[ {"created_timestamp": "01-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0001-0001", "content": "Title: 1770 January 16.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At my Office all Day.\n Last Evening at Dr. Peckers with the Clubb.\u2014Otis is in Confusion yet. He looses himself. He rambles and wanders like a Ship without an Helm. Attempted to tell a Story which took up almost all the Evening. The Story may at any Time be told in 3 minutes with all the Graces it is capable of, but he took an Hour. I fear he is not in his perfect Mind. The Nervous, Concise, and pithy were his Character, till lately. Now the verbose, roundabout and rambling, and long winded. He once said He hoped he should never see T.H. in Heaven. Dan. Waldo took offence at it, and made a serious Affair of it, said Otis very often bordered upon Prophaneness, if he was not strictly profane. Otis said, if he did see H. there he hoped it would be behind the Door.\u2014In my fathers House are many Mansions, some more and some less honourable.\n In one Word, Otis will spoil the Clubb. He talkes so much and takes up so much of our Time, and fills it with Trash, Obsceneness, Profaneness, Nonsense and Distraction, that We have no time left for rational Amusements or Enquiries.\n He mentioned his Wife\u2014said she was a good Wife, too good for him\u2014but she was a tory, an high Tory. She gave him such Curtain Lectures, &c.\n In short, I never saw such an Object of Admiration, Reverence, Contempt and Compassion all at once as this. I fear, I tremble, I mourn for the Man, and for his Country. Many others mourne over him with Tears in their Eyes.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0002-0001", "content": "Title: 1770. Monday Feby. 26. or Thereabouts.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Rode from Weymouth. Stoppd at my House, Veseys Blacksmith shop, my Brothers, my Mothers, and Robinsons.\n These 5 Stops took up the day. When I came into Town, I saw a vast Collection of People, near Liberty Tree\u2014enquired and found the funeral of the Child, lately kil\u2019d by Richardson was to be attended. Went into Mr. Rowes, and wanned me, and then went out with him to the Funeral, a vast Number of Boys walked before the Coffin, a vast Number of Women and Men after it, and a Number of Carriages. My Eyes never beheld such a funeral. The Procession extended further than can be well imagined.\n This Shewes, there are many more Lives to spend if wanted in the Service of their Country.\n It Shews, too that the Faction is not yet expiring\u2014that the Ardor of the People is not to be quelled by the Slaughter of one Child and the Wounding of another.\n At Clubb this Evening, Mr. Scott and Mr. Cushing gave us a most alarming Account of Otis. He has been this afternoon raving Mad-raving vs. Father, Wife, Brother, Sister, Friend &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0003-0003", "content": "Title: June 26.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Last of Service; very little Business this Court. The Bar and the Clerks universally complain of the Scarcity of Business. So little was perhaps never known, at July Term. The Cause must be the Non Importation agreement, and the Declension of Trade. So that the Lawyers loose as much by this Patriotic Measure as the Merchants, and Tradesmen.\n Stephens the Connecticutt Hemp Man was at my Office, with Mr. Counsellor Powell and Mr. Kent. Stephens says that the whole Colony of Connecticutt has given more implicit Observance to a Letter from the Select Men of Boston than to their Bibles for some Years. And that in Consequence of it, the Country is vastly happier, than it was, for every Family has become a little manufactory House, and they raise and make within themselves, many Things, for which they used to run in debt to the Merchants and Traders. So that No Body is hurt but Boston, and the Maritime Towns.\u2014I wish there was a Tax of 5s. st. on every Button, from England. It would be vastly for the good of this Country, &c. As to all the Bustle and Bombast about Tea, it has been begun by about 1/2 doz. Hollands Tea Smugglers, who could not find so much Profit in their Trade, since the Nine Pence was taken off in England.\u2014Thus He. Some Sense and some Nonsense!", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0003-0005", "content": "Title: June 28. Thursday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Mr. Goldthwait. Do you call tomorrow and dine with Us at flax Pond near Salem. Rowe, Davis, Brattle and half a dozen, as clever fellows as ever were born, are to dine there under the shady Trees, by the Pond, upon fish, and Bacon and Pees &c. and as to the Madeira, nothing can come up to it. Do you call. We\u2019ll give a genteell Dinner and fix you off on your Journey.\n Rumours of Ships and Troops, a Fleet and an Army, 10 Regiments and a No. of line of Battle Ships, were talked of to day.\n If an Armament should come, what will be done by the People? Will they oppose them?\n \u201cIf, by supporting the Rights of Mankind, and of invincible Truth, I shall contribute to save from the Agonies of Death one unfortunate Victim of Tyranny, or of Ignorance, equally fatal; his Blessing and Tears of Transport, will be a sufficient Consolation to me, for the Contempt of all Mankind.\u201d Essay on Crimes and Punishments. Page 42.\n I have received such Blessings and enjoyed such Tears of Transport\u2014 and there is no greater Pleasure, or Consolation! Journeying to Plymouth at a Tavern, I found a Man, who either knew me before, or by enquiring of some Person then present, discovered who I was. He went out and saddled my Horse and bridled him, and held the Stirrup while I mounted. Mr. Adams says he, as a Man of Liberty, I respect you. God bless you! Tie stand by you, while I live, and from hence to Cape Cod you wont find 10 Men amiss.\u2014A few Years ago, a Person arrained for a Rape at Worcester, named me to the Court for his Council. I was appointed, and the Man was acquitted, but remanded in order to be tryed on another Indictment for an assault with Intention to ravish. When he had returned to Prison, he broke out of his own Accord\u2014God bless Mr. Adams. God bless his Soul I am not to be hanged, and I dont care what else they do to me.\u2014Here was his Blessing and his Transport which gave me more Pleasure, when I first heard die Relation and when I have recollected it since, than any fee would have done. This was a worthless fellow, but nihil humanum, alienum. His Joy, which I had in some Sense been instrumental in procuring, and his Blessings and good Wishes, occasioned very agreable Emotions in the Heart.\n This afternoon Mr. Wm. Frobisher gave me a Narration of his Services to the Province, in introducing the Manufacture of Pot ashes and Pearl ashes, and of his unsuccessful Petitions to the General Court for a Compensation. He says he has suffered in his fortune, by his Labours and Expences, and has been instrumental of introducing and establishing the Manufacture And can obtain nothing. That \u00a325,000 st. worth of Potashes have been exported from this Town, yearly for 5 Years past, and more than that Quantity for the last two Years as appears by the Custom House Books, and Mr. Sheaff the Collector was his Informer. That He has invented a Method of making Potashes, in much greater Quantity, and better Quality, than heretofore has been done, from the same materials, without any Augmentation of Expence. That he went to Hingham and worked with Mr. Lincoln a month, and has a Certificate from him, to the foregoing Purpose. That his new Method seperates from the Potash, a neutral Salt that is very pure and of valuable Use in medicine, &c. and that if his Method was adopted, no Russian Potash would sell at any Markett where American, was to be had.\u2014Thus Projectors, ever restless.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0003-0007", "content": "Title: June 30th. 1770. Saturday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Arose not very early and drank a Pint of new Milk and set off. Oated my Horse at Newbury. Rode to Clarks at Greenland Meeting house, where I gave him Hay and Oats, and then set off for Newington. Turned in at a Gate by Colonel March\u2019s, and passed thro two Gates more before I came into the Road that carried me to my Uncles. I found the old Gentleman in his 82d. Year, as hearty and alert as ever, his Son and daughter, well\u2014their Children grown up, and every Thing strange to me. I find I had forgot the Place. It is 17 Years I presume since I was there. My Reception was friendly, cordial, and hospitable, as I could wish. Took a chearfull, agreable Dinner, and then Sat off for York, over Bloody Point Ferry, a Way I never went before, and arrived at Woodbridges 1/2 Hour after Sunset.\n I have had a very unsentimental Journey, excepting this day at Dinner Time. Have been unfortunate eno, to ride alone all the Way, and have met with very few Characters or Adventures.\n Soon after I alighted at Woodbridges in York, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Sewall and Mr. Farnum, returned from an Excursion they had made to Agamentacus, on a Party of Pleasure. It is the highest Mountain in this Part of the World, seen first by Sailors coming in from sea. It is in the Town of York, about 7 miles from the Court House. The Talk much, this Evening, of erecting a Beacon upon it.\n I forgot Yesterday to mention, that I stopped and enquired the Name of a Pond, in Wenham, which I found was Wenham Pond, and also the Name of a remarkable little Hill at the mouth of the Pond, which resembles a high Loaf of our Country brown Bread, and found that it is called Peters\u2019s Hill to this day, from the famous Hugh Peters, who about the Year 1640 or before, preached from the Top of that Hillock, to the People who congregated round the Sides of it, without any Shelter for the Hearers, before any Buildings were erected, for public Worship.\n By accidentally taking this new rout, I have avoided Portsmouth and my old Friend the Governor of it. But I must make my Compliments to him, as I return. It is a Duty. He is my Friend And I am his. I should have seen enough of the Pomps and Vanities and Ceremonies of that little World, Portsmouth If I had gone there, but Formalities and Ceremonies are an abomination in my sight. I hate them, in Religion, Government, Science, Life.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0004-0001", "content": "Title: July 1st. 1770. Sunday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Arose early at Paul Dudley Woodbridge\u2019s. A cloudy morning. Took a Walk to the Pasture, to see how my Horse fared. Saw my old Friend and Classmate David Sewall walking in his Garden. My little mare had provided for herself by leaping out of a bare Pasture into a neighbouring Lott of mowing Ground, and had filled herself, with Grass and Water. These are important Materials for History no doubt. My Biographer will scarcely introduce my little Mare, and her Adventures in quest of Feed and Water.\n The Children of the House have got a young Crow, a Sight I never saw before. The Head and Bill are monstrous, the leggs and Clawes are long and sprawling. But the young Crow and the little mare are objects, that will not interest Posterity.\n Landlord says David Sewall is not of the Liberty Side. The Moultons, Lymans, and Sewalls, and Sayward, are all of the Prerogative Side.\u2014They are afraid of their Commissions\u2014and rather than hazard them, they would ruin the Country. We had a fair Tryal of them when we met to return Thanks to the 92 Antirescinders. None of them voted for it, tho none of them, but Sayward and his Bookkeeper had Courage enough to hold up his Hand, when the Vote was put the Contrary Way.\n This same Landlord I find is a high Son. He has upon his Sign Board, Entertainment for the Sons of Liberty, under the Portrait of Mr. Pitt.\u2014Thus the Spirit of Liberty circulates thro every minute Artery of the Province.\n Heard Mr. Lyman all day. They have 4 deacons and Three Elders in this Church. Bradbury is an Elder, and Sayward is a Deacon. Lyman preached from \u201cwhich Things the Angells desire to look into.\u201d\n Drank Coffee at home, with Mr. Farnum, who came in to see me, and then went to D. Sewalls where I spent an Hour, with Farnum, Winthrop and Sewall and when I came away took a View of the Comet, which was then near the North Star\u2014a large, bright Nucleus, in the Center of a nebulous Circle.\n Came home, and took a Pipe after Supper with Landlord who is a staunch, zealous Son of Liberty. He speaks doubtfully of the new Councillor Gowing Gowen of Kittery. Says he always runs away till he sees how a Thing will go. Says he will lean to the other Side. Says, that He, (the Landlord) loves Peace, And should be very glad to have the Matter settled upon friendly Terms, without Bloodshed, but he would venture his own Life, and spend all he had in the World before he would give up.\n He gives a sad Account of the Opposition and Persecution he has suffered from the Tories, for his Zeal and Firmness against their Schemes. Says they, i.e. the Moultons, Sewalls and Lymans, contrived every Way to thwart, vex, and distress him, and have got 1000 stferling] from him at least, but he says that Providence has seemed to frown upon them, one running distracted and another &c, and has favoured him in Ways that he did not foresee.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0004-0005", "content": "Title: Thursday Afternoon [12 July.]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n 3 O Clock, got into my Desobligeant to go home. 2 or 3 miles out of Town I overtook 2 Men on horseback. They rode sometimes before me, then would fall behind, and seemed a little unsteady. At last one of \u2019em came up. What is your Name? Why of what Consequence is it what my Name is? Why says he only as we are travelling the Road together, I wanted to know where you came from, and what your Name was. I told him my Name.\u2014Where did you come from? Boston. Where have you been? To Falmouth. Upon a Frolick I suppose? No upon Business. What Business pray? Business at Court.\n Thus far I humoured his Impertinence. Well now says he do you want to know my Name? Yes. My Name is Robert Jordan, I belong to Cape Elizabeth, and am now going round there. My forefathers came over here and settled a great many Years ago.\u2014After a good deal more of this harmless Impertinence, he turned off, and left me.\u2014I baited at Millikins and rode thro Saco Woods, and then rode from Saco Bridge, thro the Woods to Pattens after Night\u2014many sharp, steep Hills, many Rocks, many deep Rutts, and not a Footstep of Man, except in the Road. It was vastly disagreable. Lodged at Pattens.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0004-0006", "content": "Title: Fryday July 13. 1770.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Arose and walked with Patten to see the neighbouring Fields of English Grass and Grain and Indian Corn, consuming before the Worms. A long black Worm crawls up the Stalk of Rye or Grass and feeds upon the leaves. The Indian Corn looked stripped to a Skelleton, and that was black with the Worms. I found that they prevail very much in Arundell and Wells and so all along to Portsmouth and to Hampton.\n Stopped two Hours at Mr. Hemenways, and then rode thro the Woods, in excessive Heat to York, dined at Woodbridges, who was much elated with his new Licence, and after Dinner was treating his friends, some of them. Spent an Hour at Mr. Sewalls with Elder Bradbury and then went to Portsmouth, crossed the Ferry after 9 O Clock and putt up at Tiltons the Sign of the Marquis of Rockingham\u2014a very good House. I will call no more at Stavers\u2019s. I found very good Entertainment, and excellent Attendance\u2014a very convenient House, a spacious Yard, good stables, and an excellent Garden, full of Carrotts, Beets, Cabbages, Onions, Colliflowers, &c. This Tiltons is just behind the State House.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0004-0007", "content": "Title: Saturday July 14. 1770.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Arose at 4. Got ready as soon as I could and rode out of Town a few Miles to Breakfast. Breakfasted at Lovatts in Hampton, 10 miles from Portsmouth and 12 from Newbury. Threatened with a very hot day. I hope I shall not be so overcome with Heat and Fatigue as I was Yesterday.\n I fully intended to have made a long Visit to Governor Wentworth, upon this Occasion. But he was unluckily gone to Wolfborough, so that this Opportunity is lost.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0004", "content": "Title: [July 1770]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n July 1st. 1770. Sunday.\n Arose early at Paul Dudley Woodbridge\u2019s. A cloudy morning. Took a Walk to the Pasture, to see how my Horse fared. Saw my old Friend and Classmate David Sewall walking in his Garden. My little mare had provided for herself by leaping out of a bare Pasture into a neighbouring Lott of mowing Ground, and had filled herself, with Grass and Water. These are important Materials for History no doubt. My Biographer will scarcely introduce my little Mare, and her Adventures in quest of Feed and Water.\n The Children of the House have got a young Crow, a Sight I never saw before. The Head and Bill are monstrous, the leggs and Clawes are long and sprawling. But the young Crow and the little mare are objects, that will not interest Posterity.\n Landlord says David Sewall is not of the Liberty Side. The Moultons, Lymans, and Sewalls, and Sayward, are all of the Prerogative Side.\u2014They are afraid of their Commissions\u2014and rather than hazard them, they would ruin the Country. We had a fair Tryal of them when we met to return Thanks to the 92 Antirescinders. None of them voted for it, tho none of them, but Sayward and his Bookkeeper had Courage enough to hold up his Hand, when the Vote was put the Contrary Way.\n This same Landlord I find is a high Son. He has upon his Sign Board, Entertainment for the Sons of Liberty, under the Portrait of Mr. Pitt.\u2014Thus the Spirit of Liberty circulates thro every minute Artery of the Province.\n Heard Mr. Lyman all day. They have 4 deacons and Three Elders in this Church. Bradbury is an Elder, and Sayward is a Deacon. Lyman preached from \u201cwhich Things the Angells desire to look into.\u201d\n Drank Coffee at home, with Mr. Farnum, who came in to see me, and then went to D. Sewalls where I spent an Hour, with Farnum, Winthrop and Sewall and when I came away took a View of the Comet, which was then near the North Star\u2014a large, bright Nucleus, in the Center of a nebulous Circle.\n Came home, and took a Pipe after Supper with Landlord who is a staunch, zealous Son of Liberty. He speaks doubtfully of the new Councillor Gowing Gowen of Kittery. Says he always runs away till he sees how a Thing will go. Says he will lean to the other Side. Says, that He, (the Landlord) loves Peace, And should be very glad to have the Matter settled upon friendly Terms, without Bloodshed, but he would venture his own Life, and spend all he had in the World before he would give up.\n He gives a sad Account of the Opposition and Persecution he has suffered from the Tories, for his Zeal and Firmness against their Schemes. Says they, i.e. the Moultons, Sewalls and Lymans, contrived every Way to thwart, vex, and distress him, and have got 1000 stferling] from him at least, but he says that Providence has seemed to frown upon them, one running distracted and another &c, and has favoured him in Ways that he did not foresee.\n \u201cThose members of the General Court who refused [30 June 1768] to rescind the resolution of the preceding House, directing a circular letter [11 Feb. 1768] to be sent to the several assemblies on the continent. This had given so great offence to the government at home, that it demanded some act of recantation. The vote stood ninety-two against, and seventeen for, rescinding\u201d (note by CFA on this passage, JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850\u20131856; 10 vols., 2:243). The text of the circular, which proposed that \u201cconstitutional measures\u201d be taken by each of the colonies against the Townsnend Revenue Act of 1767, is in Mass., Speeches of the Governors, &c., 1765\u20131775[Alden Bradford, ed.,] Speeches of the Governors of Massachusetts, from 1765 to 1775 ..., Boston, 1818., p. 134\u2013136. The names of the seventeen rescinders are recorded in Rowe, Letters and DiaryLetters and Diary of John Rowe, Boston Merchant, 1759\u20131762, 1764\u20131779, ed. Anne Rowe Cunningham, Boston, 1903., p. 167\u2013168. One was Jonathan Sayward of York.\n John Bradbury, sometime member of the General Court and of the Council; not to be confused with his relative Theophilus, Harvard 1757, called \u201cBrother Bradbury\u201d by JA, a young lawyer of Falmouth (now Portland); see William B. Lapham, Bradbury Memorial ... , Portland, 1890, passim; and below, vol. 2:40, 41, 43, 62.\n Monday morning, in my Sulky before 5 o clock, Mr. Winthrop, Farnum and D. Sewall, with me on Horse back. Rode thro the Woods the Tide being too high to go over the Beach and to cross Cape Nittick Neddick River. Came to Littlefields in Wells 1/4 before 8 o clock. Stopped there and breakfasted. Afterwards Sewall and I stopped at the Door of our Classmate Hemenway, whom we found well, and very friendly, complaisant and hospitable, invited us to alight, to stop on our Return, and take a bed with him, and he enquired of me, where I lived in Boston. Said he would make it his Business to come and see me &c. Rode to Pattens of Arundel, and Mr. Winthrop and I turned our Horses into a little Close to roll and cool themselves and feed upon white honey suckle. Farnum and Sewal are gone forward to James Sullivans to get Dinner ready.\n Stopped at James Sullivans at Biddeford, and drank Punch, dined at Allens a Tavern at the Bridge. After Dinner Farnham, Winthrop, Sewall, Sullivan and I walked 1/4 of a mile down the River to see one Poke, a Woman, at least 110 Years of age, some say 115. When we came to the House, nobody was at home but the old Woman and she lay in Bed asleep under the Window. We looked in at the Window, and saw an Object of Horror. Strong Muscles, withered and wrinkled to a Degree, that I never saw before.\n After some Time her daughter came from a Neighbours House and we went in. The old Woman roused herself and looked round, very composedly upon Us, without saying a Word. The Daughter told her, \u201chere is a Number of Gentlemen come to see you.\u201d Gentlemen, says the old antedeluvian, I am glad to see them. I want them to pray for me\u2014my Prayers I fear are not answered. I used to think my Prayers were answered, but of late I think they are not I have been praying so long for deliverance. Oh living God, come in Mercy! Lord Jesus come in Mercy! Sweet Christ come in Mercy. I used to have comfort in God and set a good Example, but I fear\u2014&c.\n Her Mouth were full of large rugged Teeth, and her daughter says, since she was 100 Years old she had two new double Teeth come out. Her Hair is white as Snow, but there is a large Quantity of it on her Head. Her Arms are nothing but Bones covered over with a withered, wrinkled, Skin and Nerves. In short any Person will be convinced from the sight of her that she is as old as they say at least. She told us she was born in Ireland, within a Mile of Derry, came here in the Reign of K. William, she remembers the Reign of King Charles 2d., James 2d., Wm. and Mary. She remembers King James\u2019s Warrs, &c. But has got quite lost about her Age. Her daughter asked her how old she was. She said upwards of Three score, but she could not tell.\n Got into my Chair after my Return from the old Woman, rode with Elder Bradbury thro Sir William Pepperells Woods, stopped and oated at Millikins, and rode into Falmouth, and putt up at Mr. Jonathan Webbs\u2014Where I found my Classmate Charles Cushing, Mr. George Lyde, the Collector here, one Mr. Johnson and one Mr. Crocker.\n James Sullivan, afterward governor of Massachusetts, had just been admitted attorney in the Superior Court term at York in June; admitted barrister, 1772 (Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Books 92, 97).\n Space thus left in MS.\n Rose in comfortable Health.\n This Week has been taken up in the Hurry of the Court, and I have not been able to snatch a Moment to put down any Thing. The softly People where I lodge, Don Webb and his Wife, are the Opposites of every Thing great, spirited and enterprizing. His father was a dissenting Parson, and a Relation of mine, a zealous Puritan, and famous Preacher. This son however without the least Regard to his Education, his Connections, Relations, Reputation, or Examination into the controversy turns about and goes to Church, merely because an handfull of young foolish fellows here, took it into their Heads to go. Don never was, or aimed to be any Thing at Colledge but a silent Hearer of a few Rakes, and he continues to this day the same Man, rather the same softly living Thing that creepeth upon the face of the Earth. He attempted Trade but failed in that\u2014now keeps School and takes Boarders, and his Wife longs to be genteel, to go to Dances, Assemblies, Dinners, suppers &c\u2014but cannot make it out for Want thereof. Such Imbicility of Genius, such Poverty of Spirit, such Impotence of Nerve, is often accompanied with a fribbling Affectation of Politeness, which is to me completely ridiculous\u2014green Tea, if We could but get it\u2014Madeira Wine, if I could but get it\u2014Collectors genteel Company, Dances, late suppers and Clubbs, &c. &c.\n To make the meaning clear, either an apostrophe or a comma (and more likely the former) should have been inserted after this word, but there is no punctuation in the MS.\n Thursday Afternoon 12 July.\n 3 O Clock, got into my Desobligeant to go home. 2 or 3 miles out of Town I overtook 2 Men on horseback. They rode sometimes before me, then would fall behind, and seemed a little unsteady. At last one of \u2019em came up. What is your Name? Why of what Consequence is it what my Name is? Why says he only as we are travelling the Road together, I wanted to know where you came from, and what your Name was. I told him my Name.\u2014Where did you come from? Boston. Where have you been? To Falmouth. Upon a Frolick I suppose? No upon Business. What Business pray? Business at Court.\n Thus far I humoured his Impertinence. Well now says he do you want to know my Name? Yes. My Name is Robert Jordan, I belong to Cape Elizabeth, and am now going round there. My forefathers came over here and settled a great many Years ago.\u2014After a good deal more of this harmless Impertinence, he turned off, and left me.\u2014I baited at Millikins and rode thro Saco Woods, and then rode from Saco Bridge, thro the Woods to Pattens after Night\u2014many sharp, steep Hills, many Rocks, many deep Rutts, and not a Footstep of Man, except in the Road. It was vastly disagreable. Lodged at Pattens.\n Arose and walked with Patten to see the neighbouring Fields of English Grass and Grain and Indian Corn, consuming before the Worms. A long black Worm crawls up the Stalk of Rye or Grass and feeds upon the leaves. The Indian Corn looked stripped to a Skelleton, and that was black with the Worms. I found that they prevail very much in Arundell and Wells and so all along to Portsmouth and to Hampton.\n Stopped two Hours at Mr. Hemenways, and then rode thro the Woods, in excessive Heat to York, dined at Woodbridges, who was much elated with his new Licence, and after Dinner was treating his friends, some of them. Spent an Hour at Mr. Sewalls with Elder Bradbury and then went to Portsmouth, crossed the Ferry after 9 O Clock and putt up at Tiltons the Sign of the Marquis of Rockingham\u2014a very good House. I will call no more at Stavers\u2019s. I found very good Entertainment, and excellent Attendance\u2014a very convenient House, a spacious Yard, good stables, and an excellent Garden, full of Carrotts, Beets, Cabbages, Onions, Colliflowers, &c. This Tiltons is just behind the State House.\n Saturday July 14. 1770.\n Arose at 4. Got ready as soon as I could and rode out of Town a few Miles to Breakfast. Breakfasted at Lovatts in Hampton, 10 miles from Portsmouth and 12 from Newbury. Threatened with a very hot day. I hope I shall not be so overcome with Heat and Fatigue as I was Yesterday.\n I fully intended to have made a long Visit to Governor Wentworth, upon this Occasion. But he was unluckily gone to Wolfborough, so that this Opportunity is lost.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0005-0001", "content": "Title: 1770. August. 9th. Thursday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n I received from Mr. Gill an Intimation, that a Letter from me would not be disagreable to you, and have been emboldened, by that Means, to run the Venture of giving you this Trouble. I have read with much Admiration, Mrs. Maccaulays History of England &c. It is formed upon the Plan, which I have ever wished to see adopted by Historians. It is calculated to strip off the Gilding and false Lustre from worthless Princes and Nobles, and to bestow the Reward of Virtue, Praise upon the generous and worthy only.\n No Charms of Eloquence, can atone for the Want of this exact Historical Morality. And I must be allowed to say, I have never seen an History in which it is more religiously regarded.\n It was from this History, as well as from the concurrent Testimony, of all who have come to this Country from England, that I had formed the highest Opinion of the Author as one of the brightest ornaments not only of her Sex but of her Age and Country. I could not therefore, but esteem the Information given me by Mr. Gill, as one of the most agreable and fortunate Occurences of my Life.\n Indeed it was rather a Mortification to me to find that a few fugitive Speculations in a News Paper, had excited your Curiosity to enquire after me. The Production, which some Person in England, I know not who, has been pleased to intitle a Dissertation on the cannon and the Feudal Law, was written, at Braintree about Eleven Miles from Boston in the Year 1765, written at Random weekly without any preconceived Plan, printed in the Newspapers, without Correction, and so little noticed or regarded here that the Author never thought it worth his while to give it Either a Title or a signature. And indeed the Editor in London, might with more Propriety have called it The What d ye call it, or as the Critical Reviewers did a flimsy lively Rhapsody than by the Title he has given it.\n But it seems it happened to hit the Taste of some one who has given it a longer Duration, than a few Weeks, by printing it in Conjunction with the Letters of the House of Representatives of this Province and by ascribing it to a very venerable, learned Name. I am sorry that Mr. Gridleys Name was affixed to it for many Reasons. The Mistakes, Inaccuracies and Want of Arrangement in it, are utterly unworthy of Mr. Gridlys great and deserved Character for Learning and the general Spirit and Sentiments of it, are by no Means reconcilable to his known Opinions and Principles in Politicks.\n It was indeed written by your present Correspondent, who then had formed Designs, which he never has and never will attempt to execute. Oppressed and borne down as he is by the Infirmities of ill Health, and the Calls of a numerous growing Family, whose only Hopes are in his continual Application to the Drudgeries of his Profession, it is almost impossible for him to pursue any Enquiries or to enjoy any Pleasures of the literary Kind.\n However, He has been informed that you have in Contemplation an History of the present Reign, or some other History in which the Affairs of America are to have a Share. If this is true it would give him infinite Pleasure\u2014and whether it is or not, if he can by any Means in his Power, by Letters or otherways, contribute any Thing to your Assistance in any of your Enquiries, or to your Amusement he will always esteem himself very happy in attempting it.\n Pray excuse the Trouble of this Letter, and believe me, with great Esteem and Admiration, your most obedient and very huml. servant.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0005-0005", "content": "Title: [Draft of a Newspaper Communication, August? 1770.]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n \u201cIf I would but go to Hell for an eternal Moment or so, I might be knighted.\u201d Shakespeare.\n The Good of the governed is the End, and Rewards and Punishments are the Means of all Government. The Government of the Supream and alperfect Mind, over all his intellectual Creation, is by proportioning Rewards to Piety and Virtue, and Punishments to Disobedience and Vice. Virtue, by the Constitution of Nature carries in general its own Reward, and Vice its own Punishment, even in this World. But as many Exceptions to this Rule, take Place upon Earth, the Joys of Heaven are prepared, and the Horrors of Hell in a future State to render the moral Government of the Universe, perfect and compleat. Human Government is more or less perfect, as it approaches nearer or diverges farther from an Imitation of this perfect Plan of divine and moral Government. In Times of Simplicity and Innocence, Ability and Integrity will be the principal Recommendations to the public Service, and the sole Title to those Honours and Emoluments, which are in the Power of the Public to bestow. But when Elegance, Luxury and Effeminacy begin to be established, these Rewards will begin to be distributed to Vanity and folly. But when a Government becomes totally corrupted, the system of God Almighty in the Government of the World and the Rules of all good Government upon Earth will be reversed, and Virtue, Integrity and Ability will become the Objects of the Malice, Hatred and Revenge of the Men in Power, and folly, Vice, and Villany will be cherished and supported. In such Times you will see a Governor of a Province, for unwearied Industry in his Endeavours to ruin and destroy the People, whose Welfare he was under every moral obligation to study and promote, knighted and enobled. You will see a Philanthrop, for propagating as many Lies and Slanders against his Country as ever fell from the Pen of a sychophant, rewarded with the Places of Solicitor General, Attorney general, Advocate General, and Judge of Admiralty, with Six Thousands a Year. You will see 17 Rescinders, Wretches, without Sense or Sentiment, rewarded with Commissions to be Justices of Peace, Justices of the Common Pleas and presently Justices of the Kings Bench.\n The Consequence of this will be that the Iron Rod of Power will be stretched out vs. the poor People in every sentence unfinished", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0014-0005", "content": "Title: [August 1770]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n 1770. August. 9th. Thursday.\n I received from Mr. Gill an Intimation, that a Letter from me would not be disagreable to you, and have been emboldened, by that Means, to run the Venture of giving you this Trouble. I have read with much Admiration, Mrs. Maccaulays History of England &c. It is formed upon the Plan, which I have ever wished to see adopted by Historians. It is calculated to strip off the Gilding and false Lustre from worthless Princes and Nobles, and to bestow the Reward of Virtue, Praise upon the generous and worthy only.\n No Charms of Eloquence, can atone for the Want of this exact Historical Morality. And I must be allowed to say, I have never seen an History in which it is more religiously regarded.\n It was from this History, as well as from the concurrent Testimony, of all who have come to this Country from England, that I had formed the highest Opinion of the Author as one of the brightest ornaments not only of her Sex but of her Age and Country. I could not therefore, but esteem the Information given me by Mr. Gill, as one of the most agreable and fortunate Occurences of my Life.\n Indeed it was rather a Mortification to me to find that a few fugitive Speculations in a News Paper, had excited your Curiosity to enquire after me. The Production, which some Person in England, I know not who, has been pleased to intitle a Dissertation on the cannon and the Feudal Law, was written, at Braintree about Eleven Miles from Boston in the Year 1765, written at Random weekly without any preconceived Plan, printed in the Newspapers, without Correction, and so little noticed or regarded here that the Author never thought it worth his while to give it Either a Title or a signature. And indeed the Editor in London, might with more Propriety have called it The What d ye call it, or as the Critical Reviewers did a flimsy lively Rhapsody than by the Title he has given it.\n But it seems it happened to hit the Taste of some one who has given it a longer Duration, than a few Weeks, by printing it in Conjunction with the Letters of the House of Representatives of this Province and by ascribing it to a very venerable, learned Name. I am sorry that Mr. Gridleys Name was affixed to it for many Reasons. The Mistakes, Inaccuracies and Want of Arrangement in it, are utterly unworthy of Mr. Gridlys great and deserved Character for Learning and the general Spirit and Sentiments of it, are by no Means reconcilable to his known Opinions and Principles in Politicks.\n It was indeed written by your present Correspondent, who then had formed Designs, which he never has and never will attempt to execute. Oppressed and borne down as he is by the Infirmities of ill Health, and the Calls of a numerous growing Family, whose only Hopes are in his continual Application to the Drudgeries of his Profession, it is almost impossible for him to pursue any Enquiries or to enjoy any Pleasures of the literary Kind.\n However, He has been informed that you have in Contemplation an History of the present Reign, or some other History in which the Affairs of America are to have a Share. If this is true it would give him infinite Pleasure\u2014and whether it is or not, if he can by any Means in his Power, by Letters or otherways, contribute any Thing to your Assistance in any of your Enquiries, or to your Amusement he will always esteem himself very happy in attempting it.\n Pray excuse the Trouble of this Letter, and believe me, with great Esteem and Admiration, your most obedient and very huml. servant.\n Catharine (Sawbridge) Macaulay (1731\u20131791), political pamphleteer and historian, whose multi-volume History of England, from the Accession of James I to That of the Brunswick Line, London, 1763\u20131783, was for a time a kind of Bible for political radicals in England and America. See Lucy M. Donnelly, \u201cThe Celebrated Mrs. Macaulay,\u201d.WMQWilliam and Mary Quarterly., 3d ser., 6:173\u2013207 (April 1949)\n The MS of the present draft is heavily corrected, but with the exception of a wholly canceled first paragraph the omissions and alterations do not seem important enough to record. The draft originally began as follows:\n \u201cWith great Pleasure I received an Intimation from my Friend Mr. Gill that, you had enquired of Sophronia for the Author of a Speculation in a Newspaper which Some one has been pleased to call a Dissertation on the Cannon and feudal Law.\u201d\n Who Sophronia was does not appear.\n The \u201cEditor in London\u201d was Thomas Hollis, who first reprinted JA\u2019s untitled newspaper essays of 1765 in the London Chronicle (see note on entry of Feb. 1765, above), and then issued them as the last part (p. 111\u2013143) of a collection of papers he called The True Sentiments of America: ... Together with ... a Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law, London, 1768, remarking in an introductory note to the latter that \u201cThe Author of it, is said to have been, Jeremy Gridley, Esq; Attorney General of the Province of Massachuset\u2019s Bay.\u201d Andrew Eliot informed Hollis of his error, adding some interesting comments on the real author, in a letter dated 27 Sept 1768 (MHS, Colls.Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings., 4th ser., 4[1858]:426\u2013427; see also p. 434).\n 1770. August 19. Sunday.\n Last Fryday went to the Light House with the Committee of both Houses.\n Mr. Royal Tyler began to pick chat with me. Mr. Adams, have you ever read Dr. Souths sermon upon the Wisdom of this World? No. He lend it to you.\u2014I should be much obliged.\u2014Have you read the Fable of the Bees. Yes, and the Marquis of Hallifax\u2019s Character of a Trimmer and Hurds Dialogue upon Sincerity in the Commerce of Life\u2014and Machiavell and Caesar Borgia. Hard if these are not enough.