barrio Yumby, Calle Narciso Lopez 70.

No pertinent information in files.

Getah VENTURA, Sligo, Tel. U-3169 and W-3169.

Wife of Lionel SOTO. In 1953, she was vice-president of "Nacional," a Communist-front cultural organization.

Carmen VENTURA, Calle Valles 103, 2nd floor; her girl friend (name unknown) lives at Calle 103, Francisco 102, 2nd floor.

In 1955, VENTURA was a law student at the University of Havana and attended the Communist Party's congress in Feb. 1955. She returned to Cuba and became active in several organizations.

Dr. Alberto LEIVA, Calle Campanario 306, Tel. 4-865.

No previous record.

Leila LEIVA, Tel. U-356.

She is a printer and was active in 1953 in Pro-Peace Movement in Cuba.
SECRET

27 November 1957

Manuel (no last name given), Tol. 7-0-1508 (Alicia Alonso Ballet School).

Unidentified.

Santiago CUBAS, Calle Lemparilla 65, Havana.

No previous record.

Rene AVILLES (Capote), Calle 3 y 25, apt. 21, Havana.

Files show that in 1956 he was a student at the University of Havana and President of the Student Federation (School of Law). At the same time he was known as a leader of the Youth Group of the Ortodox Party.

Dr. Alejandro GONZALEZ, Clinica Koteu, Calle Concepcion y 8th, Vibora, Havana.

No previous record.

Rigoberto LOPEZ, Publicidad Siboney, Calle 26 No. 1004, 2nd Floor, Kelly, Havana.

Member of executive council of Nuestro Tiempo, USA.

2. The following addresses are located outside of Cuba:

La A. Research Bureau
199 Broadway, New York City.

(Raf: THU-1610, 26 May 1952) Reported to have mailed publication to Anibal ESCALERA, PSP representative in Cuban Congress in 1952. Publication was described as anti-U.S. and supporting Communist line.

VOSSEL
259 East 57th Street
Brooklyn 3, New York

No record.

Maria Teresa GARCIA
P.O. Box 125
Colonia Sta. Maria
Mexico, D. F.

Files show a Maria Teresa GARCIA as member in Havana of National Council for Defense of Infantry in December 1952.

Andres ESCALERA
Morelia 59, Dep. II
Mexico, D. F.

No previous file record.
SECRET

27 November 1957

Graciela AYALA
Isabel La Catalina 207
Mexico, D. F.

No previous file record.

Alice AYALA
15 of September 110
Mexico, D. F.

No previous file record.

B. V. P. C.
A Condens Eight Street
London IV 1

No previous file record.

J. VENGER
61 Rue de Courche
Paris

No previous file record.

Leo LARRO
60 Rue d'Argent
Paris II

No previous file record.

J. REVIS or RIVER
15 Rue Pierre - Julio
Argenteuil (So. France)

No previous file record.

Rafael MARES
Casilla 1192
Quito

No previous file record.

Andres GILBERT
Dr. Luis ELEZAR
B. A.

No previous file record.

Julia ALVAREZ
Rua Duque de Saldanha No. 117
Porto

No previous file record.

Carlos ALVAREZ
150 Varas al norte de Hotel
Havana

Possibly identical with pro-
Communist Guatemalan newspaper
named Carlos ALVAREZ Jarvis.

Cartago, G. R.

Agosto COMIS (or COMIS)
Plaza Marconi 19
R (para breve en Ranco)

No previous file record.

Bendito ALVAREZ
Plaza Barza Vista 2 - 312
(no city name)

No previous file record.

Estela LOPEZ
Portugal 116
Santiago

No previous file record.
SECRET

There were numerous telephone numbers with no indication to whom they belonged. AMICUS traced the numbers, but only the following were of persons with Communist connections. (Telephone numbers are not conclusive in view of the custom in Cuba to sell the telephone and number to anyone willing to pay the price. The buyer may have no other relationship to the previous owner of the phone.)

A-5-8763
Rosario JIMÉNEZ de la Cueva
Calle Aguila No. 10, bajo
esq. San Martín y San Rafael
Habana

She is the mother of Antonio EUSEBIO Jiménez, who was a friend of SOTO's when they were both students at the University of Habana. He is now in Santa Clara, Cuba.

A-5-8752
Hermínio María FELIPE Daza
and Hermínio María FELIPE Rojo
Calle Sítio No. 229, ent. Limited y Compañía

Rojo is the father of SOTO's former wife, Gloria María FELIPE Daza.
Hermínio María FELIPE Daza is her brother.

B-3667
Dr. José A. SOTO Lizarus, M. D.
Avenida 17 No. 3001, ent. 34 y 36
Habana, Habana

No previous record.

F-3136
Salvador L. PINTO
Calle 9 No. 302, 2do. a 15
Yedado, Habana

Possibly identical with a former consul of the Dutch Consulate in Habana. He is travelling outside of Cuba at present but will return in a month or two.

E-4572
Javier FELIPE PINTO
Calle 6, Sección 116, ent. 2 y 3
Vibora, Habana

He is the father of Amelia FELIPE PINTO (E-953), who was a member of the Communist Party in Cuba. She was arrested by SIM (1953), she admitted knowing Amelia SOTO.

X-1763
Sherwin-Wilkens Company of Cuba
Calle V No. 212, ent. Línea Habana Central y 12
Reparto Estatista

It is not known where SOTO might be calling there; however, Sherwin-Wilkens has had labor trouble with the Communists in the past.
SECRET

SOTO was sentenced to six year's imprisonment on 3 November 1957. He is confined at El Principe Prison, but should be transferred to the prison on the Zola of Pina soon.

[Signature]

Shelby L. O'Neal

Distributions:
4 - Washington
2 - Pina

510/5cm
25 November 1957

SECRET

201-55292
| FROM: RI/AN | TO: WH/REG | DATE | OFFICER'S INITIALS | COMMENTS |
|------------|------------|------|--------------------|----------|
|            | BARTON     | 5 Nov | E/B                |          |
| 2.         |            | 6 Nov | C                  |          |
| 3.         |            | 6 Nov | C                  |          |
| 4.         |            | 6 Nov | C                  |          |
| 5.         |            | 6 Nov | C                  |          |
| 6.         |            | 21 Nov| C                  |          |
| 7.         |            | 25 Nov| C                  |          |
| 8.         |            |       |                    |          |
| 9.         |            |       |                    |          |
| 10.        |            |       |                    |          |
| 11.        |            |       |                    |          |
| 12.        | RI/BD      | 27 Nov|                    |          |
| 13.        | RI/BD      |       |                    |          |
| 14.        | RI/FI      | 1400L |                    |          |

**NOTE:** If a copy or attachments are removed from the attached document, note the location of the copy and/or attachment herein. If this RECORD COPY is to be retained in the files at the Desk, call the Central File Section for permanent loan.

**RECORD COPY**

**FILE TITLE:**

**FILE NUMBER:**

**DATE PROCESSED:** 31 Oct 52

**INDEX:**
TO: Chief, WHD
FROM: Chief of Station, Havana
SUBJECT: General—Operational/JUKEEL

Reference: DIR 38896, 8 October 1957

Action Required: None, information only.

1. In accordance with reference, there follow details of Subject's case. Attachment A is a memorandum furnished to the local COMCIB which reviewed the derogatory information in Station files on Subject. Attachment B is a paraphrased copy of the COMCIB cable to Washington recommending a favorable decision in his non-immigrant visa case.

2. By virtue of Subject's youth, his record to date, and his promising future, he was listed as a JUKEEL target in June 1957. Contact was established with him in about August 1957 as a consequence of his non-immigrant visa application, and about six meetings have been held with him since that time, ostensibly for the purpose of fully clarifying his visa status. When and if Subject obtains his visa, HQ Part I will be forwarded according to established JUKEEL procedure.

3. For Headquarters information, the fabricated information mentioned in paragraph 2B of Attachment A is that reported in HMK-95L, 5 January 1955, and HMK-94L, 25 December 1954. AMTIES admitted to Humphrey I. EBERHARD on 26 August 1957 that this information was fabricated.

Attachments: U/S/C
A-Memo, Subject: (Subject of Reference) 4 pages in triplicate U/S/C
B-COMCIB Cable No. 200, 1 page in triplicate, dated 2 October 1957 U/S/C

Distribution:
1 - Washington w/attaches U/S/C
2 - Files w/attaches

25 October 1957

AFY/mn

SECRET
CLASSIFICATION

RI COPY
| TO: (Office designation, room number, and building) | DATE | OFFICER'S INITIALS | COMMENTS (Number each comment to show from whom to whom. Draw a line across column after each comment) |
|--------------------------------------------------|------|--------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| WH 046 Bldg                                      | 12 Nov 69 | 49                |                                                                                |
| 2.                                               |      |                   |                                                                                |
| 3.                                               |      |                   |                                                                                |
| 4.                                               |      |                   |                                                                                |
| 5.                                               |      |                   |                                                                                |
| 6.                                               |      |                   |                                                                                |

**POUCH MATERIAL**

**SEPARATE COVER ENCLOSURE**

**EXPEDITE**

781-21925-2
The following information is furnished as of interest to you in determining Subject's security status:

1. A report from an official source described as reliable, dated 20 December 1951, and evaluated as possibly true, stated that groups from the Ortodoxo party led by Subject reportedly collaborated with the Partido Socialista Popular in the planning of the protest against the Cuban Government's plans to build the "Old Cut" canal. The report went on to state that on 11 December 1951, the Cuban press published an article concerning a call made by Subject in the name of the national executive committee of the Ortodoxo Youth to all youth organizations, including the Juventud Socialista (JS, Cuban Communist youth organization), and other organized centers of public opinion to attend a meeting at radio station C.O.R. on 10 December 1951 in order to join in the protest. Approximately 25 persons were reported to have answered the call, of whom 15 were described as Communists and the remainder as Ortodoxos many of whom had had close ties with the Communists in the past.

2. Several subsequent investigations failed to confirm that there was any collaboration between the JSF and other opposition groups in the protest against the Canal Via Cuba. All indications were that the Ortodoxo opposition groups made the protest to attack the Government and thus found themselves in conflict with the Communists, a favorite target of the Government. Subject's version of the incident was that only one Communist, Naim VALDES, spoke up at the meeting and was promptly asked by Subject to leave, which he did.

3. Another report from the source mentioned in paragraph 1, dated 5 January 1952 and evaluated as possibly true, stated that a meeting between certain Ortodoxo leaders and the JSF had been concluded for the purpose of coordinating the latest protests. Subject, Mario RIVADILLO, both Ortodoxo youth leaders, Francisco L. V. Ordonez, Jose VENEZUELA, FIDU president, Anselmo FIALLO, Catholic youth member and JSF follower, and Carlos Rafael RODRIGUEZ and Ignacio GARCIA Suarez, both Communists, were said to have attended one of the meetings leading up to this act. Anti-Fidel propaganda issued by the "Frente Obrero Ortodoxo Comunista" was said to have been found on the person of an Ortodoxo leader from Oriente Province detained by SM on 3 January 1952.
2. On 28 August 1957, a source within SIM, considered usually reliable, when queried concerning the reports from official sources of Orthodox-Communist collaboration and specifically concerning the part with the Communists involving Dajabon and others mentioned in paragraphs 1A above, said that these reports were false (repeated) and had been fabricated to denigrate the more active and vocal opponents of the Batista regime. Subject denied that the Orthodox ever cooperated with the Communists. He claimed that he has never met Carlos Rafael RUIZ (Dajabon) or, for that matter, any of the key Communist leaders except Lazaro FELIX, who was once painted not to his liking in Havana City.

3. A. An unverified report dated 16 July 1957 from a source whose reliability was described as fair stated that Max LEBEDEV is a Communist sympathizer and a very good friend of Lionel FIDEL, editor of Vanguardia Cubana and Communist leader in the University of Havana. The report concerned LEBEDEV's candidacy for the office of Secretary General of the University of Havana.

B. Subject, when asked if he knew Lionel FIDEL, said that he knew him but that he did not share his views. It is noted that the same report mentioned that it was very doubtful if the University of Havana was going to send a delegation to the Youth Congress (Communists) in Berlin, a statement hard to reconcile with the presence of a Communist sympathizer as a candidate for Secretary General of that organization.

4. A. An article in Arg of 27 September 1957 reported a protest against a SIM raid on the Casa de la Cultura. Included in the list of persons signing the protest were names of many prominent Communists as well as that of Subject.

B. Subject admitted signing this protest and stated for the record that he signed in good faith as an anti-Franquist and not as a Communist sympathizer.

5. A. An article in Prensa Libre of 12 March 1958 reported declarations of the Cuban Committee for Guatemala against the aggression against that country. Subject's name was listed among the signers of the declaration as a member of the Committee.

B. Subject stated that he signed the declaration in the sincere belief that Guatemala was a democratic country and that democratic forces had to defend that country against forces which would maintain it in economic subjection and political backwardness. He added that many non-Communists of like belief also signed the declaration. He added that when ARBEX went behind the Iron Curtain it became clear that Guatemala really had been in danger of becoming a Communist beachhead.
6. A. An article in Hoy of 28 January 1953 reported that Subject was a member of the Juventud Ortodoxa of the presidency of the Congreso Martiano por los Derechos de la Juventud and published a photograph showing Subject at the speakers' table. Another article in Hoy of 3 March 1953 reported that Subject and several other youth leaders appeared at Hoy offices with a declaration signed by the Consejo Permanente of the Congreso Martiano. The Congreso was described as Communist-dominated by the author of the memorandum to the Visa Section dated 9 November 1955.

B. Subject described the Congreso as an opposition maneuver against the Government in which many Cuban youth institutions participated, including the Communists. He said that he, himself, participated in the Congreso strictly as a representative of the Juventud Ortodoxa in opposition to the Government and in no sense as a collaborator or sympathizer with the Communists. Regarding the visit to Hoy offices, Subject said that the group in question visited many newspaper offices, not just that of Hoy.

7. Subject prefaced his remarks by stating that he had recognized the Communist danger as early as 1950. He brought several documents purporting to show his attacks on Communism. The documents are attached, and pertinent extracts therefrom are set forth below in translation. Subject requested that the documents be returned when need for them no longer existed.

A. Extracts from "El Pensamiento Politico e Ideologico De La Juventud Cubana," dated 1 July 1950, signed by Max LEMUS, Presidente, Jose CRUZ, Vice-Presidente, Salvador LOPEZ, Oscar BORRAS, Jose SALAZAR and Josefa SALOMON.

(1) (page 13, criticizing BATISTA's collaboration with the Communists) "Around the middle of 1937, the Communist Party, alleging as a public pretext that BATISTA has ceased to be the center of the most reactionary forces not only in returning to legality but also in landing to the regime in power all its political backing and is mobilizing the working masses in his support."

(2) (page 14, more criticism of BATISTA and his collaboration with the Communists) "The first general elections held following the promulgation of the new Constitution, to which BATISTA went as presidential candidate of the old political forces and of the Communist Party, served only to 'civilise' in its exterior aspects the power which that man had been exercising over the country for more than five years...."

*AN EXAMINATION OF THE PHOTOGRAPH DOES NOT SHOW SUBJECT.
THE STATEMENT HE ATTENDED WAS DENIED AS FALSE BY SUBJECT.
(3) (page 15, analyzing Communist Party tactics of the time) "The Communist Party, whilst a short time before under the German-Russian pact had unleashed an active campaign for Cuban neutrality 'in the face of a war of imperialism', but which later, following the Nazi attack on Russia, was defending the most active belligerency of Cuba in the struggle 'to defend the Axis', converted itself into the strongest proponent of 'national unity'...."

(4) (page 33, summarizing political sentiments), "These democratic convictions mean that we are radically opposed to the 'totalitarianism' that is the most outstanding characteristic of the regime imposed by Stalin in Russia."

(5) (page 35, clarifying his anti-imperialist stand), "On the other hand it is fitting to clarify that we shall not adjust the anti-imperialist stand of the Cuban revolutionary movement to suit the foreign policy of any country, as is the manner of procedure of the Communist Parties closely linked to Russia and its current government."

A. A copy of an undated, unidentified newspaper clipping reported an act of the Avantguard Oratorio in honor of Julio Antonio Mella, in rebuttal to Communist attempts to identify Mella as a Communist, and specifically in reply to an article by Juan Manuel entitled "Mella Es Nuestro." A picture of Subject speaking at this act is attached.

B. An extract from the article "Cuba Frente Al Osmal" by Subject, published in Havana of 15 January 1955, page 45, in which he accuses the Government of being Communist: "The arbitrary violation of University autonomy, the repeated coercion of the Judicial Power, the subjection of the Tribunal de Guantán and other similar acts, characterized the conduct of the Government in the first three years of its government...."

Andrew F. Morton

Distribution:
1 - Visa Section
2 - Files

29 August 1957
AFM/afm
SECRET

ATTACHMENT B
Separate Cover Attachment to HKH-A-1002
31 October 1957

CABLE WIRGON 200, 2 October 1957

1. Subject is Max LESNICK y Menendez, non-immigrant visa applicant born 8 September 1930 in Vuelta, Las Villas, Cuba. Profession, salesman. President of Juventud Ortodoxa and Orthodox party leader in opposition to BATISTA. He is currently in hiding from police until the heat is off. In 1954, he signed the Comite Cubano declaration in favor of Guatemala. He was referred to as a Communist sympathizer through collaboration between Ortodoxos and Communists and friendship with known Cuban Communists possibly embracing Section 212 (a) (27) and (25).

2. Security checks show no indications of collaboration with Communists. Latter at times tried to get on the bandwagon of all opposition groups including the Ortodoxos. Specific information from Cuban Government sources regarding Ortodoxo-Communist pacts were later admitted to the local CAS as fabrications. LESNICK states that he signed the Pro-Guatemala declaration against big foreign business domination of Latin American affairs as did many other Cubans. He states that he is only acquainted with student Communist leaders at the University of Havana. He denies that he collaborated with the Communists during the past or present and brings published articles dating back to 1950 which indicate his anti-Communist stand. His name appears in the Soundex for questioning.

3. The local CAS is especially interested in the case. A favorable decision is recommended by the visa officers.

4. LESNICK plans attend Inter-American Press Association meeting to be held 12 October in Washington, entering New York 12 October at 1135 p.m. via Cubana airline.
TO: The Secretary of State
Attention: Mr. E. Toomin Bailey
Director, Office of Security

FROM: Deputy Director, Plans

SUBJECT: LESNICK y MENENDEZ, Max

1. Reference is made to your ST memorandum 67/76, dated 7 October 1957, subject as above, whose name you desired checked against the files of this office. The files contain information concerning Max LESNICK which has been already disseminated to the Department of State as indicated below:

   a. CSB 18971 dated 8 April 1954, subject: Character Assassination of Dr. Ramiro AREANO Alainas.

   b. CS 53861 dated 17 March 1955, subject: Communist Influence in the PCE Habana University.

   c. CS 77501 dated 7 November 1955, subject: Status of the Political Opposition.

   d. CS 87250 dated 14 March 1956, subject: Activities and Plans of Cuban Revolutionaries.

   e. CS 3,118,636 dated 11 June 1957, subject: Political Opinions of Rafael GARCIA Barcena, Opposition Leader.

2. In addition, you are referred to the following Department of State despatches:

   a. Despatch L86, dated 22 June 1949, from Habana, Cuba, subject: Proposed Cuban National Congress for Peace and Democracy.
b. Despatch 100, dated 23 July 1954, from Havana, Cuba, subjects: Organized Individuals in Cuba that identified themselves with Arbenz Administration.

c. Despatch 1232, dated 28 January 1952, from Havana, Cuba, subjects: New National Executive Committee of Partido Del Pueblo Cubano (Gritojazo).
**REQUEST FOR SECURITY INFORMATION**

**To:** DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF PLANS (CIA)
**From:**
**Date:** 10/4/57

**NAME:** Max Leshnick y Menendez
**DATE OF BIRTH:** Sept. 8, 1920
**PLACE OF BIRTH:** Huelva, Las Villas, Cuba

**SEX:** M
**MARITAL STATUS:** Single
**CITIZENSHIP:** Cuban

**ADDRESS:** Cuba
**OCCUPATION AND NAME AND ADDRESS OF EMPLOYER:** President Juventud Ortodoxa, and Orthodox Party leader.

**ADDITIONAL IDENTIFYING DATA:**

**DIVISION OR AGENCY:** VISA OFFICE - Security Branch
**REASON FOR REQUEST, OR TYPE OF PROGRAM:** VISA - Security Case
**URGENT:** To attend inter-American press association, October 12, 1957, Washington, D.C., via New York.

**NAME OR REQUESTING OFFICER:**
**DATE:** 10/4/57

**RESULTS OF THIS REQUEST FOR SECURITY INFORMATION:**

- [ ] NO RECORD
- [ ] SECURITY INFORMATION ATTACHED
- [ ] NO DEROGATORY INFORMATION
- [ ] OTHER (Use reverse only for reporting)

**CHECKED BY:**
**DATE:**

**FOR USE OF DIVISION OF SECURITY:**

**VISA OFFICE SECURITY ENCLAVE**

**DEPT. OF STATE**

**Encl-1**
**RI COPY**

**V/00765022**
CLASSIFIED MESSAGE

SECRET

TO: DIRECTOR
FROM: HAVANA
ACTION: WH 5
INFO: CI, CI/OPS, FI, FI/OPS, FLRI 2, S/C 2

LESNICK - ATTACHMENT

TO: DIR
INFO: CITE HAVA 037

REF: A. DIR 38898 (OUT 98169)
B. HKHA 3653

SUBJ PROMINENT ORTHODOX YOUTH LEADER, JMREEL CONTACT (SEE REF B) PAST TWO MONTHS. FURNISHED DOC INFO PROVE ANTI-COMMIE STAND. STATION REVIEWED DEROG INFO PER ODACID CABLE 200, CLEARED SATISFACTION CONSULAR OFFICER HANDLING CASE. WILL POUCH DETAILS. URGE ODACID EXPEDITE FAVORABLE DECISION AND CLEARANCE INS IDLEWILD.

END OF MESSAGE

C/S COMMENT: REQUESTED CLARIFICATION STATIONS INTEREST ISSUANCE VISA TO MAX LESNICK REPORTED IN ODACID CABLE NO. 200 2 OCT.

SECRET

REPRODUCTION BY OTHER THAN THE ISSUING OFFICE IS PROHIBITED. Copy No.
| FROM | TO | ROOM NO | DATE | OTHERS | INITIALS | COMMENTS |
|------|----|---------|------|--------|----------|----------|
| RI/FI | Cubalco | 20 | 6/24/57 | 6/24/57 | Cubalco | COPY DETACHED |

**NOTE:** A copy or attachment is removed from the attached document, and the blank of the copy and or attachment is to be returned to the file in the file section for permanent loss.
CONFIDENTIAL

From: [Redacted]

Report No: [Redacted]

Local File No: [Redacted]

No. of Pages: 2

No. of Enclosures: None

Approved By: [Redacted]

Distribution: 1 - Wash w/mat

By copy to: 1 - Santiago de Cuba

2 - Embassy, Local Attaché

2 - Files

Source, Operational Data, and Comments:

SUBJECT: Mario Daniel RIVADULLA y Casado

Comments: (Dr.) José Antonio RIVADULLA, Attaché, arranged an introduction to RIVADULLA on 8 July, and he has since been seen by Palmer on several occasions.

The 5 January 1955 report was from KNOX (HK-951); the 6 November 1955 report from ACIU (HK-27); both were appraised as 3. RIVADULLA, who was denied a visitor's visa in November, 1955, largely on the strength of these two reports from the Station, is still interested in obtaining the visa and willing to clarify his status via the J3 and J5 with the local ORICED.

It is believed this report will assist in answering that portion of the latest article requirements list, forwarded under HK-4-2379, concerning RIVADULLA.
In a private conversation on 8 July 1957, Mario Daniel Rivatella y Carcedo, a national leader in the youth sector of the Injured Orthodox Party, made the following comments:

1. The idea of Communist penetration of the Orthodox youth organization was either a threat or a reality. The Orthodox youth organization and the Cuban Communist Youth Organization (CUCY) have existed for over 20 years. The Cuban Communist Party (PCC) and the Cuban Youth Organization (OCM) have been active in Cuba, however, all of the opposition parties and their youth sectors participated with Communist representatives in opposition meetings and shared a platform with them. This procedure on the part of the opposition parties had nothing to do with the Cuban Communist Party, but was carried on for strictly tactical purposes by each opposition group. It is a Communist practice to use without authorization the names of leaders of other opposition groups in their manifestos and declarations of their. In fact, Rivatella's name was used by the Communists in a number of occasions without his knowledge and he had recently been a guest in the press to clarify that he is not a Communist, and never has been a Communist, a sympathizer or a follower. He has been active in Orthodox Party affairs since the 1930s and believes the Communist ideology and political theory is not applicable to the Cuban situation and that it holds nothing of value for Cuban politics.

2. At the time of the 1954 general elections, the combined numerical strength of the Orthodox Party youth was between 70,000 and 80,000. Since that time, however, the National Revolutionary Alliance (ARN, National Revolutionary Party) led by President Fidel Castro, and the 26th of July Movement, under the leadership of Fidel Castro, have been active in Cuba. It is a fact that the PCC group is at present numerically smaller. Rivatella will shortly return from the Orthodox youth organization and affiliate himself with the PCC. He is a great admirer of Fidel Castro who he believes has a bright political future in Cuba. In the other hand, Rivatella (with the Orthodox Party, a national leader of the Orthodox Youth Organization) has not had the opportunity to meet with the letter's appeal to Cuban youth. He appeals to Rivatella to PCC that the several important sectors of the Orthodox Party youth organization should be united.
Field Report

1. Several previous reports from this office, dated 6 November 1952, and 5 January 1953, from independent sources, and whose contents were confirmed by other reports, stated that a person named Koval was involved in certain activities of the KGB and CIA on one hand, and the Orthodox youth on the other hand, whose purpose was support of KGB activities. Koval, a national leader of the Orthodox youth, was accused of being a Communist or a sympathizer of the KGB within the Orthodox youth and was expelled in the past. This office has not been able to confirm the existence of the reported facts.

2. The newspaper Pravda, 13 December 1956, carries a statement by the Orthodox youth leader, in which he denies authorization to the KGB to use his name upon a document signed by Cuban Communists, that asked for guarantees for 10 of July revolution to be carried out in the Sierra Maestra and a speech by Koval. Koval, in his speech, said that while they fully support the message of the document, they refuse to join in signing it with those (i.e., the Cuban Communists) who do not take the same position for the Hungarian revolutionaries who died by the thousands in Budapest. They conclude by saying that their protest statement clarifies their support of guarantees for the 20 of July revolution, their desire for a just solution to Cuba's political problem, and their sentiments against those (i.e., the Cuban Communists) who still have not satisfactorily explained the Soviet crime committed in Hungary.

3. The newspaper Pravda, 30 April 1957, and Pravda, 5 May 1957, contain a statement by the leader of the Orthodox youth, in which he says that during a recent interview, several persons became involved in a discussion in matters made by a member of the Anti-Communist Party, as being accused as Communists by the KGB. The leader of the Orthodox youth, a participant in the round-table, replied that he didn't know about the others mentioned, but he did not believe Koval was a Communist, but would investigate the matter. After ridiculing Koval in the role of private detective, Koval says that he doesn't have to reiterate his anti-Communist convictions or his anti-KGB record, nor repeat that he is not, nor has ever been, a Communist or anything else. He concludes by challenging Koval to find any Communist antecedent in his records.

4. Koval announced his new KGB affiliation in the local press during the last week of July 1957.
Necro

Professional and Businessmen

Antonio M. de la Cruz
Luis M. de la Cruz
Antonio M. de la Cruz

Lawyer
Economic counselor, investment broker
Businessman, works with Hodges textile interests

Politicians

Nicolás Trujillo
José P. de la Cruz
Anselmo Trujillo
Andrés Trujillo
Eugenio Trujillo Navarro
Diego Trujillo Navarro

Fidel (A) leader in Matanzas Province
Age: 40

Distribution
3 - Washington
2 - Miami

6 June 1957
Miami
1. LOCAL COMMIE: ST. JOSE RASSIP YSALQUE, SOCIEDAD CULTURAL NUESTRO TIEMPO, CALLE 23 NO 965, VEDADO, HAVANA.

2. LOCAL YOUTH ADDRESSEES ALL IN HAVANA: EL PRESIDENTE, SECCION JUVENIL, PARTIDO DE PUEBLO CUBANO, PLAZA DE MARTI NO 109. EL PRESIDENTE, FEDERACION ESTUDIANTIL UNIVERSITARIA, UNIVERSIDAD DE LA HABANA. EL PRESIDENTE, SECCION JUVENIL, PARTIDO NACIONALISTA REVOLUCIONARIA, SR. JOSE PARDO LLADA, RADIO COCO, AVENIDA 8 ESQ. YVAR 314. SR. EDUARDO CORRELL NAVARRO, SUBSECRETARIO DE EDUCACION, MINISTERIO DE EDUCACION, OFICIOS Y MURALLA. SR. MANUEL GONZALEZ, DIARIO NACIONAL, CONSULADO 252. SR. ULISES CARDO, PRENSA LIBRE, MANRIQUE 653. SR. LUIS ORTEGA ORTEGA, CAMARA DE REPRESENTANTES, CONGRESO NACIONAL. (SR.) RODOLFO NIEVES, DIRECTOR "JUVENTUD OBRERA", 19 NO 466, VEDADO. (SR.) FRANCISCO ROJAS CHAVEZ, COYUNTURA JUVENIL DE LA CTC, AVENIDA EL NO 1419, LARIAMAR. CONTENT: MAIL SENT FROM IRRON COUNTRY. MAY BE INTERCEPTED BY LOCAL AUTHORITIES.

END OF MESSAGE

SECRET

IT IS FORBIDDEN TO MAKE A COPY OF THIS MESSAGE

19-4-1971
10 May 57

Distribution: 1 = Washington (1 to EOD)

By copy to: 1 = Secretary, Local Attaché
2 = Files

Source, Operational Data, and Comment:

[Handwritten text]

Classification: SECRET
SECRET

FIELD INFORMATION REPORT

COUNTRY: Cuba

SUBJECT: Felino Antonio Cecilio

REPORT NO.: 651-1162

DATE OF INFO: 27 April 1957

DATE ACQUIRED: 2 May 1957

PLACE ACQUIRED: Havana

DATE OF REPORT: 10 May 1957

SOURCE, SOURCE EVALUATION, APPRAISAL OF CONTENT: Cuban government official with contacts in Cuban security agencies (2). Appraisal of Content: 2.

1. On orders from Col. Comrade CAPITANA Ugalde, Chief of the Direction Department of the Cuban National Police, Subject was arrested on 27 April 1957 and confined in the 11th Precinct Station in Havana. At the time of his arrest, Subject had in his possession copies of Fundamento del Poder, Cuba and the Communist Manifesto, both in Spanish, and copies of the Cuban Communist Party's newspaper, Marte and Fidelidad (1956), among other Communist materials. A subsequent investigation of MARTINEZ by an agent of the Fuerza para la Represion de Actividades Comunistas (FURAC, Bureau for Repression of Communist Activities) revealed the following information:

2. MARTINEZ was born in Havana on 23 August 1927, his father being Cecilio MARTINEZ González and his mother Alicia Martínez Correa. He resides with his parents at Calle Calzada de Manzana No. 25, ground floor, in Mantilla. He is single and a student in the final year at the Commercial Sciences School of the University of Havana. For the past year and a half he has also been employed in the Lighting Department of the Electric Sales Company, Calle Oficios 11, Havana. Subject has a sister named Carmen Martínez Ortega, aged 32 years, married to Roberto MÉNDEZ, who is employed as an electrician in the Artesana Company store, Havana. His sister is a graduate of the Normal School but is not presently working. He did not recall his sister's address.