\n Tyler. The Author of the Fable of the Bees understood Human Nature and Mankind, better than any Man that ever lived. I can follow him as he goes along. Every Man in public Life ought to read that Book, to make him jealous and suspicious\u2014&c.\n Yesterday He sent the Book, and excellent Sermons they are. Concise and nervous and clear. Strong Ebullitions of the loyal Fanaticism of the Times he lived in, at and after the Restoration, but notwithstanding those Things there is a Degree of Sense and Spirit and Taste in them which will ever render them valuable.\n The sermon which Mr. Tyler recommended to my Perusal, is a sermon preached at Westminster Abbey Ap. 30. 1676. from 1. Cor. 3.19. For the Wisdom of this World, is Foolishness with God.\u2014The Dr. undertakes to shew what are those Rules or Principles of Action, upon which the Policy, or Wisdom, in the Text proceeds, and he mentions 4. Rules or Principles. 1. A Man must maintain a constant continued Course of Dissimulation, in the whole Tenor of his Behaviour. 2. That Conscience and Religion ought to lay no Restraint upon Men at all, when it lies opposite to the Prosecution of their Interest\u2014or in the Words of Machiavel, \u201cthat the Shew of Religion was helpfull to the Politician, but the Reality of it, hurtfull and pernicious.\u201d 3. That a Man ought to make himself, and not the Public, the chief if not the sole End of all his Actions. 4. That in shewing Kindness, or doing favours, no Respect at all is to be had to Friendship, Gratitude, or Sense of Honour; but that such favours are to be done only to the rich or potent, from whom a Man may receive a farther Advantage, or to his Enemies from whom he may otherwise fear a Mischief.\n Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Adams and myself endeavoured to recollect the old Distich\u2014Gutta cavat lapidem non vi, sed sepe cadendo. So far we got, but neither of these Gentlemen had ever heard the other Part, I, who had some Years ago been very familiar with it, could not recollect it\u2014but it is\n Sic, Homo fit doctus, non vi, sed sepe legendo.\n Mr. Mason led us a Jaunt over sharp Rocks to the Point of the Island opposite to Nantasket, where in an hideous Cavern formed by a great Prominent Rock he shewed Us the Animal Plant or flower, a small, spungy muscular Substance, growing fast to the Rock, in figure and feeling resembling a young Girls Breast, shooting out at the Top of it, a flower, which shrinks in and disappears, upon touching the Substance.\n The expedition of this committee of inspection was to Little Brewster or Beacon Island, where Boston light stood and still stands.\n Surviving among JA\u2019s books in the Boston Public Library is the first volume of Robert South\u2019s Twelve Sermons Preached upon Several Occasions, 5th edn., London, 1722.\n The first Maxim of worldly Wisdom, constant Dissimulation, may be good or evil as it is interpreted. If it means only a constant Concealment from others of such of our Sentiments, Actions, Desires, and Resolutions, as others have not a Right to know, it is not only lawful but commendable\u2014because when these are once divulged, our Enemies may avail themselves of the Knowledge of them, to our Damage, Danger and Confusion. So that some Things which ought to be communicated to some of our Friends, that they may improve them to our Profit or Honour or Pleasure, should be concealed from our Enemies, and from indiscreet friends, least they should be turned to our Loss, Disgrace or Mortification. I am under no moral or other Obligation to publish to the World, how much my Expences or my Incomes amount to yearly. There are Times when and Persons to whom, I am not obliged to tell what are my Principles and Opinions in Politicks or Religion.\n There are Persons whom in my Heart I despize; others I abhor. Yet I am not obliged to inform the one of my Contempt, nor the other of my Detestation. This Kind of Dissimulation, which is no more than Concealment, Secrecy, and Reserve, or in other Words, Prudence and Discretion, is a necessary Branch of Wisdom, and so far from being immoral and unlawfull, that it is a Duty and a Virtue.\n Yet even this must be understood with certain Limitations, for there are Times, when the Cause of Religion, of Government, of Liberty, the Interest of the present Age and of Posterity, render it a necessary Duty for a Man to make known his Sentiments and Intentions boldly and publickly. So that it is difficult to establish any certain Rule, to determine what Things a Man may and what he may not lawfully conceal, and when. But it is no doubt clear, that there are many Things which may lawfully be concealed from many Persons at certain Times; and on the other Hand there are Things, which at certain Times it becomes mean and selfish, base, and wicked to conceal from some Persons.\n 1770. August 22. Wednesday.\n Rode to Cambridge in Company with Coll. Severn Ayers Eyre and Mr. Hewitt from Virginia, Mr. Bull and Mr. Trapier from South Carolina, Messrs. Cushing, Hancock, Adams, Thorn. Brattle, Dr. Cooper and Wm. Cooper. Mr. Professor Winthrop shewed Us the Colledge, the Hall, Chappell, Phylosophy Room, Apparatus, Library and Musaeum. We all dined at Stedmans, and had a very agreable Day. The Virginia Gentlemen are very full, and zealous in the Cause of American Liberty. Coll. Ayers is an intimate Friend of Mr. Patrick Henry, the first Mover of the Virginia Resolves in 1765, and is himself a Gentleman of great fortune, and of great Figure and Influence in the House of Burgesses. Both He and Mr. Hewit were bred at the Virginia Colledge, and appear to be Men of Genius and Learning. Ayers informed me that in the Reign of Charles 2d. an Act was sent over, from England, with an Instruction to the Governor, and he procured the Assembly to pass it granting a Duty of 2s. an Hogshead upon all Tobacco exported from the Colony, to his Majesty forever. This Duty amounts now to a Revenue of \u00a35000 sterling a Year, which is given part to the Governor, part to the Judges &c. to the Amount of about \u00a34000, and what becomes of the other 1000 is unknown. The Consequence of this is that the Governor calls an Assembly when he pleases, and that is only once in two Years.\n These Gentlemen are all Valetudinarians and are taking the Northern Tour for their Health.\n Draft of a Newspaper Communication, August? 1770.\n \u201cIf I would but go to Hell for an eternal Moment or so, I might be knighted.\u201d Shakespeare.\n The Good of the governed is the End, and Rewards and Punishments are the Means of all Government. The Government of the Supream and alperfect Mind, over all his intellectual Creation, is by proportioning Rewards to Piety and Virtue, and Punishments to Disobedience and Vice. Virtue, by the Constitution of Nature carries in general its own Reward, and Vice its own Punishment, even in this World. But as many Exceptions to this Rule, take Place upon Earth, the Joys of Heaven are prepared, and the Horrors of Hell in a future State to render the moral Government of the Universe, perfect and compleat. Human Government is more or less perfect, as it approaches nearer or diverges farther from an Imitation of this perfect Plan of divine and moral Government. In Times of Simplicity and Innocence, Ability and Integrity will be the principal Recommendations to the public Service, and the sole Title to those Honours and Emoluments, which are in the Power of the Public to bestow. But when Elegance, Luxury and Effeminacy begin to be established, these Rewards will begin to be distributed to Vanity and folly. But when a Government becomes totally corrupted, the system of God Almighty in the Government of the World and the Rules of all good Government upon Earth will be reversed, and Virtue, Integrity and Ability will become the Objects of the Malice, Hatred and Revenge of the Men in Power, and folly, Vice, and Villany will be cherished and supported. In such Times you will see a Governor of a Province, for unwearied Industry in his Endeavours to ruin and destroy the People, whose Welfare he was under every moral obligation to study and promote, knighted and enobled. You will see a Philanthrop, for propagating as many Lies and Slanders against his Country as ever fell from the Pen of a sychophant, rewarded with the Places of Solicitor General, Attorney general, Advocate General, and Judge of Admiralty, with Six Thousands a Year. You will see 17 Rescinders, Wretches, without Sense or Sentiment, rewarded with Commissions to be Justices of Peace, Justices of the Common Pleas and presently Justices of the Kings Bench.\n The Consequence of this will be that the Iron Rod of Power will be stretched out vs. the poor People in every sentence unfinished\n The date assigned is approximate. The draft was written at the end of D/JA/15, with a largely blank page preceding it. No printing of this fragmentary essay has been found. Other apparently related fragments will be found under Jan.? 1770, above, and 9 Feb. 1772, below.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0054", "content": "Title: Abigail and John Adams to Isaac Smith Jr., 4 January 1770\nFrom: Adams, Abigail,Adams, John\nTo: Smith, Isaac Jr.\n Dear Cousin\n Boston Janry. 4 1770\n I Congratulate you upon the fine weather we have had since your absence; if it has been as favourable to you, as it has been here, you will long Ere this reaches you be safely arrived in Carolina. When you left us, you did not tell me, nor did I know till a few days agone, that you designd a visit to our (cruel) Mother Country, shall I say. I highly approve your design. Now is the best Season of Life for you to travel; Ere you have formed connections which would bind you to your own little Spot.\n Your Parents and Friends have placed great confidence in you; at so Early an age to commit you to yourself, with no Guardian but your own Honour, and no Monitor but your own Conscience. And with pleasure I say it. Still suffer them, in spite of every temptation to the Contrary, to maintain the same power over you, which they have had from your Early infancy. Still keep them faithful to you; and you will not need any other.\n The Stage you are entering upon is large and Capacious. You will have temptation of various kinds to encounter, but you will we hope, we expect it from you, be superiour to them all. Vice and imprudence are no necessary attendants upon Youth, tho too frequently its inseperable Companions. If your Gay acquaintance assault you with ridicule for persisting in any Laudable practice, dispise their contempt, and be only fearful of encurring your own. If you would be secure from the arrows of Calumny, be careful never to part with the Shield of Innocence. Tis Expected from you who have a prudence far surpassing your years, that you will make improvements Eaquel to your prudence. From you I expect not the mere common place observation and remarks, but those that will not only please but instruct. What ever occurs curious or remarkable in the Course of your travels remit to your Friends. Here might I be permitted to give my advice, it would be to keep a dayly journal. You will find it\n both useful and pleasent. Permit me also to call to your remembrance those lines of Shakespears, that Excellent advice of Polonius to his Son Laertes\n \u201cGive thy thoughts no tongue,\n Nor any unproportioned thought his act\n Be thou familiar; but by no means vulgar.\n The Friends thou hast and their addoption try\u2019d\n Grapple them to thy Soul with hooks of Steel\n But do not dull thy palm with entertainment\n Of Each new hatch\u2019d, unfledg\u2019d comrade\n Beware of entrance to a quarrel, but being in\n Bear\u2019t that the opposed may beware of thee\n Give every Man thine Ear but few thy voice\n Take Each man\u2019s censure; but reserve thy judgment\n Costly thy habit as thy purse can buy,\n But not Express\u2019d in fancy; rich not Gaudy\n For the apparell oft proclaims the man\n Neither a borrower nor a lender be\n For loan oft looses oft itself and Friend\n And borrowing dulls the Edge of husbandry\n This above all, to thine own self be true\n And it must follow as the Night the Day\n Thou canst not then be fake to any man.\u201d\n I have written a great deal. Receive it in the Spirit of real Friendship. Thus it is designed by Your affectionate Cousin and Friend,\n Abigail Adams\n PS Your Friends here are in as good health as when you left us and desire to be remember\u2019d to you. Mr. and Mrs. Cranch send their Love, regard also from me to all my kindred in Carolina. Forget not a token of remembrance when you have opportunity to yours,\n My good Friend\n I have been reading the foregoing Instructions and Exhortations of Dame Adams, and have no Doubt at all of their Orthodoxy, the only Question with me is, what occasion, a Gentleman of your Character, has for them.\u2014Am very glad to hear You intend a Voyage to Fog land.\u2014There you will find every Object that can inform or delight.\u2014Pray if among all your Pleasures, Studies, Business &c. you can find a few vacant Moments to write, let me hear from you. Write a great deal about Politicks, for by the News we hear to day We shall have need. Our General Court by special order from his Majesty, as Punishment of their Behaviour last summer And that of our Merchants is prorogued to the 11th. March.\n I am yr friend,\n John Adams", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-01-02-0008-0004-0007", "content": "Title: Fitch\u2019s Assignment of Errors: Suffolk Superior Court, Boston, March 1770\nFrom: Fitch, Samuel\nTo: \n In the Case of the Select-Men of the Town of Brooklyn against the Town of Roxbury heard and adjudged at the Court of General Ses\u00adsions of the Peace held at Boston in and for the County of Suffolk by Adjournment on Monday the Seventh Day of November A.D. 1768. The Errors assigned by the Select-Men of the Town of Roxbury, which appear by the Records and Proceedings of said Court in said Case, on the Certiorari are as follows Vizt.\n First, For that it appears by the Records of said Court of Sessions in said Case, that the Matters and things set forth and alledged in the Petition of the Select-Men of the Town of Brooklyn to the said Court were only Matters of supposed Error, and enquirable into as such; and that therefore the said Court; which is not a Court for the Tryal of Errors, could not by Law take Cognizance of, or determine upon the same.\n 2dly. The said Select-Men in their said Petition do not alledge that the Paupers therein mentioned, were not the Poor of the said Town of Brooklyn, and properly belonging to them to Maintain, nor do they shew forth any Facts whereon that Matter could be properly Enquired into and determined, or desire that it should be: And yet they pray that the said Paupers may be removed from Brooklyn to Roxbury and that the Town of Roxbury should Repay to Brooklyn the Expences they had been at in Supporting said Paupers with their Costs and the said Court Granted the said prayer of their Petition as appears by their Records of Proceedings in said Case.\n 3dly. The Select-Men of the said Town of Roxbury in their Answer to the said Petition Alledged, first that the said Court ought not to take Cognizance of the Matters and things shewn forth therein by the said Select-Men of said Brooklyn; Because the same were only such Matters as were properly enquirable into as Error, and not appertaining to the Merits of the Cause: and secondly that the Matters and things offered and objected by the said Select-Men of Brooklyn, were not sufficient for said Court to Grant the Prayer of said Select-Men of Brooklyn on: And the said Court Thereupon Determined and delivered their Opinion, that there was not Matter sufficient in said Petition whereby the said Court, might proceed to an hearing of the Merits so as to determine whether the said Paupers were the proper Poor of Roxbury or Brooklyn; but yet notwithstanding, the said Court, would not dismiss the said Petition (when it was moved that it should be dismissed) but sustained the same, and Granted the Prayer thereof as aforesaid; which is absurd and Contradictory: All which appears by the Records and Proceedings of said Court in said Case.\n 4thly. The said Court of Sessions cou\u2019d not with any propriety or Consistancy grant the said Prayer of said Petition without Enquiring into the Merits of said Cause and Determining whether the said Paupers were the proper Poor of the said Town of Brooklyn, or of the said Town of Roxbury: And yet the said Court did Grant the said Prayer of said Petition as aforesaid, without Entering into, or making any such Enquiry or Determination, as appears by their Records and Proceedings in said Case.\n 5thly. There appears by the said Records of the said Court of Sessions to be no Adjudication that the said Paupers or any of them are or were the proper Inhabitants of the said Town of Roxbury, or that they be, or should be, or ought to be supported and maintained by said Town; or that they had been illegally or improperly removed from said Town, to the said Town of Brooklyn or that the Order for removing them be Quash\u2019d: and yet it appears, by the same Records that the said Court ordered, that the said Paupers should be returned to the said Town of Roxbury, and that the Inhabitants of said Town should pay and Refund unto the Select-Men of the Town of Brooklyn all such Charge and Expence as had arisen to them for the support and Maintenance of said Paupers; therefore the said Order of the said Court of Sessions for the Removal of said Paupers and for Refunding said Charges, is not founded on any direct Adjudication, but at best is founded on an uncertain adjudication, by Implication only; and it is repugnant and Contradictory to and inconsistant with the other Parts of said Record as beforementioned, and is altogether illegal and Erronious in Substance.\n Wherefore the said Select-Men of the Town of Roxbury pray that the Order, Sentence, Judgment and proceedings of said Court of Sessions, may be Quashed, and the said Town of Roxbury restored to what they have suffered and paid in Consequence thereof and be allowed their Costs.\n Saml. Fitch for the Select Men of Roxbury", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-02-02-0010-0001-0002", "content": "Title: Defense Counsel\u2019s Notes: Suffolk Superior Court, Boston, April 1770\nFrom: Quincy, Josiah Jr.\nTo: \n Dom: Rex vs. Richardson and Wilmot Upon an Indictment for Murder\n 1st. To open the Defence with a proper Address to the Jury to remove all popular Prejudices and Passions and engage them to make a fair, candid and impartial Enquiry and to give their Verdict agreeable to Law and the Evidence, uninfluenc\u2019d by any other Motive; to mention the manner of my becoming engaged as Council for the Prisoners, explain my Duty and the Part I ought and am determin\u2019d to act.\n 2d. The Witnesses for the Crown having been carefully and thoroughly cross-examined, to produce those for the Prisoners, and endeavour to find out what the Nature and Degree of Provocation offered; how far the Attack upon the house was carried; Whether and to what Degree the Windows were demolished before the firing, and whether the Door was broke open, and any Attempt made upon it; whether any actual Attempt was made to enter; or any Evidence of such Design from threatning Words; Whether Men as well as Boys were not concerned in that Attack; What Weapons were used or thrown into the house; and whether any One within was wounded; and upon the whole whether this is not to be consider\u2019d as an Attack upon the Persons of the Prisoners.\n 3d. To sum up the Evidence and state the Facts as they shall appear upon Evidence.\n 4thly. To explain the Nature of the Crime of Murder and the different Kinds of Homicide, as justifiable, excusable (as se defendendo) and felonious: and to shew the Distinction between felonious Homicide of Malice prepense, which is properly Murder, and without such Malice, which is Manslaughter. Foster 273. 4. 7. 1. H.H.P.C. 449. 4 Black. Com: 190.1.2.\n The Crime in the present Case cannot at most amount to more than Manslaughter, as he was in his house peceably and there assaulted, by breaking his Windows and throwing Stones at him. And if an Intent to enter and commit a Felony appear, whether from threatening Words, or an Attempt to break the Door or the manner and Degree of the Attack, it is excusable Homicide Se defendendo, at least, if not justifiable. A Man\u2019s house is his Castle and he may defend it by himself alone or with such as he calls to assist him. 1 H.H.P.C. 445. 487. 5 Coke Repts. 91b. Semane\u2019s Case. 11 Coke Repts. 82b. Lewis Bowles Case.\n A Man is not obliged to retire from his house. 1 H.H.P.C. 486.\n So he may justify killing one that attempts to break open his house in the Day time with an attempt to Rob or commit other Felony. 4 Black: Com. 180. 3. 182. 1 H.P.C. Page 71 Chap. 28 Sect. 21 and by Sect. 23 of this and Sect. 13 of the next Chap. it appears that ware one kills another who assaults him in his house in the Day Time with Intent to beat him only is guilty of Homicide Se defendendo and if he appears to have a Design of killing him it is justifiable Homicide. Vid. Sect. 124. Vide also Hales P.C. 40 the reason why it is not justifiable but excusable only is that \u201cthey came not to commit a known Felony,\u201d and \u201cit cannot be judged whether he meant to kill me.\u201d But if a man in the Daytime breaks the Windows of the house of another and endeavours to enter in order to execute a civil Process, and he within kills him this is Manslaughter and no more. Cooks Case in Cro. Car.George Croke, Reports of Cases in King\u2019s Bench and Common Bench, Part 3, Charles, London, 1657.: 537. 8. And it appears by Lord Hales brief State of this Case 1 H.H.P.C. 458 that had Cook not known the other to be a Bailiff, it had been no Felony because done in Defence of his house. So if A endeavours to enter a house and shoots an arrow at those within and B shoots another out at those who wou\u2019d enter and kills one of the Company. This is ruled not to be se defendendo, but Manslaughter because there was no Danger of their Lives by the Arrow so shot into the house upon them. Harcourts Case 1 H.H.P.C. 485. 6. Vid. also the Case of Drayton Basset in 1 H.H.P.C. 440. 1 and also in Page 444. 5 which shews who shall be said to be present, aiding, abetting &c.\n If upon angry Words one man assault another either by pulling him by the Nose or even filliping him upon the Forehead, and he who is so assaulted immediately runs the other through, it is but Manslaughter, for the Peace is broken by him that is killed; and he that receives such Indignity may reasonably apprehend a further Design upon him; Maugridges Case, in Keyling\u2019s Repts. 135 adjudged and reported by Lord Holt.\n D. Williams on a sudden and slight Provocation only of Words kills Marbury, ruled to be only Manslaughter, 1 H.H.P.C. 469 and in 470, another Case mentioned also by Foster 298. 299 where no given but an Officer had violently entered a Room to make an arrest.\n Two Boys fight, one is beat and runs home blody and complains to his Father who goes three quarters of a mile and kills the other Boy ruled to be Manslaughter by Reason of the sudden heat &c. 1 H.H.P.C. 453 Rowley\u2019s Case taken from 12 Coke Repts. 87. Vide also a Case in Strange Repts. 499 &c. ruled to be manslaughter only a strong Case.\n On a sudden Affray or Quarrel if the Party has declined the Combat and retreated as far as he Can with Safety and kills his Adversary thro\u2019 Necessity and to avoid immediate Death, it is Se defendendo;but if the Combat on both sides is kept up to the time the mortal Stroke is given, and he who gave it was not at that Time in emminent Danger of Death it is Manslaughter, Foster 277.\n A Woman strikes Stedman a Soldier who returns the Blow with the pummel of his Sword. She fled he pursued and stabbed her in the back this ruled to be no more than Manslaughter: by Holt. Foster 292. Vide the general Observation by the same author Page 296 which Note.\n If A shoots at B misses him and kills C, if it wou\u2019d have been Murder supposing he had killed B; it will amount to the same Offence, tho\u2019 C is killed, whom he did not intend to hurt. On the other hand if the Blow intended against B arose from a sudden Transport of Passion which if B had died by it wou\u2019d have reduced the Offence to Manslaughter, the Fact will admit of the same Alleviation if C shou\u2019d happen to fall by it. Foster 261. 2. 1 H.H.P.C. 442.\n By Foster 295 Sect. 3d. it is apparent that tho\u2019 base Words of Reproach or Gestures are not such Provocation as to lessen the Crime to Manslaughter. Yet when there is any assault on the Person arising from thence, it is otherwise: This Distinction appears from Maugridges Case: Whenever the Assault is very slight, as two persons justling against a Wall A kills B who had justled him, or if B had whipt A\u2019s horse out of the Path and A had alighted and killed B, it had been only Manslaughter, 1 H.H.P.C. 455. 456. Where it also appears that Words of Menace of Bodily harm wou\u2019d reduce the Crime to Manslaughter, though Words of Reproach only, woud not. Vid. these Distinctions 1 Hawkins P.C. Page 82 and 83 Sect. 34. 35. 36. 37.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-02-02-0010-0001-0003", "content": "Title: Paine\u2019s Minutes of the Trial: Suffolk. Supr. Ct. April 1770.\nFrom: Paine, Robert Treat\nTo: \n Dom. Rex vs. Ebenezer Richardson and George Wilmot\n S. Quincy.\n Wm. Gray, day before Some mention of Effigies. R said he hoped if these was before Importers Doors there be a Dust beat up, wish\u2019d the 14. Regiment there. They would Cut up the d\u2014\u2014d Yankees. Some time before he said he would give the Devil a Supper of them if\u2014 He has also said he would not hurt any body unless they hurt him.\n Deb. Warner. I was Looking out of my Shop door, I saw R by the Effigy. He came by with the Gentlemen and cry\u2019d out Perjury Perjury, and said not you. Went into his house, and then came out and he came out in a great Rage, doubling his Fists and called challenged the Gentlemen to the Door. Said it should be hot enough before night. This brought the Boys from the Eff. The Boys threw light stuff. He came out with a Stick, and threatned and then went in the Step of the Door and went in and a brick Batt came out of the House and struck a Man who took it up and threw it in and that was the first of the Windows being broken.\n On saying Perjury, he said it shall be hot enough before night.\n Before Window broke he swore if they did not disperse he would make a Lane thro them.\n Front Door open when the Gun fired. No body had attempted to enter; months ago, I have heard R say Let \u2019em come on me I\u2019m ready, for I\u2019ve Guns loaded. I said I am not safe.\n Hannah Warner. The first I saw, R. was with Gentlemen called P.P. Challenged em up to Door. Boys came, R in great Rage. He ordered em to go off. They said they would not, Kings high Way. He said he had a Gun loaded and would fire. Swore by G\u2014 he would make a lane, no Men.\n Edwd. Procter. I was coming from North 1/4 past 10, with Some Gentlemen to see Pagentry before Lilly\u2019s Door. R cry\u2019d Perjury, Perjury. I said what do you mean. He said by the Eternal G\u2014d I\u2019ll make it too hot for you before night. I withdrew. I saw the brick strikeSoldier. He returned it and broke 20 Squares. Soon after the Gun fired. R. doubled his Fist and said Damn ye come here I\u2019m ready for you.\n When the Boys threw, I don\u2019t remember any Men among \u2019em.\n Saml. Appleton. I heard Boys huzza. The first I saw by Lilly was R. He spake to Mrs. L\u2014\u2014, then spake to Country man with Waggon. R. shoke hand and said Perjury. Knox asked him what he meant. He said damn your blood come here, I\u2019ll make it too hot for you before night. Boys got to the Door, threw things. Woman came out. Egg struke Woman.\n R: came out and said if you dont go away I\u2019ll blow a hole thro you enough to Drive a Cart and Oxen.\n At the back Door, I saw R. and W\u2019s. Guns. R said Dam their Blood I don\u2019t care what I have done. He had a Cutlass drawn, and resisted. He said he would resign himself to proper Officer.\n Nathl. Noyes. I saw R. level Gun and snapt it at the Door, and went into the House. No Glass broke at that time. Then Boys threw Sticks. At first Snapping Boys were playing elswhere.\n Saml. Lock. I was in Town to sell milk. I saw Boys bringing Show. I was at Lillys, read it, saw People at the Door. He said begone to the Boys. 3 or 4 of us stood before R. Window. Saw \u2019em thro\u2019, no Windows broke. He said if they did not go off he\u2019d make it too hot for \u2019em, as sure as there was a G\u2014 in heaven, he\u2019d blow a Lane thro \u2019em. He flashed a Gun in the House pointed to the Street.\n Robert Paterson. I went up to R, and I saw R fire the Gun, from within the House. The Boy fell. The Shot went thro\u2019 my Trowsers.\n Charles Atkins. I saw him walking in the Room with the Gun on his Arm. Saw him pull the Tricker. Syder was stooping to take up a Stone as I thought, and was Shot down. 60 or 70 Boys.\n Jona. Kenny. The first I saw was 4 or 5 Stones flung out of R. Windows. None had been then flung at the House. I saw R knell down and point the Gun out of the Window, and I saw him shoot.\n Syder threw nothing stood looking.\n One stone struck me.\n I was by Syder 5. minutes. Saw him throw nothing.\n John Home. Woman run out and whipt the Boys. Then they threw Sticks; I saw him load, saw him point the Gun and fire.\n When he loaded the Gun no Window broke.\n R. came out swore by G\u2014 if they did not go away he\u2019d make a Lane.\n Robert Bricks. Heard R. cry Perj:, your a pack of perjd. Villians. Knox come here. R. presented the Gun out of the Door.\n Robert Hews\n David Bradley. Windows broke when I got there. I saw 3 or 4 Stones come out of the Window. I saw one or two Men in the Room with Guns in their hands. R put a Gun on edge of Window. I heard the Gun, and run to the back of the house. R clapt the Gun at me.\n The Boys ceased throwing till R. threw again.\n Wilmot was there. He said it was not I but R.\n Robt. Hewes. After Guns fired, I saw R at Window. Boy threw. He presented again. Wilmot said he was assisting him. Wil: presented his Gun out of Window and said Stand off or I\u2019ll fire.\n Phil Ridgaway. I saw W. at Rs.\n When I first came, no Windows broke. Large Stones thrown from house. Then Saw W and R in Yard with Guns. R. said I don\u2019t care what I\u2019ve done when they told him he had killd a Boy. I took from W. a Gun loaded with 179 Shots. 17. Swan Shot. The rest Goose and Duck. She looked as if flashed. Wilmot said he could not have fired for the Screw pin was gone.\n Some men laughed, 10 or 15 Stones thrown by Men with violence, but remember none in particular.\n Thos. Young. Wound mortal.\n John Loring. Wound mortal.\n Black. Anal. 119. Murder and Manslaughter.\n Hales Pl. Cr. 31: Murder what, if the act unlawful. 44. If a man do an act by which Death must ensue, consider, if intended. 45. An Intention of Evil tho not against a particular Person.\n F.C. Law. 255. The fact proved, prisoner must excuse.\n F.CL 291. \u00a72. The Weapon. Murder.\n HHPC. 451. Def. of Malice in fact.\n 2 Ray. 1489. Malice express, if a Man do an Act that must do harm.\n Prisoner.\n Sarah Richardson. Mr. Knox and Capt. Matchet followed Father up to the Door and said come out you damn Son of Bitch, I\u2019ll have your Heart out your Liver out. Boys came there. Knox, Procter and Machet stood behind the Boys. Dont know how long. They threatned to kill us all. I staid till no Lead, no Frame, and then went away. Stones hitt my Father, hitt me, could not tarry without danger of Life. Outer Door shut when they threw Stones. Broke Cieling. They broke Doors open. Stones hit Mother. Wilmot said he would stand by him as Long as he had breath. Wilmot asked if he had any Gun. R. said he must get his Gun.\n Kezia Richardson. Knox, Matchet and Procter Challenged my Father. Knox challengd him and he said he\u2019d have his Heart and Liver in his Hand. They broke the Door open. It was locked. Mother and father Wounded with a Stone. The Wall broken. Father desired Wilmot to .\n John Codman. School Boys Surrounded R\u2019s House, throwing Dirt and Stones at the House. They said he had Snapt a Gun at us. Not large Stones. A Man said to me you dont know What provocation the Boys had had. Windows broke when I came. Men did not seem to have any Concern. The Doors open. Girls there, unconcerned. A Stone came from the back of Richardsons House. It could not come from Boys.\n Mrs. Ann Caldwel. The Boys were assembled and said they were a going to have a Frolick. More than 50 The Side of the House battered.\n Katherine Winch. My back Yard and R join. I saw the Boys throw Stones after R apprehended Wall broke.\n Lee Esqr. I saw R. Windows broke, Codman reproving the Boys. Man from other side way came and said he did not know the Provocation. Only Boys active. Little or no throwing while there, 15 or 20 men in Sight of R. house. I saw no Body in the house. No Passion in any Body.\n Willm. Eustice. I saw Boys thro. Stones. Sailor threw short clubb broke the Lead. The Gun went off. 200 men before firing.\n Andrew Tewksbury. The Boys said R was an Informer. They threw Limon Peels then Stones. Some Men looked on Boys and they threw faster. Men shew\u2019d no signs of Approbation but laughing. No Glass broke when I got there. 200 or 300 Boys and Men, 20 or 30 men over the Way. Large Stones. None from the House.\n Dr. Hill. I was there before Stones thrown, 1 1/2 minutes before Gun fired. The Windows were demolishd. Not broke when I first went. The affair intirely among the Boys. Men not concern\u2019d.\n Dr. Perkins. Some Glass broke when I got there. Some Boys threw Carelessly. Not there more than a minute.\n Elias Dupee. The boys carried the Pagentry. I tarried till all Glass broke. I spoke to the Boys. A man said the Town will pay for it tis none of my Business. A brick bat thrown out of the Window and a Soldier threw it back after Stones were thrown. I saw a Gun pointed and fired.\n David Pulsifer. R. said if ever a mobb come before my house, call away your Friends. The Girls said Wilmot ask\u2019d R. where his Arms and Ammunition was. Some Men about in the Street. Did not heard any threats, but Matchet, Said they deserved to be hang\u2019d 7 years ago.\n H. Laughton\n Freeman Pulsiver.\n Quincy.\n A man of universal Bad Character, apt to be prejudiced. @ Danger of its Working tother Way.\n Theocracy of Jewes. @ City of Refuge.\n 4 Blackstone [191]. Manslaughter is killing without malice.\n HHPC. 449. Murder and manslaughter. What. A sudden falling out.\n FCL. 273. Injured Person may justify when known Felony intended. 277.\n Keyling 51: The case of turning out of Tavern Room. 60. The Circumstance to reduce to manslaughter must be some striving. 2 Ray. 1301. Where the Liberty of one Subject is invaded the Liberty of the whole is affected.\n @. Fost. 312. Tooleys case denied.\n 2 Inst. 51; Malice must be with a calm deliberate mind. 57. Manslaughter where it happens on Sudden Shuffling.\n 12 Co. Boy with bloody nose. Mem. Foster Contra. 295. 3\n HHPC 445. A comes to enter, with force. 485. Killing those who come to do Injury to the House. 486. Come to Take Goods a Trespasser.\n 5 Co. 91. Semaines Case, attacking a House.\n 11. Co. 84. Bowles Case, a man may call other to defend himself in his house.\n Hale PC 40, if a man come to enter.\u201d\n Cro. Car. 537. Cokes Case, killing Bailiff. Vid. it was ruled Manslaughter because he might have resisted him without killing him. Ergo were it not he was a Bailiff and broke the House it would be Murder.\n Kelynge. 131. Pulling nose, and running thro with Sword.\n HHPC: 458: had it not known him to be a Bailiff no felony.\n Fos. 298. 99. An officer push\u2019d into room to arrest.\n Fost. 261. When a Blow aimed at one Person killeth another, but where the first is evil it is murder. 292: Lutteralls Case.\n Fos. 350. 5. Accomplice. 391. bottom. Ditto Plummer Case. 353\n Haw. P.C.: 193: Libel whats provoking.\n A Man\u2019s house his Castle a Doctrine highly approved.\n The Pagantry must not be considered as Lawful.\n A Crime of this Sort not to be presumed. @ R. must Excuse.\n A man not obliged to fly from his own House. @ When the assaliant is in his House.\n Snider was among Trespassers and therefore not murder to kill him.\n HHPC: 441. Woman killd by throwing a Stone.\n New Trials\n Str. 1106. 1142. Evidence on both sides. 887.\n May be granted when Defendant found guilty.\n Bla. Com. 354. The Jury have an unquestionable right to determine on all the Circumstances and to find a general verdict. 2. Hal. 310.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-02-02-0010-0001-0004", "content": "Title: Paine\u2019s Minutes of the Proceedings on the Motion for a New Trial: Suffolk Superior Court, Boston, September 1770\nFrom: Paine, Robert Treat\nTo: \n Rex v. Richardson\n Motion for new Trial.\n Deming. Foreman. Mr. Lothrop was satisfied as to Fact, but not Law. Mr. Clap not so fully satisfied as to Law. I told him the Court knew the Law. We all agreed about 1/2 an hour before we came in on Richardson.\n Lothrop. I did not fall in so soon as some, for I thought the time might be as well spent in Argument. Jury in General thought if the verdict was not agreeable to Law the Court would not receive it. It was a motive with me.\n I heard some Body say as we passed up stairs Damn him don\u2019t bring it in Manslaughter.\n Clap. At first going out I was not so clear as afterwards, for the Reason offered, such as its being in the Day. Something was said that the Court would not receive it if not right, but it did not weigh with me.\n Withington. The Rabble as we were going out said hang the Dog hang him.\n Stoddard. I heard no such thing.\n Leveret. A great hiddalo. But I heard northing.\n John Smith. As I passed and turn\u2019d the Stairs down the Stairs some said hang him no Manslaughter, but no Body minded it.\n Elisha Gardner. I heard a tumultuous noise, no Manslaughter but Murder, it appeared with no Connections to the Jury.\n Jona. Ellis. I heard some Body cry out damn him hang him Murder no Manslaughter. It seemed down stairs. Not mentioned in the Jury Room.\n Jos. Hawes. As the Jury were going out I heard some Body say hang him a dog, but from whom I dont know. There was some such talk that if the Court did not like the Verdict they would not receive it.\n Ephm. Pratt. There was a noise but I heard no Words.\n Ebe. Adams. I heard a Noise below but heard no Body speak so as to be understood. Something like hang him. I did not take it to be directed to the Jury.\n Mr. Usher. Keeper of the Jury. Many People below till 12 or 1 oClock. I heard no Cry of hang \u2019em &c.\n Blowers.\n Cro. 778. Wats & Braine. Jury sent out again, 2 dissenting on Examination.\n State Tri. 417. Vol. X. Ashley v. Simons the Jew; Jury mistook their Verdict.\n Cr. El. 189. A Witness examined again by Jury.\n Trial pr. Pais. A paper delivered to the Jury by Stranger. 224.\n 225. A Breviate delivered.\n 222. If the Party says to the Jury \u2019my Case is Clear\u2019 it is new Evidence.\n Styles 383. The delivering a Breviate to the Jury before Tryal, mistryal: Tayler v. Webb.\n 1 Vent. 124. Duke Richmond v. Wise. If any of Party say I hope youll find for Plaintiff tismistryal.\n Vin. Tryal 452. \u00a725. One said to a Jury he\u2019d take care what for it was better for the Bishop than Duke.\n 11 Mod. 118. Lady Herbert vs. Shaw. A Letter wrote to Jury to attend, to consider the Plaintiff was a poor man, mistrial.\n Burr. 390. Bright vs. Eynon.\n Foster 266. A Breviate delivered to a Juryman.\n T. Jones 163. Rex v. Smith. Verdicts vs. Evidence.\n 3 Keeble 525. New Tryal, SC.\n 5 Bac. 292. Ld. Vaghn Law denied.\n 12 Mod. 336. If Judge in his Conscience is satisfied the Cause deserves a new Tryal.\n CL: 228. Jury may give general verdict.\n 4 Black. 354. Same vid.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0001", "content": "Title: Indictment and Arraignment of Preston, The Soldiers, and The Civilians: March, 7 September, 1770\nFrom: Sewall, Jonathan,Taylor, William,Winthrop, Samuel\nTo: \n Suffolk Ss. At his Majesty\u2019s Superiour Court of Judicature Court of Assize and General Goal delivery, begun and held at Boston, within and for the County of Suffolk, on the second Tuesday of March in the Tenth year of the Reign of George the third by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, defender of the Faith &c.