MARTINEZ stated that both he and his parents are registered in the Central Havana Municipal Electoral Juntas; he is a member of the Orthodox Party and his father a Liberal Party member. He was a member of the Catholic Youth (Juventud Católica) from 1943 until 1951. He declared that on several occasions, FURAC agents had approached him to join the Cuban Communist Youth Organization but that he had not done so.

3. Under interrogation, MARTINEZ said he was not a member of the Cuban Communist Party but sympathized with Communist doctrine. He is a member of the Centro de la Juventud (1956) and was formerly a member of the Asociación Latinoamericana Libre (ALAL, Free Latin American Association). In 1951 he was second vice-president of the Commercial Sciences Student Association at the University of Havana.
In 1953 he attended the Fourth World Youth Festival held in Warsaw, Poland. MARTINEZ stated he left Cuba by air for the United States, where he remained for several days visiting a number of universities; he departed from the United States for France via sea and, upon his arrival in France, took a train direct to Moscow. While attending the Festival, he was invited by members of the Chinese delegation present to visit Communist China. MARTINEZ accepted, traveling across the USSR to China, where he remained for a short period of time. He returned to Cuba via Czechoslovakia, Austria, France, and Spain. His complete trip lasted approximately six months.

Field Comments:

1. Office files reflect that MARTINEZ was one of three Cuban delegates of the Cuban University Students' Federation to the Fifth National Student Congress of the U.S. National Student Association (NSA) held in Bloomington, Indiana, in August 1954. The Cuban delegates denounced dictatorship in general and succeeded in having the Congress pass a resolution condemning the Batista dictatorship specifically. On 3 March 1953, contains an article showing Subject active with MARTINEZ, Raúl VÁZQUEZ Vives, and Armando ALDANA, among others, in organizing a Congress Martiano por los Derechos de la Juventud. On 10 June 1954, contains an invitation to the public issued by the Pro-Cuban University Students' Committee, to attend a meeting. Subject is shown as a member of this Committee, together with student Communist VÁZQUEZ, Raúl VÁZQUEZ Vives, and Armando ALDANA, among others. A report dated 5 August 1955, from a source whose reliability had not been determined, indicated MARTINEZ was an active Cuban Communist Party leader who had traveled to Communist China and the USSR.

2. VÁZQUEZ, who until recently was a prominent Communist student leader at the University of Havana, has been the subject of numerous reports in his past.

3. "Nuestro Tiempo" is a Cuban Communist cultural front organization.

4. According to office files, Subject signed a statement by the Free Latin American Association distributed in October 1954 together with Cuban Communists Colás and Aurelio RAMIREZ Arroyo, (Dr.) Raúl VÁZQUEZ Vives, and reported organizers of the Association in a Cuban Communist-front organization.
SECRET

From: Havana

Report No.: HUN-1677

Local File No.: 2

No. of Pages: Two

No. of Enclosures: None

Report Made By: Shelby L. Overstreet

Approved By: Sherwood P. Rothen

Distribution:

By copy to: 1-Washington

Orally to: None

1-Embassy

2-Files

Source Cryptogram:

References: HUN-1677, 27 March 1957

Source, Operational Data, and Comments:

Subject: Views of Rafael GARCIA Barcena on Cuban Political Situation

Comments: OVERSTREET was interested in meeting Rafael GARCIA Barcena because of the report that Subject was instrumental in influencing the political thinking of Ramon BARTUN, former Cuban Military Attaché in Washington, now serving a six-year term in prison for conspiracy to overthrow the Cuban Government. The introduction was made by ROYCE, a law student at the University who had known Subject when he was a professor. OVERSTREET and Subject have become friends because of their mutual friendship for BARTUN.

68-3/38636

FILE IN 201-299258

SECRET

NI COPY

19-9-5-7
SECRET

FIELD INFORMATION REPORT

COUNTRY: Cuba

SUBJECT: Views of Rafael GARCIA Bárzana on Cuban Political Situation

PLACE ACQUIRED: Havana

SOURCE, SOURCE EVALUATION, APPRAISAL OF CONTENT:
Source: Qualified American Observer (A) from an Opposition Political Leader (P).

Appraisal of Contents:

1. Rafael GARCIA Bárzana said that recently he had been in conference with Roberto GRAU Y GRAU, leader of one of the three factions of the Partido del Pueblo Cubano (Orthodox) and that he had been asked to try to bring together the three factions of the Orthodox Party: the groups of AGUAYO, ECHAVEZ, and CARLOS FÁCQUEZ STERLING.

2. GARCIA Bárzana would like to maneuver himself into the position of being the Orthodox candidate for President of Cuba in the 1958 elections. He said that it is too soon to attempt a reconciliation in the Party and that his own tactic is to maintain contact with all the opposition political leaders in the hope that at a propitious time he will be the one person about whom no faction would have any strong objections. Subject said there was no first-class political party in Cuba but that the Orthodox were the least objectionable and the name of the party had not been tarnished as was true of the Auténticos, nor was it a party of petty politicians seeking power. Of the three factions in the Orthodox, OCHOA controls the party political machinery, AGUAYO controls the exiles and revolutionary group in which youth and students are prominent, and ECHAVEZ STERLING leads only a small segment of the party. He said that the "Orthodox Youth will not present a difficult problem within the party once they can be convinced that the way to power is not through violence but through participation in the 1958 elections. The Youth are strong enough to vote a presidential candidate but probably will not take a leading part in selecting one. He did not feel that KENNEDY or FRANCISCO was a great deal of influence among the Youth at present. He said that Martí and VÁZQUEZ was the most respected of the Youth leaders. This group eschews violent revolutionary action.

3. GARCÍA Bárzana pictures himself as the person who can influence the Orthodox Youth to abandon revolutionary methods, and toward this end he is writing a series of articles for such widely-read magazines as Pueblo Cubano which he points out to the Youth that times have changed since he (GARCÍA Bárzana) led the Youth in the assault on Casa Columbia. He said that his complete reversal of policy is going to cost Cuban youth, but he feels it is the only way to bring unity to the party and prepare for the elections of 1958. He fears that May will be a month of increased violence in Havana; but, once the revolutionaries realize that they have
not accomplished anything, they will be more amenable to suggestions to prepare for the elections in 1953.

4. GARCIA Bárzana feels that the Ortodoxo Party has only about a 25 per cent chance of winning a Presidential election -- not because it could not command enough votes, but because the current regime of terror is not likely to permit an opposition party to come into power. They have gone too far on the road to government by assassination, imprisonment, and torture to give up their power, he said. Nevertheless, in his opinion there is no alternative to an election. He feels that, even if the Ortodoxos cannot elect a President, they may elect a number of Senators and Representatives in Congress. He will propose that Ramon BARQUIN be run as a candidate for the Senate even if BARQUIN is still in prison at the time of the elections. He did not believe that there were any legal obstacles.

5. Regarding Fidel CASTRO, he said that CASTRO was an impetuous and perhaps even an irresponsible leader, but one who could not be ignored in any new government because of the youth of the country he represents an ideal and for this reason no stable government could be formed without him. He said he differed with CASTRO on the matter of military principles. He does not believe that CASTRO will be able to attract any significant defections or support from the Army. He said that CASTRO originally believed that, if he could only establish a beachhead in Oriente, show strength in that area, while at the same time show the Army that he had supporters in Havana by agitating here, he would be able to find support in the Army itself, particularly in Camp Columbia. This was CASTRO's big mistake, according to GARCIA Bárzana. Since CASTRO cannot take Camp Columbia, he is isolated. GARCIA Bárzana did not believe that CASTRO was ultra-nationalistic but that apparently some of his followers were from the same group of the propaganda of the 26th of July Movement. GARCIA Bárzana, because of his previous influence among Cuban youth, apparently sees himself as the person to offset or balance the impulsiveness of CASTRO if his group ever comes to power.

Field Comment:

Rafael GARCIA Bárzana was one of the founders of the Partido del Pueblo Cubano (Orthodox) but separated from it because of differences of opinion with the leaders Roberto AGUARDE and Jose VASCO Llada. He had been a University professor and instructor of military psychology at the Cabana Fortress and at one time had considerable following among Cuban youth and many friends in the Cuban Army. In April 1953 he was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for conspiracy against the BATISTA Government but was released by amnesty in June 1954. Since then he has refrained from revolutionary activities and has been occupied with writing mildly anti-Government articles for various publications and maintaining contact with the principal leaders of the opposition parties. In a forthcoming article to appear in Havana he will exhort the youth of Cuba to give up their violent revolutionary activities and to seek power through elections in 1953.
SECRET

22 Aug 56

From: Habana, Cuba

Report No: HN-1292 Local File No:

No. of Pages: 2

No. of References:

Report Made By: John A. Pellegrino

Interpretation: Walter A. Grawemeyer

Distribution:

1 - Headquarters (1 to IED)

By copy to:

1 - Havana, Cuba

Orally to:

2 - Files

Source Credibility: See below

References: HN-1292

Source, Operational Data, and Comments:

SUBJECT: Activities of the Juventud Socialista

SOURCE:

Para. 1: ANONYMOUS-1

Para. 2: ANONYMOUS-5

Para. 3: ANONYMOUS-12

Classification

SECRET

15-01-15
SECRET

Subject: Activities of the Juventud Socialista

Report No: HEM-1332

Date of Information: 7 July - 13 August 1956

Place Acquired: Havana, Cuba

Date Acquired: 8 July - 14 August 1956

Evaluation: Para. 1: 2

Para. 2-3: Documentary

Source: Para. 1: 3

Para. 1: Cuban with close contacts in university student circles (2).

Para. 2-3: Member of the Cuban Communist Youth Organization (3).

Para. 4: Person close to Communist University students (4).

1. On 6 August 1956 Antonio MACEO Ferrer, student Communist leader, was seen at the University of Havana distributing a flyer-sheet of the Juventud Socialista (JS, Cuban Communist Youth Organization) titled "Path of Cuban Youth." He had a bundle of approximately 500 copies of this document. On 19 August, MACEO and IRENE, student Communists, also distributed a similar leaflet of the JS official JS bi-weekly publication, at the University.

2. The above flyer-sheet also appeared as a page insert in the 1 August issue of "Habana," the official organ of the JS. The flyer-sheet consists of a letter, dated 2 August 1956 at Havana, from the JS National Executive Committee to Cuban youth. After setting out the Cuban Communist line against partial elections and for revolutionary action on 12 August against the BACIJA Government, the letter states: the Executive Committee has decided to appeal to the national leadership of all opposition youth organizations and other "institutions of the new generation" to join in immediate acts of protest against that Government. The letter states the Committee has approved a new letter to Cuban working people and student youth, which will shortly be circulated. A portion is dated 10 July by the Communist Party Youth in their meeting hall in that city. Among others, it is said, leaders of the following groups attended:

- Communist Party Youth
- Authentic Party Youth (both CNAU and PNO sections)
- Juventud Socialista
- National Federation of Secondary School Students
- Student Federation of Havana
- Nationalist Revolutionary Party Youth

Classification
26 of July Movement Youth
Certain working youth

3. The letter lists the following agreements arrived at at this meeting:

1) Publish a manifesto denouncing partial elections and calling for mass action against the UNPAC Government.

2) Name a youth commission to contact leaders of each political party demanding that they repudiate partial elections.

3) Send a letter to the Federación Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU, University Students' Federation) in Havana demanding that they declare a truce to any UNPAC member supporting partial elections.

4) Create "fighting committees" (comités de lucha) in every youth center regardless of politics.

5) Carry out a commemorative march on 12 August.

The letter closes by indicating that the Committee agrees wholeheartedly with the results of the 18 July meeting in Oriente Province and invites all youth groups to unite in support of the above agreements.

4. Sources state that, as a result of the 18 July convention in Santiago de Cuba, the J3 is promoting a similar youth meeting for Havana.

Field Report, Havana Libre, 8 July 1956, published an agreement of the National Council of the Organized Youth, over the signatures of

Jorge L. Sánchez, Secretary/President, FEU/FEU/FEU, (Cuban Forces)

and others, rejecting the proposed partial elections. Avance,
7 July 1956, carried an article stating that several J3 leaders
had met and announced the J3 opposed the partial elections and would
pass judgment upon such of its members as had accepted the Government's
electoral plans in their present capacity of opposition party leaders.

Among such leaders were named Luis M. García, new Secretary General
of the Partido Nacionalista Revolucionario (PNR, Nationalist Revolutionary
Party), and Emilio J. Sánchez, political chief in Oriente Province.

Information, 9 July, said in an article that the secondary school
association in Santiago de Cuba had met and agreed to a united front
against partial elections. J3 officials also met and participated as a
demonstration and it was agreed to conduct a strike march in the city on 12
August. The local press of 12 August reported that J3 and 32 students
were arrested in Santiago on 11 - 12 August in connection with public
manifestations against the Government.
| FROM | TO | RECV NO | DATE | OFFICE INITIALS | TELEPHONE | COMMENTS |
|------|----|---------|------|----------------|-----------|----------|
| WH   |     | 046     | 28.46|                 |           |          |
|      | M  |         |      |                 |           |          |
|      | M  |         |      |                 |           |          |
|      | 27.46|        |      |                 |           |          |
|      | 17.46|        |      |                 |           |          |
|      | 24.46|        |      |                 |           |          |
|      | 14.00|        |      |                 |           |          |

**DISCERNED**

**FILE IN 201 209258**
Subjects: Revolutionary Activities

Comments:

1. A copy of the letter summarized in Paragraph 1 is on file at this Station.

2. The information contained in Paragraph 2 was obtained by AGIVALENT from Juan FUENTES Yero and Roberto LEON Lamas.
Subject: Revolutionary Activities

Report No: EEU-1216

Date of Information: 12-13 February 1956

Place Acquired: Havana

Date Acquired: 14 February 1956

Evaluation:

Date of Report: 14 February 1956

Source:

Para. 1 - Cuban Government Official (3)

Para. 2 - Cuban with good contacts in opposition circles (3)

from revolutionary plotters (1)

Appraisal of Content: Para. 1 - Doc.

Para. 2 - 3

1. There follows a summary of a confidential letter sent on 12 February 1956 by the Chief of the Department of Direction of the Cuban National Police to the Chief of the Department of Investigation concerning revolutionary plans by Communists and oppositionists to create disturbances on 13 February, the anniversary of the death of student Rubén BASTIDA, and on the Cuban national holiday, 24 February 1956:

"The leader appears to be Fidel CASTRO, who from abroad is directing over 20,000 youths throughout the island. Other leaders are:

- EUGENIO RODRIGUEZ of the Federación Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU; University Students' Federation).
- Augusto CHAPÍ TRUJILLO, FEU leader, national director of the Juventud Socialista (JS, Communist Youth group), who has just been elected president by the School of Philosophy and Letters.
- Gustavo MARÍN of the Movimiento de la Raíz, who is closely connected with the Communists of the University.
- Oscar GONZÁLEZ.
- José LÓPEZ of the Juventud Obrera Insurreccional.
- Dr. Antonio CORONA, long-time Marxist but pseudo-Orthodox director of insurrectional line.

As a prelude to the commemoration of the fall of student BASTIDA, they will again mobilize national opinion, this time in a united front of struggle with the sugar, port, and transportation workers, whom they say they have on their side.

"Communist and oppositionist youths are spreading defeatist rumors to the effect that the year 1956 will be tragic in national history, the political situation is very dangerous, a feeling of insecurity reigns. The Communist and oppositionist student brigades of the so-called Popular Front of Guido BARGA Ináin and others are painting..."
on the walls of houses Marxist notices such as 'Abajo BATISTA' and '126 de Julio' and waging a campaign of proselytism in favor of the so-called 'Revolutionary Emigres,' this is, the mobilization of Fidel CASTRO.

2. The source of a previous report on plans for a revolutionary coup on 26 February 1956 has furnished the following additional information:

"The conspiracy is continuing to develop favorably, and there is a danger that the revolution may break out any time before 26 February.

Among the revolutionary leaders are Juan Fuentes Yero and Roberto "Robo" Lema. Also involved is Raul Fuentes, a Ct. who has returned to Cuba. Almost all the revolutionary leaders who were in exile are now in Cuba. It is possible that Dr. Angelito Rangel Arango may also be back here.

The meetings held at the farm of Fidel CASTRO's cousin near Cienfuegos have been attended by officers and enlisted men of the Army and the National Police. Last week important meetings were held on Thursday and Saturday, attended by Fidel CASTRO, his brother, and his sister.

The preparation for the revolution has started with the placing of bombs and petrol. The person who placed the petrol in the National Capitol last Friday was Juan Cortes.

The revolutionary plotters include in their violent plans the elimination of different persons connected with the BATISTA regime. One of the first to be eliminated is General Rafael Calixto Curbelo, Chief of the National Police, who it is expected will be eliminated by police officers connected with the conspiracy. Another possible victim is Raul Fuentes.

Since 1 February a group of revolutionaries from Habana have been in Camagüey, including one man from Cienfuegos, Habana Province, who is to eliminate three persons from Camagüey. The revolutionary leader in Camagüey is Miguelito Llarena, who suffered imprisonment and torture during the dictatorship of MACHADO.

Groups of revolutionaries from Habana are in all the capitals of the province, working with the local groups. The revolutionaries predict that there will be much bloodshed."
CONFIDENTIAL

Field Reports

1. The confidential letter to the Cuban DI is considered to be an obvious attempt to put the major blame on Communist elements for recent anti-government demonstrations as evidenced by the reference to paintings on the walls of houses such as "Abajo Batista" and "26 de Julio" on Communist motives. Recent reports also indicate that the FID is opposed to the acceptance of Communist support in its demonstrations and refused permission to Cuban and other DI members to participate in the 10 January event honoring FID. The contents of the confidential letter are therefore evaluated as "CUBAN".

2. No information is available to confirm the reported presence in Cuba of Ernesto Fidel Castro, Fidel Castro or Aureliano Sánchez Aybar.
DATE: 23 NOVEMBER 1955
CLASSIFICATION: SECRET
SUBJECT: CARLOS RAFAEL RODRIGUEZ RODRIGUEZ
FBI FILE NO: NONE GIVEN
CONFIDENTIAL

From: Habana

Report No.: HX-1111 Local File No.: 1

No. of Pages: 1

No. of Enclosures: None

Report Date: 11-21-44

Approved By: Shawood P. London

Distribution:

By copy to:

1 Wash.

Orally to:

None

Files

Source Credibility: AN/ELI

References:

Source, Operational Data, and Comments:

AN/ELI furnished the information in the attached report at our request. Although a considerable amount of it is background, it does tend to answer some of the questions raised in HX-1111 and is therefore being forwarded.

AN/ELI claims that he obtained the information in the report from direct conversations with Carlos Pardo Serrano and his secretary Dr. Luis Guzman. Fernandez, Rolando Masperez, Jose Pardo Llada, Enrique Pizarro de Paredes, Chief of Publicity for the Presidential Palace; and Carlos Marquez Sterling.
The following report was received from an active member of the political opposition:

As a result of differences which arose between Carlos PRIO and Raúl CASTRO, Raúl CASTRO, after PRIO succeeded ORAU as President in 1948, the PRIO, as well as other groups, one headed by PRIO known as "Organización Nacionalista de la Juventud" and another known as "Antifascistas Nacionales", after the break between PRIO and ORAU, ORAU endeavored to form the "Partido de la Unidad" to enter the 1952 elections. However, with CASTRO's coup d'état on 10 March 1952 and PRIO's exile in the U.S., ORAU remained in Cuba speaking in the name of the opposition. When CASTRO announced elections for November 1952, ORAU reorganized and registered the Partido Auténtico, of which he was actually no longer a member, and declared that he would oppose CASTRO as presidential candidate in the national elections. ORAU's move from PRIO's group, represented in Cuba by the "official" party, was under the direction of Antifascistas Nacionales, without legality.

PRIO, VANDA and other PRIO leaders therefore declared themselves against CASTRO and his supporters and refused to support them during the elections. CASTRO's supporters, however, were elected to public office in the November 1952 elections.

Among PRIO's principal supporters are the following:

Carlos PRIO
Raúl CASTRO
Eugenio CASTRO
Luis FERNÁNDEZ
Fidel CASTRO
Carlos CASTRO
Sergio CASTRO
José CASTRO
Miguel CASTRO
Classification

CONFIDENTIAL
The Partido del Pueblo Cubano (Ortodoxo), founded by Eduardo Chibas, was organized by president members of the PSC(A) as a political party to oppose PRD's organization. It was undoubtedly the majority party in Cuba in 1952 and until Chibas' death remained a strong political force drawing its strength from the masses. However, with Chibas' death and PRD's exile it faded in importance and today is small and divided.

Dr. Carlos Martínez Sterling, who has presidential ambitions, attempted to take over control of the party after Chibas' death but was unsuccessful in holding it intact. Raúl Chibas, brother of Eduardo, now heads one faction of the party. Another faction, Ortodoxa Libre, has been formed by Carlos Martínez Sterling. Dr. Antonio Martínez Prada, who was denied membership in the original Ortodoxo party, has a leading role in the "Ortodoxa Libre," still another faction of the original group is headed by Roberto Martínez, who also has presidential ambitions, while another group of followers of the original Ortodoxo Party remain loyal to Martínez, a member of the Directive Council of the Party. OCHIA has refused to accept the guarantees of the MELITA government and return to Cuba from Miami and thus does not participate directly in Ortodoxo activities at present. Still another group of Ortodoxo members either are favorable or sympathetic to the "unification" thesis introduced by Martínez and his followers. At a recent meeting of the party at Teatro Varíeté, AMONTE and other leaders were present, and there was considerable talk of promoting armed revolt against the present regime. "Del Chibas," who is now in Miami, has an armed force of about 100 men called "Chief of the Government" of Mariana. MARÍN, a young Ortodoxo, is at present in Venezuela, planning an armed expedition for Cuba which reportedly will be brought in by a group of fishermen via La Colona, Pinar del Río.

Comment. In order to clear up the confusion created by sources concerning the PSC(A), it is pointed out that the original Ortodoxo Charter drawn up by the Ortodoxo on 23 March 1952 was signed by AMONTE, OCHIA, MARTÍNEZ STERLING, Pepe Chibas, Antonio Martínez Prada, and others with independent tendencies. The president of this, the "Unified" Ortodoxo, is Raúl Chibas. Recently MARÍN's Ortodoxo split from the "Unified" Ortodoxo and formed the Ortodoxa Libre. Another group known as the Registered Ortodoxo is under the leadership of Federico Fernández Casas. Apparently sources, in commenting on the various "groups" headed by AMONTE, Raúl Chibas, and OCHIA, is referring to the popular following these individuals have within the "Unified" Ortodoxo. They do not as such represent a separate segment of the Ortodoxo party.
Probably the most politically active and influential segment of the Ortodoxo party is the youth branch, the Juventud Ortodoxo (JO). It has representation in just about every town in the country and is particularly active at the University of Havana. Dr. Francisco Vidal, University professor and member of the Directiva Council of the Ortodoxo Party, is adviser of the JO. CATRO is well known for his leftist leanings. Actually, when the Partido Ortodoxo was in the original stages of organization, Communists at Havana University prepared and circulated in organizing the JO. The JO frequently attacks the U.S. with slogans that dictatorships exist in Latin America because their anti-communism pleases the U.S. On 27 September, for example, Dr. Palacios, a well-known Ortodoxo prominent in JO activities, stated on a television question-and-answer program that the dictatorship of Batista subverts because the Department of State is flatly anti-Communist, which is not anti-Communist but anti-democratic. The following are some of the more prominent pro-Communists who influence the Juventud Ortodoxo.

Max Valdés, director of the Juventud Ortodoxo, is Secretary of the Consejo de la Juventud, organized by the Comunista, and has signed numerous Marxist manifestos.

Max Valdés, who was an active Communist propagandist in the University, has signed all Marxist manifestos issued at the University and has been seen on different occasions with Alfredo Vidal and Raúl Valdés Vivo, (well-known Communists) close friends of his.

Salvador Valdés, Juventud director, has a Communist background and is a member of the same University group.

Mr. Valdés, pro-Communist, has signed manifestos in favor of Castro and against the 1953 anti-Communist legislation. He is a member of the same University group.

The Movimiento de Liberación Radical is a move to form public opinion and not a political party. It is built around the worldwide movement of "Catholic Action" with branches in Cuba in the Juventud de Acción Católica, Juventud Estudiantil Católica, Juventud Obrera Católica, and Juventud Universitaria Católica. These organizations are forbidden by the Church to make part as such in national politics. However, Aníbal Valdés and Andrés Valdés Vivo and other members of the organizations have gotten together with other intellectuals and formed the Movimiento de Liberación Radical to oppose the present regime. This movement, which is purely ideological, has no Communist influence up to the present time.

The Movimiento de la Juventud is also not a political party but rather a movement to arouse public interest, has gained little strength to date. Its chief spokesman, José Antonio Llada, manages to keep it alive with propaganda, but there is little likelihood that it by itself will reach a position of any importance on the local political scene.

As independent movements, neither the Movimiento de Liberación Radical nor the Movimiento de la Juventud has little or any chance of becoming strong.
enough to register as a political entity. Their strength, if any, will be
in the number of followers they can count on to join one of the registered
opposition parties in the next election and the amount of influence they can
therefore assert on the party's policy.
CONFFIDENTIAL

Subject: Anti-Communist Propaganda
Issued by the FBI

Report No.: EX-622

Date of Information: 9 February 1955

Place Acquired: Havana, Cuba

Date Acquired: 12 February 1955

Evaluation: Para 1 - 0-2

Date of Report: 23 February 1955

Source: Controlled American

1. A one page mimeographed sheet entitled "A Cuba Plane for Nixon" was written and edited in the offices of the Federacion Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU) at the University of Havana. At least several hundred copies were run off on the mimeograph machine owned by the Faculty of Commercial Sciences and were distributed throughout the university grounds by Armando Milian. There was some street distribution in the near vicinity of the University. The sheet was placed on the copy desk of the FEU plant which took place during the week preceding the Nixon visit. There abortive plans included a street demonstration against the visit.

2. The mimeographed sheet asks the question, "Why did you come Mr. Nixon?...To help the revolution of power by Batista?...To extend the official action of giving away our natural resources to United States monopolies?...To support the tactics of Batista against Castro and prevent him one of the Cuban and dictator...With regard to the above, the undersigned protests this visit which interferes in our internal affairs and attacks our dignity even more than the defiling of the statues of our heroes by the Yankee soldiers and of Cuban women.

Luis Carlos Menocal
Jose Nildago Perez
R. Alfonso Llanes
Ramiro Vidal

The sheet then concludes with the note, "The press, radio and television under the orders of Batista and the North American Embassy have repeated these declarations."

Field Comments:

1. The clandestine communist publication Cuba General of 16 February 1955 asserts 7000 copies of the sheet were distributed.

2. The clandestine communist mimeographed newsletter Havana Continental of 15 February 1955 quotes in extenso the FBI sheet.

Classification: CONFIDENTIAL

19-7-2-108
From: Havana, Cuba

Report No.: W3-551

Local File No.: 10-18

Number of Pages: 1

Number of Enclosures: None

Report Made by: Stephen H. Karmarkoff

Approved by: Henry T. Bachelet

Distribution:

By copy to:

2 - Wash
1 - Embassy and LA
1 - File

Orally to: None

Source Cryptonym: AMPIEDARCH/1 via AMPIEDARCH/II

References: EK-961, 13 January 1955

Source, Operational Data, and Comments:

Evaluation of source is for distribution to AMPIEDARCH/II.

FILE IN 201-2092 SP

INDEX

CLASSIFIED

FILE IN 201-2092 SP

INDEX

CLASSIFIED
Subject: Communist Influence in the FEU, University of Havana

Report No.: H-951

Date of Information: 10-20 January 1955

Place Acquired: Havana, Cuba

Date Acquired: 28 January 1955

Evaluation: B-

Date of Report: 2 February 1955

Source: Controlled American

1. Communist activities in the University, particularly in connection with Federacion Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU, Federation of University Students) affairs, have increased during the last few weeks. Almost daily informal meetings are being held by Ramon VALDES Vives, Carlos SANCHEZ, Leonel SANCHEZ, ALEJANDRO, and Luis DONOS RODRIGUEZ. Usually these conversations concern election campaigns in the various student organizations, and facilities for the preparation and distribution of propaganda.

2. Indicative of FEU attitude toward the communists, students Roberto VIVITE and Federico SANCHEZ de la Raza commented, "the present and former regimes of the FEU have been obliged to work with the red elements since these elements were better disciplined for combat against the government."

3. On 10 January 1955 a crowd of a hundred or so students took part in a ceremony on the 10th Anniversary of the death of Communist youth leader Julio Antonio Mella. President in the ceremony were: Jose MACHADO, Andres LUNA, Leciel ALONSO, Alberto VIVIANO, Ramon VALDES Vives, Ramon VIVIANO, Jose A. VIVIANO, and Max LAGUARDIA.

4. At the ceremony there was distributed a 12 page pamphlet entitled, "Ideas de Ideas," purportedly written by Julio Antonio Mella. Although mildly against the Batista government, the bulk of the articles in the pamphlet are anti-United States, anti-capitalist, and in short typical communist propaganda.

Source Comment: Paragraph 2 is more true than the FEU leaders themselves would like to believe. The FEU, unfavored with the "red aces" has long been notorious for empty, loud-mouthed sessions and propaganda. The reds simply inject a little more organization and intellectual reality and thus create a more effective appeal. All Latin students have a streak (large or small) of anti-U.S. sentiment, but not all will follow any empty-headed jerk who gets up to scream about "imperialism." A large percentage will respond to a subtle intellectual "realism," particularly where it is pinned down for their participation. They certainly agree but with the "intellectual antimony" explanation.

Mission Comment: Official Electoral on 11 January 1955 contains a photograph of the ceremony mentioned in paragraph 3.

Classification: SECRET

19-4-110-18
The attached report is based on information extracted from a secret report submitted by [REDACTED] to the chief of [REDACTED], with the exception of paragraph 3. Information in that paragraph was received verbally from [REDACTED].
SECRET

Subject: Past between Cuban Communists and Orthodox Party Leaders

Place Acquired: Habana, Cuba

Evolution: D-3

Source: Controlled American

1. A past has been completed between leaders of the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP, Cuban Communist Party) and certain leaders of the Orthodox Party for the purpose of combating the Falista regime. Among those present at the meetings which led to this past end which were held in the law offices of Dr. E. P. Peralta, located at Calle O'Reilly No. 107, were Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Communist, Gregorio Garcia Ponce, Communist, Francisco M. Ortiz, Marxist, and Antonio L. Martinez, leader of the Orthodox youth, Jose Antonio, president of the Federation of Students University, and a member of the Catholic Youth and a follower of former president Carlos Prio. Other meetings were held in the law offices of Communist lawyers, located in the Plaza de la Catedral, Havana, and in the offices of radio station Radio Progress, and Antonio Martinez. The agenda for all these meetings was "CONTRA FALISTA."