\n The Jurors for the said Lord the King upon oath present, that Thomas Preston Esq. William Wemms Labourer, James Hartegan Labourer, William McCauley Labourer, Hugh White Labourer, Mathew Killroy Labourer, William Warren Labourer, John Carroll Labourer and Hugh Montgomery Labourer, all now resident in Boston, in the County of Suffolk, not and having the Fear of God before their eyes, Hammon Green Boat-Builder, Thomas Greenwood Labourer, Edward Manwaring Esquire and John Munroe Gentleman, all of Boston aforesaid, not having the Fear of God before their eyes, but being moved and seduced by the Instigation of the devil and their own wicked Hearts, did on the fifth day of this instant March, at Boston aforesaid, within the County aforesaid, with force and arms feloniously, wilfully and of their malice aforethought assault one Crispus Attucks, then and there being in the peace of God and of the said Lord the King, and that the said William Warren, a certain hand gun of the value of twenty shillings, which he the said William Warren then and there held in both his hands charged with Gun-powder and two leaden Bullets, then and there feloniously, wilfully and of his malice aforethought, did shoot off and discharge at and against the said Crispus Attucks, and that the said William Warren, with the leaden Bullets as aforesaid out of the said hand Gun then and there by force of the said Gun-powder so Shot off and discharged as aforesaid, did then and there feloniously, wilfully and of his malice aforethought, Strike, penetrate and wound the said Crispus Attucks in and upon the right Breast a little below the left right pap of him the said Crispus, and in and upon the left Breast, a little below the left pap of him the said Crispus, thereby giving to him the said Crispus, with one of the bullets, aforesaid, So shot off and discharged as aforesaid, in and upon the right Breast a little below the right pap of him the said Crispus, one mortal wound of the depth of six inches and of the width of one inch, and also thereby giving to him the said Crispus, with the other Bullet aforesaid So shot off and discharged, by the said William Warren as aforesaid, in and upon the left Breast a little below the left pap of him the said Crispus one other mortal wound of the depth of six inches and of the width of one inch, of which said mortal wounds the said Crispus Attucks then and there instantly died; and that the aforesaid Thomas Preston, William Wemms, James Hartegan, William McCauley, Hugh White, Mathew Killroy, John Carroll, Hugh Montgomery, Hammon Green, Thomas Greenwood, Edward Manwaring and John Munroe, then and there feloniously, wilfully, and of their malice aforethought, were present, aiding helping, abetting, comforting, assisting, and maintaining the said William Warren to do and commit the Felony and murder aforesaid, And so the Jurors aforesaid upon their said oath do say that the said Thomas Preston, William Wimms, James Hartegan, William McCauley, Hugh White, Mathew Killroy, William Warren John Carroll, Hugh Montgomery, Hammond Green, Thomas Greenwood, Edward Manwaring, and John Munroe, then and there in manner and form aforesaid feloniously, wilfully and of their malice aforethought did kill and murder the said Crispus Attucks, against the peace of the said Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity.\n Jon. Sewall Atty. pro Do. Rege\n This is a true Bill. Wm. Taylor Foreman\n August Term 1770\n And now the said Thomas Preston Hammond Green Thomas Greenwood, Edward Manwarring and John Munroe, are brought and set to the Bar and arraigned, and upon their arraignment severally plead not guilty, and for Trial put themselves upon God and the Country\n Att. Saml. Winthrop Cler.\n To this Indictment the said William Wimms, James Hartegan, William McCauley, Hugh White, Mathew Killeroy, William Warren, John Carrol, Hugh Montgomary, being also brought and set to the bar and arraigned, severally plead not guilty, and for trial put themselves upon God and the country.\n Att. Sam. Winthrop Cler.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0002", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Notes of Authorities For the Preliminary Argument: 24 October 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n By the Statute of Wm. Prisoner intituled to a Copy of the Indictment 5 days and of the Panel 2 days before the Tryal. And extended by Equity or by Favour, to Cases of Felony, tho the statute relates only to Treason. Vid. Foster and Hawkins.\n Foster 299. \u00a72. bottom, different Indictments to the same Jury. 272.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0003", "content": "Title: Paine\u2019s Minutes of the Preliminary Argument: 24 October 1770\nFrom: Paine, Robert Treat\nTo: \n Question of the Jury Prisoner having a Right by Statute of W. to a Copy of the Panel.\n Court divided on the question whether the Prisoner not a list of Jury be a Cause of Challenge. To two of em viz. Jona. Day and Edmund Billings Council on both sides agreed they should not be sworn and no Exception taken.\n Question of putting several Homicides into one Indictment.\n Question of the Rights of the Crown to Challenge.\n Objection to previous threats.\n @ Trial per Pais 585.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0005", "content": "Title: Paine\u2019s Minutes of Samuel Quincy\u2019s Argument for The Crown: 25 October 1770\nFrom: Paine, Robert Treat\nTo: \n Mr. Quincy.\n 4 Black 195. Definition of Murder\n 1 Haw. p. 80. \u00a718. What killing of Malice prepense.\n Key. 127. \u201cHe that doth a cruel act voluntarily doth it of Malice prepense.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0006", "content": "Title: Anonymous Summary of Defense Evidence: 25\u201327 October 1770\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n Witnesses for the Prisoner\n William Jackson. On the 5 of March I went to Capt. Preston\u2019s lodging. Heard the bell. Ran out. Came down to my shop. Met a man who told me the People and Soldiers were fighting at my corner and he hoped in God would see it out. I returnd to Capt. Preston and told him. A Corporal and private came to Preston\u2019s lodgings and told him the Town\u2019s People were abusing them. Capt. Preston took his Sword and went with them.\n Edward Hill. A little after 9 I heard the Bells. Came down as far as the Town House. Asked where the fire was. Was told there was none but the Soldiers were killing the Towns People. Some of them said they would take the Centinel off his Post at the Custom house. Capt. Preston went to the Guard house. Took off a Guard. The People came from the Barracks. Some were for going to the Main Guard. Others said no don\u2019t disturb them, we will take the Centinel at the Custom house off his Post. I went and told this to a Centinel at the Main Guard. They sent an Officer and Party to the Captain who came down with Mr. Basset. I was going down towards the Post Office and heard one or two Guns fired. I turnd back. When I got to Jacksons Corner heard two more. Went down towards the Centinel. Saw one Gun fired and the bullet struck on the Stone Wall. After all the firing Captain Preston put up the Gun of a Soldier who was going to fire and said fire no more you have done mischief enough.\n Benjamin Davis. I came into King Street. Saw people about in knots. Some at the bottom of the Town House, some at Jackson\u2019s corner. Heard a noise down the Street and saw about 20 or 30 people round the Centinel who stood on the Custom House steps, they crying fire, damn you fire. I saw the Centinels Gun sometimes level and sometimes up. When his Gun was up they closed in, when down retreated. When I was up by the Guard two young men Inhabitants came up. One said you must send a party to the Centinel for I heard some of the People say they would kill him. In about 1/2 a minute somebody within said, out Guard and about seven came out and marched down Street and posted themselves round the Centry Box. There were then about 100 People near the Custom house about the Party. I stood about 6 minutes after this, hearing great noise and huzzaing but could distinguish no words, being up at Price\u2019s Office. When I was near the Barracks a young Gentleman came to me and asked me to go help be at the Soldiers. I stood at Price\u2019s office during all the firing. I never saw the Captain till all was over. There was about six seconds between the first and second firing. I saw about 9 Soldiers running up Silsbys Alley into the Street. I went into the Street but did not see them there.\n Friday 26 October 1770.\n Joseph Edwards. I heard the Bells. Came down King street. Saw some Boys about the Centinel abusing him. Advised them to go off. They told me they would. They were calling for others and gave three cheers. There were about 12 or 15 who abused the Centinel. Presently the Guard came and I heard the word prime and load given. I took it the Grenadier on the left hand gave the word. He was dressed in red and had a Gun in his hand for I saw him prime. I stood below the steps on the flat stones and he stood below me. There was a large number of People in the Streets and were gathering.\n John Frost. I heard the Bells and came out. The People in Cornhill said the Soldiers and People were fighting and they had drove the Soldiers into the Barracks. They huzza\u2019d up the Street. I went up and saw two boys and some men about the Centinel. One of the Boys said to the Centinel this is the dog that knockd me down. The body of the People were about two yards off looking at the 2 boys and the Centinel who went to the steps and loaded and struck his Gun against the door, as I took it, to get in. He did not touch the latch. The people in general seem\u2019d to cry damn him he dare not fire. I did not hear the Centinel call for help but saw the Guard come and a man who I took to be the Captain. He had a thing or Plate upon his breast\u2014a Sash on\u2014a Sword in his hand\u2014and Regimentals. He stood in the rank three Soldiers on his right. I did not see the Party till drawn up.\n Benjamin Lee. I heard the Bells ring. Ran out. Came to Dock-square. The People about 30, told me the Soldiers and Inhabitants were fighting. We all ran up into King street and there I saw the two Barbers boys. One of \u2019em said thats the dog that knock\u2019d me down. Thereupon the People generally cried kill him, kill him, knock him down. Some of them had walking Sticks but not Clubs as Mobs have. There were about 60 People about the Centinel. He ran to the steps and knock\u2019d at the door. After he found he could not get in he Primed and loaded and rested his Gun on his hip. They press\u2019d on. He bad them stand off. They said Damn him he durst not fire. The Centinel then called turn out main Guard. They came and posted themselves about him. I saw Capt. Preston as soon as the Soldiers were ranged. A man went and asked him if he was going to fire. No Sir upon my honor if I can any way avoid it. I knew the Captain by sight and name. He stood to the left of the whole rather behind with his back towards the long Wharfe. He had his Regimentals, a hat on, his breast plate and Sash round his body and Sword in his hand. I saw no Snow balls. I went away as soon as the Man spoke to the Captain.\n Richard Palmes. Being at the Coffee House after 9 heard the Bells. Went up King Street. Saw the Centinel walking quietly. Went up by the Town House. People told me the Soldiers at Murrays barracks were abusing the People. I went there saw a number of Officers at the Gate with Guns and People before them about 20 or 30. I ask\u2019d the Officer why they suffered the Men to be out after eight oClock. Do you mean to teach me my duty. No but to remind of it. One of the Officers said the Soldiers are gone into the Barracks, let the People go home. Mr. Lamb said home, home. They went off. I came through the alley with Mr. Hickling. I saw Mr. Pool Spear. I walked with him to the Pump. Somebody there said there was a Rumpus in King Street. I went down. When I had got there I saw Capt. Preston at the head of 7 or 8 Soldiers at the Custom house drawn up, their Guns breast high and Bayonets fixed. Found Theodore Bliss talking with the Captain. I heard him say why don\u2019t you fire or words to that effect. The Captain answered I know not what and Bliss said God damn you why don\u2019t you fire. I was close behind Bliss. They were both in the front. Then I step\u2019d immediately between them and put my left hand in a familiar manner on the Captains right shoulder to speak to him. Mr. John Hickling then looking over my shoulder I said to Preston are your Soldiers Guns loaded. He answered with powder and ball. Sir I hope you dont intend the Soldiers shall fire on the Inhabitants. He said by no means. The instant he spoke I saw something resembling Snow or Ice strike the Grenadier on the Captains right hand being the only one then at his right. He instantly stepd one foot back and fired the first Gun. I had then my hand on the Captains shoulder. After the Gun went off I heard the word fire. The Captain and I stood in front about half between the breech and muzzle of the Guns. I dont know who gave the word fire. I was then looking on the Soldier who fired. The word was given loud. The Captain might have given the word and I not distinguish it. After the word fire in about 6 or 7 seconds the Grenadier on the Captains left fired and then the others one after another. The Captain stood still till the second Gun was fired. After that I turned and saw the Grenadier who fired first attempting to prick me by the side of the Captain with his Bayonet. I had a large Stick in my hand. I struck over hand and hit him in his left arm. Knocked his hand from his Gun. The Bayonet struck the Snow and jarr\u2019d the breech out of his hand. I had not before struck at any body. Upon that I turnd, thinking the other would do the same and struck at any body at first and hit Preston. In striking him my foot slip\u2019d and my blow fell short and hit him, as he afterwards told me, on the arm. When I heard the word fire the Captains back was to the Soldiers and face to me. Before I recovered the Soldier who fired the first Gun was attempting again to push me through. I tossed my Stick in his face. He fell back and I jump\u2019d towards the lane. He push\u2019d at me there and fell down. I turn\u2019d to catch his Gun. Another Soldier push\u2019d at me and I ran off. Returnd soon and saw the dead carrying off and the party was gone. The Gun which went off first had scorched the nap of my Surtout at the elbow. I did not hear the Captain speak after he answered me. Was there but about 3/4 of a minute in the whole. There was time enough between the first and second Gun for the Captain to have spoke to his Men. He stood leaning on the dagger in the scabbard. At the time of the firing there was between 50 and 80 People at some distance not crowding upon the Soldiers and thin before them.\n Theodore Bliss called again. I related an account of the affair to John Coffin.\n Matthew Murray. Heard the Bells and ran out and heard what was in King street. I went in and got the handle of a Broom. Went to King Street. Saw no Soldiers. Went to Murrays Barracks. The Soldiers were gone. They bid me go home. Went into King Street, heard the Barbers boy say this is the man struck me with the breech of his Gun. The Centinel went to the steps and loaded. They dared him to fire. The Guard came down. I saw \u2019em load. Somebody spoke to the Captain and told him he had best withdraw none of the People would interrupt him. I stood next to the Grenadier. Saw a stick or piece of Ice strike him upon his right side. On which he instantly fired and I went off. I heard no order given. I stood within two yards of the Captain. He was in the front talking with a Person, I dont know who. I was looking at the Captain when the Gun was fired. The Soldier stood on the Captains right. I saw two or three Snow balls thrown at the Soldiers before the Gun was fired, but none after for I went off immediately. The Captain had a Sword in his hand. I know not whether he had a Surtout on but believe he had. I know Capt. Preston by sight. The Prisoner is the Man. A Woman crowded by and spoke to the second Soldier on the right. I think if the Captain had given orders anything loud I should have heard.\n Andrew a Negro Servant. Hearing the bells ring came out. I met one of my acquaintance at the bottom of School Street holding his Arm. He said the Soldiers had begun to fight and were killing every body. One had struck him with a Cutlass and almost cut his arm off. He advised me not to go. I told him a good club was as good as a Cutlass and he had better go and see if he could not cut too. Went to the Main Guard. Saw two Centinels much enraged with the People who were crying who buys Lobsters. I stood two or three minutes, saw the People, about 20, some with sticks run down by Jacksons corner. We went on towards the whipping Post. Some threw Snow balls at the People round the Custom house. They returnd none. Some boys who stood near the middle of the street said they have got his Gun away and now we will have him. I then heard them give 3 cheers round the Custom house. Then run up to the Town house to see if the Main Guard would not turn out. I went to the corner and 7 or 8 Men came out. Were in a line with an Officer before \u2019em, with a Sword in his hand, a laced hat on, and a red Coat, and I remember Silver on his Shoulder. They then filed and went to the Custom house. The Men seemed to be in great rage. The Officer was either on the Northerly side of \u2019em or else before \u2019em. I was behind them. I did not see the Officer after he passed the corner of the Town house. I stood at Peck\u2019s corner. The Soldiers had got down. The People gave 3 cheers. The Boys at Pecks corner kept pelting snow balls over that way. I jumped off a Post on which I stood. Went over. Crowded through. Heard the people halloo here comes Murray with the Riot Act. They turned about and pelted somebody who ran thro\u2019 Pudding lane. I ran to Phillips\u2019s corner. I went from thence to try to get to the Custom house and get through the People. When I was at the head of Royal Exchange I heard the Grenadier who stood next the corner say damn your blood stand off, or back. The People without were crowding in to see those within forcing themselves from the Grenadier who was pushing his Bayonet at \u2019em. A young fellow said Damn you, you bloody back Lobster are you going to stab me. He said by God will 1. A number said come away, let \u2019em alone, you have nothing to do with \u2019em. Turning round to see who there was I saw the Officer and two Men were talking with him. Some jumping upon their backs to hear what was said. I heard somebody I took to be the Officer say stand off and something I could not understand. I then heard somebody say Damn him he is going to fire and then they all began to shout, gave three cheers, clapd hands and said Damn them they dare not fire and began to pelt Snow balls at the Soldiers. I saw Snow balls thrown and saw the Soldiers dodging and pushing their Bayonets. I saw several Snow balls hit them. I was crowding to get as near to the Officer as I could. A Person who stood near behind me with trowsers on as the Grenadier pushed at him in his station struck the Gun aside with a long stick. The Grenadier told \u2019em to draw back. If he had stepd from his Station he might have killed me. I was just out of his reach. Some that stood round me endeavoured to go back. Some people came from Jacksons corner Damn \u2019em, knock over we are not afraid of \u2019em. A stout man forced his way through came up between me and the Grenadier. He had a stick in his hand. I saw him strike at the Officer. Persons were talking with him. I saw him dodge and try to fend off the blow with his arm. He then began to strike on the Grenadiers Gun who stood about a yard and a half from the Officer on the right. I saw the Grenadier attempt to stick him with his Bayonet. He put it aside with his left hand, step\u2019d in and gave a lick upon the Grenadiers neck or Shoulder with his Club. It was a cord Wood stick not very long. As he struck I turnd about, looked at the Officer. There was a bustle. The stout man had still hold of the Bayonet. After the Molatto was killed I took him to be the man. While I was looking at the Captain the People crowded me on between the Soldiers, upon the Mans having the advantage of the Grenadier, crying kill \u2019em, kill \u2019em, knock \u2019em over. Thereupon the Grenadier step\u2019d back relieved himself and began to pay on the people with his Gun to beat them back. They rush\u2019d back very quick making a great noise or screeching huzzaing and bid the Soldiers fire damn you, you dare not fire. I jump\u2019d back and heard a voise cry fire and immediately the first Gun fired. It seemd to come from the left wing from the second or third man on the left. The Officer was standing before me with his face towards the People. I am certain the voice came from beyond him. The Officer stood before the Soldiers at a sort of a corner. I turned round and saw a Grenadier who stood on the Captain\u2019s right swing his Gun and fire. I took it to be Killeroy. I look\u2019d a little to the right and saw a Man drop. The Molatto was killed by the first Gun by the Grenadier on the Captains Right. I was so frightened, after, I did not know where I was. The first place I found myself in was Dehone\u2019s entry.\n Mr. Wendall Master of the Black was Sworn and examined to his Character for the satisfaction of the Court tho\u2019 no exception had been taken to it. He has lived with me ten years. His character for truth, integrity and understanding is good.\n Andrew the Black re-examined. The time from my seeing the Guard planted at the Custom house to the 2d gun did not exceed 5 or 6 minutes.\n John Coffin. Theodore Bliss a few days after the affair told me he was in the Street and at the time of the Soldiers firing he spoke to the Captain and asked him if his men were going to fire. The Capt. said no by no means.\n Theodore Bliss again. I do not now remember those words but I gave Coffin an account.\n Jack Negro Servant to Doctr. Lloyd. Hearing the Bells ring I ran out and went down to a great many Men by the Custom house. A Snow ball hit me on the head. I went to Stone\u2019s door. Heard a gun and saw one man dead.\n Daniel Cornwall. Hearing the Bells ring I ran to King street. Saw a lad who told me a damnd Rascal of a Soldier had struck a Man with a Cutlass. I said where is the damnd villain gone. They gave three Cheers and went to Murrays Barracks. They were not there. Some the People had sticks. I went into a number round the Custom house. Some of them flinging Snow balls and Oyster Shells at the Centinel. Some were for killing him. Some for taking the Sentry Box and burning it. Some for throwing over board. Standing in the middle of the Street saw the Soldiers by the Sentry box. Capt. Preston before \u2019em. Saw a young man talking with him. I went within two yards of him. He seemed much concerned, but I could not hear any thing. Presently heard a stick come against a Gun\u2014immediately\u2014about 1/4 of a minute a Gun went off. I know not who fired it. Capt. Preston was within 2 yards of me\u2014before the Men\u2014nearest to the right\u2014facing the Street. I was looking at him. Did not hear any order. He faced me. I think I should have heard him. I directly heard a voice say Damn you why do you fire. Dont fire. I thought it was the Captains then. I now believe it but dont know. I then ran away.\n William Sawyer of Bolton a Country Town. Hearing the Bells ring for fire I ran towards the Town house. Came to the Guard. Saw some Soldiers fixing their Bayonets. Saw people down Street. Went. The Soldiers came and faced about. The people closed upon them. They stood dallying. I was first on the left Wing but crowded to the right at Exchange lane. The Soldiers were pushing to keep the people off. They came as close as they could. The people kept huzzaing. Damn \u2019em. Daring \u2019em to fire. Threw Snow balls. I think they hit \u2019em. As soon as the Snow balls were thrown and a club a Soldier fired. I heard the Club strike upon the Gun and the corner man next the lane said fire and immediately fired. This was the first Gun. As soon as he had fired he said Damn you fire. I am so sure that I thought it was he spoke. The next Gun fired and so they fired through pretty quick. I ran off as soon as they had fired. Heard a clattering on the pavements and saw a Soldier down. I was in a fright and cant say. I was looking on the man that first fired. I do believe it was the man on the right who had a Gun and am satisfied of it. Others might have said the same but I did not hear them. The people were crying fire. I dont believe the Soldiers did.\n Jane Whitehouse. I live nigh the Centinel. Heard a noise. Went out. Ask\u2019d the Centinel whats the matter. He didn\u2019t know. Some people came and said there\u2019s the Centinel, the bloody back Rascall, let\u2019s go kill him. They kept gathering throwing Snow balls, Oyster Shells and chunks of Wood at the Centinel. Beat him from out of his Box to the steps. A space after saw a party coming from the Main Guard, an Officer which proved to be Capt. Preston with them. He desired his Men to halt and the Centinel to recover his Arm, fall into his Rank and march up to the Main Guard. The Centinel fell in and the men wanted to move forward to the Guard house but could not for the Riot. The people called out fire, damn you why dont you fire, you cant kill us. I steppd to the Party. Heard a Gentleman ask the Capt. if he was going to order his men to fire. He said no Sir by no means, by no means. A Man\u2014the Centinel\u2014then pushed me back. I step\u2019d back to the corner. He bid me go away for I should be killed. A Man came behind the Soldiers walkd backwards and forwards, encouraging them to fire. The Captain stood on the left about three yards. The man touched one of the Soldiers upon the back and said fire, by God I\u2019ll stand by you. He was dressed in dark coloured Cloaths. I don\u2019t remember he had a Surtout or any lace about him. He did not look like an Officer. The man fired directly on the word and clap on the Shoulder. I am positive the man was not the Captain. My attention was fixed on him, for the people said there\u2019s the Officer damn him lets kill him. I am sure he gave no orders. I saw the People throw at them. I saw one man take a chunk of wood from under his Coat, throw at a Soldier and knocked him. He fell on his face. His firelock out of his hand. Near the little run of water by the Sentry box. He was the right hand Soldier. This was before any firing. The man recovered himself and took up his firelock. The chunk was thrown a few minutes before the man clap\u2019d the Soldier on the back. The second gun went off about a minute after the first. I didn\u2019t hear any body say fire between the first and second Gun.\n It being said that Jane Whitehouse thought there was no obligation from Oaths administred by holding up the hand she was Sworn upon the Bible.\n Newton Prince a Negro a Member of the South Church. Heard the Bell ring. Ran out. Came to the Chapple. Was told there was no fire but something better, there was going to be a fight. Some had buckets and bags and some Clubs. I went to the west end of the Town House where were a number of people. I saw some Soldiers coming out of the Guard house with their Guns and running down one after another to the Custom house. Some of the people said let\u2019s attack the Main guard, or the Centinel who is gone to King street. Some said for Gods sake don\u2019t lets touch the main Guard. I went down. Saw the Soldiers planted by the Custom house two deep. The People were calling them Lobsters, daring \u2019em to fire saying damn you why don\u2019t you fire. I saw Capt. Preston out from behind the Soldiers. In the front at the right. He spoke to some people. The Capt. stood between the Soldiers and the Gutter about two yards from the Gutter. I saw two or three strike with sticks on the Guns. I was going off to the west of the Soldiers and heard the Guns fire and saw the dead carried off. Soon after the Guard Drums beat to arms. The People whilst striking on the Guns cried fire, damn you fire. I heard no Orders given to fire, only the people in general cried fire.\n James Woodall was Sworn on the Bible. I came into King Street, saw a great number of People there and a party of Soldiers and an Officer at the Main guard and followed them to the Custom house. The Sentry box was in the Gutter and the Centinel fell in with the Soldiers. They were drawn up. I saw one Soldier knock\u2019d down. His Gun fell from him. I saw a great many sticks and pieces of sticks and Ice thrown at the Soldiers. The Soldier who was knock\u2019d down took up his Gun and fired directly. Soon after the first Gun I saw a Gentleman behind the Soldiers in velvet or blue or black plush trimd with gold. He put his hand towards their backs. Whether he touched them I know not and said by God I\u2019ll stand by you whilst I have a drop of blood and then said fire and two went off and then the rest to 7 or 8. I stood between Capt. Preston and the Lane. The Captain, after, seemed shocked and looked upon the Soldiers. I am very certain he did not give the word fire. I did not hear the word but once till after all the firing. They said \u2019twas only Powder and bid them fire. I saw one Person speak to the Captain when the first gun was fired. The people at the time of firing were about 4 yards distant. The Soldiers were in a single rank. The Gentleman behind had a Wigg.\n Joseph Helyer. Hearing the bell ring I repaired to the middle Town. Passed up Cornhill. The Street was still. Went down to the Custom house. Saw some people about the Centinel who was on the steps. Heard some young voices say fire if you dare. Some people came along and told the Boys not to molest the Centinel. I went up King street near the foot of the Town house. Met 8 or 10 Soldiers coming down. I observed a Commission officer with them. I heard a Person say to the Officer you need not or you won\u2019t fire upon them, you have nothing to do but to keep them off. The Soldiers went to the Custom house. As soon as they got there I heard a confused noise and went down and found them in a rank intire. Whether 1/2 moon or strait I know not, with their Bayonets charged. Just after I passed the last Man on the left a gun was fired on the right. In about 20 seconds a second. In about 10 seconds a third. The last man but one fired on the left last. I heard no orders. It appeared to me the Soldiers who fired acted pure nature. I mean they acted and fired by themselves because of their being disciplined and fired without orders. I saw no contest between the Soldiers and Inhabitants that could justify their firing and when I saw the men lying in the Street I could not believe they were dead. After the firing the Captain said dont fire upon the Inhabitants. When I went to the Custom house there were but about 30. At least about 100 or 60. The Sentry box was not in the Gutter.\n Captain James Gifford. About 10 OClock went to the Main Guard and found Capt. Preston. He told me he had sent a Party to Protect the Centinel. That the Mob attacked them so furiously that they fired upon them.\n The Prisoner asked did you ever know an Officer order Men to fire with their Bayonets charged: answer no.\n Thomas Handaside Peck. I was at home when the Guns were fired. I heard \u2019em distinct. I went up to the main guard and addressed my\u00adself to the Captain and said to him What have you done? He said, Sir it was none of my doings, the Soldiers fired of their own accord, I was in the Street and might have been shot. His character is good as a Gentleman and Soldier. I think it exceeds any of the Corps.\n Harrison Gray junr. About 1/4 after 9 went into the Street and saw about 60 Persons round the Centinel insulting him. I advised \u2019em to let him alone and told \u2019em if he had offended \u2019em that was not the place to resent it. They continued noisy and said damn him let him fire he has but one Gun. I told \u2019em he was so near the Guard he could have a party presently. They continued very noisy and I went in to Mr. Paine\u2019s.\n John Gillespie. About 7 o\u2019Clock, in the forestreet, towards the South end met a number of Inhabitants coming down with Sticks and Clubs. After, was told the Bell rang for fire, but was told by Mr. Freeman there was no fire but the People were fighting somewhere with the Soldiers. Some people said by God lets go to their assistance. Came to the Guard House. Saw a great many People there. Went home and heard the Guns fired.\n Saturday 27 October 1770\n Lieutenant Governor. I suppose I need not mention any thing which preceded my coming into King Street. I was pressed by the people almost upon the Bayonets. The People cried the Governor. I called for the Officer. He came from between the Ranks. I did not know him by Moon light. I had heard no circumstances. I inquired with some emotion, How came you to fire without Orders from a Civil Magistrate? I am not certain of every word. I cannot recollect his answer. It now appears to me that it was imperfect. As if he had more to say. I remember by what he said or his actions I thought he was offended at being questioned. Before I could have his full answer the people cried to the Town house, to the Town house. A Gentleman by me (Mr. Belknap) was extremely civil. I thought he press\u2019d my going into the Town house from a concern for my safety. I was carried by the crowd into the Council Chamber. After some hours Capt. Preston was brought there to be examined. I heard him deny giving Orders. I am very sure it did not occur to me that he had said anything in answer to my question in the Street which would not consist with this denial. My intention in going up was to enquire into the affair. I have no particular intimacy with Capt. Preston. His general character is extremely good. Had I wanted an Officer to guard against a precipitate action I should have pitched upon him as soon as any in the Regiment.\n The Evidence was ended.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0008", "content": "Title: Paine\u2019s Minutes of Adams\u2019 Argument: 27 October 1770\nFrom: Paine, Robert Treat\nTo: \n Adams. It is certain a great bitterness between Soldiers and Inhabitants.\n No Evidence applys to Soldiers in Goal nor to Capt. Preston.\n It was Prestons duty on the message to him to go and take all the Care he could of his men and protect them.\n He had Account of the assault.\n Had the Centry been a private Citizen and Capt. a Citizen it was his duty to go to assist.\n He ordered Corporal and Soldiers to go.\n A Sargeant\u2019s Command.\n Captains never take command of less than 40 unless on Special Occasion.\n They call\u2019d the Centry bloody Back, must allude to the severe whippings. Also Lobster.\n Opposed to the Evidence of Yankee, Boogerers\n Wm. Wyat is one who thinks Capt. Preston ordered to fire.\n Surtot. Behind Soldiers, 1st Gun fired on left.\n Robert Goddard. You observed he is not capable of making Observation: you know, Scarce ordinary Understanding.\n Prisoner knows the use of Language too well to Say murder \u2019em.\n He says Capt. was behind the Soldiers.\n Danl. Calf. Nearly right with regard to Captain\u2019s Scituation, Sensible, hard to Account for mistake.\n It must be this Capt. said fire by no means when People spoke to him.\n Morton. Shows there was a mistake made about Commanding Officer.\n Had a Surtot on not Red.\n Marching Guard to Fortification.\n Fosdick. Never saw em prime and load. Therefore not Cool.\n Sherriff Greenleaf. After Bells ringing said no fire here. Some killed. I went to Lt. Governor\u2019s. He was gone to Town House. I went to Guard House Prisoner said he did not Command the Party he said that it was a Corporals Command, that he did not order the firing. Lt. Gov. sent for Capt. and Bassett. Prisoner said he should have delivered himself up if he had known of a Warrant.\n Peter Cunningham. He is warm temper and brisk Spirits, natural for such a Witness to Suppose Capt. gave Orders.\n His distance.\n Man is a Social Creature. His Passion and Imagination Contagious.\n The Circumstances had a tendency to move all the Passions.\n Have had a tendency to produce Gloom and Melancholly in all our minds.\n May account for the variation in the Testimony of honest Men.\n NB. this is applicable to agravated account of Assaults.\n The Publication of Evidence, an accidental misfortune to Prisoner.\n Some Evidence for Prisoner.\n Jos. Edwards. Says a Man with Musket ordered to prime and load.\n John Frost. Said Fire fire. It might be said by 3 Sorts of people.\n Benja. Leigh. The 1st. assault was by people from Dock Square.\n Prisoner\u2019s Answer. If I can avoid it.\n Lt. Govr. After I had got to King Street I was push\u2019d by a vast throng of people to the place where Troops stood. My intention was to make enquiry into the Cause. I was crouded on Bayonets. Cry, the Govr. I said where is that Officer, why did you fire without order from a Civil Magistrate? I did not know the officer that came out of the Ranks. I cant recollect the Answer, it was imperfect and thought he did not like the question.\n Knox. Said he stopt Prisoner Going down, and therefore, they primed and Loaded before he got down, compared with Cunningham and Edwards.\n Burdick. The Soldiers had reason to think they came to kill \u2019em.\n Preston said perhaps you may, too Cool for a man who had ordered to fire.\n NB. It was his Trade.\n Robt. Fullerton.\n Richd. Palmes. An Inhabitant of Town, therefore not prejudiced in favor of Soldiers. The most material Witness in the Case. T. Bliss said to Prisoner why dont they fire, God damn you fire. Prisoner knew Gun loaded with Ball.\n Self preservation would have made Capt. alter his place at firing.\n He had time to order to recover. Surprise. Might think it only Powder, no man fell.\n Palmes and Bliss. Both Say Prisoner was before Soldiers.\n Wyat. His Account of Stepping before and saying why did you fire, must show him to be diabolically malicious.\n Math. Murray. Preston before \u2019em. Saw the woman talking to soldier.\n Andrew. People thought they were in Riot by Crying Murray and Riot act.\n What Occasion\u2019d he the Lad to put himself into that posture before Bayonet.\n Saw the Officer with 2 persons in front of Soldiers.\n Stout Man Struck at officer, 2 persons still talking to Prisoner.\n No Body else remembers this.\n Cornwall. NB. he said Prisoner not talking with any Body.\n Whitehouse. Went up to Guard House. NB. Centry cant go.\n Lt. Govr. Had Prisoner been conscious of Rashness, he would have gone off, Evidence of Innocence.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0010", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Minutes of Paine\u2019s Authorities: 29 October 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Paines Authorities.\n Foster 278. Plea of self Defense. Nailors Case.\n 290. 291. \u00a72. Slight provocation and \u2014\u2014. Instances in Illustration.\n 295. A uses provoking Language. &c.\n Ld. Ray. 1489. Oneby\u2019s Case.\n Har Thus in MS.\n 1. H.H.P.C. 485. 486. Cokes Case Cro. Car.George Croke, Reports of Cases in King\u2019s Bench and Common Bench, Part 3, Charles, London, 1657. 538.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0011", "content": "Title: Anonymous Minutes of Paine\u2019s Argument for the Crown\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n Mr. Pain, for the Crown.