2. Behind this past is the desire of the Orthodox leaders involved to seize control of the leadership of the Orthodox Party and realize by the PSP that it needs to stir up its adherents with some strong action and to prove to the Cuban people that its charges against president-elect Fulgencio Batista have been legitimate ends. The past calls for a two-phase attack on the Government, the first phase being the propaganda campaign against the proposed "Via Cuba" canal, to convince the masses that Batista is a traitor, and the second phase being one of aggressive action. The latter action would have as its objective the sabotage of the national economy and would be accomplished, mainly, by incurring with the major shipping lines and the shipping activities. Included in this action is the setting fire to sugar plantations on a large scale, agitation among the sugar workers over salary and disciplinary questions, a "strike" (strike strike) movement in the port workers' sector over the creation of bulk shipments of sugar which would pave the way for the union of the port workers and sugar workers, and the intensification of strikes and the support of strikers' demands in all industries. The final step would be the launching of another propaganda campaign, begun by members of student, industrial workers, and professional men's organizations, prior to the assumption of the presidency by Batista.
3. The Servicio de Inteligencia Militar (SIM) is reported to have seized anti-Castro propaganda issued by the Movimiento Fidelista Cubano. The propaganda was found on the person of an Oriente leader from Oriente Province, who was detained by SIM on 3 January 1958.

Field Comment:

1. Information was received by the Legal Attaché on 27 December 1957 from a source active in the revolutionary underground in Cuba that Cuban Communists were directing a plan to set fire to sugar cane fields in order to sabotage the Cuban sugar crop. Participating in the plan were revolutionaries opposed to the present Cuban administration.

2. Communist role in the anti-Government campaign on the subject of the "Fita Cuba" canal was previously reported.
From: Havana, Cuba

Report No: HMI-921
Local File No: L-6

No. of Pages: 2
No. of Enclosures: none

Report Made By: Shown A. L. Lippman 1/24
Approved By: Henry T. Burcher

Distribution:
By copy to: 2-Wash
1-Emb & LA, NA
2-Files

Orally to: none

Source Component: AUCJET

References: HPL-921

Source, Operational Data, and Comments:

Subject: Communist Activity Against Proposed "Via Cuba" Canal

CONFIDENTIAL

19-4-117-7
Subject: Communist Activity Against Proposed "Via Cuba" Canal

Report No: HX-943

Date of Information: 10-20 December 1954

Place Acquired: Havana, Cuba

Date Acquired: 10-20 December 1954

Evaluation: B-3

Date of Report: 29 December 1954

Source: Controlled American

1. On 9 December 1954, the Servicio de Inteligencia Militar (SIM, Cuban Military Intelligence Service) received information that the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP, Cuban Communist Party) had plans to launch a strong anti-Government campaign based on the subject of the proposed "Via Cuba" canal. The PSP planned to remain behind the scenes and to use as many elements of the opposition as it could to sponsor its propaganda line that the present Government had sold out to the United States and that the proposed canal was merely an extension of the Panama Canal. Groups from the Ortodoxo Party (Partido del Pueblo Cubano Ortodoxo), led by Luis A. Ferrer, reportedly collaborated with the PSP in the planning of the protest campaign against the canal. Cuban intellectuals and professional men, sympathetic to Communism or connected in one way or another with the PSP, were to be the ones who would launch the campaign, stressing the selling-out-of-sovereignty theme and the need for a popular referendum before any Cuban government made any treaty or agreement affecting the territorial integrity of the nation.

2. On 11 December 1954, the Cuban press published an article concerning a call made by Luis A. Ferrer in the name of the national executive committee of the Ortodoxo Party, to all youth organizations, including the Juventud Socialista (JS, Cuban Communist youth organization) and other organized centers of public opinion, to attend a meeting at radio station C.O.C.O. on 13 December 1954, in order to join in the protest against the Government's plan to build the "Via Cuba" canal. On 16 December 1954, at nine o'clock in the evening, approximately 85 persons met at radio station C.O.C.O. in answer to LERMA's call or in accordance with instructions from the PSP. About 35 of these persons were Communists, representing "barrio" (ward) committees of the PSP in Havana or Communist labor syndicates, and the remainder were Ortodoxo members, many of whom had had close ties with the Communists in the past. Among the latter were LERMA, Francisco Macias, and Mario Pizarro. Present also was Manuel Rodriguez, owner of the radio station and recently elected representative on the Partido Revolucionario Socialista (PRS) ticket, who advised a SIM officer at the meeting that he had permitted the meeting to go on the air after learning of the Communist infiltration and had only allowed the participants the use of the station's hall because there was no radio commentator and journalists had made such a commitment to LERMA and he could not let PALDO claim down.
3. The evening's program included speeches by four persons, representing the Ortodoxo party and Cuban youth, who attacked the economic, labor, and social policies of the Government, the absorption of Cuban oil by "Yankee Imperialists," the interference of the United States government in the affairs of the Latin American nations and its support of those which were dictatorships, as well as the proposed plan of the Cuban government to build a canal which would involve the ceding of more Cuban territory to foreign interests (i.e., the United States). The meeting closed with the creation of committees charged with formulating public protest throughout Cuba against the present regime and against "Yankee Imperialism."

4. In addition to the role it played in organizing the meeting at radio station C.O.C.O. on 16 December 1954, the FSP has also succeeded in arousing popular sentiment against the proposed canal among the university students, members of labor unions, and members of educational, cultural, and civic institutions. It has been stressing in its propaganda that the canal will constitute a principal military target and place the country in the danger zone of atomic nuclear bomb warfare. The FSP leaders consider this anti-canal movement as a rallying point for all anti-estadista elements which can possibly be converted into the long-sought "National Democratic Front." José F. Cueto Liada who championed the "Voto Negativo" (vote against ESTISTA) prior to the general elections of 1954, has also called on the matter of the proposed canal to attack the present government by calling for a "total union of the masses in defense of the national integrity and the complete liquidation of the present regime." During his television program on 17 December 1954, another vehicle being used by the FSP to spread its anti-canal propaganda in the Asociación Latino-Americana Libre, a cultural organization reported to be a Communist front, whose board of officers includes a Communist leader and a Communist youth leader of national standing, Dr. J. A. Val and Gregorio M. O'Hara, respectively.

Field Comments

1. El Diario Varecán (clandestine Communist publication), No. 69, dated 8 December 1954, contained an article which denounced, in very strong language, the plan to build the "Via Cuba Canal." Approximately a week later the overt Cuban press took up this subject, presenting the pros as well as the cons, and was still carrying articles on it as late as 20 December 1954.

2. President-elect Fulgencio Batista and the present chief of the Cuban Navy, Contralmirante José María U. Calderón, have issued public statements defending the plan to build the canal and blaming the Communists for launching "an insidious campaign against a project as nationalistic as the "Canal Via Cuba" would be" and accusing the opposition elements who have taken advantage of that campaign to attack the present government. Despite these statements and others by other government officials, the defense of the proposed project has been so weak, both technically and politically, that public sentiment against the project has apparently increased considerably since mid-December 1954.
| Date | Officer | Initials | Comments |
|------|---------|----------|----------|
| 25 MAR 1954 | WH | E | 10. Remo CARANO, alcina |
| | 3/10/54 | E | Copy Detached |

**DISSEMINATED IN SO**

**NOT DISSEMINATED FOR FOLLOWING REASONS**

1. **Date:** 25 MAR 1954
2. **File:** 201-0376-2
3. **File:** 201-0376-2
4. **File:** 201-0376-2

**FILE IN:** 201-209258
SECRET

CONTROL - U.S. OFFICIALS ONLY

HKN - 737

Page 1

1. AMPUTES advised GROVER on 7 March 1954 that he had been instructed by his chief to prepare a "paquete" (trans-pp) of subject, and as directed, he had prepared a false report emphasizing subject's communist connections and activities. He made available the original draft of his memorandum which is identical to a memorandum received by Ambassador GARZON from the head of the Cuban Army on 8 March. Also included with the memorandum to the Ambassador was a copy of a letter allegedly sent from Paris by subject to Fidel CASTRO, leader of the attempted uprising in Santiago de Cuba in July 1953, and presently serving a sentence at the Isle of Pines penitentiary.

2. It is not known at this time whether the letter included with the memorandum sent to Ambassador GARZON is a copy of a legitimate piece of correspondence, or whether this also has been fabricated by the KGB to give added strength to their character assassination effort. We will endeavor to clarify this point at a future meeting with AMPUTES. Copies of the letter to CASTRO are forwarded herewith to Headquarters and Paris.

SECRET

CONTROL - U.S. OFFICIALS ONLY

HKN - 737

Page 2

9 March 1954

201 - 53702
Subject: Dr. Ramiro ALARCO Alcain

Place Acquired: Havana, Cuba

Evaluation: as indicated

Source: Controlled American

Date of Information: 1950-date

Date Acquired: 8 March 1954

Date of Report: 9 March 1954

SECRET

1. The Cuban Government, to further discredit subject, has prepared a memorandum containing a series of false charges concerning his communist connections and activities. The memorandum was prepared by the Cuban Servicio de Inteligencia Militar for forwarding to the United States Government with the intention that action would then be taken by the United States to remove subject's wife from her present employment with the United States Army in Paris.

2. There follows an English translation of the points covered by the SMI in the memorandum of false accusations:

Dr. Ramiro ALARCO Alcain, an attorney, is a relative of ex-President Juan GUAL Bas Martin. During GUAL's regime, ALARCO was appointed Chancellor of the Cuban Embassy in Oslo, Norway, but was relieved of his post after he was detained by the Norwegian authorities for possession of a shipment of contraband nylon hose. Upon his return to Cuba, he was detained by the Bureau of Investigations when a sample case of precious stones was found among his personal effects.

ALARCO is an affiliate of the Partido del Pueblo Cubano (Ortegista), and a member of the Committee of Attorneys for that party.

ALARCO is a member of the revolutionary group which includes (a) Palma, (b) LECHE, (c) Fidel CASTRO, (d) Eloy GARCIA, and (e) ALARCO, and was a participant in the uprising at Cienfuegos, Santiago de Cuba, in the summer of 1953. He is a close friend of Fidel CASTRO (long-time militant of the Revolutionary Socialist) and his brother, Raúl CASTRO, also a communist, both of whom are presently in prison for participation in the communist-sponsored Santiago uprising. ALARCO attended the meeting of Cuban oppositionists in Montreal in July 1953, and along with Fidel CASTRO, Raúl CASTRO, and Sec. ALARCO, he was a member of the communist party in the territory of Palma, representing the Partido Unico de los Trabajadores Comunistas-Cubanos-Ortegistas. ALARCO is reported to have represented the communist interests, although he was charged with defense of the Ortegista policy, and was known to have been in contact with communist leaders. He has been cited on several occasions as a "comunista de apoyo filial," and as such has permitted the Cuban communist party to infiltrate various elements which were formerly
hostile to the communists. ARANGO is believed to belong to the secret
cadres of the Partido Socialista Popular, although his activities have
been carried on behind an Orthodox Front, such as in the case of
LEONCIO, Vicente ARANGU, et al.

At present, ARANGO and his wife are in Paris, having left Cuba on
10 December 1953 in the company of Osvaldo ANDRES Perez, who had sought
asylum in the Haitian Embassy in Havana, and both individuals are reported
to be in contact with the revolutionary Orthodox-Communist-Friista elements,
through a clandestine worldwide communist communications system. The wife
of ARANGO, who is reported to be a member of the Swedish Royal family, is
presently employed in the office of the United States Army in Paris.

Field Reports
Files of this office indicate the following concerning subject,
in addition to the information set out in our memorandum of
19 May 1953:

A Legal Attaché report of 3 April 1957 states that Ramiro ARANGO
Alain was appointed Chancellor of the Cuban Embassy in Moscow
at the age of 27, on the recommendation of Justo JUAREZ, President
of the Partido Socialista Popular (PS), Rafael PÉREZ, and Dr. OSCAR CALLE. He was not known to have engaged in
communist activities, but was reported as "inclined toward socialist
theories." At the time of this appointment, ARANGO had no
diplomatic experience.

In August 1952 subject was arrested by the SD for activities
against the regime.

On 16 September 1953, subject was arrested for activities against
the government, and taken to La Habana. At this time a consider-
able number of known opponents were arrested, including the
PSF leaders Edmundo FELA and Josué GROGU.
| Type | Book No. | Date | Page | Officer's Initials | Comments |
|------|----------|------|------|-------------------|----------|
| 3    | 123      | 12/15/19 | 412 | R.               | Revolutionary activities in the Caribbean |
| 3    | 456      | 12/15/19 | 412 | R.               | Finished |
| 3    | 789      | 12/15/19 | 412 | R.               | CS-DB-1669, 5000, in line to R-1-522 |

**Notes:**
- CS-DB-1669, 5000, in line to R-1-522
- Finished

**Date:** 2 Feb 1954

**File In:** 2Q1-200255
TO: Chief, MI
FROM: Chief of Mission, Havana
SUBJECT: Operational
SPECIFIC: Report of Revolutionary Preparations in Central America Against Cuban Government

1. No additional information concerning alleged plans of the Caribbean Legion to attack the Batista government has been received by the Mission. The latest available information regarding revolutionary activities against that government is contained in HX-418.

2. Reports received in the past concerning the Caribbean Legion's attempts to enlist BATISTA's support for Legion revolutionary activities have been given a low evaluation (as to content), as indicated in the pertinent portions of HX-167 and HX-397. To date the Mission has received no information which would warrant changing such an evaluation.

3. Indications here are that the Batista regime is too preoccupied with a possible revolt attempt originating within the country to permit planning for any offensive action against any other country in the Caribbean. Recent friendly overtures by BATISTA, in the form of decorations bestowed on Hector TRUJILLO of the Dominican Republic and PEREZ Jimenez of Venezuela, also serve to indicate that the present Cuban government is not contemplating any action against those countries.

4. As to a possible attack on the Batista regime from outside Cuba, the Cuban Armed Forces and security agencies have long been alerted to a possible air attack on key installations in Havana as well as multiple assaults from the sea. Recent visits by RICA and CHILE have been mentioned as possible take-off points for the planes to be used in the air attack.

5. The Mission has no information to confirm the allegations made in the attachment to the Department of State Instruction cited in the referenced dispatch concerning the...
SECRET

emphasizing the concentration of arms in the hands of Cuban youth leaders.

Distribution
3 - Vich
1 - File

20 January 1959

SECRET

20-7-36-1971
SECRET

Cuba

Evaluation of Report of Revolutionary Preparations in Central America Against Cuban Government

El January 1954

Cuba, Havana

1. No additional information concerning alleged plans of the Caribbean Legion to attack the Batista government have been received in Havana, Cuba. Reports received there in the past concerning the Caribbean Legion's attempts to enlist Batista's support for Legion revolutionary activities have been given a low evaluation. To date the Havana Mission has received no information which would warrant changing such evaluation.

2. Indications in Cuba are that the Batista regime is too preoccupied with a possible revolt attempt originating within the country to permit planning for any offensive action against any other country in the Caribbean area. Recent friendly overtures by Batista, in the form of decorations bestowed on Hector Espinillo of the Dominican Republic and Felix Jimenez of Venezuela, also serve to indicate that the present Cuban government is not contemplating any action against those countries.

3. As to a possible attack on the Batista regime from outside Cuba, the Cuban armed forces and security agencies have long been alerted for a possible air attack on key installations in Havana as well as multiple airfields from the sea. Mexico, Costa Rica, and Guatemala have been mentioned as possible take-off points for planes to be used in the air attack.

4. There has been no information received which would confirm the allegations concerning the concentration of arms in the hands of Cuban youth leaders. Jose Rolando, Max Lescot, and Pedro Guerra are well-known leaders of the Juventud Ortodoxa (Orthodox Youth) and, as such, have participated in youth opposition activities against the Batista government, demanding the restoration of the Constitution of 1910 and the holding of general elections.

Distribution: GCI

SECRET 16 Feb. 54

FEB
SECRET

TO: Case, WD
FROM: Acting Chief of Station, Lima, Peru
SUBJECT: General

Specific: Douglas Hadden Allen

Action required by Headquarters: For information and such action as is deemed necessary.

1. Douglas Hadden Allen is President of the Astoria Importing & Manufacturing Company, Inc., in Iquitos, Peru, and a director of the Cerro de Pasco Corporation. He is personally acquainted with Ambassador Harold W. Titelman.

2. On 18 September 1953, Subject talked at this Station to see Winthrop T. Heggan, who was out of Lima at that time. He talked with Jane C. Heggan and at her suggestion that he talk with the Chief of the Political Section stated that he wanted to talk only with Heggan, that he had confidential information on Rafael Payleitich Trujillo, Prefect of Iquitos (and brother of former Communist functionary, Rafael Payleitich Trujillo), and some Communist literature which had come into his possession. Subject returned to the United States on 2 October 1953 without trying to contact Heggan again.

3. Former agent Duffield, who has made a nuisance of himself by calling sporadically at this Station, told Heggan on 1 October 1953 that he was planning to apply for an immigration visa to the United States and that Subject had tried to contact Heggan on Duffield's behalf in connection with the anticipated application. Duffield further claimed that Subject has a close friend who is a senior official of CIGNA from whom he had gotten Duffield's name, and that Subject had shown Duffield a picture of a Peruvian Communist which Duffield remembered having submitted to this Station five or six years ago. It seems quite likely that Duffield gave Subject Heggan's name.

4. In connection with another matter (LIMA-0140), Heggan contacted the subject of Duffield, who, in the course of conversation, told of having received a letter (encl. 1) through
SECRET

SPLA-78
Page 4

His New York office from Subject. This letter forwarded a report (believed to be encl. 2) to Ernesto NICOLINI, Subject of SPLA-78, also told of having cocktails on several occasions in New York City several months ago with Subject and Ambassador TITUS. During one of these get-togethers Subject stated that a report (believed to be encl. 2) had been made available to KURAN.

5. On 15 January 1954, DUTERRE volunteered a copy of enclosure 2 with the explanation that NICOLINI had sent it to him especially for KURAN but that NICOLINI wanted it back. When questioned as to the source of the document, DUTERRE said that he did not know the identity of the source but that it had come from an English aviator. The document provided by DUTERRE has not been shown to Subject of SPLA-78.

6. SPLA-78 and references, and LIMA-0219 suggest that Augusto ROVERO Lovo, Minister of Government and Police, Mariano Aljoven, a confidential investigator on President CHILA's staff; Ernesto NICOLINI, a prominent and wealthy Peruvian businessman; DUTERRE, employee of Ernesto NICOLINI; and Luis QUEVEDO NICOLINI, nephews and employees of Ernesto NICOLINI, are associated in some sort of intelligence work, which is separate from the intelligence activities of Alejandro ESPARZA, Director of Government and Municipalities, who is immediately inferior to ROVERO Lovo in the Ministry of Government. On the basis of the foregoing data and references, it appears that Subject is involved with intelligence operatives of the Peruvian Government on one hand, and is in contact with KURAN and other U.S. Government officials on the other hand.

7. It is noted that enclosures 1 and 2 both have the initials "KURAN", presumably the initials of Subject's secretary.

[Signature]

Whitney T. Haysman

Anthony T. Haysman

Enclosures:
1. Ltr dated 25 Nov 53, in trip
2. Rpt copied 18 Nov 53, in trip

Distribution:
3 - Rep, w/encls as noted
2 - Files, w/encls (2 copies)

2600. 1/4

SECRET
Early in April of 1952, about a month after the Coup de Etat of General Fulgencio Batista, the deposed president, Dr. Carlos Prio Socarras entrusted to his ex-minister of Education and State, Dr. Aureliano Sanches Arango, the responsibility of organizing a vast subversive movement, created to oppose in turn Batista, and return to power the Cuban Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Cubano). This was at all possible. The first steps taken by Dr. Sanches Arango were to give a political form to the movement, and to create favorable conditions for an uprising (putch) at the precisely opportune moment, to be called "the zero hour." Immediately after Batista took over, the PRC, having lost prestige of any kind of influence, since all former officials were dismissed by Batista. Hence Dr. Sanches Arango began to reconstruct the PRC, placing in the positions of command some of the most sincere members of the party, most of whom had formerly been in secondary status in party affairs, and in Government offices.

While Dr. Antonio de Varona was again made President, men such as Dr. Araceli Acuña, Dr. Armando Hernandez and a few others, became the most prominent figures of the Party. Immediately, the PRC began a campaign of passive legal opposition to the administration of the Batista Government, whose every step received the condemnation and adverse criticism of the Propaganda Committee of the Party. In addition, three times a week in the newspaper, Free Press (Prensa Libre), articles by Dr. Araceli Acuña and Dr. Prio Socarras pictured the present Government as a "do nothing" one, with policies of lack of policies, contrary to the public interest. At the same time the articles were designed to restore to the Party the faith which formerly it had enjoyed from the Cuban masses.

In the meantime, Dr. Sanches Arango initiated the opposition by force in the Central American countries. Almost immediately he found that the reconstructed PRC was gaining no ground with the people and that he would have to create a new political formula to draw to the side of the opposition of insurrection, the general populace, by now disgusted not only with the Batista Government, but with the PRC as well. It was proposed that Dr. Roberto Aguirre, head of the People's Party (Partido del Pueblo Cubano), have an interview with Dr. Prio in Miami, but the former declined on the ground that his party wanted to remain neutral in the whole affair. However, Emilio M. Chacon opposed openly the ideas of his chief (Dr. Aguirre) advocating an alliance of the two parties to make the opposition more effective. To this end, he went to Guatemala to see Dr. Sanches Arango. While there, conferences were held in the home of Dr. Paul Cogswell, then Ambassador of Guatemala in Cuba, and new Foreign Minister of the Government of Colonel Arbenz. These talks resulted in the creation of the two parties. On the return of Dr. Chacon to Cuba, eventually the amalgamation was effected with equal administration on the part of both of the parties. This end was hastened by a surreptitious visit of Dr. Arango (Sanches) to his native soil (he was then a political refugee in Guatemala).

From the moment Batista took over the power in Cuba, Guatemala placed itself unconditionally on the side of Dr. Prio and served as a base for the military preparation of the conspiracy. Immediately the Caribbean League (logical) at the time reduced to impotency, began to function again, to take a preponderant
part in Latin American relations. In the latter part of 1952, the military plan was drawn up by Sánchez Arango with the aid of Foreign Minister Paul Oviedo and often in the conferences the presidential candidate, Costa Rica, José Figueres took an active part, creating the support of Costa Rica should be elected president. Dr. Juan José Arango participated as well, to the extent of using his influence with the Guatemalan Army officials that they might join the movement later. On the Caribbean coast of Guatemala is a place called Livingston. To the east there is a road which leads to a little native village (Indigena) near for the moment forgotten by this agent. To the southwest of this place, there is a very bad road which ends in a little valley at the end of which there is a series of low hills. Back of these hills is located camp of the Caribbean Legion. Here is established the General Headquarters of the Guatemalan Army. There exists here a force of 4,000 men regularly trained, quartered and fed. "Our practice is held daily under the direction of General Abelardo Cordero, veteran of the Spanish Civil War and one of the organizers of the movement of Cayo Guadalupe."

The force situated here is divided into two battalions, one named Battalion 4, PAULO ES LA TOLLENEZEAU, the other Battalion 5, IGORIO AQUINO. The force is divided into small groups and taught to use machine guns (towed type), also hand-type automatic rifles, automatic repeating rifles L-1. Nearly all the officers are veterans of the Spanish Civil War. In addition to the military practice, the officers get together once a week for conferences over historical and political matters as expressed by Juan José Arango, Ramón Balderas, Aureliano Sánchez Arango, etc.

Near Livingston there is a little gulf on which is situated Puerto Barrios. South of this port, there is a tiny port not marked on the map, named Montecristo. In this place with landing craft, practiced to land with the idea of disembarking in Cuba. From Montecristo, several shipments of arms have been made to Cuba. The other large concentration of men and arms is in Costa Rica.

Northwest of Puerto Limón on the Caribbean coast of Costa Rica, there is a place known as La Virgen. Back of this reached by a small country road, back of some low hills, is found the camp. Here are 2,000 men or more divided into three battalions, 1st Augusto Cesar Sandino, 2nd Erazo, 3rd Antonio Kato. A little north of this camp, there is a kind of landing field which contains from (English) Lancaster bombers, originally from Canada by Ingeniero Carlos Navia in Canada. The men in this camp carry English repeating rifles, but they also have Thompson machine guns and Mortars machine guns with plenty of ammunition. The men in Guatemala also have this additional arm.

The plan is that on landing in Cuba of the "patriots" these arms will be given to all the civilians who are sympathetic with the cause. Cubans generally are more familiar with this type of arm than the English repeating rifles, which is not easy to learn in a few minutes. The majority of the planes are English. The leader of the outfit is a Canadian named Christopher, who was a Captain TAF during the war, flying Lancaster bombers. He is a personal friend of Carlos Figueres. This camp did not amount to much when Ulloa Gato was President of Costa Rica, but the minute Figueres came to power, the arms and men began to
flow in, in quantity, from Guatemala, which has been the great center for the accumulation of arms. From a place in British Honduras named Middles, many rifles were secured with the connivance of British officers stationed there, then passed across the border.

The plan of invasion is as follows: When the zero hour comes, planes from Costa Rica and Guatemala will arrive at Habana prepared to drop bombs over the most important military posts in Cuba. As stated before, the crews of these planes are English "mercenaries" who, for money have agreed to take part in this adventure, regardless of their politics. Coincidentally, the men from the camps in Central America will be landed in various parts of the Island. At the same time there will appear in the streets numbers of both parties, well armed, to battle the local police, capture them, take over the civil authority. While all this fighting is going on, leaders of the political parties under the direction of Kusten (Kerensky) and Jesus Dominguez Cortes will capture the persons most prominent of the actual administration, who, once the revolution is successful, will be put in jail under the charge of murder. With this action, it is expected that most of the citizens will come over to the side of the conspirators. Judging from things heard by this agent in an interview held in a hotel between Juan Jose Arrieta and Ex-Colonel Cortes in Havana, the battle is set to take place before the general sale of the next sugar crop, about January of next year. While not within the province of this agent, he has learned that General Fornon is favorable to the conspiracy, sending arms of Argentine manufacture to the Central American camps.

On various occasions, cargoes of arms of different makes and kinds have been introduced into the Island, a procedure now only very difficult because of the vigilance of the Cuban airforce, who constantly patrol the seas between Cuba and Central America. This agent knows about the following demonstrations: In the lands of "Cuba, orthodoxy, truth," headed by Jose Pimentel, and Bernardos, plane "Cuban," there are more than 600 machine guns besides 10,000 grenades (hand type) all of Mexican manufacture. The arms are hidden in the "place" of the son of Jose Pimentel, Cortes, in Pina del Rio. In the hands of Pedro, former head of the youth movement in Havana, are about 100 machine guns, 50 grenades and 10 or 12 rifles M-1. The arms are hidden in a house situated near the "Central Toledo" property of the secretary general of the workers of that central.

ED 11/10/53
The fact that the Communist Party of Cuba would take the measures described in the attached report is not considered surprising. As can be seen from a study of Embassy dispatches and from our past reports on this subject, the FCP is finding itself in an increasingly worse position, politically, financially, and psychologically. The greatest strength of the FCP comes from its own members, by US standards, at least, expected. The current report suggests that the FCP has been weakened by internal dissension. It is only logical, therefore, that communist strength remains, at present, in the field where Marxist ideology has always been used to the best advantage, that of the agrarian workers. It is probable that the FCP, as a political party, will no longer copy the weight and respect it has in the past, at least until economic conditions in Cuba grow much worse, or until the present East-West tension diminishes considerably. Until recently, two possible solutions to the FCP's present predicament lay in its uniting with the Ortodox Party or with the FCP. Assuming the Ortodox Party, it is known that the leftist groups within that party (Vloostin, etc.) are anti-communist and are militating for a pact with the communists (the copy of a memorandum from E. T. GRAIN to the Ambassador, dated January 23, 1952, copy of which is attached), but, so far, have been checked by the anti-communist elements within the Ortodox Party. Until recently, conservative anti-DATISTA elements in Cuba stated with conviction that DATISTA would join with the communists in a selfish attempt to gain the Presidency. However, DATISTA, in two articles appearing in October, November 2 and 13, 1951, closed the door on rumors of this kind by stating the only way the FCP and the FID could unite would be if the FCP would publicly state that, in case of an international conflict, the FCP would side with the United Nations and against Russia. An interesting sequel to this statement, and possibly connected with it, was a leaflet distributed in the streets of Havana in early January entitled: "To the Workers of the FID and to the People of Cuba," signed by Comandante FRANCO VELAS (Cuban), leader of the Blocos (Blocos del Pueblo), which is known for its leftist and pro-American sympathies. In the leaflet, FRANCO VELAS claimed that DATISTA had tried to destroy him and expel him from the Blocos, purportedly, because FRANCO VELAS had tried to defend "the interest of the working classes and of the Blocos within the FID, a real and decided opposition line to the government, and is described that a united oppositionist front be formed to defend..."
The pamphlet went on to say that "the action of Fidel is a direct aid to the very government we are fighting, a government which uses the fascist system to destroy the leaders of the workers by putting ministers and thieves at the head of the syndicates, attacking the union halls and serving the ends of the exploiting magnates and oppressing and pursuing the true workers."

It is felt that the value of the attached information is primarily to point out a possible new force in the Cuban political scene, composed of labor groups, within the PCC and the Ortodox Party, who are dissatisfied with their own national party leadership and who can and probably will join with similar groups in the PCC in an attempt to get power for themselves.
Subject: Recent Communist Advances Within the Anti-Government Labor Movement

Place Acquired: Havana, Cuba

Evaluation: C-

Source: Controlled Source

The two main centers of communist penetration and sympathy in the Cuban syndical movement are found in the Alianza Obrera del Partido Acción Católica and in the Confederación General de Trabajadores del Partido Socialista Popular (CUT). These groups have shown hostility for anti-communist labor leaders who have tried to join them despite the fact that these labor leaders are well-known for their honesty, ability, and good intentions in furthering the labor movement in Cuba. In the past few months, and more particularly within the past few weeks, the collaboration between these groups and the Partido Socialista Popular syndical element has become so close that it has alarmed the anti-communist Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba.

CONCLUSIONS: As has been previously reported, the present political, as well as financial condition of the Cuban Communist Party is extremely serious. It would appear that the stigma of a past with the communists is sure political death for other political parties in the coming elections of June 1952. This has forced the PNP into an isolated position from which there does not appear to be any escape through aligning itself with another political party.

2. The communists have been and are now carrying on a campaign in these syndicates to penetrate and undermine the anti-government labor sections in an effort to gain control of these groups at a later date. This campaign was waged in three stages.

a. The first stage was the communists' penetration of the anti-communist syndicates, paying up their union dues and using their voices and votes in the union meetings to propose and elect their candidates for committee positions.

b. The second stage was to sow seeds of doubt among the members of these groups in joining with any of the anti-communist labor federations or with the government CIO by accusing the CIO leaders of having sold themselves out to the employers and to the government which are depicted as the enemies of the laboring man. The communists have always tried to exploit the anti-government feeling in these labor groups - particularly within the Alianza Obrera del Partido Socialista Popular - in an effort to destroy the anti-communist labor leaders in the various syndicates.