\n It remains for me to close this Cause on the part of the Crown. It\u2019s importance Gentlemen is not confined to the small Circle of a few Individuals, but concerns the very foundation of Civil Goverment. In their Defence, every Source of Eloquence and Art has been exhausted; which I don\u2019t mention as a fault in them, but to guard you against mistaking, the Flowers of Rhetoric for Reason and Argument. This Prosecution is founded on one of the most essential Laws of Nature: Murder is such a Daring Violation of the first Laws of Society that if suffered with impunity, will not only annihilate every blessing we derive from Social Compacts, but, cause them to be reconed among the greatest Misfortunes that attend Mankind. Your enquiry Gentlemen in this important Affair will be directed to these two points\u2014did the Prisoner give Orders to fire, in consequence of which ensued the Death of any, or all the Persons named in the Indictments? If so, has he offered any thing to reduce this Crime to a lower Species of homicide than Murder? The Evidence from it\u2019s Nature, must be complicated and their Witnesses as well as ours, vary in their Accounts but from the whole taken together, you are to collect the facts. Great pains have been taken to convince you that we are mistaken in the Man, that the Prisoner never gave Orders to fire, and if he did, the Necessity he was to, must justify it: but a little enquiry into the State of the Evidence will rectify all these Mistakes. From the Deposition of Colonel Marshal and others it appears, that there was a Number of Soldiers patroling the Streets, brandishing their Weapons of Death and threatning the innocent Inhabitants, with Bloodshed and Slaughter: Is it strange then that the People were alarmed, that their Fears and even Indignation were excited, at this clamorous and hostile appearance of the Soldiers? The Inhabitants undoubtedly had as good a Right to appear in behalf of their injured Fellow Citizens, as Capt. Preston to espouse the Quarrel of his Centinel: but here\u2019s the Michief, neither had a right to interfere: was the Centinel abused? There were peace Officers at hand, to protect him; and miserable is the Situation of that People, whose ultima Ratio Legum, is Guns and Bayo\u00adnets! For what did we quit our native Savage State; but by combining the power of Numbers, to restrain the Lawless Ravages of Individuals and establish personal Security on it\u2019s surest Basis? That the Prisonerat the Bar, wantonly assuming the powers of Government, has exercised a worse than savage Cruelty, in Butchering a Number of his Fellow Subjects; you have the Testimony of Numbers: some sware to the Identity of his Person, the words he uttered, the Station he was placed in; and some to the Motion of his Lips, that accompanied his Orders to fire: but to invalidate all this positive proof, they have produced several Witnesses to testify that the Prisoner stood in the front, when some of ours place him in the Rear, and that if Capt. P. gave any orders to fire they did not hear them: a little Attention to Mr. Fosdick\u2019s Deposition will cure all this Difficulty: he sais, \u201cat the same time the Prisoner gave orders to fire, he retired into the Rear\u201d: now his thus being both in front and Rear, within a few seconds, this apparent Variance is easily reconciled. Mr. Palmes (their principal Witness) is a Gentleman who I can by no means suppose wou\u2019d be guilty of a known Falshood; but he is certainly mistaken, either in the Person or Situation of the Prisoner; unless you can discredit the Testimony of Many Persons (whose Veracity is equally unimpeachable) that have sworn directly to the contrary. I acknowledge there is some little Confusion in the Evidence which must certainly operate as much to their Disadvantage, as ours, And at least destroy the Supposition of a preconcerted plan to convict the Prisoner\u2014but some of their Witnesses, in a very extraordinary fit of fancy, have given such romantic Accounts, that Persons of less extravagance than themselves, can give but little hardly Credit them. Andrews Testimony is very curious, he tells you he saw a stout Fellow run down the Street, make his way thro\u2019 the People and rush upon the Soldiers; a fact, which, unless all the other Witnesses were Stone-blind, or deprived of their Senses, never had existence but in his own brain: but his Imagination once set on fire, did not stop here; for upon seeing one Person shot dead, Andrew must think himself dead too, and for some time lost all Consciousness even of his own Existence: These unaccountable flights of Fancy may be ornamental in a Poet (It was suggested in favour of Andrew\u2019s Understanding, that he had wrote poetry), but, will never establish the Credibility of an Historian.\n Now Gentlemen the fact being once proved, it is the prisoner\u2019s part to justify or excuse it, for all killing is, prima facie, Murder. They have attempted to prove, that the People were not only the aggressors, but attacked the Soldiers with so much Violence, that an immediate Danger of their own Lives, obliged them to fire upon the Assailants, as they are pleased to call them. Now this violent Attack, turns out to be nothing more, than a few Snow-Balls, thrown by a parcel of Boys; the most of them at a considerable distance, and as likely to hit the Inhabitants as the Soldiers (all this is but which is a common Case in the Streets of Boston at that Season of the Year, when a Number of People are collected in a Body), and one Stick, that struck a Grenadier, but was not thrown with sufficient force to wound, or even sally him; whence then this Outrage, fury and abuse, so much talk\u2019d of? The Inhabitants collected, Many of them from the best of Motives, to make peace; and some out of mere Curiosity, and what was the Situation of Affairs when the Soldiers begun the fire? In addition to the Testimony of many others, you may collect it from the Conduct of Mr. Palms, a Witness on whom they principally build their Defence. Wou\u2019d he place himself before a party of Soldiers, and risque his Life at the Muzzels of their Guns, when he thought them under a Necessity of firing to defend their Life? \u2019Tis absurd to suppose it; and it is impossible you should ever seriously believe, that their Situation could either justify or excuse their firing Conduct. I would contend, as much as any Man, for the tenderness and Benignity of the Law; but, if upon such triffling and imaginary provocation, Men may o\u2019erleap the Barriers of Society, and carry havock and Desolation among their defenceless, Fellow Subjects; we had better resign an unmeaning title to protection in Society and range the Mountains uncontrol\u2019d. Upon the whole Gentlemen the facts are with you, and I doubt not, you will find such a Verdict as the Laws of God, of Nature and your own Conscience will ever approve.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0003-0012", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Minutes of Trowbridge\u2019s and Oliver\u2019s Charges to the Jury: 29 October 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Judge Trowbridge.\n 1. H.H.P.C. 442. 8 Soldiers. 7 Guns fired. 5 Persons killed. Query whether it must not be proved which Soldier killed which of the deceased.\n J. Trowbridge.\n Foster 256. 257. Province of Judge and Jury.\n 2. Ld. Ray. Onebys Case. If you believe &c. &c.\n I hope and believe there was not such occasion to send the Troops here as was pretended. But the Question is whether the King has not Authority.\n Stat. C 2. 12. C. 2d. Command of all Forces by Sea and Land, is and ever was in his Majesty. It is the K\u2019s duty to watch when any Invasion is intended. And this Authority extends to all the Dominions as well as Realms. Not to be kept up, a standing Army without express order of Parliament. Mutiny Act annual.\n Next Q. whether the commanding officer of the Troops here appointed a Sentry at the Custom house. Next whether the Centinel was assaulted and insulted. No concerted Plan on Either side, but bickerings, &c. and any little Spark would in kindle a great fire\u2014and 5 lives sacrificed to a Squabble between the Sentry and Piemont\u2019s Barbers Boy. A sawcy Speech in the Boy. The Sentry no Right to strike him. The Credit of the Witnesses is entirely with you. Next whether assistance was call\u2019d for by the Centinel. Garrick, Crookshanks, Langford and Lee, say he did. Hill, Jackson, and Davis say the Guard were call\u2019d. If you find that he went to protect the Sentry, it is plain in my Mind, it was a lawful assembly. If they were not assaulted, as soon as they turned their Arms against the Inhabitants, they were an unlawfull assembly. Witnesses say they were assaulted are &c. Thus in MS. By whom? were they assaulted? By Boys only or by Men? Next Q. whether the People assembled round the sentry or Party, were a lawfull Assembly. If unlawfull, all present, aiding, abeting or incouraging were principals. Any Act done by one, is chargeable upon all.\n Judge Trowbridge. Next whether the firing could be justified, by any Thing that was done by any one of this unlawfull Assembly. An assault lifting up a Hand in Anger, throwing a Bottle a material Difference between Justifiable or excusable, and extenuate it to Manslaughter. Next, whether Prisoner was aiding and abetting this Firing, 1st whether he orderd to load, or to fire. Next whether he had a Right to order them to load. Cunningham says orderd \u2019em to load, the same Man that led the Party down. Wyat says so too. It seems to be agreed on all Hands the Corporal led the Party down. Edwards contrary. Knox and Archibald say the Corporal that led em down, And orderd them to prime and load. If it remains only doubtful in your Minds whether he did order the loading or not, you cant charge him with doing it. If he did it, whether he had a Right. If the People were gathering, and insulting and assaulting him and his Party he might put himself in the best Posture of Defence. Next Q. whether he gave the orders to Fire? Settle the Place where the Man was who gave the orders, and the Place where Captain Preston was. Was he before or behind his Men. Before say Bliss, Palmes &c. Murray, Prince, Waddel, Whitehouse and many others. Behind, Wyat, Godard, Fosdick and Lee. Wyat was behind. Palmes says he had his Hand upon his shoulder. Was the order to fire before the first Gun or after. Before, Wyat, Palmes, Langford &c. After, Cox, Bliss, Cornwall, these say they heard the Captn. say \u201cdont fire.\u201d Next whether Captain Preston acknowledged that he did order them to fire\u2014Pierce, Belknap, and Mason.\n Cities of Refuge were appointed for those who killed a Man unaware for he hated him not aforetime and a Man might kill a Thief who attempted to break his House in the Night. Whoso sheddeth Mans Blood, by Man shall his Blood be shed, is a general Rule, many Exceptions to it.\n Cooks Case. Cro. An Officer had a Ca. Sa. He lay in wait in the stable. In the Morning he tryd to get into the Windows and Door, and the Man takes his Gun, and shoots the officer, thro the Body.\n Keiling. Mawgridges Case. Where one Man catches another by the Nose and fillips him in the forhead, it is only Manslaughter. Mawgridges Case, adjudged and reported by Holt.\n I shall take it for granted that these snow Balls, Sticks, Oyster shells and Blows struck on the Guns and aimed at them. If you are Satisfyed that the sentinel was insulted and assaulted, and that Captain Preston and his Party went to assist them, it was doubtless excusable Homicide, if not justifiable. Self Defense a Law of Nature, what every one of us have a Right to, and may stand in need of.\n J. Oliver. There has been a great deal done to prejudice the People against the Prisoner a copper Plate Print, in which this Court has been insulted and call\u2019d a venal Court, if this Prisoner was not condemned. I my self was last Term insulted for giving my opinion in a Point of Law. 15 of the Prisoner\u2019s Witnesses mention the snow Balls, Ice, Clubbs, &c.\n Q. Whether the Sentry was obliged to retreat from his Post. My opinion is, that the Party, attacked in that violent manner they were not obliged to retreat at all.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0001", "content": "Title: Arraignment, Impaneling, Crown\u2019s Opening and Evidence: 7 September, 27 November 1770\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n On Saturday i.e. Tuesday, the 27th November, 1770, the Court being met, the prisoners were brought into Court and set to the bar, when the Court proceeded thus. . . .\n Clerk. How sayest thou, William Wemms, art thou guilty of the felony and murder whereof thou standest indicted, or not guilty?\n William Wemms. Not guilty.\n Clerk. How wilt thou be tried?\n William Wemms. By God and my country.\n Clerk. God send thee a good deliverance. . . .\n The Jury were then called over and appeared.\n Clerk. You the prisoners at the bar, these good men, which were last called and do now appear, are those who are to pass between our sovereign Lord the King and you, upon the trial of your several lives; if therefore you will challenge them, or any of them, you must challenge them as they are called to be sworn, before they are sworn, and you shall be heard.\n The prisoners being asked whether they would agree in their challenges, consented that William Wemms should make challenges for them all.\n Samuel Williams,\n Roxbury,\n challenged for cause.\n Joseph Curtis,\n challenged for cause.\n Nathaniel Davis,\n Joseph Mayo,\n Abraham Wheeler,\n Dorchester,\n Edward Pierce,\n William Glover,\n challenged peremtorily.\n Isaiah Thayer,\n Braintree,\n Samuel Bass, jun.\n challenged peremtorily.\n James Faxen,\n challenged peremtorily.\n Benjamin Fisher,\n John Morse,\n challenged peremtorily.\n James White,\n challenged peremtorily.\n Nehemiah Davis,\n Brookline,\n challenged peremtorily.\n Samuel Davenport,\n Joseph Houghton,\n James Richardson,\n Medfield,\n challenged peremtorily.\n John Billings,\n Stoughton,\n challenged peremtorily.\n Joseph Richards,\n challenged for cause.\n Consider Atherton,\n Abner Turner,\n Walpole,\n challenged peremtorily.\n John Brown,\n challenged for cause.\n Joseph Barrell,\n challenged for cause.\n Silas Aitkins,\n challenged for cause.\n Harbottle Dorr,\n challenged for cause.\n The Clerk having gone thro\u2019 the pannel, and there being a deficiency of Jurors, the Sheriff, by order of the court, returned the following talesmen.\n Samuel Sheppard,\n challenged peremtorily.\n John Goldsbury,\n challenged for cause.\n Samuel Peck,\n challenged for cause.\n William Gouge,\n challenged for cause.\n Joseph Turrel,\n challenged for cause.\n Jacob Cushing, jun.\n Hingham,\n Josiah Lane,\n Jonathan Burr,\n N.B. The three last being illegally returned, as Jurors, were rejected by the Court, and returned by the Sheriff as talesmen.\n Clerk. Cryer count these.\n Joseph Mayo, Forem.\n Roxbury.\n Samuel Davenport,\n Nathaniel Davis,\n Joseph Houghton,\n Abraham Wheeler,\n Dorchester.\n Consider Atherton,\n Stoughton.\n Edward Pierce,\n Jacob Cushing, jun.\n Hingham.\n Isaiah Thayer,\n Braintree.\n Josiah Lane,\n Benjamin Fisher,\n Jonathan Burr,\n Cryer. Gentlemen are ye all sworn.\n Clerk. Prisoners hold up your hands. Gentlemen of the Jury look upon the prisoners, and hearken to the charge. (The Clerk then read the several indictments against them as before set forth.) Upon each and every of these several indictments, the prisoners at the bar have been arraigned, and upon their arraignment have pleaded not guilty, and for trial have put themselves upon God and their country, which country you are; your charge therefore is, to enquire whether they or either of them be guilty of the felony and murder whereof they stand indicted, or not guilty. If they or either of them are guilty, you are to say so; if they or either of them are not guilty, you are to say so and no more. Good men and true, stand together and hearken to your evidence.\n Council for the Crown.\n Robert Treat Paine, Esq;\n Samuel Quincy, Esq;\n Council for the Prisoners.\n John Adams, Esq;\n and Mr. Sampson Salter\n Mr. Josiah Quincy,\n Blowers.\n Samuel Quincy, Esq: addressing himself to the Court and Jury, opened the cause nearly in the following words:\n May it please your Honours, and you Gentlemen of the Jury.\n The prisoners at the bar, are that party of soldiers belonging to his Majesty\u2019s 29th regiment, who in the evening of the 5th of March last, were induced from some cause or other to fire on the inhabitants of this town, in King-street.\n They are charged in five distinct indictments, with the wilful premeditated murder of five different persons mentioned in the respective bills; to each of these indictments, they have severally pleaded, not guilty; and by that plea have thrown upon the crown the burthen of proving the fact alledged against them: It is my province therefore to give you evidence in support of this charge, and yours, gentlemen of the jury, to determine whether they are guilty, or not.\n The cause is solemn and important; no less than whether eight of your fellow subjects shall live or die! A cause grounded on the most melancholy event that has yet taken place on the continent of America, and perhaps of the greatest expectation of any that has yet come before a tribunal of civil justice, in this part of the British dominions.\n I am aware how difficult, in cases of this sort, it ever is, and more especially so in these times, and in this trial, to preserve the mind perfectly indifferent; but I remember, we are bound, not only by the natural obligations towards God and man, but also by an oath, to examine into the evidence of fact without partiality or prejudice; I need not therefore caution you of your duty in this respect: It is upon that evidence and the law resulting from it, you gentlemen are, in the language of your oath, to give a verdict; and I will venture, before hand, to pronounce that verdict righteous, if it is founded in these principles as the rule of your judgment.\n It has become my duty, it shall therefore be my endeavor, to acquit myself in the course of this trial with decency and candour; reflecting that however interesting the question may be, the object of our enquiry is simply that of truth, and that this enquiry is to be conducted by the wisdom of the laws and constitution.\n In support of this accusation against the prisoners at the bar, it is incumbent on the crown, to ascertain the following things; viz. The identity of the persons charged; the fact of killing; and the circumstances attending and aggravating that fact.\n To this end, I shall immediately produce to you such evidence, from the testimony of credible witnesses, as may be sufficient to sustain the several indictments, and when I have gone through the examination, make such remarks upon it, as may be most concise and pertinent to the present issue.\n The following witnesses were then sworn and examined in their order.\n Jonathan Williams Austin, clerk to John Adams, Esq; sworn.\n Q. Do you know either of the prisoners at the bar?\n Q. Which of them?\n A. McCauley. I knew the man before, but did not know his name; I was afterwards told it was McCauley. On the evening of the 5th of March last, I heard the bells ring, and went into King-street.\n Q. How many people do you imagine might be there when you got into King-street.\n A. There might be twenty or thirty I believe. I saw the Sentry at the Custom House door swinging his gun and bayonet; there were a parcel of men and boys round him. I desired them to come away, and not molest the Sentry; Some of them came off and went to the middle of the street; I then left them and went up towards the Main-Guard. Immediately a party came down, I walked by the side of them till I came to the Sentry box at the Custom House. McCauley then got to the right of the Sentry-box; he was then loading his piece.\n Q. How near was you to McCauley at that time?\n A. I was about four feet off: McCauley said \u201cDamn you, stand off,\u201d and pushed his bayonet at me: I did so: Immediately I heard the report of a gun.\n Q. How near did McCauley stand to the corner?\n A. He came round the Sentry-box, and stood close to it on the right.\n Q. When the party came down, were there many people there?\n A. I cannot really say, I think about fifty or sixty.\n Q. What did they say to the people as they came down?\n A. I did not hear them say any thing.\n Q. Did you hear any orders given?\n A. I did not, either to load or fire.\n Q. Did you hear the Sentry cry out for help to the Main-Guard?\n A. No; I was not there half a minute.\n Q. Whereabouts did you stand?\n A. I stood inside the gutter, close by the box.\n Q. Whereabouts did the Sentry box stand?\n A. Three or four feet from the corner of the Custom-House.\n Q. How many guns did you hear?\n A. Five or six, I cannot swear to any particular number.\n Q. Did you look round after you heard the guns fired? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. Did you see McCauley then? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. Was he loading again?\n A. I think he was; it so lies in my mind; (I cannot absolutely swear it.)\n Q. Do you know whether any soldiers stood on the right of McCauley?\n A. I took so particular notice of McCauley, that I minded no other object.\n Ebenezer Bridgham, Merchant, sworn.\n Q. Do you know any of the prisoners at the bar?\n A. I particularly saw that tall man, (pointing to Warren, one of the prisoners.) Next day after the firing in K. street, I saw more of them whom I cannot particularly swear to now.\n Q. Did you see the soldiers before the justices on examination?\n Q. Did you then observe you had seen any of them the night before in King street?\n A. I was well persuaded next day in my own mind, that I saw that tall one; but a few days after, I saw another man belonging to the same regiment, so very like him, that I doubt whither I am not mistaken with regard to him.\n Q. Were there any other of the party you knew? \u2004A. I am well satisfied I saw the Corporal there.\n Q. Did you see White there? \u2004A. I do not remember.\n Q. What was the situation of the Corporal?\n A. He was the corner man at the left of the party.\n Q. Did you see either of the persons, you think you know, discharge their guns?\n A. Yes; the man I take to be the tall man, discharged his piece as it was upon a level.\n Q. Did you see the Corporal discharge his gun? \u2004A. I did not.\n Q. Where did you stand? \u2004A. I was behind them in the circle.\n Q. What part of the circle did the tall man stand in?\n A. He stood next but one to the Corporal. The tall man whoever he was, was the man I saw discharge his piece.\n Q. Was any thing thrown at the soldiers?\n A. Yes, there were many things thrown, what they were I cannot say.\n Q. How did the Soldiers stand?\n A. They stood with their pieces before them to defend themselves; and as soon as they had placed themselves, a party, about twelve in number, with sticks in their hands, who stood in the middle of the street, gave three cheers, and immediately surrounded the soldiers, and struck upon their guns with their sticks, and passed along the front of the soldiers, towards Royal-exchange-lane, striking the soldiers guns as they passed; numbers were continually coming down the street.\n Q. Did you see any person take hold of any of the guns or bayonets of any of the party? \u2004A. I do not remember I did.\n Q. Did you hear any particular words from this party of twelve?\n A. I heard no particular words, there was such a noise I could not distinguish any words.\n Q. Did they load their guns before the people surrounded them, or after? \u2004A. They were loading at the time.\n Q. How near did they go to the soldiers?\n A. Very near them, almost close to their guns.\n Q. Were the people who struck the guns, there at the firing?\n A. I cannot say whether they had gone away or not.\n Q. Did you apprehend the soldiers in danger, from any thing you saw? \u2004A. I did not, indeed.\n Q. Where did you stand at the firing?\n A. I kept my place. At the time of the firing of the first gun, I heard a clattering noise on the right like one gun striking against another, and immediately the first gun was fired from the right.\n Q. At the time of firing that gun was any assault made on the person that fired? \u2004A. I did not see the person that fired.\n Q.. You said, you saw several blows struck upon the guns, I should like you would make it more plain.\n A. I saw the people near me on the left, strike the soldiers guns, daring them to fire, and called them cowardly rascals, for bringing arms against naked men; bid them lay aside their guns, and they were their men.\n Q. Did you see any person fall? \u2004A. Yes, I saw Gray fall.\n Q. Where was that? \u2004A. He fell in the middle of the street.\n Q. Was the place where he fell nearly opposite to the tall man you talk of?\n A. No; the gun that killed him, must have been nearer to the center. When the soldiers on the left fired, there were fewer people in the street.\n Q. Did you see a molatto among those persons who surrounded the soldiers? \u2004A. I did not observe.\n Q. Did they seem to be sailors or town\u2019s men?\n A. They were dressed some of them in the habits of sailors.\n Q. Did you hear any bell ring? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. What bell?\n A. I believe all the bells in town were ringing, I heard the Old South first.\n Q. Did the clattering or blows on the guns to the right, immediately before the first gun went off, appear very violent?\n A. Yes, very violent.\n Q. Where was the second gun fired from?\n A. I took it to be the person next to him who fired the first, or very near him.\n Q. Betwixt the first and second gun, did you see any assault given to the soldiers? \u2004A. No.\n Q. When the firing came along to the left, were there many people in the street? \u2004A. There were very few people then in the street.\n Q. What place did those few stand in? \u2004A. Right over the way.\n Q. Was you looking at the person who fired the last gun?\n A. Yes, I saw him aim at a lad that was running down the middle of the street, and kept the motion of his gun after him a considerable time, and then fired.\n Q. Did the lad fall?\n A. He did not, I kept my eye on him a considerable time.\n Q. This soldier was towards the left you say, was he quite to the left? \u2004A. Not quite, but towards it.\n Q. Was the lad among the party that struck at the soldiers?\n A. He was passing the street, I cannot say where he came from.\n Q. After the firing of the first gun did the people disperse?\n A. They drew away down Royal exchange-lane, but others were coming continually down the street; but when the first person was killed, they seemed all to draw off.\n Q. Did the people that came down the street, endeavour to join the party that was striking the soldiers, or did they come because of the ringing of the bells?\n A. I believe they came because the bells were ringing, for they came from all parts of the town, and did not appear to me to join in the assault.\n Q. How many guns were fired? \u2004A. I believe seven.\n Q. How many soldiers were of the party?\n A. I did not count them, but I believe twelve.\n James Dodge, sworn.\n Q. Do you know either of the prisoners?\n A. Yes, I know Warren, and saw him with the party in King-street on the evening of the 5th of March last.\n Q. Do you know any of the rest?\n A. I know them all by sight, but that is the only person I can swear to.\n Q. The night of the firing, did you see the Corporal there?\n A. Not so as to know him; but Warren I can swear to.\n Q. Did you see him discharge his piece?\n A. No; I went away when the first gun fired.\n Q. Where did the person stand, who fired the first gun?\n A. He stood towards the left of the party.\n Q. Whereabout did you stand yourself?\n A. Opposite the soldiers, by Mr. Warden\u2019s shop the barber.\n Q. Did you see any body fall?\n A. I saw none fall. I went off when the first gun was fired, and came back again and heard there were three men killed.\n Q. Do you mean the first gun was fired from your left, or from the left of the party?\n A. From the left of the party; there were two stood to the left of Warren.\n Q. What appeared to be the conduct of the soldiers before the firing?\n A. When I got there, they were swinging there guns backward and forward, and several among the people, said, fire, damn you fire; but I think it was Capt. Preston that gave the word to fire.\n Q. How many people were there?\n A. I took them to be about fifty.\n Q. What had they in their hands?\n A. They had nothing in their hands.\n Q. Did you see any ice or snow-balls thrown at the soldiers?\n A. I saw several snow balls and pieces of ice thrown, and heard a rattling against the barrels of their guns, whether it was sticks, or what, I do not know.\n Q. Where did the snow-balls seem to come from?\n A. From the people right before the party.\n Q. Did the snow balls seem to be thrown in anger?\n A. I do not know; I saw the soldiers pushing at the people before any snow balls were thrown.\n Q. Were the people pressing on?\n A. They were very near, within reach of their bayonets.\n Q. Did you see any oyster-shells thrown? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Was the snow trodden down, or melted away by the Custom-House?\u2004A. No, the street was all covered like a cake.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0003", "content": "Title: Adjournment: 27\u201328 November 1770\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n N.B. The Court being unable to go through this trial in one day, the King\u2019s Attorney and the prisoners consented to the Court\u2019s adjourning over night during the Trial, the Jury being kept together in the mean time, by proper officers, appointed and sworn by the Court for that purpose.\n FIVE o\u2019clock p.m. the Court adjourned to next morning, Wednesday\u200428 November. NINE o\u2019clock.\n Wednesday, NINE o\u2019clock, the Court met according to adjournment, and proceeded.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0005", "content": "Title: Adjournment: 28\u201329 November 1770\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n SIX o\u2019clock, p.m. the Court adjourned to Thursday morning\u200429 November\u2004Nine o\u2019clock.\n Thursday NINE o\u2019clock the Court met according to adjournment, and proceeded.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0006", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Minutes of Crown Evidence, Concluded, and of Samuel Quincy\u2019s Argument for the Crown: 29 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Jos. Crosbey.Kilroys Bayonett appeared to be covered with Blood 5 or 6 Inches, next day.\n James Carter. The next Morning I observed Kilroys Bayonett to be bloody. I am Satisfyed it was blood. I was near to it, as to Mr. Paine.\n Jona. Cary. 4 of my Sons, Maverick and another Lad were at supper in my Kitchen, when the Bells rang and I told em there was fire. They said theyd eat a few mouth fulls more and go.\n Jno. Hill Esqr. Was struck at at the Ropewalks.\n Mrs. Gardiner\n Mr. S. Quincy. It is my Province to apply the Evidence. It is complex and in some Places perhaps difficult.\n 2 Things I must prove, the Identity, and the Fact. Goes over all the Names and mentions the Witnesses who swore to each of them. Could wish that the fatigues of yesterdy and the Circumstances of my family would have allowd me to have arranged the Evidence more particular, to have extracted the most material Parts of it.\n Considers J. W. Austins Testimony. Then Eb. Bridgham\u2019s.\n The last Man aim\u2019d at a running Lad. Did not apprehend any Danger.\n Dodge. Clark. Langford. As particular as any Witness on the Part of the Crown. Boys were damning the sentry, told him the Boys would not hurt him. Gray came up. What\u2019s here? I dont know, but Something will come of it, by and by. Gray with his Hands folded. He leaning on his Stick. He Spoke to Kilroy. D\u2014n you you ant a going to fire. Kilroy presents at Gray, and shoots him dead upon the Spot, and then pushes at Langford with his Bayonet. Here is Evidence of an Heart desperate, wicked, bent deliberately bent upon Mischief. Compared with the Testimony of Hemenway. This is Malice. A Distinction between Malice and Hatred. Keyling 126. 2 Inst. 62 Mawgridges Case. Envy, Hatred and Malice. He that doth a cruel Act voluntarily doth it of Malice prepensed, tho upon a sudden Occasion.\n Ferriter testifies that Kilroy was at the Ropewalks, and that Gray was there too, and both active in the Affray there. These Circumstances must remove all doubt of the fact and of the Species of Crime.\n Archibald, J. Brewer. Saw no Abuse, more than was common. Met Dr. Young with a sword. Dr. said every Man to his own House. Perhaps some use may be made of this Circumstance. There was a general Alarm. Every Body had a Right, and it was very prudent, to arm themselves for their defence.\n Bailey. Thinks Montgomery kill\u2019d Attucks. That Montgomery fired is clear from this Witness.\n Mr. Palmes. Saw Montgomery. Stepd back, did not fall. Montgomery slippd in pushing 3d time at him and fell. In probability he kill\u2019d Attucks, and continued the same mischivous Spirit in pushing.\n Danbrook. Saw a Piece of Rattan. Saw M. fire. Two Persons fell.Attucks at the left Hand of this Witness and leaning on his Stick.\n J. Bass. Thos. Wilkinson. The People in the Window cautioning those In the Street, not to go there. Soldiers challenging the People. Not apprehensive of danger. Well placed to observe. They must be believed if any Witnesses. Striking of the Clock. 7 went off, one flashed. Saw no pressing, nothing thrown. 2 or 3 cheers, before, none after the Party came down.\n J. Simpson. Curious. Handle, Ease, support, &c. Arms. There is something like these in the Words of Command. Captain Preston behind the Soldiers. 8 Guns.\n N. Fosdick. Pressing behind him with Bayonetts, in his back. Thrusts, and pushes in the Breast and Arm.\n S. Hemenway. Kilroy not in Anger nor in Liquor.\n Helyer. People in Dock Squareafraid to go up. 20 seconds between 1 and 2d Gun. A little Boy, running and crying fire, the last Gun was pointed at him and fired.\n Ferriter. 3 Attacks at the Ropewalks. Kilroy and Warren in the last Battle at the Ropewalks.\n Burdick. Spoke to the bald Man, he thinks. Yes by the eternal God. Intention to fire. Mem. vid. Test.\n Williams. The Guns followed the People as they ran.\n Quincy. No doubt with me, that Kilroy did it sedato Animo. The Person he killed was in Peace. No Insult offerd to K.\n Marshall. The Street entirely Still. Fewer People there than usual. He had been warned not to go out that Evening. Moon, to the North. Saw a Party come out of the main Guard door. D\u2014n em where are they? By Jesus let em come. Boisterous Language. The Party came from Quaker Lane, and cryd fire. Very probable the Word fire was a Watch Word. Any one next the Meeting House, steps in, at a Cry of fire, and sets the Bell a ringing.\n Mr. Thayer. Heard a Cry of Fire, and supposed it a Watch Word.\n Bart. Kneeland. One pointed his Bayonet at his Breast.\n Mr. Appleton, and little Master John Appleton. His Story and the Manner of his telling of it, must have struck deep into your Mind. Struck by a Soldier, tenderly askd him Soldier, Spare my Life. No damn you we\u2019l kill you all. Brother Adams\u2019s Social Creature. Here is food enough for the social Appetite.\n Immaterial who gives the mortal Blow, where there are a Number of Persons together. All present, aiding, abetting, are guilty. No Man shall be an Avenger of his own Cause unless from absolute Necessity.\n J. Trowbridge. You ought to produce all your Evidence now.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0007", "content": "Title: Samuel Quincy\u2019s Argument for the Crown: 29 November 1770\nFrom: Quincy, Samuel\nTo: \n May it please your Honours, and you Gentlemen of the Jury.\n Having gone through the evidence on the part of the crown, it is my province to support the charge against the prisoners. The examination hath been lengthy, and from the nature of the transaction complex, and in some part difficult; I shall apply it as distinctly as I am able, without endeavouring to misrepresent or aggravate any thing to the prejudice of the prisoners on the one hand, or on the other to neglect any thing that justice to the deceased sufferers, the laws of my country, or the preservation of the peace of society demand.\n There are two things necessary to prove which I mentioned in the first opening of this cause, namely, the identity of the prisoners, that is, that they were that party of men who on the 5th of March last were in King street, and that they committed the facts mentioned in the indictments, and farther gentlemen, the circumstances attending and aggravating the commission of those facts.\n As to the first point, to prove the identity of the prisoners, all of them have been sworn to, and most of them by more than one witness.\n To KILLROY gentlemen, you have Langford, Archibald and Brewer, who swear positively; and farther you have the evidence of Ferriter and Hemmingway. The one, of Killroy\u2019s being in the affray at the rope-walks, and the other to his uttering a number of malicious and threatning expressions in regard to the inhabitants of the town of Boston.\n To WHITE gentlemen, you have four more, Simpson, Langford, Bailey and Clark.\n To MONTGOMERY, you have Bailey, Palmes, Bass, Danbrook and Wilkinson.\n To HARTEGAN, you have Danbrook and Simpson.\n To WEMMS, you have Simpson and Bridgham.\n To CARROL, Bailey and Danbrook.\n To WARREN, Bridgham, Dodge and Simpson. Bridgham indeed expressed some doubt, and gave his reasons for it, which may be worthy notice hereafter.\n To MC CAULEY, you have Mr. Austin.\n And that Warren was at the Rope-walks, you have also the testimony of Mr. Ferriter.\n All these witnesses as I have mentioned them to you, have testified on oath to the several prisoners, that they were that evening in King street, and of the party; the next thing to be enquired into gentlemen is as to the facts. In order to ascertain these it will be necessary to have recourse to the testimony of the witnesses. I could have wished I had been able, after the fatigue of yesterday, to have ranged the evidence in the order of time as the facts took place; but not being able to do this, I must take them up as the witnesses were examined. I will however endeavour to state the facts in the best arrangement I can.\n The first witness Mr. Austin, says, that he was in King-street that evening, near the Sentry-box which was placed at the Custom-house; that about a quarter after nine he saw the party coming from the Main guard; when they got down to the Sentry Box, they wheeled to the left and formed themselves round it; and in coming round McCauley pushed at him with his bayonet, damned him, and bid him to stand off, this was the first instance of their conduct. Mr. Austin was not particular who fired, his back being towards the soldiers when that happened. He says there were five or six guns fired; and he saw McCauley after the firing. These are the most material circumstances of his testimony.\n The next witness is Bridgham, who says he was in King-street also; and the next morning when he went to the goal to view the prisoners, he apprehended he had seen Warren in King street the evening before, but afterwards he saw a person that looked very like him belonging to the same regiment, which occasioned him to doubt whether he was the man or not; my remark upon this, is, it was probable that the first impressions made on his mind were the strongest, and therefore you cannot well doubt he was right in judging that Warren was in fact the person he saw the evening before; he saw also Wemms the corporal stationed on the left of the party betwixt him and the tall man; the Corporal was on the left entire, if so gentlemen, Warren must have been the third man from the left in that situation; there were a number of people he says round the party huzzaing, some having sticks; his face was the other way when the first gun went off, he heard a noise like the clashing of guns, he saw Gray fall, and says the person that killed him, must have been near the center of the party; when the left man fired there were but few in the street, they divided and were passing off; the last man that fired, he says leveled his piece, following a lad that was running down the street before he fired; he also mentions a number of people coming down from the north side of the Town-house, collected as he supposed by the bells, and not disposed to commit any injury whatsoever; he did not apprehend himself, or the soldiers in any danger from any thing he observed; he says about seven guns were fired, and there were about twelve people at that time before the party. These are the most material circumstances in his evidence.\n Dodge says, he saw Warren, but cannot swear to any of the rest, the man who fired first he thinks stood towards the left, about two from the corner, however he was over at Vernon\u2019s shop across the street, and perhaps not able to make so good observations as some others; he saw about fifty people in the street, but he saw nothing in their hands; he saw a number of snow balls thrown, but none as he observed with violence or in anger; he saw the people near the party of soldiers, and they pushing at them with their bayonets; he does not imagine there was any thing besides snow balls thrown.\n Clark the next witness saw White the Sentinel at his station just before nine o\u2019clock, that he spoke to him, but saw no one at that time near or molesting him.