Classification
The third stage, which seems to be going on now, is the ever increasing number of reproaches between the Ortodoxo and PAU labor leaders and the communists. This is the result of a and b (above), and is perhaps hastened by the strong movement of dissatisfaction with the PAU regime combined with their desire to vote this regime out of power in the forthcoming elections.

As an example of the success of this campaign, sources supply the following.

In the Sindicato Provincial de Obreros de la Gema de la Habana, elections for a new executive committee were held January 17, 1952. The anti-communist candidate led by Ramon F. A. won by more than 100 votes receiving 322 votes in all. However, the Ortodoxo candidates within the sindicato, supported by the communists and members of the Bloque Obrero del PAU, obtained 217 votes. In the Sindicato Textilera de San Antonio de los Baños, elections were also held recently. Again, the Ortodoxo, communist, and members of the PAU united against the anti-communist candidates. In this case, the anti-communist candidates won by only 16 votes, the anti-communists obtaining 141 and the opposition obtaining 125 votes.

In the Sindicato de Obreros y Empleados de Crucellas, S. A., the leadership is held by the Ortodoxo, Emilio Llano and Fernando. Up until recently, these leaders were in sympathy with the anti-communist CTC. However, they have recently permitted the entry of communists into their sindicato without requiring them to pay up their back dues. These leaders have also become friendly with the communist leader, Angel Torres, who is a member of the PSP Executive Committee of the Carro district, and two other communists, one an (ind) and another who goes by the name "Praga-Miquel".

CONCLUSIONS: We have no traces on Angel Torres. His name does not appear as a delegate to the Habana PSP Municipal Assembly from the Carro district.

These communists and the two Ortodoxo leaders of the Crucellas sindicato are often seen together in the Club Crucellas which is opposite the Crucellas plant. At the present time, there is a good deal of labor unrest in this plant because the owners are attempting to reduce the labor force. Some of the workers are reporting that the sindicato join with the government CTC so that the latter body will take action and prevent them from losing their jobs. In answer to this, the Ortodoxo leaders in the plant are saying that the Crucellas workers will have to solve this problem by themselves as the government CTC is only the "tool of the employers and of PAU who has sold out to the big industrialists". The workers are tired, demoralized and discouraged and are saying, "And was this the reason the communists were expelled from the CTC? It was a thousand times better under Leoncio!" A desire to join any group which might help them in their present plight - including the communists - is now becoming stronger.
SOURCE COMMENT: The owners of the Grumelle plant are in the process of reducing the labor force by 50-60% and hope to maintain the same production rate as before. The dismissed workers will be transferred to a new plant in the process of construction where the detergent, "FAB", is to be manufactured. The workers are discouraged because they claim that the work performed in the Grumelle plant requires all of the present labor force and the company should hire additional men to work in the FAB plant. The attempt of the Grumelle owners to reduce the labor force in this manner is against standing labor laws of the country, but the Grumelle syndicate led by the Grumelle labor leaders who are being advised by their communist friends, is taking advantage of the present situation to furthering their own interests.
To: The Ambassador

From: E. T. Crain

Subject: Dr. Portell Vila warns Embassy that Cuban left-wingers are trying to bring Communists into the party.

Dr. Portell Vila called today at the Embassy and during the course of the conversation spoke of his grave preoccupation regarding the efforts of Cuban left-wingers to bring Communists into the party.

He stated that Pardo Llada, Eduardo Torroja, Florentino Antuña, Max Lerner and others were trying to get Communists into the Christian party. He said that, specifically, they were trying to get the notorious Communist, Salvador Gómez Agüero, not only into the Christian party but to run as an Christian candidate for senator. He said that a group of Cuban left-wingers approached him on the matter to learn his views and he told them he would resist such a move with all his strength.

Portell Vila said he considered the matter so urgent that he at once wrote an article entitled "The Communist" which he was going to try to get into El Mundo of January 29 instead of Wednesday the 30th which is the day of the week when his column usually appears. He said this would be an extension of his article published January 20 in El Mundo.

I told Portell Vila that while the Embassy maintained a strict neutral attitude in the matter of Cuban politics, it would have a very deep interest in anything pertaining to the Communists when we considered an enemy common to all free countries and free national political parties. I congratulated him on his efforts to keep Communists out of his own Christian party and wished him every success in this undertaking. I said I assumed that if the party announced notorious Communists as Christian candidates for office that the party would probably lose a lot of support from persons who did not wish to be associated with Communists. I added that I hoped my assumption was not mere wishful thinking. He stated that it was definitely not wishful thinking. He stated that it was definitely not wishful thinking and that to exactly what would happen. He said that he would nevertheless oppose the efforts of Pardo Llada and company with all the strength at his command, regardless of whether an association with Communists was or lost votes for the Christian party.
Dr. Portela Villa indicated that he would try to keep me informed of developments within the Mexican party in so far as they related to the Communist. I thanked him, indicating that my sole interest in the matter was the general threat of Communism to all free nations and particularly Communist success or failure in infiltrating into democratic political parties.
CONFIDENTIAL

From: Havana, Cuba

Report No: TIC-1266, Local File No: 30-348

No. of Pages: 5

No. of Copies: 1

Distribution: Wash 1

Orally to:

No other distribution.

Source: Cryptov: Antikar

References: ID-777, TIC-1266

Source, Operational Data, and Comments:

Our TIC-1266 tried to answer as fully as possible
ID-777 but it was realized that time that more complete in-
formation on the Juventud Socialista would be appreciated by
Headquarters. Antikar, therefore, was requested to supply us
with information which we felt equivalent had not supplied
previously. The attached report confirms partial information
previously supplied by Antikar and supplies additional in-
formation of interest.

FILE IN 201-209258
CONFIDENTIAL

SUBJECT: Further Information on the Juventud Socialista.

REPORT NO.: 261-1365.

DATE OF INFORMATION: 2 Jan 51.

PLACE ACQUIRED: Havana, Cuba.

DATE ACQUIRED: 4 Jan 51.

EVALUATION: P-3.

DATE OF REPORT: 22 Jan 51.

SOURCE: Controlled American.

1. The PSP (Partido Socialista Popular, Cuban Communist Party) high command maintains continued interest in a very large degree in the Juventud Socialista organization. One of the principal tasks of the communist party is to maintain the direction of a strong communist youth movement which will respond only to the ideological foundation of the communist party. In the PSP, the most persistent voice of this communist principle is that of Dr. Roca, who takes a personal interest in the direction of the Juventud Socialista and constantly watches over its activities through trusted lieutenants. Many of the present leaders of the PSP were formerly leaders of the Juventud Socialista, the former Juventud Socialista. Men of this type are Severo Agüero, Agüero Suárez, and Osvaldo Márquez, prominent PSP members in Camagüey Province. On its own part, the Juventud Socialista maintains a close liaison with the National Executive Committee of the PSP through its leader, Flavio Ravo, who attends the weekly meetings of the National Committee.

2. The caliber of the Juventud Socialista direction is high. Its leaders are militant communists and many members of the Juventud Socialista National and Provincial Committees have been political candidates for various government offices in past elections. Second to Flavio Ravo in the leadership of the group is Luis A. Martí, both of these men are political candidates in recent elections and have attended various conferences abroad. Other leaders of note are: Lionel Soto, School of Philosophy, Havana University; Bienvenido Martínez, a well-known political leader; Pedro Pérez, a well-known political leader; and Geovina Villar, all children of the well-known communist leader, César Villar, who are educated in Russia; Julio Acosta, Bienvenido Suárez, Rafael Vázquez Vivas; Ramón Calzada, Juventud Socialista member from the Villas Province; Eidel Díaz, of Oriente Province; and F. P. (Fm) of the printing section of the Juventud Socialista. Other youth leaders not members of the Juventud Socialista but closely tied up with their activities are: Alfredo Gutiérrez, Enrique Vázquez, Luis Aragón, and E. P. (Fm) of the Ortodox Party, and Humberto L. Apalacio, President of the Juventud of the PAU (Partido Acción Unitaria) and Director of the newspaper, Vanguardia Unitaria.
3. The structure of the Juventud Socialista is like that of the PSP. It has committees in all the districts (barrios) of the City of Habana and in the larger cities of the interior. Up until now the Juventud Socialista has not had, according to source, clandestine leaders to take the place of the present overt leaders in case the party is outlawed, nor does it now have these clandestine leaders. However, source feels that there are many secondary and less well-known leaders within the Juventud Socialista who would be able to assume the direction of a clandestine communist youth organization if the PSP decided such an organization should be set up. Source supplies the following names as possible clandestine leaders of such an organization: Julián Acosta, "Juventud Socialista" (youth representative) of the CTC (Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba) (Communist) a few years ago; Bienvenido García, who is the "reasonable" Juventud of the CTC (Communist) at present; Federico, Pita, and Georgina Vila, Habana University; and Hector Camacho, communist youth leader at the Ariguana textile plant in Santa, Habana Province.

4. The FIDIO Administrative's anti-communist attitude over the past six months has not visibly affected unfavorably the unity of the Juventud Socialista, according to source. Source gives as an example the fact that the ranks of the Juventud Socialista are composed of proven communist militant youths. Source claims he knows of only one case of defection from the Juventud Socialista ranks, that of a youth named Elito Capestany, Juventud Socialista leader in the Escuela de Artes y Oficios, who has joined the Communist Party.

Current: As is well known, in other communist parties under similar circumstances and as we have previously reported, some communists have been instructed to infiltrate other political parties. It is difficult to understand how source can conclude positively that the Capestany case was one of defection from the Juventud Socialista.

5. It is true, however, that the PSP has examined very carefully the ranks of the Juventud Socialista for signs of bourgeois weakness. The barrio committees of the PSP established similar committees of the Juventud Socialista with the purpose
in mind of gaining new members for the party as a whole. The methods by which they tried to attract new members for the Juventud Socialista were made up of sewing clubs for girls, English classes, parlor games, and, from time to time, dances. This method had good results as far as getting the youth to draw closer to the Juventud Socialista; however, racial feeling militated against the complete success of this method for many white girls found that they were expected to mix and dance with Negroes, which was against their personal convictions. As a result of this racial prejudice, the majority of Negro girls among the Juventud Socialista ranks is noticeable. The FSP has now managed to purify the ranks of the Juventud Socialista in preparation for a harder life ahead. The former sewing circles, parlor games, and dances have disappeared and in their place entertainment less conducive to stirring up racial prejudice, such as excursions into the country, etc., are taking place. Today, the Juventud Socialista ranks can more or less be counted upon to act in a united fashion for the good of the FSP and to follow the orders of their leaders.

6. Although there are no official figures on the membership of the Juventud Socialista, sources use as a yardstick the fact that on one occasion Flavio Rivas stated that there were more than 15,000 socialist youths in the nation and that of these more than 10,000 were in the city of Havana. Source believes that there is probably an overlap between a member of the Juventud Socialista who is of voting age and also affiliates with the FSP during elections. Taking into account this duplication of membership, source believes that the 15,000 figure is correct.

7. The present activities of the Juventud Socialista are listed as follows:

A. The most important job of the Juventud Socialista is its support of the peace-partisans' movement. This consists of direct demonstrations, making signs for various parades, collecting signatures, etc.

B. The Juventud Socialista constantly tries to maintain good relations with other political youth organizations, such as the Juventud del PUE, of the Orthodox, and of the Auténticos libres. The Juventud Socialista also tries to influence
and keep friends with the FEU (Federación Estudiantil Universitaria) of Havana University, the Masonic youth known as the AJLP, and various schools and universities throughout the island.

C. They carried out certain demonstrations or propaganda in support of the communist "Plan Cubano contra la Crisis" and the "Conferencia en Defensa de la Memoria Nacional."

8. In a national committee meeting of the PJP in June 1950 the directors of the party recommended that the Juventud Socialista spend its energy on the following assignments:

A. To work through peasant associations - or organize such associations where they did not exist - in an effort to get such groups to support the partisans of peace movement.

B. Make similar efforts among the negroes, intelligentsia, factories, schools, etc.

C. To explain to these masses that the U.S.S is standing for peace along with the popular democracies and China and to demonstrate that the imperialist U.S. stands for war.

D. Unite the peasants to the right of the working-class movement against the PNP Government and imperialism. The Juventud Socialista should understand that the most important task of all is to perpetuate and further the partisans of peace movement.

9. Recent activities of the Juventud Socialista have been concerned with objections to the U.N. entering into the Korean problem and the printing and distribution of their new peer-age magazine, Casasahel. The Juventud Socialista has participated in the past and now participates in worker activities, distributing manifestos, attending parades, etc. Sometimes they have fought with the Movimiento Juvenil de la CTC (Government) or with elements of the Acción Revolucionaria Guiteras (ARG) in certain parades or to protect their propaganda signs, etc.

10. Placido MUNO in his position as leader of the Juventud Socialista maintains constant contact with youth leaders of the Orthodoxos, PAU, Auténticos Libres, AJLP, various student leaders, and protestant religious youth groups. Apart from this, source
does not supply any indication that EAMO carries on clandestine liaison with or penetration activities into other youth groups.

11. The Comisión Juvenil of the CTC (Communist) is the same type of organization as the Juventud Socialista but with a different name. The only difference between these two is that the Juventud Socialista is a well-organized unit with a definite membership, whereas the Comisión Juvenil is under the direction of the CTC (Communist) and its membership is mainly made up of Juventud Socialista members with non-communist youths forming the balance. The head of the Comisión Juvenil of the CTC (Communist) is Eleonora Sánchez, a Negro, with his deputies, Héctor CARBONELL and Julio LACADO, also Negroes. The official statements and acts of these men are guided and directed by Carlos F. RUIZ DE LA RUA, one of the communist leaders of the CTC. The activities of the Comisión Juvenil are limited mainly to parades and demonstrations of the CTC itself and they do not have an organized existence in the same manner as the Juventud Socialista. Membership of the Comisión Juvenil is on a much more reduced scale than that of the Juventud Socialista.
STATE DEPT DOCUMENT

DATE: 22 JUNE 1949

CLASSIFICATION: RESTRICTED

SUBJECT: PROPOSED CUBAN NATIONAL CONGRESS FOR PEACE AND DEMOCRACY

STATE FILE NO: NO. 486, AMERICAN EMBASSY, HAVANA, CUBA
**PERSONALITY (201) FILE REQUEST**

**SECTION I**

| NAME | SEX | NAME VARIANT |
|------|-----|--------------|
| Lesnick-Menendez, Max | M | |

**SECTION II**

| COUNTRY OF RESIDENCE | ACTION DESE | SECOND COUNTRY INTEREST | THIRD COUNTRY INTEREST |
|-----------------------|-------------|-------------------------|------------------------|
|                       |             |                         |                        |

**SECTION III**

| COMMENTS |
|----------|
| Punched |

**INSTRUCTIONS:** Form must be typed or printed in block letters.

**SECTION I:** List 201 number, name and identifying data in the spaces provided. All known aliases and variants (including maiden name, if applicable) must be listed. If the identifying data varies with the alias used, a separate form must be used. Write UNKNOWN for items you are unable to complete.

**SECTION II:** List cryptonym or pseudonym, if assigned. If true name is sensitive, obtain 201 number from 201 Control Desk and complete Section I and Section III. Use a separate form, enter the 201 number and complete Section II and Section III. Submit each form separately.

**SECTION III:** To be completed in all cases.
FBI DOCUMENT

DATE: 31 DECEMBER 1973

CLASSIFICATION: CONFIDENTIAL

SUBJECT: MAX LESNICK, AKA MAX HIKARO LESNICK-MENENDEZ

FBI FILE NO: 105-3492 (MIAMI)
SECRET

DO DOCUMENT EXTRACT

THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION CONCERNING THE SUBJECT OF THIS 201 DOSSIER HAS BEEN EXTRACTED FROM ANOTHER OFFICIAL DO FILE.
PERSONS PERFORMING NAME TRACES ARE CAUTIONED THAT THE DOCUMENT FROM WHICH THIS EXTRACT WAS PREPARED CONTAINS ADDITIONAL INFORMATION PERTAINING TO THE SUBJECT AND SHOULD BE REQUESTED FROM IP/FILES.