\n Mr. Langford comes next, and this witness is perhaps as particular as any one witness on the part of the Crown; it appears by the relation of his evidence that he came down about nine o\u2019clock as a watchman, in order to go to the Watch-house next adjoining the Town-house; when he came down, he was told the people and soldiers were fighting at Murray\u2019s Barracks; upon this, he took his course that way, but the matter being over by the time he got there, he returned to King-street: there were a number of boys round the Sentinel, to whom he spoke and told him he need not fear, the boys would not hurt him; soon after this the Sentinel without saying any thing to the people went up the Custom-house steps and knocked at the door; a person within opened it and said something, but what, the witness did not hear; upon that the Sentinel turned round, and pointed his piece at the people opposite to him. Langford spoke again, and told him there was no danger, the boys would not hurt him, and he shouldered. The witness continued talking with the Sentry till the party came down, and then he went into the street. About this time Gray, one of the unhappy sufferers, came and clapped Langford on the shoulder, say\u00ading what\u2019s here to pay? Langford replies, I do not know, but something I believe will come of it by and by; his stand was half way as he said betwixt the Sentry-box and Royal-exchange-lane; the box being on the right corner of the lane, and he opposite the center of the lane; the witness and Gray were standing together talking familiarly, Langford leaning on his stick, and Gray standing with his hands folded in his bosom, without a stick in his hand, neither saying or doing anything to the soldiers. You cannot but recollect Gentlemen, that this witness was expressly and repeatedly asked, if Gray had a stick or said any thing to the soldiers? he as often answered no. Langford spoke to Killroy, and after two guns were discharged, seeing him present his piece, said to him, damn you are you going to fire? Presently upon this Killroy levelled his piece, and firing directly at Gray, killed him dead on the spot! The ball passed through his head, and he fell on Langford\u2019s left foot; upon which, not satisfied with having murdered one of his fellow creatures in that cruel and inhuman manner, he pushed with his bayonet, and pierced Langford through his great coat and jacket; here Gentlemen, if any there can be, is evidence, and I think compleat evidence of a heart desperately wicked, and bent upon mischief, the true characteristic of a wilful malicious murderer.\n It could not be thought, at the distance the witness and Gray were standing from him, without offering any violence, but Killroy the prisoner saw them distinctly, and aimed to destroy them; if you compare this testimony with Mr. Hemmingway\u2019s, who swears to Killroy\u2019s uttering expressions importing, that he would miss no opportunity of firing on the inhabitants, he had wished for it ever since he landed, you certainly Gentlemen can have no doubt in your minds but that he had that intention at heart, and took this opportunity to execute it.\n The crime of murder, Gentlemen, it will be agreed by all, necessarily involves in it the malice of the heart, and that malice is to be collected from the circumstances attending the action; but it is not necessary to constitute malice, that it should be harboured long in the breast; a distinction is made in the books betwixt malice and hatred, and a good distinction it is; I have it in my hand and will read it;\n Kelynge 126, and 127. Mawgridge\u2019s Case. \u201cSome have been led into mistake by not well considering what the passion of malice is; they have construed it to be a rancour of mind lodged in the person killing, for some considerable time before the commission of the fact, which is a mistake arising from their not well distinguishing between hatred and malice,\u201d And a little after, \u201cMalice is a design formed ofdoing mischief to another; cum quis data opera male agit, he that designs and useth the means to do ill is malicious. 2 Coke Inst. 42. He that doth a cruel act voluntarily, doth it of malice propensed. 3 Coke Inst. 62.\u201d\n Though Gentlemen, it happens on a sudden occasion as this was, if the act is in it\u2019s nature wanton and cruel, the law will presume it to be malicious, unless that presumption is taken off by contrary evidence.\n Ferriter, who testified to the same person, tells you, he was remarkably active at the Rope walks amongst the rest of the soldiers; taking therefore all the circumstances of this testimony together, it must remove every sort of difficulty in your minds as to the purpose Killroy had at that time; it seems apparent that there were strong marks of malice in his heart; the person you can have no doubt of, the fact you can have no doubt of, nor can you I think doubt of the species of crime.\n The next witness, who also testifies to Killroy\u2019s going down, and being of the party, swears that he was about twenty feet from the party when the first gun was fired; that he also had been, previous to this, at Murray\u2019s barracks, when the affray happened there, and tells you the behaviour of the soldiers in that scene.\n Brewer, another witness also swears to Killroy. He saw the Sentinel on the Custom-house steps; at that time there were about twenty people, boys chiefly about fourteen, and some younger, round about him, but they made no great show; he saw the Captain come down with the party, the Sentinel at this time had his gun breast high; that while the witness was speaking to Monk, (a young lad who was wounded) he lost sight of Preston and the guns went off: Monk complained of being shot, but Brewer apprehended it was nothing but powder, and that he was more frightened than hurt; the firing began at the right and extended to the corner man on the left. Killroy attacked this witness in the same manner McCauley did Austin, by pushing at him with his bayonet; a number were collected by the ringing of the bells, but he heard nothing particular in regard to abusive language; he saw no snow balls thrown, and when the soldiers came down, he heard some of the people crying fire, and that was the general cry; some crying fire because the bells rung, some, no doubt fire, to the soldiers, daring them to it; but of this no great word omitted can be made in the present case. There were seven guns he says fired, he was certain as to the number, having counted them himself. He says further, he met Dr. Young in Dock\u00adsquare and that he had a sword; the witness said, let every man go to his own home, and the Doctor replied, that is the best way, the soldiers are gone to their barracks: perhaps something will be attempted to be made of this circumstance, and therefore I shall make an observation upon it. If you attend to the testimony of several of the witnesses, there were that evening in the streets at all parts of the town, a number of soldiers; they sallied out from Murray\u2019s barracks and everywhere with clubs, cutlasses, and other weapons of death; this occasioned a general alarm; every man therefore had a right, and very prudent it was to endeavour to defend himself if attacked; this accounts for the reason of Dr. Young or any one inhabitant of the town having a sword that evening; the Doctor surely could not be supposed to have any intention of mischief, because the same witness tells you his cry was, the soldiers were gone to their barracks, and go every man to his own home.\n Mr. Bailey the next witness, testifies as to the identity of some of the party, that there were Montgomery, Carrol and White there; that he placed himself at the post by the Custom-House, and stood there all the time; that there were about twenty boys, some fourteen years old, and some under that; he was near the Sentinel when the party came down; Carrol pointed at his breast with his bayonet, and White said do not hurt him; that Montgomery discharged his piece first; he thinks it was about half a minute before the second gun went off; the grenadier\u2019s gun he says was struck out of his hand by some person near him, and that he recovered it, and then fired; that Carrol was the next but one to him: he imagines Gentlemen, that Montgomery killed Attucks; Attucks was about fifteen feet from him over the gutter: He continued in his station at the corner from the time of the party\u2019s coming down till all was over; he did not apprehend himself or the soldiers in danger, from clubs, sticks, snow balls, or any thing else; he saw the person that struck Montgomery as he supposed, at the corner of Royal exchange-lane; he was asked if Attucks was the person, he answered no. From this witness you ascertain, Gentlemen, that Montgomery fired first, and that he was on the right wing of the party.\n The next witness is Mr. Palmes, he saw the Sentry, and nobody near him: He had come from Murray\u2019s barracks, and hearing a disturbance in King-street, he was told he had better not go down, he said I will, and try to make peace; he also saw Montgomery there; the stick that struck Montgomery was thrown as he apprehended; Montgomery stept back and then fired; he thinks he heard seven or eight guns, but did not count them, and it was seven or eight seconds between the first and second gun; as the last gun went off, Montgomery pushed at him with his bayonet, and he struck him with his cane, and struck the gun down; the bayonet stuck in the snow, and the gun fell out of his hand; Mr. Palmes at this time slipt and fell, but quickly recovered himself; Montgomery attempted again to push him with his bayonet, and he threw his cane at him and ran; not satisfied with this, Montgomery attempted to push him a third time, and in that attempt he slipt and fell, and thereby gave Palmes an opportunity to get out of his way, or else he says he had been run through the body; from the testimony of this witness, you have further proof that Montgomery was the person who fired first; that after firing, he continued to discover marks of malice and malevolence, by pushing with his bayonet, and endeavouring to destroy not only Mr. Palmes, but all around him.\n Next comes Mr. Danbrook, he saw there Hartegan, Montgomery, and Carrol. Here is another witness to three of the party; it was about a quarter after nine when he came up; he stood about ten or twelve feet from Montgomery; he saw no stick strike him, but a little stick he says flew over their heads, which he took to be a piece of a rattan; he was looking on Montgomery when he fired; this is another evidence as to the fact of firing, upon which, the witness thinks, two men fell: if that was the case, there was execution indeed; by the discharge of one gun two persons killed on the spot! He did not hear the second gun, but supposes, that by one of the guns Attucks fell, he stooped to see if the Molatto was dead, then turned round and saw another man fall; Attucks at that time was near him, at his left, leaning on his stick; that circumstance I would have you keep in your minds Gentlemen, that you may remember it when you have the whole evidence together.\n Jedediah Bass is the next witness, he came up Royal-exchange lane; when he got into King street, he saw Montgomery there: here Gentlemen is another witness as to the identity of one of the prisoners, and the witness saw him push his bayonet at a man that stood near him; he drew back into the lane, and in a minute Montgomery fired: the number of guns he took to be six, but did not count them: the people began on the firing of the first gun to run, some one way and some another. As he came up Dock-square, the people were saying let us go home, there is no fire, the soldiers are gone to their barracks.\n After this witness comes Mr. Wilkinson, who gave a very regular account; he tells you he was at his own house when the bells rung for nine as usual; a little while after that he heard Dr. Cooper\u2019s bell, on which apprehending it was for fire, he put on his surtout, and went out; he came towards the Town-House, went past it as far as the town-pump, and the people from the windows were cautioning those in the street not to go down, for they would be killed; the night was so bright that he was able where he was to see down the street as far as Boylston\u2019s alley, and there he saw a number of soldiers sallying out, brandishing their swords, and contending with the people; there were about thirty or forty round them with buckets and bags, thinking as he supposed that the bells rung for fire; after this he went to the Guard-house, intending to wait there, to learn if any mischief had been done at the barracks; he presently saw Capt. Preston come down, as he imagined from behind the Old-Brick meeting-house, and call to the guard, and ordered them to turn out; then he saw the party come out, and saw the Captain draw his sword and march down with them; at that time there were about thirty or forty people in King street; he went a little lower, and turned back again round the north side of the Town-house, and placed himself at the Royal-exchange-tavern; and the party was formed when he got there: he tells you he was not at all apprehensive of danger, consequently he was capable of making observations, and placed himself in such a situation as to do it; the party formed in a circle, and he stood about four or five minutes before he heard the word given to fire: that he heard it twice: on the first command they did not fire; it was repeated, and then the guns went off one after another, like the striking of a clock, he was about two yards from them and thinks the firing began at the right. This corresponds with the testimony of several witnesses. He saw the flash of each gun seven went off, and one flashed. There Gentlemen you have evidence of all the party\u2019s firing save one: the witness was asked if he saw snow balls, ice, oyster shells, or any thing else thrown by the people, to which he answered No; he said if he had, he should have thought himself in danger, and have retreated; he heard two or three cheers before the party came down, but none afterwards. Now, Gentlemen, if you recollect that circumstance, and the manner of his relating it, you will remember he expressed himself very emphatically: from this testimony you have further express evidence of the fact of firing, that it came from the right, and from thence followed on to the left: he did not see the persons who were killed, therefore there is nothing in his evidence relating to that.\n From the next witness, Mr. Simpson, you have proof of White, Wemms, Warren, and Hartegan, four of the prisoners, that they were all of the party that evening; and after relating a number of minute circumstances, he swears to the discharge of eight guns, which if you give credit to his testimony, will prove to you that the whole party fired; from him you have also further evidence of the killing Attucks, Gray and Caldwell.\n Mr. Fosdick, deposes that upon his going down King-street, the first salutation he had, was the pressing of soldiers behind him with the points of their bayonets, crying out, damn your blood stand out of the way! this Gentlemen, was the conduct of the party as they came down along. From Mr. Fosdick also you have evidence of their manoeuvers both before and after they formed; when the first gun was fired, the second man from the right pushed his bayonet at him, and wounded him in the breast, you saw Gentlemen the mark in Court: before this two different men pierced him in the arm and elbow quite to the bone; here Gentlemen were three thrusts given to a person innocently passing down upon the cry of fire! he knew not as he swears to you, what was the occasion of the party\u2019s coming down. The right hand Grenadier fell after he had fired, occasioned by pushing at a person who went down Royal-exchange-lane, this probably was Mr. Palmes, in whose evidence if you remember, you have this circumstance related, that on his pushing at him the third time, Montgomery\u2019s foot slipped, which gave him an opportunity to escape down the lane.\n Hemmingway, the next witness, swears, that being in company with Killroy, he heard him say he never would miss an opportunity to fire on the people of the town, for he had wanted it ever since he landed; that Killroy was not then in liquor nor appeared to be in anger; he told him he was a fool, for saying so, he said I do not care, I will not miss an opportunity for all that; these expressions Gentlemen speak for themselves, they are of such a nature as you cannot but draw from them the temper of the man\u2019s heart who spoke them, which you will consider at your leisure.\n Mr. Hillier, came from the North end, was told there was no fire, but the soldiers were insulting the inhabitants; a number of people in Dock square seemed afraid to go up to King-street, another circumstance which accounts for the appearance of the inhabitants, at that time in Dock-square; the witness went up to King-street, saw the Sentry with his bayonet charged breast high, about twenty or thirty boys about him; he had often seen many more in that street in such a night as that was; it was bright moon light; the people on the party\u2019s coming down seemed to collect in a body in Royal-exchange-lane; as he passed the last man, he heard a gun from the right, thinks it was about twenty seconds before the second gun fired; he observed a little boy running a cross the street crying fire, and the left hand man followed the boy with his gun; there was nothing passed he observed to induce them to apprehend any danger; he says, had even the soldiers pointed at me, I should not have thought myself in danger; he thinks there were six guns fired; he saw no snow balls thrown, if there had been, he must have seen them. When the soldiers came down, there was a sort of shouting, and a short time after, the first gun fired. I need not dwell longer on this testimony for you must remember it yourselves.\n Nicholas Ferriter was next sworn, who knew Killroy and Warren; he swears to their being at the Rope-walks before this affair happened; he relates the circumstances of three several attacks in the Rope-walks; the first was a single person who challenged him out to fight; a squable ensued, and the soldier took to his heels; he soon collected a dozen more, came again, and had a farther battle, in which the soldiers were again worsted; they then collected a large number, to the amount of thirty, and in about three-quarters of an hour they came back, and went at it again; in this last squabble the soldiers were a third time worsted. From this affair perhaps may be dated a good deal of the proceedings of the Monday-evening; you have heard from the witnesses that the soldiers of that regiment remembered the grudge, and discovered a malicious disposition; were frequently seen in parties, and when single, with arms, attacking the people passing the streets. Killroy one of the prisoners, and Warren, are expressly sworn to, that they were in this affray; Gray and Ferriter went into King-street, Gray had no stick; Ferriter left Gray in King-street; it appears he did not go down with a disposition to commit any assault at all.\n Burdick is the next witness, he says when he came down to King-street he spoke to a soldier, he thinks it was Montgomery, he asked him if he was loaded and intended to fire; yes, by the eternal God! was the answer he received. The intention of that soldier, whoever he was, you clearly discover; the witness thinks it was Montgomery; he says further, a soldier pushed at him with his bayonet, and he struck his gun; he saw nothing flung but a small stick, which hit nobody; as he was stooping to take up the dead, they cocked their guns and presented at him again; thus you see the same disposition continued, they were aiming to push at every body round about them; and after they had killed these persons, they were not satisfied with that, but attempted to push those that were taking them away.\n Mr. Williams who was next sworn, hath nothing material in his testimony, but that of the guns following the people as they ran after the first gun was fired; that seven guns were fired, that he saw no sticks or snow balls fall near them, that all the snow balls he did see seemed to be light, and not hard.\n It has been asked from the bench, Whether there may not be voluntary manslaughter? I readily grant there may; it has also been observed, that homicide which includes murder, must be committed with coolness and deliberation, I allow it, and my application of this rule, is, that it comes within the evidence you have of the particular facts related by the witnesses with regard to Killroy; there is no manner of doubt with me, but the fact was done in the manner which the law calls sedato animo; he was doing a deliberate action, with a cool and calm mind; it appears, if you believe Langford, he was not molested; it appears the person he killed, and at whom he aimed, and the person whose cloths he pierced with his bayonet, were standing peaceably, one leaning on a stick, and the other with his arms folded.\n After the witnesses we have gone through, a number of gentlemen were examined, most of whom lived in Cornhill, who have testifyed to the conduct of the soldiers, that evening the affair happened.\n I will not take them in order, for I apprehend, by recuring to Colonel Marshall first, the rest will come in more naturally; he says, he came from Colonel Jackson\u2019s in Dock-square, about a quarter after nine o\u2019clock; that the street was quite still, no body passing thro\u2019 Dock-square; he came up to his own house next the Custom house, he passed the Sentinel, and there was no body near him; King-street was quite still, fewer people passing than he had usually seen on such a fine night; he went into his own house, and soon after heard a distant cry of murder, what part of the street it came from he did not know: He, gentlemen, you will remember, intimated also this circumstance, that he had been warned not to go out that evening; this gave him an apprehension there was some mischief to be betwixt the soldiers and the inhabitants; he mentioned it to the person in the shop, and went out; looking towards the Guard-house, he saw a number of soldiers issue from thence in an undress, with naked swords, cutlasses, &c. crying out \u201cDamn them where are they? By Jesus let \u2019em come.\u201d As to the situation of the Moon, whether she was north or south, which has been much altercated, I cannot see it will make much one way or the other, it is sufficient that Colonel Marshall, whose credibility and capacity will not be disputed, has sworn that from his door he observed a party of soldiers come down in undress, armed with cutlasses and other weapons, the cutlasses he swears he particularly saw glittering in the Moon light; the expressions he said he plainly heard, while they were brandishing their swords; when this party passed off, he saw a second party come up Quaker-lane, armed in the same manner, and making use of the same kind of language, and that party he said cried fire; in his testimony on the trial of Captain Preston, he said the bells rung on that cry; he expressed some doubt of this yesterday, but it was certainly just about that time; the use I would make of this is, to compare it with what the other witnesses say of the conduct of the soldiers in Cornhill; as Mr. Thayer expresses it, it is probable the word fire was a watch-word; it appears to me, that if we can believe the evidence, they had a design of attacking and slaughtering the inhabitants that night, and they could have devised no better method to draw out the inhabitants unarmed, than to cry fire!\n Mr. Thayer, was sitting at his fire, in Corn-hill, near Boylston\u2019s alley, he heard a great noise, and went to the door, he saw seven soldiers in an undress coming down like wild creatures, with cutlasses in their hands, crying damn them, where are they? upon this he heard a cry of fire, and supposed it to be a watch-word.\n Mr. Kneeland, who lives by the town-pump, came out and stood at his door; saw a number of soldiers pass by him armed; one of them came up to him and said, damn you what do you do here? and pointed his bayonet to his breast, telling him to go in.\n Mr. Appleton who lived opposite, tells you he was standing by his neighbour Mr. Marsh, they were both at the door; a number of soldiers came running down, armed with cutlasses, in an undress, and they seemed to come out of their way, (observing them at the door) with uplifted weapons, intending as it appeared, to strike them: but they fortunately got into their doors.\n Then gentlemen, comes the son of Mr. Appleton, the young master who was sworn, yesterday, whose story, with his manner of telling it, must strike deep into your minds; I am sure it did in mine; a child of his age, with a younger brother sent of an errand a few steps, and on returning home, struck at by a party of soldiers, nay ruffians, with cutlasses, he innocently crying, soldiers spare my life! No damn you we will kill you all, or words to that purpose, attended with a blow, was the answer the little victim received! what can indicate malice if this does not? cruelty almost equal to that of a Pharoh or Herod. I remember at the last tryal, my brother Adams made this observation, that \u201cMan is a social creature, that his feelings, his passions, his imaginations are contagious.\u201d I am sure if in any instance it is so, here was food enough for such passions, such imaginations to feed upon.\n But Gentlemen, as it does not immediately relate to the prisoners, all the use I mean to make of it is, to show you that from the conduct and appearance of the soldiery, in different parts of the town, the inhabitants had reason to be apprehensive they were in danger of their lives; children and parents, husbands and wives, masters and servants, had reason to tremble one for another. This apprehension, together with the ringing of the bells, collected numbers of people in different quarters, as is commonly the case when there is any appearance of fire; and the center of the town, when there is a doubt where fire is, becomes naturally the place of rendezvouz: this accounts for the number of people that were there, and for some having sticks and canes. I mention this only to take off the force of any evidence or pretence that may be made, that there was an intention of the people to assault, or as it has been expressed, swallow up the soldiers.\n I have now gone through the evidence on the part of the Crown, in support of the charge against the prisoners, I shall make a very few observations, and leave it with the prisoners and their Council to make their defence, and Mr. Paine who is on the side of the Crown with me, to close the cause.\n I think Gentlemen upon the whole evidence, you can, in the first place, have no doubt but that all the prisoners at the bar were of that party of soldiers, headed by Capt. Preston, who went down to the Custom-House, on the 5th March, the evening mentioned in the indictments; that the five persons named in those indictments were killed by some or other of that party, but who they were that killed those several persons, may not be precisely ascertained, except in the case of Killroy, against whom I think you have certain evidence.\n It is a rule of law Gentlemen, when the fact of killing is once proved, every circumstance alleviating, excusing, or justifying, in order to extenuate the crime must be proved by the prisoners, for the law presumes the fact malicious, untill the contrary appears in evidence.\n There is another rule I shall mention also, and that is, that it is imaterial, where there are a number of persons concerned, who gave the mortal blow, all that are present, are in the eye of the law, principals. This is a rule settled by the Judges of England upon solid argument. The question therefore then will be, what species of homicide this is? and the decision of that question must be deferred, untill the defence comes out by the evidence on the other side.\n The laws of society, Gentlemen, lay a restraint on the passions of men, that no man shall be the avenger of his own cause, unless through absolute necessity, the law giving a remedy for every wrong: If a man might at any time execute his own revenge, there would be an end of law.\n A person cannot justify killing, if he can by any means make his escape; he should endeavour to take himself out of the way, before he kills the person attacking him.\n Here one of the Court judging it improper for the Council in opening the cause to anticipate the defence, and this being determined by the whole Bench, Mr. Quincy then closed, with saying:\n I was about to make some farther remarks, but it is thought by the Honourable Court improper to anticipate what may be urged on the other side. I shall therefore rest the case as it is, and doubt not but on the evidence as it now stands, the facts, as far as we have gone, against the prisoners at the bar, are fully proved, and until something turns up to remove from your minds, the force of that evidence, you must pronounce them GUILTY.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0008", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Minutes of Josiah Quincy\u2019s Opening for the Defense: 29 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Josa. Quincy. 3 main Divisions, under the last there will be many Sub divisions. 1st. whether any killd. 2. Who killed \u2019em? Wherever a Doubt the Bias is in favour of the Prisoner. 3d. last and main Division, is what are the facts they all edge to justify, excuse, or all eviate. Under this many minute divisions. Need not remind you of the importance to the Prisoners, nor to the Community. Important that the Dignity of Justice, to the Country and that same Rules should prevail. A Prejudice prevails that the Life of a Soldier is less valuable than that of a subject.\n The Criminal Law extends itself to every Individual of the Community. It views Man possessed of Affections and Passions. The Law attends to Man kind as we find em surrounded with all their Infirmities and all their Passions. Whatever will justify an Inhabitant in firing upon an Inhabitant, will justify a soldier. And a Soldier need not have a civil Magistrate any more than an Inhabitant. A general Opinion, almost universal, thro this Continent, that their Rights and Liberties were invaded. Believed that the soldiers came here to inforce those Acts. Mankind Act from Feelings more than Reasoning. The Object of Resentment was out of Reach, and it fell upon the Instrument. The People thought the Soldiers the Instruments of fastening the shackles that had been forged. The soldier felt himself touched in the Point of Honour, and in the Pride of Virtue, when he saw and felt these Marks of Disrespect.\n You are not sitting here as statesmen or Politicians. You have nothing to do with the Injuries your Country, has sustained. The Town is not concerned.\n This Cause has awakened the Attention of this whole Continent if not all Europe. You ought to be carefull to give a Verdict, which will bear the Examination of Times, when the Pulses which now beat shall beat no more. Do nothing which shall hereafter bite like a Serpent and Sting like an Adder. All the Colours of the Canvas, the Pictures the Publications. Every Thing that could possibly stimulate, and inflame. An high Water slack. The Passions, so high that they can go no higher.\n The Fact of Killing has not been proved with Regard to some of em, and others are left in doubt.\n Person producing a Witness is never to discredit him. A Person swearing a Positive is to be believd, ceteris paribus, rather than one swearing a Negative. Persons upon Guard have a particular Habit. Therefore probably, Colonel Marshall, mistaken. In that Temper of Mind, that frame of Disposition, which prevailed thro the whole Continent. These Persons were upon their Duty, and their Lives in Danger if they movd from their stations.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0010", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Minutes of Defense Evidence: 29 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Prisoners Witnesses\n James Crawford. At dark that night, I went home and was not out till next morning. I met Numbers of People that night as I went home, going down with sticks in their Hands. At Calefs Corner, saw a Num\u00adber above 12 with sticks in their Hands. Heard no Declarations. In Quaker Lane I met many more than common, going towards K\u2019s Street. I was going to Bulls Wharfe where I live and met them. They were very great Sticks, not common Canes, for walking with, pretty large Cudgells. All along I met them continually, and in Greens Lane particularly.\n Archibald Gould. Coming over Swing Bridge at 8 O Clock the People were walking from all Quarters with sticks, that I was afraid to go home. I went threw Greens Lane, and met many People, the Streets in such Commotion as I hardly ever saw in my Life. Uncommon Sticks, such as a Man would pull out of an Hedge. I was just by Hancocks Warehouse when the Bells begun to ring.\n Archibald Wilson. I spent the Evening in Dock Square. A certain Gentleman between 8 and 9 came in and asked why we sat there when there was so much disturbance between Inhabitants and soldiers. We went to Gerrishes Vendue, Hunters now, and sat in the Balcony. I looked out at the Vendue Window. A good many People assembled in dock Square. A Number came from the North End and made several attempts at Murrays barracks, 30 or 40 of \u2019em came back suddenly. What Resistance they met with I cant tell. It was very light. They had Staves a good many, Some had not. I imagined there might be 200 People that came from the North End and went up 3 several Ways,some up Cornhill some up r[oyal] exchange Lane and some up Crooked Lane. As a new Parcell came up from North End they made attempt at the Guard at Murrays Barracks and gatherd in a Cloudcrowdabout 30 or 40. Then made 2 or 3 Cheers for the main Guard. I went out to go up the Lane and the Guns went off. I turnd about and went home. I do remember the Bells ringing, but the Time I dont remember. But before I went up royal exchange Lane, a good many cryed for the main Guard. I heard Voices, Fire. I said it was uncommon to go to a Fire with Bludgeons. Somebody said they were uncommon Bells. Mr. Mitchelson came up and told us, there was disturbance.\n William Hunter. Mr. Mitchelson came and said there was Disturb\u00adance between Inhabitants and soldiers. We went into the Balcony, and saw great Numbers coming up from the North End and in several Parties made attempts at the Lane that leads to Murrays Barracks. There was a tall Gentleman in a red Cloak. He stood in the middle of em, and they were whist for some time and presently they huzzayd for the main Guard. They went up royal exchange Lane. And I saw no more about it. The Gentleman had a white Wigg on. They collected round him. He stood in the Center and talkd a few Minutes.\n David Mitchelson. I came up Stairs and told the 2 Witnesses that were examind before me. I was coming Home from fore street. As I was turning into Union Street, I heard a Noise, about the Post office, and went up as far as the bottom of r. exchange Lane. I heard it was a Squabble with the soldiers. The Party engagd with the Soldiers were routed, and came down that Way. I ran into Mr. Hunters House. We went into the Balcony. I Saw a pretty large Number of People, assembled. It was proposed by several to call out Fire. Fire was called several Times, and after a While the Bells set a ringing. Many People came, some came with Bucketts, many with Sticks. Several attempts were made at the Lane to Murrays Barracks. They came back, as if driven. They assembled in several little Knotts, about several little Leaders. They cryd they would go up the main Guard. The Effect im\u00admediately followd. Part went up by Cornhill, part up r. exchange Lane, part up crooked Lane. I could not observe who was leader up Cornhill. They huzzad for the Main Guard after the Proposal of it. The Bells were ringing. The largest Party went round Cornhill. I should suppose the greatest Number at any one time in King Street Dock Square was 200.\n John Short. There was a Number of People in Dock Square, and I was told that a Soldier had hurt an oyster Man. After the firing there was a Proposal of taking the Arms out of the Hall.\n Benja. Davis. At Dock Square I heard a Noise in Cornhill. I found there was a Quarrell. I went and stoppd at Silsbeys Alley. There I saw a Number Soldiers and Inhabitants, fighting with Clubbs as I thought by the Sound. A Man 3 or 4 came and cryd, where are any Cordwood sticks or Clubbs, and cryd Fire Fire Fire. One of em left his Cloak with me. The 1st Bell I heard was the brick Meeting Bell. I Saw a general Running down the Street 8 or 9 or 10 soldiers, that ran into Kings street, with something in their Hands. I went into King Street. The Engine was out. Several Knotts of People were collected. I went to the South Side of the Town House. A huzzaing in King Street. I went by the South side of the Town House and stood by Prices office. The sentinel on the Custom House steps, andPeople and Boys round him crying fire &c. He put his Piece down as if he was going to fire. 2 young Men without Hatts came to the main Guard, and said you must send Help to the sentry for I heard em say they would kill the sentinel. By and by out guard. About 7 came out their guns not shoulderd and walked right across the street to the Box. A great Noise. There I stood till the Guns were all fired. 5, 6, or 7 Guns.\n Shubael Hewes. I spent the Evening near the Dock. The Master of the House came in and said a cry of fire. I belonged to the Town House Engine. I was the first out of the House. I came by the Markett \u2014saw a Number coming from the North. I stoppd at Colonel Jacksons Corner. A Man told me, no fire, but a Dispute between the soldiers at Murrays barracks. A Number of Lads came along, and tryd to pull out and break the Leggs of the Stalls. They came from the Northward some and some from Hubbards Corner. 6 or 7, I cant say exactly.\n James Selkrig. At Hunters. Mr. Mitchelson came in. 4 or 5 or 6 unsuccessfull attacks upon the Barracks. As a new Party came they made a fresh Attack. I saw nothing, but that they went up the ally and came back suddenly. A Gentleman with red Cloak and large white Wigg. He made a Speech to them. 4 or 5 minutes. They went and knockd with their Sticks and said they would do for the Soldiers. Not less than about 2 or 300. It was not the 1st Time I\u2019ve seen an affair of this sort. I\u2019le go to my Family. Ile do for the soldiers, was Spoke by Number at Simpsons store.\n Archibald Bowman. At Hunters. Fire, Fire, from different Quarters. The Parties that went up the allys came down in a furious manner as if they were chased. A Gentleman with a red Cloak and white Wigg. They stood thick round the Gentleman some time and after, huzzad for the main Guard, and went up in different Ways. A great Number of People. Dont remember, their striking Simpsons Store or, saying that\u2019d do for the soldiers.\n Wm. Dixon. At Hunters. A Party came running down the Ally as if they met with opposition there.\n Jno. Gillespie. At 7 O Clock I went up to the South End, and met I suppose 40 or 50 People with white sticks, in Parties of 4 or 5, at Mr. Silvesters. I met Mr. Flemming\u2019s Man. He said it was only fighting with the soldiers.\n Thomas Knight. I stood at my own Door at the sign of the 3 Kings in Cornhill. About 8 or 10 passed with sticks Clubbs and one said D\u2014n their Bloods let us go and attack the main Guard and attack the main Guard first. The Bell still ringing. One of em made a stand and said Ile go back and get my Gun or let Us go back and get our Guns. I went in and told my Wife not to be surprized if she heard any firing for I thought from what I had heard at the Door, there would be bloodshed \u2014and soon heard Guns. 5, 6 or 7, in 12 or 14 seconds.\n John Cookson. At the Green Dragon. A Man said if the Bells were ringing it was he apprehended an Affray with the Soldiers. The story of the Pistol or Hearsay.\n William Strong. At Marstons. We heard Fire 3 or 4 times. Going out saw several People going too and fro. Somebody said a soldier had kill\u2019d a Boy. Went to the North Corner of the Town House. Heard a huzzaing near the Post office. Saw several Persons coming about 90, many with sticks. They stopped at the Custom House. I found the People encroaching upon the Sentry. He retird to the Steps. They encroachd upon him there. He then loaded his Gun, and presented it, and said keep off or Ile fire upon you. They cryd fire d\u2014n you why dont you fire. One Man had the But End of a Bat in his Hand, and said dam it I\u2019ve a great Mind to throw it at him. I said you\u2019d better not. Presently a Cry that the Centinel was disarmed. About 90 Persons about the sentry, before the Party came down. A great Noise, and Clamour, a few snow Balls and some things thrown, by those in front.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0011", "content": "Title: Adjournment: 29\u201330 November 1770\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n FIVE o\u2019clock p.m. the Court adjourned till next morning, Friday,\u200430 November nine o\u2019clock.\n Friday, NINE o\u2019clock, the Court met according to adjournment, and proceeded.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0012", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Minutes of Defense Evidence, Continued: 30 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Dr. Richard Hyrons. About 7 o Clock. Saw several soldiers at my own door a little after 8, passing and repassing, some with Clubbs, some with Bayonetts. The Noise and Confusion seemed to come from the Bottom of the Street towards the Markett. In 8 or 10 minutes I heard a Person run thro Boylston\u2019s Ally with great Violence from Cornhill. He ran towards the barrack Gate, and then ran back again crying Town born, turn out, Town born turn out, repeated 20 or 30 times. I heard a Voice I took it to be Lt. or Ensign Mall, say who is that fellow? lay hold of him. I heard nothing Said by the Centinel, to this Man, nor by him to them. This cry of Town born was continued for 6 or 7 minutes when I heard the foot steps of several more People. In a short Space there seemed to be a great many more passing backwards and for\u00ad wards whether soldiers or Inhabitants cant tell. In about 20 minutes there seemed to be, a great Number of People in Boylstones Alley. I heard their Clubbs and sticks striking on the fence on both sides. I lockd my door, put out my Lights and went up stairs to the Chamber that fronts the barracks. Then I observed 4 or 5 officers of 29 Reg. standing upon their own Steps. About 20 or 30 of the Towns People facing of em. About that time comes a little Man, and asks why dont you keep your Soldiers in the Barracks. They answerd they had done and would do every Thing they could to keep em in their Barracks. On this the small Man said are the Inhabitants to be knocked down in the streets are they to be murdered in this manner? The officers still insisted they had done their Utmost and would do it. He said you know the Country has been used ill, the Town has been used ill. We did not send for you. We wont have you here. We\u2019l get rid of you, or drive you away, I cant say which. The officers said they would do what they could to keep the Soldiers in and beggd that he would use his Influence to disperse the People that no Mischief might be done or Words to that Effect. Whether he did or no, I cant tell, as the Confusion was so great I could not distinguish. Immediately the Cry Home, Home was mentiond. And in 5 minutes after the Cry Home Home was repeated, and the greatest Part of em perhaps two thirds went up Boylstones Ally and huzzad for the main Guard. More Towns People came up from the Market Place. There was then a good deal of Squabble and Noise between the People and the Officers, no Blows\u2014but could not distinguish. A little Boy came down the ally, crying he was killd he was kill\u2019d. One of the officers laid hold of him and damd him for a little rascal, and askd him what he did out of doors. The Boy 6 or 7 Year old. Not long after, a Soldier came out with his Musquet and down upon one Knee before Boylstones Ally and presented his Musquet and Said \u201cG. damn your Blood Il\u2019e make a Lane thro you all.\u201d Mr. Mall, Mr. Dixon or Mr. Minchin, laid hold of him, and turned him into the Barracks and told him at his Peril to come out again. 7 or 8 Minutes after the same soldier or another, came out and repeated much the same Words, with his Gun in his Hand. Did not kneel down. He was presenting, when Mr. Mall and one other officer knockd him down, took the Musquet from him, and drove him in and I think the Gates were then shutt. Much about this Time, I heard Dr. Coopers Bell ring. I had heard the Bell ring before I thot for 9 o Clock. I heard an Officer, that I took to be Mall, say to somebody go stop that Bell from ringing. Whether any Body went I cant tell. At this Time, I saw Captn. Goldfinch of the 14th upon the Steps. Another little Man came up, much different from the other. He requested the officers that the soldiers might be kept in the Barracks. They Said they did all they could, and beggd that he would take the People away. This little Man said to the People, you hear what the officers say you had better go home. On which there was the Cry Home Home again, and many of em did say, again lets away to the main Guard, and went up Boylstones Alley. Goldfinch was still upon the Steps and while they were talking I heard the Report of a Musquet, not many Minutes after they cryd home home the last Time. In a few seconds I heard the 2d Musquet and the 3d &c. I heard Captn. Goldfinch say, I thought it would come to this it is time for me to go. A Soldier soon came and said as I thought, they had fired upon the main Guard. I then heard the drums at the main Guard beat to Arms. I went down Stairs and did not go out till I was sent for to some of the wounded People. I was call\u2019d to Maverick and he told me he was running away from the soldiers and yet the Ball went into his Breast, thro a Portion of his Liver, wounded the stomack and one of the small Gutts and lodged between the 2 lower Ribbs on the left side. The Ball was bruisd as if it struck some object before him. Mr. Craft producd the Ball in Court.\n Capt. John Goldfinch. In Cornhill I saw a Mob collected at the Pass to Murrays Barracks. The People were pelting the soldiers with snow Balls, and possibly some other Things they picked up in the Street, I cant tell what. The soldiers were defending themselves at the Entrance of the Pass. One of the soldiers, I think had a fire shovel. I spoke to the Soldiers, as soon as they knew me, I prevail\u2019d on them to go to the Bottom of the Pass. With some difficulty I got down and saw some officers of the 29th. Regt. I told em I suspected there would be a Riot, and I being the oldest officer present ordered them to keep the Men in, and they did so. The Mob were extreamly abusive in Language, to the soldiers, but the Vigilance of the Officers prevented the soldiers from being . . .. A little Gentleman came up to the People, and desired em to go home. Part of em made off, thro this Passage to Cornhill, about 40 or 50 of em. They damn\u2019d the Soldiers, a Pack of Scoundrells they dared not come out and fight them. About 20 minutes after, I heard some Guns go off, and the Drum beat to arms. I told Lt. Dixon it was necessary for me to move off and join my own Regt. I dont remember saying, I thought it would come to that but it is very probable, I might, for I had seen great Confusion before. The same Evening 1/2 an Hour before, as I went up the street, a Barbers Boy, said there goes the fellow \u201cthat wont pay my Master for dressing his Hair.\u201d I had conducted my self with that Propriety, that I thought I was the last Person to be insulted. But I found that any Man that wore the King\u2019s Commission was lyable to be insulted any Hour of the Night.\n B. Davis Jnr. Mr. Gray who was shot came along and asked where the fire was? I was standing in Greens Lane. I told him it was the soldiers fighting. Damn it, says he I\u2019m glad of it, i\u2019le knock some of them in the Head. He was running away. Says I take Care you dont get kill\u2019d. Never fear says he. Damn their bloods. He had a Stick under his Arm, what sort of a stick I cant say. It was but a little before.\n James Thompson. At 9 o Clock, I passed up thro King\u2019s street. No Person there the sentry a lone, in Greens Lane, I and another Person met about 15 Persons, with sticks in their Hands. As they passed Us, I heard some of em say we are rather too soon. I went a Number of I went on board a Vessell, att Griffins Wharfe, and said to the People, I am afraid there will be mischief, to night, for I met a Number of People and they seemd to hint, that they were about something. Soon after the Bells rung. About 4 People aboard, who left me and went off. I heard a Woman say at a distance it is no fire, good God there will be murder committed this Night. Heard huzzaing and heard 7 Guns I think.\n Alexander Crookshanks. In royal exchange Lane, I spent the Evening. At 9, I came away, and stopped by Mr. Sterns House. I Saw 2 Boys go to a Number of People before the sentry Box about 12 or 14, and come back to the sentry with a fresh Repetition of oaths. Damn you, you lobster son of a Bitch and dared him to come and fight em, and wished him in Hells flames often and often. A lousy Rascall and dared him to come out. I heard the sentry say that was his Post, and he would maintain it, and damn them if they offered to molest them i.e.him he would run them thro. They made up some snow Balls and threw at the sentinell. Cant say whether they hit. Upon that the sentinell call\u2019d out Guard 2 or 3 times, very loud. 7 or 8 soldiers upon that came from towards the main Guard, but were not upon Guard by their Having short Coats. Some had Bayonetts, Swords or sticks and one a Kitchen Tongues in his Hand. Upon their approach to the sentry, the two Boys, and the 12 or 14 Lads run up to the back of the TownHouse by the Barbers Shops and the soldiers after them. I crossed over to go to pudding Lane, and 3 or 4 of the Soldiers that follerd the soldiers up by the Town House came up to me and damnd me, who I was. I Said, I was going home, that I did not interfere, between the Sentry and the Boys. One of em gave me a light touch over the Shoulder, and Said, by all I can learn there will be the devil to pay between the Towns People and the Soldiers, or blood shed. They then turnd, and went towards the Sentry Box at the Custom House. I then went past the Guard House, and saw the Soldiers, that went to the sentry, returning by the Watch House and come up by the main Guard, driving or chasing the People before them. I made for Jones\u2019s Shop. 16 or 18 People, Men and Boys, running before the Soldiers. At Jones\u2019s they shut the Door upon me. At the Brick meeting there was 2 or 3 Lads, trying to open the Windows, in order to ring the Bell. Before I got to Dr. Sewalls Meeting, the Bells began to ring there. The Blow that was given me by the Bayonet was a light Tap, not in Anger.\n Lt. Wm. Carter. Was sitting playing Cards with the family. The Bell rung. We went to different Parts of the House to look for fire. They said there was a Riot in the street. I saw many People passing by, very fast, with an Air of Enterprice in their manner, and with a Clubb a sword or a Cutlace. I heard a Drum, which I took to be the Drum of the main Guard, but afterwards heard a peculiarity, in the Beat. This was after the firing. The People passed by, armed before the firing.\n Patrick Keeton. The 5th March. At the Mill Creek. A Noise in the Street. I went towards Union street, and saw a Number of People and followed them up with sticks and Clubbs, to Dock Square. Somebody said, a Boy and Soldier had been fowl of each other and the People soon after said cryd Kings Street. I was at the Crookd Lane, and saw the Mollatto Man that was killed had 2 Cordwood sticks that he tookout of the Wood pile. I i.e. He gave me one. Dressed Sailor like. The stick about 4 foot long not very long. The Molatto went up crooked Lane with me into Ks. street. People coming from all Parts hollowing and crying out bloody backs &c. In about 10 Minutes, some Guns went off. I heard the soldiers cry keep off, keep off. The People surrounded", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0013", "content": "Title: Transcript of Remaining Defense Evidence: 30 November\u20131 December 1770\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n Patrick Keaton, sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th of March I was at my lodgings, I heard a noise, and went out towards Union-street, and saw people coming from the North-end, with sticks and clubs in their hands; it was about nine o\u2019clock. I followed them to Dock-square, somebody asked what was the matter, he was answered, that a boy and soldier had been foul of one another; they hallowed King-street; I went up to the foot of Jenkin\u2019s lane, and there I saw a tall Molatto fellow, the same that was killed, he had two clubs in his hand, and he said, here take one of them, I did so.\n Q. What sort of clubs were they?\n A. They were cord wood sticks; I went up to the head of the lane, and I dropt the stick in the snow; he went on cursing and swearing at the soldiers, down towards where the people surrounded the soldiers; I stood by the stone steps at the Custom-house, there were people coming from all parts, calling out bloody back, and one thing and another; I could not distinguish what one half of them said; I had not been long there \u2019till three or four guns went off, and I went home.\n Q. Did you see any thing thrown at the soldiers? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did you see any body strike upon their guns?\n A. No, but I heard the soldiers say keep off, keep off.\n Q. What number of people was there in Dock square?\n A. About two hundred.\n Q. Did you hear any body say kill them, kill them, knock the mover? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did the people appear to be pressing on the party?\n A. Yes, they were as I thought.\n William Davis, Serjeant-major of the 14th Regiment, sworn.\n Monday evening the 5th of March, about eight o\u2019clock, I was going towards the North-end in Fore-street, near Wentworth\u2019s wharff, I saw a number of people in the street before me.\n Q. What number?\n A. About two hundred, I then stept aside, and when they came up, I saw several armed with clubs, and large sticks, and some had guns; they came down regularly in two\u2019s and three\u2019s a breast; they were a minute in passing me.\n Q. Were they soldiers that had guns?\n A. No, I saw no soldier in the street; I heard them saying damn the dogs knock them down, we will knock down the first officer, or bloody backed rascal we shall meet this night; some of them then said they would go to the southward, and join some of their friends there, and attack the damned scoundrels, and drive them out of the town, for they had no business here. Apprehending danger if I should be in my regimentals, I went into a house at the North end and changed my dress, and in my return from the North-end, about nine, coming near Dock square, I heard a great noise a whistling and rattling of wood; I came near the Market place, and saw a great number of people there, knocking against the posts, and tearing up the stalls, saying damn the lobsters, where are they now; I heard several voices, some said let us kill that damned scoundrel of a Sentry, and then attack the Main guard; some said, let us go to Smith\u2019s barracks, others said let us go to the rope-walks; they divided: The largest number went up Royal-exchange-lane, and another party up Fitch\u2019s alley, and the rest through the main street, up Cornhill. I passed by the Golden-Ball, I saw no person there but a woman, persuading a man to stay at home; he said he would not, he would go amongst them, if he lost his life by it. I went into King-street, looking towards the Custom-house, I saw a number of people seemingly in great commotion; I went towards my barracks, and near the fish stall at Oliver\u2019s dock, I met a great number of people coming towards King-street, with clubs and large sticks.\n Q. What time was this?\n A. It was past nine, for I heard bells ring before. One of them was loading his piece by Oliver\u2019s dock, he said he would do for some of these scoundrels that night. The people were using threats against the soldiers and Commissioners, damn the scoundrels and villains of soldiers and Commissioners, and damn the villain that first sent them to Boston, they shall not be here two nights longer. I went to my barracks; the roll had been called, and there was not a man absent, except some officers that quartered in the town, and their servants. Immediately after I heard as it were a gun fired in King-street, and afterwards two or three more.\n Nathaniel Russel, Chairmaker, sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th March, betwixt nine and ten o\u2019clock, I was at my own house and heard the bells ring, I run out to know where the fire was: I got from Byles\u2019s meeting down to the South meeting; I saw a number of men and boys armed with clubs, and fifteen or twenty more coming along, some were damning the soldiers that they would destroy them, and sink them, and they would have revenge for something or other I could not tell what, that they would drive them before them: some of the people there said they had been to Rowe\u2019s barracks, and had driven the soldiers or the Sentinel into the barracks. I went to the Town-house, there I saw Mr. Cox; I saw a number of people with clubs; I saw at a distance, a parcel of soldiers at the Custom house; I went down to the right of them, where Capt. Preston stood; I had not been there a minute before the guns were fired, previous to which, I saw several things but dont know what they were, thrown at the soldiers, as they stood in a circle by the Custom house. I was at the west of the soldiers; I was looking over the Molatto\u2019s shoulder: I saw Samuel Gray there. Upon these things being thrown, I intended to retreat as fast as I could; I had not got three yards before the guns were fired, first one, then another, and so on, I think there were seven in all.\n Q. Before you turned, did you see any thing strike the guns?\n A. I did not see, but I heard something strike, and the guns clatter. There was a great noise, the cry was, fire, damn you fire.\n Q. Was the cry general? \u2004A. Yes, it was general.\n Q. How many people do you imagine were then gathered round the party? \u2004A. Fifty or sixty able bodied men.\n Q. Did they crowd near the soldiers?\n A. So near, that I think you could not get your hat betwixt them and the bayonets.\n Q. How many people do you think there might be in the whole?\n A. About two hundred.\n Q. Did the soldiers say any thing to the people?\n A. They never opened their lips; they stood in a trembling manner, as if they expected nothing but death. They fired first on the right. I was looking on the whole body, no one between me and the soldiers that interrupted my sight; I saw no blows given, or any of the soldiers fall.\n Q. Might not their trembling proceed from rage as well as fear?\n A. It might proceed from both.\n John Cox, Brick-layer, sworn.\n Note. This witness was called on the part of the Crown, to invalidate the testimony of Russel the former witness.\n Q. Did you come down from the South end with Mr. Russel?\n A. No, I met him at the Town-house. I saw three soldiers, two belonging to the Neck, and one to the Main Guard, by Liberty-tree, I was at Mr. Gore\u2019s shop opposite the Tree; one said to the other, bring half your guard, and we will bring half ours, and we will blow up this damned pole; I said, so sure as you offer ye scoundrels to blow up that pole, you will have your brains blown out.\n Q. How were these soldiers dressed?\n A. In their regimentals, one was a drummer.\n Q. Was he a black man? \u2004A. No, he was a white man.\n Henry Knox. Stationer, sworn.\n I was at the North-end, and heard the bells ring, I thought it was fire; I came up as usual to go to the fire; I heard it was not fire, but the soldiers and inhabitants were fighting; I came by Cornhill, and there were a number of people an hundred and fifty, or two hundred; I asked them what was the matter, they said a number of soldiers had been out with bayonets and cutlasses, and had attacked and cut the people all down Cornhill, and then retreated to their barracks; a fellow said they had been cutting fore and aft. The people fell gradually down to Dock-square. I came up Cornhill, and went down King-street, I saw the Sentinel at the Custom-house steps loading his piece; coming up to the people, they said the Sentinel was going to fire.\n Q. How many persons were there at that time round the Sentinel?\n A. About fifteen or twenty, he was waving his piece about, and held it in the position that they call charged bayonets. I told him if he fired he must die for it, he said damn them, if they molested him he would fire; the boys were hallowing fire and be damned.\n Q. How old were these boys?\n A. Seventeen or eighteen years old. I endeavoured to keep one fellow off from the Sentinel, I either struck him or pushed him away.\n Q. Did you hear one of the persons say, God damn him, we will knock him down for snapping?\n A. Yes, I did hear a young fellow, one Usher, about eighteen years of age say this.\n Q. Did you see any thing thrown at the Sentinel?\n A. No, nothing at all.\n Q. Did you see the party come down? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. What was the manner of their coming down?\n A. They came down in a kind of a trot, or a very fast walk.\n Q. Did they come down in a threatening posture?\n A. Very threatening, at least their countenances looked so, they said make way, damn you make way, and they pricked some of the people.\n Q. Did you see the Corporal?\n A. I saw a person with the party, whom I took to be the Corporal.\n Q. Had he a surtout on? \u2004A. Yes, he had.\n John Bulkely, Clerk to Mr. Josiah Quincy, sworn.\n Hearing the bells ring I went out, and imagined it had been for fire, but found I was mistaken. I went to Mr. Quincy\u2019s, office near the Main Guard, there was a prodigious noise in King-street. I apprehended the Sentinel was in danger, and stood in expectation of seeing the guard turned out. Capt. Preston was before the office, and appeared in a great flutter of spirit. I knew not he was Captain of the day. A very young officer commanded the guard, I pitied his situation.\n Q. What induced you to believe the guard would be turned out?\n A. By the Sentinel\u2019s being surrounded, and the noise.\n Q. What number was about him?\n A. About fifty or sixty.\n Q. Did you stand in the shade, or was the shade on the other side of the way?\n A. I did stand in the shade. A person came to Capt. Preston and said they were killing the Sentinel; Capt. Preston said damn you why do you not turn out; he spoke roughly to them, then some soldiers came out, and he and they went down to the Custom-house.\n Q. Do you know who it was came up to Capt. Preston?\u2004A. No.\n Q. Did you expect they would carry off the Sentinel?\n A. I did not know what would be the consequence, I thought if he came off with his life he would do very well.\n Benjamin Lee, an Apprentice, sworn.\n On the 5th of March there were four of us in a house together, I heard that there was fire; I went to Dock-square, when I came there I\n heard some in the crowd say, that the towns people had been fighting with the soldiers, and then they huzzaed for King-street.\n Q. How many people were there in Dock-square at that time?\n A. Between fifty and sixty. I went up Royal-exchange-lane and came to the Custom house.\n Q. Did you go alone?\n A. No, several went up beside me, they went up as thick as they could, and some went up the next lane, and some went up Cornhill. As I stood by the Sentinel, there was a barber\u2019s boy came up and pointed to the Sentinel, and said there is the son of a bitch that knocked me down; on his saying this, the people immediately cried out kill him, kill him, knock him down.\n Q. What number of people was there then?\n A. I cannot tell, I believe there were as many as in this Court, some boys, some men; the Sentinel went up the Custom house steps and knocked at the door with the butt of his gun, but could not get in; then he primed and loaded, and levelled it with his hip, and desired the people to stand off, and then called to the Main-Guard to come down to his assistance.\n Q. Did he call loud? \u2004A. Yes, pretty loud.\n Q. What was the expression he used?\n A. Turn out Main Guard. Then Capt. Preston and nine or ten soldiers came down, and ranged themselves before the Sentry-box.\n Q. Had these people that stood round the Sentinel clubs or sticks?\n A. I saw no clubs, some had sticks, such as people generally walk with.\n Q. Did you see any thing thrown at the Sentinel? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did you hear the people hallow or shout?\n A. They whistled with their fingers and huzzaed.\n John Frost, an Apprentice, sworn.\n Q. Did you meet some boys that evening, who said they had drove some soldiers to their barracks?\n A. In Dock-square some people said so, and huzzaed for King-street. I went up there, and saw a barber\u2019s boy, who said this is the son of a bitch that knocked me down; the people crowded in upon the Sentinel, and he drew back to the Custom house steps.\n Q. Did you see any thing thrown at the Sentinel.\n A. No, he knocked at the Custom house door with the butt end of his gun, as I thought to get in, and then I saw him prime and load his piece, and level it with his hip.\n Q. Were they pressing on him?\n A. Yes they were, they said fire, damn you fire, you dare not fire.\n Q. How many people were there?\n A. About fifty or sixty young men and boys.\n Q. How old were these young men?\n A. About twenty or twenty-two.\n Q. What do you call boys? \u2004A. Such as myself, about eighteen.\n William Botson, an Apprentice, sworn.\n I was at the Market and went up Royal exchange lane, I saw no soldier but one, and he was the Sentinel, he got on the steps and loaded, by and by I saw a party come down from the Main-guard, and all that stood round cried fire! fire! By and by they did fire, as soon as I saw a man drop, I went away.\n Q. Did you see any ice thrown at the soldiers?\n A. I saw snow balls, but no ice.\n Q. Did you see any thing strike upon their guns? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did you hear their guns rattle?\n A. No, I saw snow balls thrown both at the Sentinel and at the party.\n Q. Did you see any clubs thrown? \u2004A. No.\n Q. What number of people were there about the Sentinel?\n A. Near two hundred boys and men.\n Q. Was the Custom-House door opened?\n A. Not that I minded, they hollowed fire! fire! you dogs.\n Q. Was any considerable number of snow balls thrown at the Sentinel? \u2004A. A dozen before the party came down.\n Q. And when they came down, did they throw?\n A. Yes, as fast as ever.\n Q. Did you hear any huzzaing? \u2004A. Not in particular.\n James Waddel, Mariner, sworn.\n On the 5th March I was in King-street at the Main-Guard, I saw the soldiers going down to the Custom house, I saw the soldiers very much molested by the people of the town throwing snow balls, sticks, and more rubbish than I can mention, I saw also the Sentinel molested at the Custom-house door; when the party came down, he fell in amongst the rest of the soldiers; I saw a soldier knocked down, but who he was I cannot tell.\n Q. Where did you stand?\n A. Betwixt the soldiers and the Sentry-box.\n Q. Do you know who knocked the soldier down?\n A. No, I do not, I am not certain whether it was a stick that struck him down, or a brick-bat.\n Q. Did his firelock fly out of his hand?\n A. Yes, the firelock flew out of his hand, and he took it up again and fired, and I think he was the first that fired.\n Q. Which way did the stick or brick batt come that knocked him down?\n A. It came as if thrown from towards the Town-house.\n Q. How near did the people stand to the soldiers, when the first gun was fired?\n A. The nighest might be about ten or a dozen yards from the soldiers.\n Q. When you stood there, did you see any one strike at any soldier with a stick in his hand? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did you see any of the prisoners there that night?\n A. Yes, I saw Hartegan, I was acquainted with him in Halifax, and I kept my eye upon him more than upon any of the rest.\n Q. Whereabout did he stand?\n A. I came up the Royal-exchange-lane, and he was then the nearest man to me.\n Q. How many guns did you hear fired?\n A. I believe about seven.\n Daniel Cornwall, Barber, sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th March I was in Milk-street, I heard the bells ring, and ran down to the Town-house, I saw diverse of the inhabitants there, I enquired the reason of the bells ringing? A young man told me, a rascally soldier had struck one of the inhabitants with a cutlass, I replied, where is the damned villain gone? He gave me no answer, presently they turned round and gave two or three cheers.\n Q. How many people were there?\n A. About thirty or forty: They went to the alley leading to Murray\u2019s barracks, some were for going down the alley, some were not, I staid at the head of the alley, presently they went to the bottom of Royal-exchange-lane, and huzzaed and went up the lane, I myself went up the main-street, the bell at this time had stopped; as I got to the Town house, they had all got into King-street, I went down to see what they would do, there were several gentlemen persuading them to go off, and I believe they would all have gone in a few minutes, had not the soldiers come. I saw them throwing oyster shells and snowballs at the Sentry at the Custom house door, he was on the steps.\n Q. Are you sure you saw them throw oyster-shells at him?\n Q. One or two, or a number? \u2004A. I think two or three.\n Q. Did they hit him?\n A. I do not think they did. Some were hollowing out, let us burn the Sentry box, let us heave it over-board, but they did neither; I stood then opposite the Custom-House door, presently I saw a party of soldiers come down, who placed themselves before the Custom House.\n Q. Before the party came down, did you hear any person say, kill him?\n A. No, I observed Capt. Preston standing by the Sentry-box, I saw him talking with a man, I do not know who he was, I went to hear what they said, but I could not; in the space of two or three minutes, I heard a stick, club, or something else strike a soldier\u2019s gun, immediately the gun went off, and then I run.\n Q. Did you hear any thing rattle on the pavements?\n A. Yes, I heard a bayonet, or something like it, rattle on the pavements.\n Q. How many people were there, when the soldiers came down?\n A. I believe sixty or seventy.\n Q. Where did you stand?\n A. I stood at the head of Royal-exchange-lane, about three yards and a half from the Sentry box.\n Q. Could you see all the soldiers?\n A. No: just before they fired, I heard the people say, Damn you fire, you bloody backs.\n Q. Did you hear the expressions, Rush on, knock them over, knock them over? \u2004A. No.\n Q. How long was you there?\n A. About seven or eight minutes.\n John Ruddock, Esq; sworn.\n As I went home that evening, I met a number of boys with clubs, they went so for several months before, they chused to do so, because they had been so often knocked down by the soldiers, some said the soldiers were going to fight with the people.\n Q. What number did you meet?\n A. They were in two\u2019s or three\u2019s, three\u2019s or four\u2019s in a bunch, in the whole there might be about twenty.\n Q. What time of night was that? \u2004A. About eight o\u2019clock.\n Newtown Prince, a free Negro, sworn.\n When the bells rung I was at my own house, I run to the door and heard the cry of fire, I put on my shoes, and went out, and met two or three men, asked where the fire was; they said it was something better than fire. I met some with clubs, some with buckets and bags, and some running before me with sticks in their hands; I went to the Town-house, looked down the street, and saw the soldiers come out with their guns and bayonets fixed: I saw Capt. Preston with them; there were a number of people by the west door of the Town-house, they said lets go and attack the Main Guard, some said for God\u2019s sake do not meddle with them; they said by God we will go, others again said do not go. After a while they huzzaed and went down King-street; there was a number of people came down Prison-lane, and some from the Post-office; they went down to the Custom house, and I went down. The soldiers were all placed round in a circle with their guns breast high. I stood on the right wing, when the Captain came the people crouded in to him to speak to him, and I went behind them, I went next to the Custom-house door, there were people all round the soldiers.\n Q. How near were the people to the soldiers?\n A. About three or four feet from the point of their bayonets, the thickest part was by Capt. Preston. When I got to the corner I saw people with sticks striking on their guns at the right wing. I apprehended danger and that the guns might go off accidentally. I went to get to the upper end towards the Town house, I had not got to the center of the party, before the guns went off; as they went off I run, and did not stop till I got to the upper end of the Town-house.\n Q. How many did you see strike upon their guns?\n A. I cannot tell how many of them did it.\n Q. Did you hear at that time they were striking, the cry of fire, fire?\n A. Yes, they said fire, fire damn you fire, fire you lobsters, fire, you dare not fire.\n Q. Did you see any thing thrown at the soldiers?\n A. Nothing but snow balls, flung by some youngsters.\n Gregory Townsend, Esq; Merchant, sworn.\n Just after the bell rung nine, hearing the bell ring again, I went out thinking it was fire; I saw numbers of people running from the South-end some had buckets, the principal number had clubs in their hands. I asked where is the fire, I received for answer, at the Rope-walks and in King street. Numbers were coming with buckets, and the rest said Damn your bloods do not bring buckets, bring clubs.\n Q. Was this before the firing? \u2004A. Yes.\n Andrew, (Mr. Oliver Wendall\u2019s Negro,) sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th of March I was at home, I heard the bells ring, and went to the gate; I said there a little and saw Mr. Lovell coming back with his buckets, I asked him where was the fire, he said it was not fire; after that I went into the street, and saw one of my acquaintances and we run down to the end of the lane and saw another acquaintance coming up, holding his arm; I asked him what\u2019s the matter, he said the soldiers were fighting, had got cutlasses, and were killing every body, and that one of them had struck him on the arm, and almost cut it off; he told me I had best not go down; I said a good club was better than a cutlass, and he had better go down and see if he could not cut some too. I went to the Town-house, saw the Sentinels placed at the Main-Guard standing by Mr. Bowes\u2019s corner; numbers of boys on the other side of the way were throwing snow balls at them; the Sentinels were enraged and swearing at the boys; the boys called them lobsters, bloody backs, and hallowed who buys lobsters; one of my acquaintance came and told me that the soldiers had been fighting, and the people had drove them to Murray\u2019s barracks; I saw a number of people coming from Murray\u2019s barracks who went down by Jackson\u2019s corner into King-street; presently I heard three cheers given in King-street, I said we had better go down and see what\u2019s the matter; we went down to the Whipping post and stood by Waldo\u2019s shop, I saw a number of people round the Sentinel at the Custom house, there were also a number of people who stood where I did, and were picking up pieces of sea coal that had been thrown out thereabout, and snow balls, and throwing them over at the Sentinel. While I was standing there, there were two or three boys run out from among the people, and cried we have got his gun away, and now we will have him; presently I heard three cheers given by the people at the Custom house; I said to my acquaintance I would run up and see whether the guard would turn out. I passed round the Guard house, and went as far as the west door of the Town-house. While I stood there one of my acquaintance said he would go round the corner of the Town-house, and see if the guard had turned out; he went to the corner and called me, and told me the guard was come out. I went and looked down the street, I saw a file of men, with an officer with a laced hat on before them; upon that we all went to go towards him, and when we had got about half way to them, the officer said something to them, and they filed off down the street; upon that I went in the shade towards the Guard-house, and followed them down as far as Mr. Peck\u2019s corner; I saw them pass through the croud, and plant themselves by the Custom house. As soon as they got there the people gave three cheers. I went to cross over to where the soldiers were, and as soon as I got a glimpse of them, I heard somebody huzza and say here is Old Murray with the riot-act, and they began to pelt snow balls; a man set out and run, and I followed him as far as Philips\u2019s corner, and I do not know where he went. I turned back and went through the people until I got to the head of Royal-exchange lane, right against the soldiers; the first word I heard was a Grenadier say to a man by me, Damn you stand back.\n Q. How near was he to him?\n A. He was so near that the Grenadier might have run him through if he had stept one step forward. While I stopt to look at him, a person came to get through betwixt the Grenadier and me, and the soldier had like to have pricked him; he turned about and said, You damn\u2019d lobster, bloody back, are you going to stab me, the soldier said by God will I; presently somebody took hold of me by the shoulder, and told me to go home, or I should be hurt; at the same time there were a number of people towards the Town house, who said, come away and let the guard alone, you have nothing at all to do with them. I turned about and saw the officer standing before the men, and one or two persons engaged in talk with him. A number were jumping on the backs of those that were talking with the officer, to get as near as they could.\n Q. Did you hear what they said?\n A. No. Upon this I went to go as close to the officer as I could; one of the persons who was talking with the officer turned about quick to the people, and said, Damn him he is going to fire; upon that they gave a shout, and cryed out Fire and be damn\u2019d, who cares, damn you, you dare not fire, and began to throw snow balls, and other things, which then flew pretty thick.\n Q. Did they hit any of them?\n A. Yes, I saw two or three of them hit, one struck a Grenadier on the hat, and the people who were right before them had sticks; and as the soldiers were pushing with their guns back and forth, they struck their guns, and one hit a Grenadier on the fingers. At this time, the people up at the Town house called again come away, come way; a stout man who stood near me, and right before the Grenadiers, as they pushed with their bayonets the length of their arms, kept striking on their guns. The people seemed to be leaving the soldiers, and to turn from them, when there came down a number from Jackson\u2019s corner, huzzaing and crying, Damn them they dare not fire, we are not afraid of them; one of these people, a stout man with a long cord wood stick, threw himself in, and made a blow at the officer; I saw the officer try to fend off the stroke, whether he struck him or not I do not know: the stout man then turned round, and struck the Grenadier\u2019s gun at the Captains right hand, and immediately fell in with his club, and knocked his gun away, and struck him over the head, the blow came either on the soldiers cheek or hat. This stout man held the bayonet with his left hand, and twitched it and cried kill the dogs, knock them over; this was the general cry; the people then crouded in, and upon that the Grenadier gave a twitch back and relieved his gun, and he up with it and began to pay away on the people. I was then betwixt the officer and this grenadier, I turned to go off, when I had got away about the length of a gun, I turned to look towards the officer; and I heard the word fire; at the word fire I thought I heard the report of a gun, and upon my hearing the report, I saw the same grenadier swing his gun, and immediately he discharged it.\n Q. Do you know who this stout man was, that fell in and struck the grenadier?\n A. I thought, and still think it was the Molatto who was shot.\n Q. Do you know the grenadier who was thus assaulted and fired?\n A. I then thought it was Killroy, and I told Mr. Quincy so the next morning after the affair happened, I now think it was he from my best observation, but I can\u2019t positively swear it.\n Q. Did the soldiers of that party, or any of them, step or move out of the rank in which they stood to push the people?\n A. No, and if they had they might have killed me and many others with their bayonets.