LESNICK, MAX
201-0209258
SEX M
201-0733547
12 DEC 73
LX-03850

AMFREE-1 (classified as good source with retentive memory) was in Cuba from 59-64 (free) and in prison from 64-mid-73, charged with illegally attempting to leave the country - got 9 yrs. He 54 yrs old, Am. cit., turned over to FBI Nov 73.

Src said LESNICK was an officer with Fidel and as of 2 Aug 73 was in Miami working for magazine Replica - src described Lesnick as "red as a beet". When he returned Miami from Cuba, he contacted by Lesnick who wanted to write an article for magazine - src later got anonymous phone call telling him Lesnick dangerous and not to go to interview - he didn't.

DATE 10 JAN 74
09050053

SECRET
EZ IMPDET CL BY 054979
201-209258
FFI DOCUMENTS

DATE: 27 SEPTEMBER 1973
CLASSIFICATION: CONFIDENTIAL
SUBJECT: DIRECTORIO REVOLUCIONARIO (DR)
FFI FILE NO: 105-20202 (MIAMI)

DATE: 8 NOVEMBER 1973
CLASSIFICATION: NONE GIVEN
SUBJECT: DIRECTORIO REVOLUCIONARIO (DR)
FFI FILE NO: 105-20202 (MIAMI)
FBI DOCUMENTS.

DATE: 25 SEPTEMBER 1969.
CLASSIFICATION: NONE GIVEN.
SUBJECT: ROJANDO ARCARIO NASFERRER POJAS
FBI FILE NO: 2-156 (MIAMI).

DATE: 15 OCTOBER 1968.
CLASSIFICATION: NONE GIVEN.
SUBJECT: UNKNOWN SUBJECT, AKA: COMMITTEE OF CUBANS FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE UNITY OF THE EXILE.
FBI FILE NO: 105-16515 (MIAMI).
**United States Department of Justice**

**Immigration and Naturalization Service**

**Director, Central Intelligence Agency**

2430 E Street, N.W.,
Washington, D.C. 20505

Attention: Deputy Director, Plans

Please furnish any derogatory information that may be contained in your files concerning the following person.

**FBI Ident. Number:** None

**Last Name:** Lesnick
**Middle Name:** Menendez
**First Name:** Max Edgardo

**Date of Birth:** September 8, 1930

**Place of Birth:** San Antonio de las Vueltas, Las Villas, Cuba

**Present Nationality:** Cuba

**If Married, Widowed, or Divorced:** Give full name and date and place of birth of spouse or former spouse. Include wife's maiden name. Give dates and places of all marriages or divorces.

Mirlam Alvarez-Digal; dob March 26, 1932 Havana, Cuba; married December 29, 1955 Havana, Cuba; same address.

**Parents:**
- **Father:** Lesnick, Samuel; 7-23-03 Polonia; res. Santo Domingo, Dom. Rep.
- **Mother:** Menendez, Maria Teresa; 2-23-10 Las Villas, Cuba; res. Miami, Florida

**Organizations:**
- Federation Estudiantil Univ. Havana, Cuba, 1949-51
- Ortopedico Varity, Director, Juventud Ortopedico, 1951, 1957-60
- Segundo Frente de la Sierra del Escambray, Natl. Secy, 1957-60

**Residence Last 15 Years:**
- 2122 SW 22nd Terrace, Miami, Florida, Feb 1967 - Present
- 1236 SW 22nd Ave., Miami, Florida, Dec 1961 - Feb 1967
- 960 SW 10th Court, Miami, Fla., Sep 1961 - Dec 1961
- 16th Ave., 2-B Sta., Miami, Fla., July 1961 - Sep 1961
- 1332 NW 2nd Street, Miami, Fla., Jun 1961 - July 1961
- 1332 NW 2nd Street, Miami, Fla., Jun 1961 - Jul 1961

**Employment:**
- Unemployed, Miami, Florida, Present
- Self employed, WMIE Radio Station, NewsComentator, Miami, Feb 1965 - Apr 1967
- Cadena Oriental de Radio, and Radio Periodico El Nacional, Diario Nacional, Havana, Cuba, Feb 1959 - Sep 1960

**Last Admission to U.S.:**
- 01-26-61 KEY: 212(4)(5)

**U.S. Passport No.:** 261-72-9903

**Social Security No.:** 261-72-9903

**Reason for Request:**
- Perm. Res. Investigation

**Army Forces Serial No.:**
- 105-1510
- 105-2492
- 105-2489
- 105-2424
- 64869 San Antonio 3-50-61

**For Agency Reply:**
- All to CSCI-3/761, dated 27 March 1961
- Subject: Lesnick Menendez, Max

**Central Intelligence Agency**

(3)
**United States Department of Justice**

**Immigration and Naturalization Service**

**Applicant's Name:** Lesnick Max Edward

**Date of Birth:** 09/08/30

**Nationality:** Cuban

**Alien Registration No.:** 45-64529

**City and Country of Birth:** Villas, Lpa, Villa

**Social Security No.:** 12-12-12

**Family Name:** Lesnick

**First Name:** Max

**Date of Birth:** 09/08/30

**City and Country of Birth:** Villas, Lpa, Villa

**Father's Name:** Lesnick

**Mother's Name:** Lesnick

**Spouse's Name:** (If None, So State)

**First Name:** Lesnick

**Date of Birth:** 09/08/30

**City and Country of Birth:** Villas, Lpa, Villa

**Place of Marriage:**

**Date and Place of Marriage:**

**Applicant's Residence Last Five Years:**

| Street and Number | City | Province or State | Country | From Month | Year | To Month | Year | Present Time |
|-------------------|------|-------------------|---------|------------|------|----------|------|--------------|
| 123 Main St.      | City | Province          | Country | 10/01/57   | 1957 | 11/01/57 | 1957 | Present      |

**Lesnick Menendez Max Edward**

**Applicant's Employment Last Five Years:**

| Full Name and Address of Employer | Occupation | From Month | Year | To Month | Year | Present Time |
|----------------------------------|------------|------------|------|----------|------|--------------|
| 123 Main St.                     |            | 10/01/57   | 1957 | 11/01/57 | 1957 | Present      |

**Last Foreign Residence of More Than One Year:**

| City | Country | From Month | Year | To Month | Year | City | Country |
|------|---------|------------|------|----------|------|------|---------|
|      |         | 01/01/57   | 1957 | 12/31/57 | 1957 |      |         |

This form is submitted in connection with application for:

- Naturalization
- Adjustment of Status
- Other (Specify)

**Signature of Applicant or Petitioner:**

**Date:**

**Signature:**

**Note:** False sworn statements are punishable by law for knowingly and willfully making a false statement or concealing a material fact.
DATE: 18 AUGUST 1946
CLASSIFICATION: NONE GIVEN
SUBJECT: PARTIDO DE LA REVOLUCION (PR)
FBI FILE NO.: 105-10748 (MIAMI)
SECRET

PRIORITY DIR CITE WAVE 675P
NO NMAC

1. FULL INITIAL INFO RE MAX LESNIK ROLE IN SURFACING OF CUBAN DELEGATION TO UN PRESS RELEASE RE TEXT 12 OCT CUBAN GOVT NOTE TO U.S. GOVT. PRIMARY SOURCE IS AMLINK 1 SOME CONFIRMATORY DATA FROM AMOS.

2. MORNING 19 OCT MAX LESNIK MENENDEZ 201-209258 WAS IN OFFICES SEGUNDO FREnte NACIONAL DE ESCAMBAY (SFNE) WHEN MAIL RECEIVED. INCLUDED WAS PLAIN MANILA ENVELOPE SENT AIRMAIL, NO ADDRESS SEEN. ADDRESSED ONLY TO STREET ADDRESS, WITH SNFE NAME NOT APPEARING. ENVELOPE OPENED TO ENVELOPE WHICH CONTAINED COPIES OLD CASTRO AND CUBA ARA SPEECHES PLUS TYPED COPY OF TYPE D "PRESS RELEASE" OR "FOR" HEADED CUBA MISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS, THREE-PAGE SPANISH LONGFORM TEXT.

3. LESNIK BEGAN TRY DETERMINE IF OTHER EXILE GROUPS OR AMERICAN PRESS ELEMENTS HAD RECEIVED COPIES RELEASE. CHECKS WITH USIA, AP, TIME WERE NEGATIVE. PASSED LESNIK QUERY JORGE VOLSKY OF USIA (WHO NOW HAS CHANGED HIS STRINGER ALLEGIANCE FROM NEW YORK TIMES TO NY TIMES HERALD.

201-209258
21 OCT 65
TRIBUNE PHONED MIAMI COORDINATOR CUBAN AFFAIRS WHO REPLIED HAD NO
KNOWLEDGE MATTER. VOLSKY THEN PHONED BARNARD COLLIER NYHT LATIN
AMERICAN CORRESPONDENT WHO CHECKED BY PHONE WITH CUBAN UN DELEGATION.
PERSON WHO ANSWERED PHONE, APPARENTLY A SECRETARY, CONFIRMED EXISTENCE
OF PRESS RELEASE BUT WAS VAGUE RE POSSIBLE DISTRIBUTION. LESNIX
READ FROM RELEASE AND COMMENTED ON CONTENTS DURING HIS RADIO PROGRAM
NIGHT IS OUT. COLLIER BROKE STORY IN NYHT MORNING 20 OCT.
4. CUBAN EXILE CIRCLES SPECULATE THAT PERSON WITHIN OR HAVING
CONTACT WITH CUBAN UN MISSION STOLE COPY OF RELEASE AND SENT IT
ANONYMOUSLY TO SFNE. NO EVIDENCE TO SUPPORT THIS OR ANY OTHER THEORY
SECRET
CFN 636 MAX LESNIX UN 12 U.E. ANSLINA I AMOT 19 201 209258
SEGUNDO FREnte NACIONAL DE ESCAMOSAY SFNE SFNE NOT APPEARING DIEGO
MEDINA CASTRO GUEVARA D SPANISH USIA AP TIME JORGE VOLSKY USIA NEW IOWA
TIMES NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE MIAMI NO KNOWLEDGE VOLSKY BARNARD
COLLIER NYHT LATIN AMERICAN CUBAN UN 19 OCT COLLIER NYHT 20 OCT
UN SFNE NO EVIDENCE
BT
SECRET 1960812
DIR CITE WAVE 5089
TYPIC AMKNOB AMRAZZ AMOT
REF DIR 31265

1. AMRAZZ/1 DISCREETLY SOUNDED EXILE COMMUNITY WAVE AREA ON
REF ROMS WITH FOLLOWING RESULTS:

A. IDEN A TOLD AMRAZZ/1 ON 7 AUG 65 THAT AMJAG/7 (201-209258)
HAD RECENTLY SAID THAT CONFLICTING REPORTS (NATURE AND MEDIUM NOT
SPECIFIED) ISSUED BY KUBARK AND ODDEAT RE DOMINICAN CRISIS RESULTED
IN DOWNGRADING KUBARK, AND SINCE CRISIS IT RUMORED (NOT SPECIFIED
BY WHOM) ODDEAT WOULD BE SUBSTITUTED ANY MOMENT FOR KUBARK IN
HANDLING PBRUMEN PROBLEM. IDEN A ADDED HE SURE AMJAG/7 EMPLOYED
BY KUBARK AND ASSUMED HE GOT INFO FROM HIS KUBARK CONTACT.

(WAVE COMMENT) IN BOTH DAILY RADIO PROGRAM (IDEN B) AND NEWSPAPER
(IDEN C) HE RUNS, IDEN A HAS CONSISTENTLY FOLLOWED ANTI KUBARK LINE
SET BY AMBANG/1 INCLUDING HINTS THAT KUBARK BEING BASED OUT OF
PBRUMEN OPS; IN MEET WITH AMRAZZ/1, IDEN A PRESUMABLY USED AMJAG/7
NAME WHO HIGHLY RESPECTED ORDER LEND CREDENCE TO RUMOR AND THREW
AMJAG/7-KUBARK TIE FOR MORE WEIGHT. AMJAG/7 CONSIDERED VERY.

SECRET

201-209257
17 Aug 65

201-352352
SECRET

SECRET, BELIEVED NOT KNOWN IN EXILE COMMUNITY AS HAVING ANY KUBARK TIES.

B. AMTRUNK/1 (201-352252) TOLD AMRAZZ/1 10 AUG 82 OF UNSPECIFIED RUMORS IN EXILE COMMUNITY RE POSSIBLE ODBeat TAKEOVER OF ANTI PBRUMEN ACTIVITIES. TIME AND EXTENT ODBeat TAKEOVER NOT KNOWN. AMTRUNK/1 SEES NO DRASTIC CHANGE EVEN IF RUMOR TRUE BUT SAID HE NOTICED GRADUAL DECREASE KUBARK PERSONNEL IN AREA SINCE FALL AMBIDDY/1 AND CORRESPONDING INCREASE ODBeat AGENTS. ADDED HE PERSONALLY KNEW PBRUMEN IN AREA EMPLOYED BY ODBeat BUT DECLINED PROVIDE NAMES. (WAVE COMMENTS: MANY MEMBERS AMWORLD ALLUDED TO NO CLAIMED KUBARK STATUS. DECREASE THESE TYPES SINCE DISANDMENT AMWORLD COULD ACCOUNT FOR ALLEGED REDUCTION NUMBER KUBARK AGENTS WAVE AREA.)

2. WAVE FEELS RUMORS GENERATED SOME EXTENT BY AX-GRINDERS LIKE IDENA AND BY OPPORTUNISTS HOPING FOR OVERALL CHANGE WHICH MIGHT ENABLE THEM GAIN ODYOKO SUPPORT FOR OWN PERSONAL AIDS. NEWSPAPER IDENA CONTRIBUTED TO START OF RUMORS BY PLAYING UP ODENVY "INVESTIGATION" KUBARK ACTIVITIES SANTO DOMINGO AND HINTING NEW CHIEF KUBARK INDICATED PHASE OUT CIVILIAN CONTROL ANTI-PBRUMEN OPS.

SECRET

CFN 5089 31065 AMRAZZ/1 RQMS A AMRAZZ/1 7 65 AMJAG/7 201-209258

NOT SPECIFIED KUBARK ODBeat RE DOMINICAN NOT SPECIFIED PBRUMEN
AMJAG/7 B C A ANTI AMBANG/1 OPS AMRAZZ/1 A AMJAG/7 AMJAG/7
NOT KNOWN AMTRUNK/1 201-352252 AMRAZZ/1 10 NOT KNOWN AMTRUNK/1
NO DRASTIC AMFIDY/1 AMWORLD AMWORLD AX-GRINDERS A ODYKE D
ODENY SANTO DOMINGO OPS
BT
SECRET 1900612

DIR CITE WAVE 5090

TYPIC AMKNOE A RAZZ AMOT

REF WAVE 5089 (35072)

IDEN A: MAX EDGARDO LESNIX MENENDEZ (201-209258).

IDEN B: "REPLICA" PROGRAM DAILY 1845-1900 HRS, WMIE.

IDEN C: REPLICA NEWSPAPER

IDEN D: PATRIA NEWSPAPER, BATISTIANO WEEKLY.

SECRET

CFN 5090 5089 A MAX EDGARDO LESNIX MENENDEZ 201-209258 B "REPLICA" 1845-1900 HRS WMIE C REPLICA D PATRIA BATISTIANO WEEKLY

BT

SECRET

B 201-352252

201-209258

19 Aug 65
FBI DOCUMENT

DATE: 29 JANUARY 1965

CLASSIFICATION: SECRET

SUBJECT: SECOND NATIONAL FRONT OF ESCAMBAY (SNFE)

FBI FILE NO: 105-6243 (MIAMI)