\n Q. Did you, as you passed through the people towards Royal-exchange lane and the party, see a number of people take up any and every thing they could find in the street, and throw them at the soldiers?\n A. Yes, I saw ten or fifteen round me do it.\n Q. Did you yourself pick up every thing you could find, and throw at them? \u2004A. Yes I did.\n Q. After the gun fired, where did you go?\n A. I run as fast as I could into the first door I saw open, which I think was Mr. Dehones, I was very much frightened.\n Oliver Wendell, Merchant, sworn.\n Q. Is the witness last examined your servant? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. How long has he lived in your family?\n A. Above ten years.\n Q. What is his general character for truth?\n A. It is good, I have heard his testimony and believe it to be true, he gave the same relation of this matter to me on the same evening, in a quarter of an hour after the affair happened; and I then asked him whether our people were to blame, he said they were.\n Q. Can Andrew read and write?\n A. Yes, very well, he has been well educated.\n Q. Pray Sir, is it not usual for Andrew to amplify and embellish a story?\n A. He is fellow of a lively imagination, and will sometimes amuse the servants in the kitchen, but I never knew him to tell a serious lye.\n FIVE o\u2019Clock, p.m. the Court adjourned till next morning, Saturday\u20041 December, nine o\u2019Clock.\n Saturday, NINE o\u2019Clock, the Court met according to adjournment, and proceeded.\n William Whitington, sworn.\n I was in King-street a quarter after nine o\u2019clock on the 5th of March, and two others with me, I crossed King-street at Oliver\u2019s-Dock, and I met a few people, but did not mind them, and the people with me did not; in a little time I heard the bells ring, and I made a stop and asked what was the matter? They said fire, I saw several people with buckets, &c. and I asked them where they were going? They said there is fire somewhere. I came up by Pudding-lane, and went in betwixt the guard and Guard-House, for at this time the Main-Guard was turned out, I saw Mr. Basset the officer, and Capt. Preston, while I was standing there, some person in the croud fronting the soldiers, cried out to the guard, will you stand there and see the Sentinel murdered at the Custom house? Capt. Preston and Mr. Basset were both together, Mr. Basset said to Capt. Preston, what shall I do in this case? Said Preston, take out six or seven of the men, and let them go down to the assistance of the Sentry; I think there were six men ordered out of the ranks, they formed themselves by files, the Corporal marched in the front, and the Captain in the rear, I was at this time on the outside of the soldiers on the left hand, and I kept on the outside from the time they marched from the parade till they came to the Custom-house, but how they formed themselves when they came there I did not see, but when I saw them they were formed in a half circle, I was about two or three yards distance from them, I heard Capt. Preston use many intreaties to the populace, begging they would disperse and go home, but what they said I cannot tell; but I heard them hollow, damn you fire! You dare not fire, we know you dare not fire; Capt. Preston desired them to go home many times; I departed and saw no more of them, and went to Wheelwright\u2019s wharf.\n Joseph Hinkley, sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th March I heard the bells ring, I was in Mr. Hall\u2019s house, I went out in order to see where the fire was, I heard the drum beat, I went to the shop and got a stick, and went down to the Conduit, I saw thirty or forty people with sticks in their hands.\n Q. Were they walking sticks?\n A. Some were short clubs, some were walking sticks. Then they hollowed, King-street forever, and huzzaed, some went up Royal-exchange-lane, I went with a number up Jenkin\u2019s-alley, I went towards the Sentinel, he was walking backwards and forwards with his firelock on his shoulder; some of the people said, kill him; I had not been there long, before the party came down, and then a good many more people gathered round before the Sentinel-box, some from Quaker-lane, some from the Town-house, and some from the bottom of King-street, some with sticks, some without, they came close to the Sentinel, the bells were ringing, I had not been there long before they loaded, I was close to them when they loaded.\n Q. Who gave orders to load?\n A. I did not hear, there was such huzzaing, hollowing and whistling, that I could not hear, they had their bayonets about breast high, shoving and pricking with their bayonets to make the way clear, then the people hollowed fire! why do you not fire? Damn you fire! you bloody backs.\n Q. Did they tell the people to keep off? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. And did the people go back when desired?\n A. No, they pressed more upon them, while the people were thus pressing on the party, they fired, I did not hear any orders given.\n Q. How near did you stand to the soldiers?\n A. I fell back to the middle of the street when the first gun was fired.\n Q. To which wing did you fall?\n A. To the center, I was right facing them.\n Q. How many guns were fired?\n A. I think six or seven, I did not count them.\n Q. Did you see the people come close up to the soldiers, and strike on their guns?\n A. No, they held their sticks up over their heads, flourishing and brandishing them, saying, damn you fire? you dare not fire.\n Q. Did you see any sticks thrown?\n A. No, nor any thing else, Samuel Gray who was shot that night, clapped me on the shoulder, and said, do not run my lad, they dare not fire, and he ran back and forth among the people and clapped others also on the back as he did me.\n Q. Had he any thing in his hand?\n A. I think he had not; I looked to my left soon after the guns were fired, and saw him upon the ground, and with the help of some others, carried him to Dr. Loring\u2019s shop, but could not get in, and left him there.\n Q. Do you know Langford in this town? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did you see any body go up to Gray, and thrust at him with a bayonet? \u2004A. No I did not see it.\n Q. How near did he fall to the soldiers?\n A. He was in the middle of the street.\n Q. Did you see any of the soldiers move out of the ranks?\n Q. How near was you to Gray?\n A. About three or four yards distance.\n Harrison Gray, junr. sworn.\n That evening upon returning home, I saw a number of people round the Sentinel, making use of opprobrious language and threatnings, I desired them to go off, and said the consequence would be fatal if they did not; some few snow balls were thrown, and abusive language continued, they said damn him, let him fire, he can fire but one gun.\n Q. Were they men or boys?\n A. They were a mixture, about eighteen or nineteen years old, and some men.\n Q. How many were there of them?\n A. There might be from seventy to an hundred, I did not par\u00adticularly observe; when I could not prevail to take them off, I went to Mr. Pain\u2019s, in a little while the party came down, I saw nothing afterwards; soon after I heard the guns fired, and Mr. Pain was wounded with one of them.\n Q. Did the Sentinel call out for the guard?\n A. I did not hear him, he retreated to the steps of the Customhouse.\n Q. Was you standing at Mr. Pain\u2019s door when the guns were fired?\n A. I was, but was not looking that way, nor did I observe when the party came down; I told the people, the Sentinel was on duty, that was his post, and that he had a right to walk there, and that he could have enough to relieve him, if he stood in need of it, as he was so near the Main Guard.\n Charles Willis, an Apprentice, sworn.\n I know nothing worth the telling; I was not in King-street, I heard there was no fire, but I heard the soldiers were fighting. I went to Dock square, and saw a number of people there, I came up Royal-exchange-lane, and saw the firing, but was not near enough to see any thing the people did.\n Matthew Murray, sworn.\n That evening I was at home; and heard the bells ring, I went into the street and asked the occasion, I was told it was not fire, but the soldiers fighting with the inhabitants; I went into the house and could find no stick, but I cut the handle of my mother\u2019s broom off, with this I came to King-street, but there were no soldiers; some people were coming from Royal-exchange lane, some from the Town-house, some said, damn it, they are only making fools of us, it is best to go home: I went to the head of Royal exchange-lane, and saw a cluster of people there, and I saw a boy who said that the Sentry had knocked him down with the butt-end of his gun; I saw the Sentry on the steps, and the people after he loaded, said, fire! Damn you fire! Presently after the party came down, I stood close to them, they were swinging their bayonets, telling the people to make way, I saw a man talking with Capt. Preston, I went to hear what he said, I could not hear, the grenadier on the right was struck some where on his right side, but I do not know with what, but directly he fired.\n Q. Was that the right hand man? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. Was you close to the soldiers?\n A. Yes, I was quite close to them.\n Q. Did you see any snow balls thrown before this?\n A. I think I saw two or three.\n Thomas Symmonds, Victualler, sworn.\n Betwixt eight and nine o\u2019clock of the 5th March, I was in my house near Murray\u2019s barracks, the people were running backwards and forwards, and there was a great mob and riot by the barrack gate; I heard the people as they went along declare, if the soldiers did not come out and fight them, they would set fire to the four corners of the barracks, and burn every damned soul of them.\n Q. Did you see the people?\n A. I was standing at my own door, I saw them pass and repass me, but I knew none of them.\n Q. Was there any disturbance before that?\n A. Yes, there was a disturbance half an hour before that.\n Q. What sort of a disturbance was it before?\n A. I saw a good number of towns people had cutlasses, clubs, and swords, there was knocking down, riot and disturbance, and this declaration of theirs was after that, and before the bells rung.\n Q. Was that said by one, two, or a number?\n A. I cannot tell indeed how many said so.\n Q. Did you at that time keep a victualling-house?\n Q. Did the soldiers frequent your house? \u2004A. Yes, they did.\n William Parker, Bricklayer, sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th March, I was at Mr. Coleman\u2019s at the north side of the Market, I came from thence through the Market on the south side, I saw seven or eight people, the chief were boys, three or four of them were on the inside the rails, pulling the butchers stalls to pieces.\n Q. How old did these boys appear?\n A. About a dozen of years old, or smaller, some about eighteen, I went up to them and observed they were getting sticks; about half a minute after, came along a soldier, I took him to be an officer\u2019s servant, some said here is a damned soldier, and got foul of the man, and I got the soldier away from them, and he went off, and I went towards home round by the Golden-ball, and up into King-street; I met one Mr. James Bayard he and I walked together, and I did not see a single soul in the street; we passed the Sentinel (I think that was he\u2014pointing to White) it was cold under foot, and we stood upon Stone\u2019s steps; in a few minutes there were three or four boys round the Sentinel, they got foul of him: one of them said the Sentinel had struck him with his gun, and they kept pushing one another against him, and pushed him into the box; I said to Mr. Bayard there will be trouble by and bye. About two minutes after there came a parcel of boys and young fellows together, in number about fifteen or sixteen, the chief of them with sticks in their hands.\n Q. What sort of sticks were they?\n A. They looked like the sticks they took at the Market, like pieces of the stalls split. When they got to the head of the lane, there was a little talking and whistling amongst them, and they said lets go up to the Main guard, and they went up by the foot of the Town-House; about one minute after there were five or six boys made their appearance out of Royal-exchange-lane, from that I went to go up round Jackson\u2019s corner, when I came to the watch-house, I met a number of people coming round by Jackson\u2019s corner.\n Q. How many people? \u2004A. Twenty or thirty.\n Q. Had they sticks?\n A. Some had sticks, some had none, some had short sticks, some had walking canes.\n Q. What sized people were these?\n A. They were a mixture of men and boys running together; I asked them what had been the matter, they said there had been a squabble by Murray\u2019s barracks, and they had drove the soldiers in; they said it was all over; then I left Mr. Bayard and they all came down into King-street, and betwixt Quaker-lane and Royal-exchange-lane they made a stop, and met in a cluster, and not long afterwards dispersed; I did not leave above twelve or fifteen in King-street, when I came out of it. I went down Quaker-lane, and a number that lived that way went down with me; as I got home and lifted the latch of the door I heard some bell ring, and I heard a gun and then another, I heard them all fired, I came back as far as the bottom of the lane and no farther.\n Q. What said the boys in the Market to the soldier who passed by?\n A. They said here is a damned soldier, some said they are all a like, this is as bad as any of them. I believe they would have beat him if I had not rescued him; he was passing quietly along.\n John Gridley Merchant,sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th of March, I passed my time at the Bunch of Grapes in King-street, in company with three gentlemen of the town; betwixt the hours of nine and ten we were alarmed with the bells, and a cry of fire, they said to me come Gridley we had better go and enquire where the fire is, I said I had rather sit where I was, there might be some disturbance, and I did not want to be in it; however, I agreed, and we went. I saw Mr. Davis particularly, he said to me what do you make of this, I told him I believed there was no fire, but rather a tumult. I said to Mr. Davis I will go up the street and see what the matter is, and return again and let him and the rest that were on the steps of the door know what the matter was. I went up the street into the middle of it, and I stopt just before the Sentinel placed at the Custom House, there were a large number of boys, and some men amongst them, about ten young men, the boys were in the front, and the men in the rear; I believe about twenty five, boys men and all.\n Q. How big were these boys?\n A. Little trifling boys. The Sentinel had his gun and bayonet charged, levelled with his hip. I went from thence up to the south end of the Town-house opposite to the Main-Guard.\n Q. Was the Sentinel at that time in the box or on the steps?\n A. He was retreating towards the steps with his bayonet charged. I then found the Main guard to be in confusion. I went up to the head of the Town house, where were a number of gentlemen collected together, I asked them what was the matter, they told me that the soldiers had rushed from Murray\u2019s barracks, and had cut several of the inhabitants with their cutlasses; several people were running about the streets, and the cry was God damn the rascals. Some said this will never do, the readiest way to get rid of these people is to attack the Main guard. Strike at the root, there is the nest.\n Q. Was this particularly spoken by one or two only?\n A. No, it was general, they joined in with one another as they met. I went to the north-side of the Town house, with a view to return to the place from whence I came; I stopt at Mr. Kent\u2019s door, and while I was standing there, a party of the guard came down from the Main guard a cross King-street. I turned round and saw a non commissioned officer (as I took him to be by his appearance) leading the party, which I at first thought was to relieve the Sentinel at the Custom-House as usual, but perceiving this guard was going down to support the Sen\u00ad tinel, I thought it time to go where I came from, to tell the gentlemen what I had seen according to promise. I proceeded down street on the Custom-house side, on the flat stones; the soldiers were drawn up in two ranks front and rear, as I thought it, they had not had time to form as I came down; I walked betwixt the two ranks, they were then loading their pieces.\n Q. Did you hear any orders given for loading?\n A. No. Passing betwixt the ranks, their guns being on a loading position, I passed leisurly through, and they put their guns and bayonets up to let me go through. I returned to the Bunch of Grapes from whence I came, I saw Mr. Davis and the other gentlemen on the steps, Mr. Davis asked me to give an account of this matter, I told him I could give no account, except a general one, that the soldiers had come out of their barracks, and that they had been a quarreling, and the Sentinel had been interrupted in his duty. Mr. Davis asked me what was that collection of people before the Custom-House, who did they consist of; they are nothing said he, but a parcel of boys; I hastily replied, yes, Mother Tapley\u2019s boys.\n Q. What did you mean by that?\n A. I meant boys as big as I am.\n Q. When you passed betwixt the soldiers, was any thing thrown at them, or did any body strike them.\n A. No, not that I saw. When I was at the Bunch of Grapes, I saw some snow balls thrown, some from the rear, some from the middle of the street, and some from Quaker-lane, all thrown towards the Custom house.\n Q. Was there any noise just before the firing?\n A. As I stood on the steps of the Bunch of Grapes tavern; the general noise and cry was why do you not fire, damn you, you dare not fire, fire and be damned. These words were spoke very loud, they might be heard to the Long wharff. The noise was very great indeed. There was about fifty before the soldiers, and about half the number before the Sentinel, before the party joined him.\n Mrs. Catherine Field, sworn.\n Q. Did you know Patrick Carr, who was killed by the firing in King-Street on the 5th of March last? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. Was he in your house that evening? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. Did you hear any thing he said, when he was told there was an affray with the soldiers?\n A. When the bells rung, he went up stairs and put his surtout on, and got a hanger and put it betwixt his coat and surtout; my husband coming at that time, gave him a push and felt the sword; he wanted to take it from him, but he was unwilling to let it go, my husband told him he should not take it with him. I do not know what he said, but one of the neighbours was in the house and coaxed the sword out of his hand, and he went out without it. He said on his death bed, he saw a parcel of boys and negroes throwing snow balls at the guard. He thought the first or second man from the Sentinel box was the man that shot him.\n John Mansfield, sworn.\n Q. Do you know Patrick Carr?\n A. Yes. On the night of the 5th of March, when the bells rung he would go out; I persuaded him much to stay at home, he did not mind me but took his sword betwixt his coat and surtout. Mr. Field coming in felt it, and said he should not take it out with him; with much coaxing a woman who lived next door got it from him.\n Q. Did you hear any acknowlegement by him on his death bed?\n A. I was often at his bed side, and all that I ever heard him say, was, he thought he knew the man that shot him, but he never made it known to me.\n Doctor John Jeffries, sworn.\n Q. Was you Patrick Carr\u2019s surgeon?\n A. I was, in company with others. I was called that evening about eleven o\u2019clock to him, I was engaged with Mr. Paine and could not go; next morning I went; after dressing his wounds, I advised him never to go again into quarrels and riots: He said he was very sorry he did go. Dr. Lloyd who was present, turned round to me and said, Jeffries, I believe this man will be able to tell us how the affair was, we had better ask him: I asked him then how long he had been in King-street when they fired? He said he went from Mr. Field\u2019s when the bells rung, when he got to Walker\u2019s corner, he saw many persons coming from Cornhill, who he was told had been quarreling with the soldiers down there, that he went with them as far as the stocks, that he stopped there, but they passed on: While he was standing there he saw many things thrown at the Sentry. I asked him if he knew what was thrown? He said he heard the things strike against the guns, and they sounded hard, he believed they were oyster shells and ice; he heard the people huzza every time they heard any thing strike that sounded hard: that he then saw some soldiers going down towards the Custom-house, that he saw the people pelt them as they went along, after they had got down there, he crossed over towards Warden and Vernon\u2019s shop, in order to see what they would do, that as he was passing he was shot, that he was taken up and carried home to Mr. Field\u2019s by some of his friends. I asked him whether he thought the soldiers would fire? He told me he thought the soldiers would have fired long before. I then asked him whether he thought the soldiers were abused a great deal, after they went down there? He said, he thought they were. I asked him whether he thought the soldiers would have been hurt, if they had not fired? He said he really thought they would, for he heard many voices cry out, kill them. I asked him then, meaning to close all, whether he thought they fired in self defence, or on purpose to destroy the people? He said, he really thought they did fire to defend themselves; that he did not blame the man whoever he was, that shot him. This conversation was on Wednesday\u20047 March, He always gave the same answers to the same questions, every time I visited him.\n Q. Was he apprehensive of his danger?\n A. He was told of it. He told me also, he was a native of Ireland, that he had frequently seen mobs, and soldiers called upon to quell them: whenever he mentioned that, he always called himself a fool, that he might have known better, that he had seen soldiers often fire on the people in Ireland, but had never seen them bear half so much before they fired in his life.\n Q. How often did he repeat this conversation?\n A. Almost every day I saw him, though he was more particular, the day but one after he was shot.\n Q. How long did he live after he received his wound?\n A. Ten days.\n Q. When had you the last conversation with him?\n A. About four o\u2019clock in the afternoon, preceeding the night on which he died, and he then particularly said, he forgave the man whoever he was that shot him, he was satisfied he had no malice, but fired to defend himself.\n Q. Did you yourself see any of the transactions at Murray\u2019s barracks on that evening?\n A. On the evening of the 5th March, I was at my father\u2019s, opposite Mr. Cooper\u2019s meeting; about nine, one of the neighbours run in, (a woman) she said to my father, pray sir come out, there will be murder, the soldiers and people are fighting: I went directly towards Murray\u2019s barracks, before I got to them I found the passage way stopped up so that I could not pass; by a number of people of all sorts, I saw no soldiers just at that minute; I got upon Dr. Hyron\u2019s steps, I saw several soldiers towards Mr. Greenleaf\u2019s, I think there were three, one of them had a pair of tongs in his hand, another had a stick I think, he was the second, he that had the tongs was the first, behind them were several officers driving the soldiers towards the barrack gate, ordering them to go in, I saw them strike them, they turned them into the gate, they then shut the barrack gate intirely, I think the officers did that themselves; as they were putting them in, there were a great many snow balls thrown at them, they were called cowards, cowardly rascals, and that they were afraid to fight.\n Q. What number of people do you think were there?\n A. There were as many as could stand betwixt the steps and the side of the way; I took the alley to be as full as it could be, for others were pressing to get into that street and could not; I judge not less than seventy or eighty could fill that space of ground: the officers told the people not a soldier should come out, at that time I saw a gentleman speak to some of the officers, who I then took to be Mr. Palmes, I asked the person next me if he knew the names of either of the officers? He pointed to one, and said that was Capt. Goldfinch; while the gentleman was talking with Capt. Goldfinch (it was some time, about seven or eight minutes I stood on the same spot) there was a great deal of abusive language given to them, they were repeatedly called lobsters; they promised the gentleman who was speaking to them, that if any body had been injured, enquiry should be made next day, and the persons should be punished, I heard this repeated four or five different times, they spoke also to the people in general; while they were talking I saw snow balls thrown at the officers, which struck the door before which they stood; they begged the people would go away; they said they would not; the officers said, they had done all they could, they had turned the soldiers in and shut the gate, that no soldiers should come out that evening; some body replied, you mean they dare not come out, you dare not let them out; many persons cried let us go home, others said no, we shall find some soldiers in King street, a number of them then passed up the alley, as they went up they huzzaed and made a noise against the fences and side of the walls; I then passed up the alley myself into Cornhill, as soon as I got out of the alley I heard the Old-Brick bell ring.\n Q. Did you hear Dr. Cooper\u2019s bell ring before?\n A. I think not, I heard it afterwards. There were many in the street running, some with buckets enquiring where the fire was? There were many answers given in the street it is not fire, it is the soldiers fighting, I do not know from who, but from several quarters behind and before me; I went up Cornhill and saw a number of persons collected betwixt Mr. Jackson\u2019s shop and the Town-house.\n Q. How many?\n A. About twenty, I thought many of them were the persons that had just left the alley, I had followed them with my eye and saw them stop there, many of them had sticks, they did not use them to walk with, as they went up they flourished them about.\n Q. What number of sticks did you see flourishing in that manner?\n A. I thought about two-thirds of them had sticks.\n Q. Was there a general cry?\n A. No, the chief was huzzaing. As they went up several of them struck against Jackson\u2019s shop-windows and said, damn it, here lives an importer, others ran more towards the Town-house and took up pieces of ice and threw at Jackson\u2019s windows and broke four panes of glass, I stood and counted them; at that time Mr. Cazneau came up and said, do not meddle with Mr. Jackson, let him alone, do not break his windows, and they left off throwing; the bigger part of them immediately pushed down King-street by the north side of the Town-house, others of them went betwixt the west door of the Town-house and Cornhill, and said, we will go to the guard; I then went over to the opening betwixt the south side of the Town-house and the Guard-house, to look down to see if they did stop there, at that time I heard a huzza I thought lower down King-street, it was not from any of the people I had then in view, these persons did not stop by the Guard-house, but run directly down King-Street; I then turned back, and returned by Cornhill through Boylston\u2019s alley, I found a small circle of people talking with the officers on the steps, about twelve; at that time Dr. Cooper\u2019s bell began to ring, one of the officers immediately cried out, pray stop that bell, I then left them and went to my father\u2019s.\n Q. Did you see any person ring the bell?\n A. No, I saw no person, but I saw a window open.\n Q. Was any thing done to stop it?\n A. I saw nothing done, I had been but a little while in the house, I had just took off my cloak when the girl ran in from the kitchen, and said there is a gun fired, I replied to the company, I did not believe it, for I had seen the officers put in the soldiers and shut the gate.\n Captain Edmund Mason, sworn.\n Q. By whom is the Sentry at the Custom-house placed?\n A. The Sentinel at the Custom-house is placed by order of a commanding officer, the commanding officer was then Lieut. Col. Dalrymple, by his order a Sentry was placed at the Custom-house to take care of the money in the Cashier\u2019s office, books, &c. that is the duty of a Sentinel stationed at the Custom house.\n Q. Had a Sentry alternately been placed there for some months before the 5th March?\n A. Yes, for many months before, ever since I came to the town, and the Sentinel there cannot stir till the commanding officer relieves him.\n Q. Did you see the first order for placing the Sentinel at the commissioners office when they kept at Concert-hall?\n A. I did not, I was not then in the country.\n Thomas Hall, sworn.\n Produced on the part of the Crown.\n Q. Do you know any of the prisoners?\n A. Yes, White, Killroy, Wemms, and Carrol.\n Q. Did White say any thing to you on the 5th of March last?\n A. Yes. I went down King-street just after the bells began to ring, and he said, Hall, I am molested and imposed on on my post, I cannot keep my post clear; Hall take care of yourself, there will be something done by and bye. I moved away to the corner of Stone\u2019s house and there stood.\n Q. Were any number of people about the Sentinel at that time?\n A. Yes, there were about twenty, he said he could not keep his post clear. They said he dared not fire. He cocked his gun on the steps, then he presented his gun, and they drew off again.\n Q. What did he say to the people?\n A. He desired them to keep off. Some were throwing snow balls, some oyster shells at him.\n Q. Did you see any of them hit the Sentinel?\n A. No; I saw them hit his gun two or three times; then he hollowed for the guard, and the guard came down.\n Q. What expression did he use?\n A. He hollowed soldiers come here, and they came seven men and the officer.\n Q. What followed upon that?\n A. As soon as they came down the people pressed in upon them; and they pushed with their bayonets to keep them off, but did not move out of their ranks.\n Q. Were any snow balls, sticks, or stones, thrown at the party after they came down? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did the soldiers tell them to keep off?\n A. Yes; but they still pressed on. Then one man fired, and I run down Royal-exchange-lane as fast as I could.\n Q. How near did you stand to the party?\n A. About twelve or fourteen feet off.\n Q. Were there people between you and the party?\n A. Yes, ten or twelve.\n Q. What was the general cry?\n A. Fire, fire, you dare not fire, fire and be damned.\n John Stewart, sworn.\n Betwixt eight and nine o\u2019clock on the 5th of March as I was going home to Green\u2019s lane, I met five or six men with sticks in their hands, about the middle of it I met with much the same number, and at the end of it I met with much the same number.\n Q. Which way were they going?\n A. They were going into town towards King-street.\n Captain Barbason O Hara,sworn.\n Q. Do you know Carrol one of the prisoners?\n A. I have known him these four years by a particular circumstance. I landed at a battery where he was on duty, and entered into conversation with him; and I have took particular notice of him ever since.\n Q. What is his general character?\n A. That of a discreet sober orderly man.\n Q. Do you know if a Sentinel was constantly placed at the Custom-house?\n A. Yes, for several months before last March, by order from the Commanding officer.\n Theodore Bliss, Carpenter, sworn.\n On the evening of the 5th of March I was in my own house, be\u00ad twixt nine and ten I heard the bells ring for fire, I went out of the house and came into King-street; I there saw the soldiers and the officer. I went to the officer and asked him if his men were loaded, he said they were; I asked him if they were loaded with ball, he made me no answer, I asked if they were going to fire, he said they could not fire without his orders; directly I saw a snow ball and stick come from behind me which struck the grenadier on the right, which I took to be Warren, he fended it off with his musket as well as he could, and immediately he fired.\n Q. Where did he stand?\n A. He was the first man on the right, and the third man from the officer; immediately after the first gun, the officer turned to the right and I turned to the left and went down the lane; I heard the word fire given, but whether it was the town\u2019s people or the officer, I do not know.\n Q. Were any blows given to the soldiers before the firing?\n A. I saw none.\n Q. Were any blows given after the first and before the second gun fired? \u2004A. No.\n Q. Did you, or did you not, after the first gun was fired see a blow aimed? \u2004A. I did not.\n Q. Did you not aim a blow yourself?\n A. Yes, when I was going away.\n Q. How large was that stick you saw thrown?\n A. About an inch diameter.\n Q. Did the soldier sally or step back when the stick struck him?\n A. I saw only his body, I did not see his feet.\n Q. Directly on the first gun\u2019s going off, did any close in upon the soldiers, and aim a blow or blows at them?\n A. I did myself, whether any one else did or not I cannot tell. When I was about three or four rod from my own house, I heard the soldiers were quarrelling with the inhabitants, some inhabitants said, We had better go and see it out.\n Q. What number was coming down along with you?\n A. Six or eight, in some places eight or ten, in others one after another, all the way along from the South-end; the people were saying, the soldiers were quarrelling with the inhabitants\u2014breeding a rumpus\u2014going to beat the inhabitants. Some said we had better go home\u2014others lets go now and see it out\u2014it is the best time now\u2014and now is the only time.\n Q. Had they buckets? \u2004A. Yes.\n Q. Had all of them buckets? \u2004A. No.\n Q. What had the rest?\n A. Some had nothing at all, some had walking canes.\n Q. What was the general cry before the firing?\n A. Fire, damn you, why do you not fire, you dare not fire.\n Q. Are you sure it was the man nighest to the Custom-house that fired first, and that the stick struck?\n A. Yes, I think I am certain of it.\n Henry Bass, Merchant, sworn.\n Produced on the part of the Crown.\n On the evening of the 5th of March I left my house in Winter-street, and went to see a friend in the neighbourhood of Dr. Cooper\u2019s meeting. I went down the main-street, and coming near Boylston\u2019s alley, I saw a number of boys and children from twelve to fifteen years old, betwixt Mr. Jackson\u2019s and the alley; some of them had walking canes. A number of soldiers, I think four, sallied out of the alley.\n Q. How many boys were there? \u2004A. Six or eight.\n Q. What time of night was it?\n A. About five minutes after nine. I took the soldiers for grenadiers, all of them had cutlasses drawn.\n Q. Did they come out of the barracks?\n A. They came out of the alley, and I imagine from the barracks; they fell on these boys, and every body else that came in their way, they struck them; they followed me and almost over took me, I had the advantage of them and run as far as Col. Jackson\u2019s, there I made a stand, they came down as far as the stone shop.\n Q. Did you see that their cutlasses were drawn?\n A. Yes, it was a very bright night, these lads came down, some of them came to the Market square, one got a stave, others pieces of pine, they were very small, I do not know whether any of the lads were cut. I turned and then saw an oyster-man, who said to me, damn it here is what I have got by going up; (showing his shoulder wounded) I put my finger into the wound and blooded it very much. This oyster man made a stand, and several people got round him asking him questions.\n Q. What time was this? \u2004A. About 7 minutes after nine.\n Q. Was it before the bells rung as for fire or after?\n A. It was some time before. My way lay through that alley where the barracks were, but I did not think it safe to go up that way, I returned home by the way of Royal exchange-lane.\n Q. When you got to Dock-square, were there a number of people there?\n A. This affair of the oyster-man gathered numbers, before that there were not above eight, all little lads, in a little time I imagine about twenty gathered. I passed up Royal-exchange-lane by the Sentinel, quite near him, I suppose there were not above fifteen persons in King-street, very few for such a pleasant night; it was then about fifteen minutes after nine.\n Q. Where was the Sentinel?\n A. Close to the corner of the Custom house, I came quite near him.\n Q. Did you see no boys by him? \u2004A. None at all.\n Q. Did the bells ring then?\n A. No. I went up from Royal-exchange-lane to the north-side of the Town house, and when I came there the Old Brick meeting house bell began to ring.\n Q. Did this gather a great many?\n A. Yes. I proceeded towards home, I met several of my acquaintance and told them there was no fire, but there had been a quarrel with the soldiers and inhabitants, but that it was all over, in particular I met Mr. Chase, presently after another bell rung.\n Q. What bell was that? \u2004A. Dr. Cooper\u2019s.\n Q. What else did you see?\n A. Nothing more. I had got to Winter street when I heard the guns fire.\n Q. Did you know previous to the Old Brick bell\u2019s ringing, that it was to ring to alarm the inhabitants?\n A. I did not, but after it had rung I knew it.\n Q. At the time when you saw the soldiers run out of the alley, did you hear any body say there had been a great number of people at the barracks? \u2004A. No.\n Edward Paine, Merchant, sworn.\n Produced on the part of the Crown.\n On Monday evening the 5th March I went to Mr. Amory\u2019s, while I was there the bell rung, which I supposed was for nine o\u2019clock, Mrs. Amory said she imagined it was fire, I looked at the clock, it was twenty minutes after nine; I was going out to enquire where the fire was, Mr. Taylor came in, he said there was no fire, but he understood the soldiers were coming up to cut down Liberty-tree; I then went out to make enquiry, when I came out of the door, before I had got into King-street, I met Mr. Walker the ship carpenter, I asked him what the matter was? He said the soldiers had sallied out from Smith\u2019s barracks, and had fell on the inhabitants, and had cut and wounded a number of them, but that they were drove into the barracks: I then went to my house to inform Mrs. Payne that it was not fire, apprehending she might be frightned; I immediately went out again, and when I came into the street, there was nobody in the street at all; the Sentry at the Custom House was walking by himself as usual, nobody near him; I went up towards the Town house, and stood by the watch-house, where were a number of people, I enquired of them what the matter was? They gave me the same account Mr. Walker did. While I stood there, I heard a considerable noise in Cornhill, and presently I heard a noise of some people coming up Silsby\u2019s-alley, at first I imagined it was soldiers coming up that alley, and had some thoughts of retiring up the Town-house steps, but soon found they were inhabitants, I stood till they came up to me, I believe there might be twenty at the extent, some of the persons had sticks, some had not, I believe there were as many with sticks as without, they made a considerable noise, and cried, where are they? Where are they? At this time there came up a barber\u2019s boy and said the Sentry at the Custom house had knocked down a boy belonging to their shop; the people then turned about and went down to the Sentry; I then was left as it were alone: I proceeded towards my own house, when I had got about half way, I met Mr. Spear the cooper, he said, Mr. Payne do not go away, I am afraid the Main-guard will come down; I told him I was more afraid of those people that had surrounded the Sentry, and desired him if he had any influence over them to endeavour to take them off; I then proceeded towards my own house, and when I got as far as Mr. Davis\u2019s, directly opposite to the Custom-house: I saw a number of persons going up the steps at the Custom-house, and heard a violent knocking at the door, the Sentry stood by the box as I took it, I stopt to see if they opened the Custom house door to let them in, I found they did not open the door; I then retired to my own house, and stood on the sill of my door.\n Q. Was there noise by the Sentry?\n A. Yes, a confused noise, five or six were upon the steps, I remained at my door, and Mr. Harrison Gray came up and stood there talking with me; the people were crying out fire! fire! Damn you, why do you not fire?\n Q. Was this before the soldiers came down?\n A. Yes. Mr. Gray and I were talking of the foolishness of the people in calling the Sentry to fire on them; in about a minute after, I saw a number of soldiers come down from the Main guard, and it appeared to me they had their muskets in a horizontal posture, they went towards the Custom house, and shoved the people from the house, I did not see in what manner they drew up: at this time Mr. Bethune joined us on my steps at the door, and the noise in the street continued much the same as before, fire! fire! Damn you, fire! why do you not fire? Soon after this, I thought I heard a gun snap, I said to Mr. Gray, there is a gun snapped, did you not hear it? He said yes; immediately a gun went off, I reached to see whether it was loaded with powder, or any body lying dead, I heard three more, then there was a pause, and I heard the iron rammers go into their guns, and then there was three more discharged, one after another; it appeared to me there were seven in all, as soon as the last gun was discharged I perceived I was wounded, and went into the house.\n Q. Was it the last gun wounded you?\n A. I do not know, I did not feel it before the last gun went off.\n Q. Did you see any body throw any thing at the soldiers?\n A. No, I was not near enough to see whether the people struck or threw any thing at the soldiers.\n Q. How many people were about them?\n A. From fifty to an hundred.\n Q. Were they near to them? \u2004A. Pretty nigh.\n Q. Could you see all the soldiers? \u2004A. Yes.\n FIVE o\u2019clock, p.m. the Court adjourned till Monday morning 3 December, nine o\u2019Clock.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0014", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Digest of Evidence: 29 November\u20131 December 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Evidence of Commotions that Evening.\n James Crawford. Went home to Bulls Wharf at dark about 6 O Clock. Met Numbers of People, going down towards the Town House, with sticks. At Calfs Corner, Saw above a dozen with sticks. In Quaker Lane and Greens Lane met many, going towards King Street. Very great Sticks, pretty large Cudgells, not common Walking Canes.\n Archibald Gould. Going to Crawfords at Bulls Wharf. At 8, at Swing Bridge, the People were walking from all Quarters with Sticks, that I was afraid to go Home. Went thro Greens Lane, and met many People, the Street in such Commotion, as I hardly ever saw in my Life. Uncommon Sticks, such as a Man would pull out of an Hedge. At Hancocks Wharfe when the Bells began to ring. Mem. It must have been later.\n Archibald Wilson, William Hunter, David Mitchelson, James Selkrigg, Archibald Bowman, Wm. Dixon, 6 of em were all at one House at Mr. Hunters, and all agree in their general account. And with em concurs B. Davis.\n John Gillespie. At 7 went up to the South End to Mr. Silvester\u2019s. Met 40 or 50, with white Sticks, in small Parties of 4 or 5 in a Party. This was thro the main Street.\n Thos. Knight. At his own Door. 8 or 10 passed with Sticks or Clubbs, and one of em said d\u2014n their Bloods let us go and attack the main Guard first, the Bell ringing. One of em made a Pause, and said, let us go and get our Guns or I\u2019le go and get my Gun. Went in and told his Wife he believd there would be bloodshed. This also was in the main Street.\n Nat. Russell vid.\n Mem. If these Witnesses are believed, People were in Motion both in the main Street leading from the Town House towards the South End, and in Quaker Lane, and Greens Lane.\n Archibald Wilson, Hunter, Mitchelson, Selkrig, Bowman, Dixon. 6 of em were all at one House at Mr. Hunters in Dock Square and all agree in their general Account, tho they dont all remember the same Circumstances. Their general Account is that many People came from the North End and assembled in Dock Square, made Several Attempts in small Parties at Murrays Barracks but came running hastily back, as if driven back by the Soldiers. Many had Staves, tho many had none. After some time there appeard among em a Gentleman with a red Cloak and a white Wigg. He made a Speech to em of 4 or 5 minutes. Then they proposed to go to K. Street and attack the main Guard, and the Effect immediately followed. One Party under one Leader went round and up Cornhill, another Party up royal exchange Lane, and a 3d up Silsbys Alley. And several proposed to cry fire. Fire was cryed, several Times, and the Bells soon after rung.\n In Confirmation of the Testimonies of these 6 Scotch Gentlemen we have the Testimonies of Shubael Hewes and B. Davis.\n Mr. Hewes, Says he was in D. Square. Saw by the Markett a Number coming from the North End. A Number of Lads, came along, and tryed to pull out, and break the Leggs of the Stalls. 6 or 7 of em, cant say exactly the Number.\n Mr. Davis says. A Number came 3 or 4 and cryd where are any Clubbs, or Cordwood Sticks, cryd Fire, Fire, Fire.\n This Assembly of People in D. Square was undoubtedly a Riot. In those I mean, to set off for K.S. to attack the main Guard this was an unlawful Design, and End.\n Dr. Hyrons very particular. Vid. page 26.\n Captn. Gold finch\u2014page 28.\n Patrick Keeton page 30.\n Wm. Davis. page 21.\n Benja. Lee. page 34.\n John Frost 34.\n John Ruddock Esqr.\n Greg. Townsend Esqr. 37.\n James Thompson 29.\n McCauley.\u2014Jona. W. Austin.\n Hartegan.\u2014J. Danbrook. J. Simpson.\n Carrol.\u2014J. Bailey. Danbrook.\n Wemms.\u2014E. Bridgman. J. Simpson.\n Kilroy.\u2014E. G. Langford. F. Archbald. J. Brewer, Ferriter and Hemenway.\n White.\u2014S. Clark. E. G. Langford. J. Bailey. J. Simpson.\n Montgomery.\u2014J. Bailey. R. Palmes. J. Danbrook. J. Bass. Thos. Wilkinson.\n Warren.\u2014E. Bridgman. J. Dodge. J. Simpson. Ferriter.\n Attack, Assault and Insult. Crown Witnesses\n E. Bridgman. A Number of Things, Ice or Snow, thrown, Sticks struck the Guns. About 12 with Sticks, surrounded the Party and struck their Guns with their Sticks several Blows, when the Soldiers were loading. The People went up quite to them with in the length of their Guns, before the firing. Number were coming down by the Town House. Call\u2019d em cowardly Rascalls. Dared em to fire. All the Bells rung. The ratling of a Blow before the firing very violent.\n J. Dodge. About 50 People very near the Soldiers. Ice and snow Balls thrown, Sticks rattled upon their Guns. The Balls seemed to come from close before em.\n J. Bailey. The Boys hove Pieces of Ice at Sentry as big as your fist, hard and large enough to hurt a Man.\n Montgomery was knocked down, and his Musquet fell out of his Hand, by a Clubb or Stick of Wood by one of the Inhabitants, and as soon as he got up he fired. The Clubb was not thrown but I saw him struck with it. He fell down and the Gun fell out of his Hand. The Blow was very violent.\n R. Palmes. Saw a Piece of Ice or Snow, or something white strike Montgomerys Gun. It struck the Grenadier and made a Noise. He fell back and fired.\n J. Danbrook. Saw a little Stick flyover their Heads, a Piece of a rattan or some such Thing.\n J. Bass. Saw a Stick knocked to knock up Montgomerys Gun. It knocked it up 5 or 6 Inches.\n J. Simpson. Saw one Man going to throw a Clubb, but he did not. Saw one Clubb, thrown in to the Soldiers. It hit one of the Soldiers Guns, I heard it Strike. The Person that threw it stood 10 Yards from the soldiers. The Stick was thrown 1 or 2 seconds before the 1st. Gun, a white birch Cordwood Stick, an inch thick.\n B. Burdick. Had an highland broad Sword in my Hand. I struck at the Soldier who pushed at me, and had I struck 2 or 3 Inches farther, I should have left a Mark that I could have Sworn to. I struck the Cock of his Gun. Saw a short Stick thrown about 2 or 3 foot long. Heard a Ratling.\n R. Williams. Saw the People some huzzaing, some whistling. Somebody said dont press upon the Guard, The People seemed to be pressing. Saw some snow Balls thrown.\n Assault upon the Sentry.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0015", "content": "Title: Josiah Quincy\u2019s Argument for the Defense: 3 December 1770\nFrom: Quincy, Josiah Jr.\nTo: \n Monday\u20043 December, NINE o\u2019 Clock, the Court met according to adjournment, and proceeded.\n Mr. Josiahm Quincy, junr.\n May it please your Honours, and you Gentlemen of the Jury,\n We have at length gone through the evidence in behalf of the prisoners. The witnesses have now placed before you, that state of facts, from which results our defence. The examination has been so lengthy, that I am afraid some painful sensations arise, when you find that you are now to sit and hear the remarks of council. But you should reflect, that no more indulgence is shown to the Prisoners now on trial, than has ever been shown in all capital causes: the trial of one man has often taken up several days; when you consider, therefore, that there are eight lives in issue, the importance of the trial will show the necessity of its length. To each of the prisoners different evidence applies, and each of them draw their defence from different quarters.\n I stated to you, Gentlemen, your duty, in opening this cause\u2014do not forget the discharge of it. You are paying a debt you owe the community for your own protection and safety: by the same mode of trial are your own rights to receive a determination; and in your turn, a time may come, when you will expect and claim a similar return from some other jury of your fellow subjects.\n In opening, I pointed out the dangers to which you were exposed; I trust your own recollection will now preclude a recapitulation of them. The reasons of what I then said, I trust have in some measure appeared: the propriety of some of those observations has been corroborated by succeed evidence; and you must have traced yourselves, some of those consequences, turning out in evidence, which have had an intimate relation, if not their origin, with some or all of those opinions, notions, sentiments or passions (call them what you will) which I took occasion to observe, as clues, aids, and leading-strings, in our intended examination and decision.\n How much need was there for my desire, that you should suspend your judgment till the witnesses were all examined? How different is the complexion of the cause? Will not all this serve to show every honest man, the little truth to be attained in partial hearings? We have often seen communities complain of ex parte testimonies: individuals, as well as societies, of men, are equally susceptible of injuries of this kind: this trial ought to have another effect, it should serve to convince us all, of the impropriety, nay injustice, of giving a latitude in conversation upon topicks, likely to come under a judicial decision; the criminality of this conduct is certainly inhanced, when such loose sallies and discourses are so prevalent as to be likely to touch the life of a citizen. Moreover there is so little certainty to be obtained by such kind of methods, I wonder we so often find them practiced. In the present case, how great was the prepossession against us? And I appeal to you, Gentlemen, what cause there now is to alter our sentiments. Will any sober, prudent man countenance the proceedings of the people in King street\u2014can any one justify their conduct\u2014is there any one man, or any body of men, who are interested to espouse and support their conduct? Surely no. But our enquiry must be confined to the legality of their conduct: and here can be no difficulty. It was certainly illegal, unless many witnesses are directly perjured: Witnesses who have no apparent interest to falsify\u2014witnesses, who have given their testimony with candor and accuracy\u2014witnesses, whose credibility stands untouched\u2014whose credibility, the council for the king, do not pretend to impeach; or hint a suggestion to their disadvantage.\n I say, Gentlemen, by the standard of the law are we to judge the actions of the people who were the assailants, and those who were the assailed, and then on duty. And here, Gentlemen, the rule, we formerly laid down, takes place. To the facts, Gentlemen, apply yourselves. Consider them as testified: weigh the credibility of the witnesses\u2014balance their testimony\u2014compare the several parts of it\u2014see the amount of it: and then according to your oaths \u201cMake true deliverance according to your evidence.\u201d That is Gentlemen, having settled the facts, bring them truely to the standard of the law; the king\u2019s judges who are acquainted with it, who are presumed best to know it, will then inspect this great standard of right and wrong, truth and justice; and they are to determine the degree of guilt to which the fact rises.\n But before we come to those divisions of enquiry, under which I intend to consider the evidence, let me once more carefully distinguish between the transactions in Cornhill and those by the Custom House.\n The conduct of the soldiers in Cornhill may well be supposed to have exasperated the minds of all who beheld their behaviour. Their actions accumulated guilt as it flew\u2014at least, we may well suppose, the incensed people who related them, added new colours to the scene. The flame of resentment imperceptibly enkindles, and a common acquaintance with human nature will shew, that it is no extravagant supposition, to imagine many a moderate man might at such a season, with such sentiments, which I have more than once noticed;\u2014hearing such relations and complaints; I say do I injure any one, in supposing, that under all these circumstances, a very moderate person, who in ordinary matters acted with singular discretion, should now be drawn imperceptibly away, or rather transported into measures, which in a future moment he would condemn and lament. What more natural supposition, than to suppose many an honest mind might at this time fluctuate thus. The soldiers are here\u2014we wish them away: we did not send for them\u2014they have cut and wounded the peaceable inhabitants, and it may be my turn next. At this instant of time, he has a fresh detail of injuries\u2014resentment redoubles every successive moment\u2014huzza! for the Main-guard: we are in a moment before the Custom House. No time is given for recollection. We find, from the king\u2019s evidence, and from our own, the cry was \u201cHere is a soldier!\u201d Not here is the soldier who has injured us\u2014here is the fellow who wounded the man in Cornhill. No, the reasoning or rather ferment seems to be, the soldiers have committed an outrage, we have an equal right to inflict punishment\u2014or rather revenge, which they had to make an assault. They said right, but never considered that, those soldiers had no right at all. These are sentiments natural enough to persons in this state of mind\u2014we can easily suppose even good men thinking and acting thus. Very similar to this is the force of Dr. Hirons\u2019s testimony, and some others. But our enquiry is\u2014What says the law? We must calmly enquire, whether this, or any thing like it, is countenanced by the law. What is natural to the man, what are his feelings are one thing: what is the duty of the citizen is quite another. Reason must resume her seat\u2014and then we shall hear, and obey the voice of the law.\n The law indulges no man in being his own avenger. Early, in the history of jurisprudence, we find the sword taken from the party injured, and put into the hands of the magistrate. Were not this the case, punishment would know no bounds in extent or duration. Besides, it saps the very root of distributive justice, when any individual invades the prerogative of law, and snatches from the civil magistrate the balance and the rod. How much more are the pillars of security shaken, when a mixt body, assembled as those in King street, assume the province of justice, and invade the rights of the citizen? For it must not be forgot, that the soldier is a citizen, equally in titled with us all to protection and security. Hence all are alike obliged to pay obedience to the law: For the price of this protection is that of obedience.\n Let it not be apprehended, that I am advancing a doctrine, that a soldier may attack an inhabitant, and he not allowed to defend himself. No Gentlemen! if a soldier rush violently through the street and presents a weapon of death, in a striking posture; no doubt the person assailed may defend himself, even to taking the life of the assailant. Revenge and a sense of self preservation instantly take possession of the person thus attacked; and the law goes not upon the absurd suppo\u00adsition, that a person can in these circumstances, unman himself. Hence we find a husband, taking his wife in the act of adultery, instantly seizes a deadly weapon and slays the adulterer;\u2014it is not murder. Nay a fillip upon the nose or forehead, in anger, is supposed by the law to be sufficient provocation to reduce killing to Manslaughter. It is, therefore, upon principles like these, principles, upon which those, who now bear the hardest against us, at other times, so much depend; it is, I say, upon the right of self-defence and self-preservation we rely for our acquittal.\n Here again it should be kept in view, that whenever the party injurying has escaped by flight, and time sufficient for the passions to cool, in judgment of law, hath elapsed; however great the injury, the injured party must have recourse to law for his redress. Such is the wisdom of the law; of that law, than which we are none of us to presume ourselves wiser; of that law, which is founded in the experience of ages, and which in condescension to the infirmities of flesh and blood (but to nothing else) extenuates the offence. For \u201cno man, says the learned Judge Foster, under the protection of the law is to be the avenger of his own wrongs. If they are of such a nature for which the laws of society will give him an adequate remedy, thither he ought to resort. But be they of what nature soever, he ought to bear his lot with patience, and remember, that vengeance belongeth to the Most High.\u201d Crown Law 296. Now, Gentlemen, those, whoever they were, who committed the outrage in Cornhill, had absconded\u2014 the soldiers, who are supposed to have done them, were confined in their barracks. People were repeatedly told this, and assured by the military officers, that they should not go unpunished. But what followed? Are all present appeased? We are constrained, by the force of the evidence, to affirm they were not. But to get regular and right ideas, we must consider all the commotions of the season, and endeavour to come at truth by analyzing the evidence, and arranging it, under distinct heads of enquiry.\n Mr. Quincy now entered, at large, upon a review of the appearances in several parts of the town: he was copious upon the expressions and behaviour sworn to.\n He, then, more particularly recapitulated the evidence touching Murray\u2019s Barracks, Dock-square, and the Market-place.\n He next pursued several parties, through the several lanes and streets, till they centered at the scene of action.\n The testimonies of the witnesses, who swore to the repeated information given the people;\u2014that the Sentry and party were on duty;\u2014that they were desired to withdraw and warned of the consequences;\u2014were in their order considered.\n Under the next three heads, was remarked \u201cthe temper of the Sentry, of the party of soldiers, and of the people surrounding them.\u201d\n The words, insult and gestures of the same persons were next pointed out: and from thence was collected the designs of the persons assaulting, and the reasonable apprehensions of those assaulted.\n Mr. Quincy then came to the attack itself;\u2014considering who the persons were(namely some sailors;) remarking minutely the words and actions immediately preceeding the on set; the weapons used; the violence of the assault and battery; and the danger of the soldiers.\n Mr. Quincy next exhibited those parts of the testimonies, which evidenced the attack continued after the firing.\n Under all these heads, there was methodically stated the number of the witnesses to each point, and by a comparative view of all the proofs, conclusions drawn as to the force of the whole.\n The next consideration, in this mode of enquiry, was the evidence as severally pertaining to each prisoner; with such observations, on the one hand, as served to shew a defect of legal proof as to fact; on the other, such matters served to justify, excuse or extenuate the offence, in law.\n And particularly with regard to Killroy, Mr. Quincy cited and commented on the following passages from Judge Foster\u2019s Crown law, and the Marquiss of Beccaria\u2019s Essay on Crimes and punishments.\n \u201cWORDS are often misrepresented, whether through ignorance, in attention, or malice, it mattereth not the defendant, he is equally effected in either case; and they are extremely liable to misconstruction. And with all, this evidence is not in the ordinary course of things to be disproved by that sort of negative evidence by which the proof of plain facts may be and often is confronted.\u201d Crown Law, 243.\n \u201cFinally, the CREDIBILITY of a witnesses is NULL, when the question relates to the WORDS of a criminal; for the tone of voice, the gesture, all that preceds, accompanies and follows the different ideas which men annex to the same words, may so alter and modify a man\u2019s discourse, that it is almost impossible to repeat them precisely in the manner in which they were spoken. Besides, violent and uncommon actions, such as real crimes, leave a trace in the multitude of circumstances that attend them, and in their effects; but Words remain only in the memory of the hearers, who are commonly negligent or prejudiced. It is infinitely easier then to found an accusation on the Words, than on the actions of a man; for in these, the number of circumstances, urged against the accused, afford him variety of means of justifications.\u201d Essay 48, 9.\n May it please your Honours, and you Gentlemen of the Jury,\n After having thus gone through the evidence, and considered it as applicatory to all and every of the prisoners, the next matter in order seems to be the consideration of the law pertinent upon this evidence.\n And here, Gentlemen, let me again inform you, that the law which is to pass upon these prisoners, is a law adapting itself to the human speices, with all their feelings, passions and infirmities; a law which does not go upon the absurd supposition, that men are stocks and stones; or that in the fervour of the blood, a man can act with the diliberation and judgment of a philosopher. No Gentlemen:\u2014the law supposes that a principle of resentment, for wise and obvious reasons, is deeply implanted in the human heart; and not to be eradicated by the efforts of state policy. It, therefore, in some degree conforms itself to all the workings of the passions, to which it pays a great indulgence, so far as not to be wholly incompatible, with the wisdom, good order and the very being of government.\n Keeping therefore this full in view, let us take once more, a very brief and cursory survey of matters supported by the evidence. And, here, let me ask sober reason\u2014What language more approbrious\u2014What actions more exasperating, than those used on this occasion? Words, I am sensible are no justification of blows, but they serve as the grand clues to discover the temper and the designs of the agents: they serve also to give us light in discerning the apprehensions and thoughts of those who are the objects of abuse.\n \u201cYou lobster,\u201d \u201cYou bloody-back,\u201d \u201cYou coward,\u201d and \u201cYou dastard,\u201d are but some of the expressions proved.\u2014What words more galling? What more cutting and provoking to a soldier? To be reminded of the colour of his garb, by which he was distinguished from the rest of his fellow citizens; to be compared to the most despicable animal, that crawls upon the earth, was touching indeed a tender point, To be stigmatized with having smarted under the lash, at the halbert, to be twitted with so in famous an ignominy; which was either wholly undeserved, or a grievance which should never have been repeated:\u2014I say to call up and awaken sensations of this kind, must sting even to madness. But accouple these words with the succeeding actions,\u2014\u201cYou dastard,\u201d \u201cYou coward!\u201d\u2014A soldier and a coward! This was touching, (with a witness) \u201cThe point of honour, and the pride of virtue.\u201d But while these are as yet fomenting the passions, and swelling the bosom, the attack is made: and probably the latter words were reitterated at the onset; at lest, were yet sounding in the ear. Gentlemen of the jury, for heaven\u2019s sake, let us put ourselves in the same situation! Would you not spurn at that spiritless institution of society, which tells you to be a subject at the expence of your manhood?\n But does the soldier step out of his ranks to seek his revenge? Not a witness pretends it: Did the people repeatedly come within the points of their bayonets, and strike on the muzzels of the guns?\u2014You have heard the witnesses.\n Does the law allow one member of the community to behave in this manner towards his fellow citizen, and then bid the injured party be calm and moderate? The expressions from one party were \u201cStand off\u2014stand off\u201d\u2014\u201cI am upon my station\u201d\u2014\u201cif they molest me upon my post, I will fire.\u201d\u2014\u201cBy God I will fire!\u201d\u2014Keep off!\u201d These were words likely to produce reflection and procure peace. But had the words on the other hand a similar tendency? Consider the temper prevalent among all parties at this time. Consider the then situation of the soldiery; and come to the heat and pressure of the action. The materials are laid, the spark is raised, the fire in kindles, the flame rages, the understanding is in wild disorder, all prudence and true wisdom are utterly consumed. Does common sense, does the law expect impossibilities? Here to expect equanimity of temper, would be as irrational, as to expect discretion in a mad man. But was any thing done on the part of the assailants, similar to the conduct, warnings and declarations of the prisoners? Answer for yourselves, Gentlemen. The words reiterated, all around, stabbed to the heart, the actions of the assailants tended to a worse end; To awaken every passion of which the human breast is susceptible. Fear, anger, pride, resentment, revenge, alternately, take possession of the whole man. To expect, under these circumstances, that such words would asswage the tempest, that such actions would allay the flames\u2014You might, as rationally, expect the inundations of a torrent would suppress a deluge; or rather, that the flames of Etna would extinguish a conflagration!\n Prepare, Gentlemen of the Jury, now to attend to that species of law, which will adapt itself to this trial, with all its singular and aggravating circumstances. A law full of benignity, full of compassion, replete with mercy.\n And here, Gentlemen, I must, agreeable to the method we formerly adopted, first tell you by what law the prisoners are not to be tried, or condemned. And they most certainly are not to be tried by the Mosaic law: a law, we take it, peculiarly designed for the government of a peculiar nation, who being in a great measure under a theocratical form of government, it\u2019s institutions cannot, with any propriety, be adduced for our regulation in these days. It is with pain, therefore, I have observed any endeavour to mislead our judgment on this occasion; by drawing our attention to the precepts delivered in the days of Moses; and by disconnected passages of Scriptures, applied in a manner foreign to their original design or import, there seems to have been an attempt to touch some peculiar sentiments, which we know are thought to be prevalent; and in this way, we take it, an injury is like to be done, by giving the mind a biass, it ought never to have received; because it is not warranted by our laws.\n We have heard it publicly said of late, oftener, than formerly, \u201cWhoso ever shedeth man\u2019s blood, by man shall his blood be shed.\u201d This is plainly, Gentlemen, a general rule, which, like all others of the kind must have its exceptions. A rule, which if taken in it\u2019s strict litteral lattitude, would imply, that a man killing another in self-defence, would incur the pains of death. A doctrine, which no man in his senses would ever embrace: a doctrine that certainly never prevailed under the Mosaical institution. For we find, the Jews had their six cities of refuge, to which the mans layer might flee, from the avenger of blood. And something analogous to this, (if it did not originate from it) is our benefit of clergy.\n And so, that \u201cthe murderer shall flee to the pit\u201d comes under the same consideration. And when we hear it asked, as it very lately has been, \u201cWho DARE slay him?\u201d I answer, if the laws of our country slay him, you ought to do likewise; and every good subject dares to do what the law allows. But the very position is begging the question: for the question, now in issue, is, whether either of the prisoners is a murderer, in the sense of our laws; for you recollect, that what is murder and what not, is a question of law, arising upon facts stated and allowed.\n But to go on; \u201cYou shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, which is guilty of death.\u201d Here again, is a begging the question; and more over the words \u201cguilty of death,\u201d if rightly rendered from the original, must be one of those general rules, I just now mentioned; which always have their exceptions. But those words seem to be wrong translated: for in the margin of our great bible, we find them rendered \u201cfaulty to die.\u201d Against a position of this kind we have no objection. If we have committed a fault, on which our laws inflict the punishment of death, we must suffer. But what fault we have cummitted you are to enquire: or rather you, Gentlemen, are to find the facts proved in Court against us, and the Judges are to see and consider what the law pronounces touching our offence, and what punishment is there by inflicted as a penalty.\n In order to come at the whole law resulting from the facts which have been proved, we must enquire into the LEGALITY of the assemblies. For such is the wisdom and policy of the law, that if any assembly be lawful, each individual of that assembly is answerable only for his own act, and not for any other. On the contrary, if an assembly be unlawful, the act of any one of the company, to the particular purpose of assembling, is chargeable on all. This is law, which no lawyer will dispute; it is a law founded in the security of the peace of society, and however little considered, by people in general, it ought now steadily to be kept in mind.\n Was the assembly of the soldiers lawful?\n For What did the soldiers assemble?\n Was the Sentinel insulted and attacked?\n Did he call for assistance, and did the party go to assist him?\n Was it lawful for them so to do?\n Was the soldiers when thus lawfully assembled, assaulted, &c. by a great number of people assembled, &c.\n Was this last assembly lawful?\n Was any thing done by this unlawful assembly, that will, in law, justify, excuse, or extenuate the offence of killing, so as to reduce it to manslaughter?\n justifiable,\n Or rather was it justifiable self-defence?\n Was the killing\n excusable,\n Or rather was it self defence culpable,\u2014but through the benignity of the law excusable?\n Or felonious?\n If felonious, was it\n with or without\n Under each of these heads of enquiry, in their order, Mr. Josiah Quincy arranged his arguments; and as he separated and compared, and settled the facts, he applied his law, with explanatory comments. In the course of which he necessarely run over again facts, that had been before noticed, which occasions our omission of this part of his defence. But for the sake of those, who would chuse to inspect, at their leisure, the authorities. They are here subjoined in the order in which they were cited.\n Hawkin\u2019s Vol. II. p.29. 9. ibid. \u2014Mutiny Act p. 115, 116, 117, 118 \u00a778. 8.\u2014Blackstone\u2019s Com. Vol. I. p. 147, 262, 335, 336 \u2014Blackstone Vol. IV. p. 194, 195\u20143d Institute p. 51. 57\u2014 Blackstone Vol. IV. p. 191, 192\u2014Foster\u2019s Crown Law 276, 277, 278, 262, 257\u2014Blackstone Vol. IV. p. 200 top.\n Blackstone Vol. IV. p. 180, 280\u2014Foster\u2019s Crown Law p. 298\u20143d Institute, 56 top\u2014Hawkins Vol. I. 75\u2014ibid. 71 bot. ibid. 72 top\u2014Foster\u2019s Crown Law 273, 274.\u2014Keil. 128, 129, 51.\n Blackstone Vol. IV p. 191\u2014Foster\u2019s Crown Law p. 277\u2014Blackstone Vol. IV. p. 192\u2014Foster\u2019s Crown Law p. 298. 296. 292\u2014 3d Institute p. 55 bot.\u2014Hawkins Vol. I. p. 82 bot., 84 mid.\u2014 Hawkins pleas of the Crown Vol. I. p. 484\u2014Hawkins Vol. I. 85 mid.\u2014Cro. Car. p. 537 Cooks case\u2014Hale Vol. II. p. 274\u2014 Blackstone Vol. IV. p. 183\u2014Hawkins Vol. I. p. 82 bot.\u2014Keil.p. 135 bot.\n Foster p. 261, 262\u2014Blackstone Vol. IV. p. 27\u2014Hawkins Vol. I. p. 84 \u00a744\u2014Foster p. 350 \u00a75.\n Hawkins Vol. I. Chap. 31, \u00a721\u2014cites Bulstrode p. 86, 87\u2014 Keil. p. 51\u2014Lord Bacon\u2019s Elem. 25.\n The law laid down, in Foster, 261, 2. before cited, being indisputable law, not denied or controverted; and being very material in the trial, and much relied on by the prisoners, is here set down at large.\n \u201cI will mention a case, (says the learned Judge,) which through the ignorance or lenity of juries hath been sometimes brought within the rule of accidental death. It is where a blow aimed at one person lighteth upon another and killeth him. This, in a loose way of speaking, may be called accidental with regard to the person who dieth by a blow not intended against HIM. But the law considereth this case in a quite different light. If from circumstances it appeareth that the injury intended to A. be it by poison, blow, or ANY OTHER MEANS OF DEATH, would have amounted to murder, supposing him to have been killed by it, it will amount to the same offence if B. happeneth to fall by the same means. Our books say, that in this case the malice egreditur personam. But to speak more intelligibly, where the injury intended against A. proceeded from a wicked, murderous, or mischievous motive, the party is answerable for all the consequences of the action, if death ensues, from it, though it had not its effect upon the person whom he intended to destroy. The malitia I have already explained, the heart regardless of social duty DELIBERATELY bent upon mischief, consequently the guilt of the party is just the same in the one case as the other. On the other hand, if the blow intended against A. and lighting on B. arose from a sudden transport of passion which in case A. had died by it, would have been reduced to manslaughter, the fact will admit of the SAME ALLEVIATION if B. should happen to fall by it.\u201d To the same effect are other authorities.\n May it please your Honours, and you Gentlemen of the Jury.\n I have now gone thro\u2019 those authorities in law, which I thought pertinent to this trial. I have been thus lengthy, not for the information of the Court, but to satisfy you, Gentlemen, and all who may chance to hear me, of that law, which is well known to those of us, who are conversant in courts, but not so generally known, or attended to, by many, as it ought to be. A law which extends to each of us, as well as to any of the prisoners; for it knows no distinction of persons.\n And the doctrines which have been thus laid down are for the safe-guard of us all. Doctrines which are founded in the wisdom and policy of ages; which the greatest men, who ever lived, have adopted and contended for. Nay, the matter has been carried, by very wise men, much further than we have contested for. And that you may not think the purport of the authorities read, are the rigid notions of a dry system, and the contracted decisions of municipal law, I beg leave to read to you a passage from a very great, theoretic, writer: a man whose praises have resounded through all the known world, and probably will, through all ages, whose sentiments are as free air, and who has done as much for learning, liberty, and mankind, as any of the Sons of Adam; I mean the sagacious Mr. Locke: He will tell you, Gentlemen, in his Essay on Government, p. 2. c. 3. \u201cThat all manner of force without right puts man in a state of war with the aggressor; and of consequence, that, being in such a state of war, he may LAWFULLY KILL him, who put him under this unnatural restraint.\u201d According to this doctrine, we should have nothing to do, but enquire, whether here was \u201cforce without right:\u201d if so, we were in such a state, as rendered it LAWFUL to KILL the aggressor, who \u201cput us under so unnatural a restraint.\u201d Few, I believe, will say, after hearing all this evidence, that we were under no \u201cunnatural restraint.\u201d But we don\u2019t want to extend matters so far. We cite this author to show the world, that the greatest friends to their country, to universal liberty, and the immutable rights of all men, have held tenets, and advanced maxims favourable to the prisoners at the bar. And although we should not adopt the sentiments of Mr. Locke in their most extensive latitude, yet there seems to be something very analogous to his opinion, which is countenanced in our laws.\n There is a spirit which pervades the whole system of English jurisprudence, which inspires a freedom of thought, speech and behaviour. Under a form of government like ours, it would be in vain to expect, that pacific, timid, obsequious, and servile temper, so predominant in more despotic governments. From our happy constitution there results it\u2019s very natural effects\u2014an impatience of injuries, and a strong resentment of insults: (and a very wise man has said, \u201cHe who tamely beareth insults inviteth injuries.\u201d) Hence, I take it, that attention to the \u201cfeelings of humanity\u201d\u2014to \u201chumanity and imperfection\u201d\u2014\u201cthe infirmities of flesh and blood;\u201d that attention to \u201cthe indelible rights of mankind;\u201d\u2014that lenity to \u201cthe passions of man;\u201d that \u201cbenignity and condescention of the law\u201d so often repeated in our books.\n And, indeed, if this were not the case, the genius of our civil constitution and the spirit of our municipal law would be repugnant:\u2014that prime defect in any political system\u2014that grand solecism in state-policy.\n Gentlemen of the Jury,\n This cause has taken up much of your time, and is likely to take up so much more, that I must has ten to a close: indeed I should not have troubled you, by being thus lengthy, but from a sense of duty to the prisoners; they, who, in some sense, may be said to have put their lives in my hands; they whose situation was so peculiar, that we have necessarily taken up more time, than ordinary cases require: they, under all these circumstances, placed a confidence, it was my duty not to disappoint; and which I have aimed at discharging with fidelity. I trust you, Gentlemen, will do the like: that you will examine and judge with a becoming temper of mind; remembering that they who are under oath to declare the whole truth, think and act very differently from by-standers, who, being under no ties of this kind, take a latitude, which is by no means admissible in a court of law,\n I cannot close this cause better, than by desiring you to consider well the genius and spirit of the law, which will be laid down, and to govern yourselves by this great standard of truth. To some purposes, you may be said, Gentlemen, to be Ministers of justice: and \u201cMinisters\u201d (says a learned Judge) \u201cappointed for the ends of public justice, should have written on their hearts the solemn engagements of his Majesty, (at his coronation) to cause law and justice IN MERCY to be executed in all his judgments.\u201d\n \u201cThe quality of mercy is not strained;\n It droppeth like the gentle rain from heaven\u2014\n \u2014It is twice blessed;\n It blesses him that gives, and him that takes.\u201d\n I leave you, Gentlemen, hoping you will be directed in your enquiry and judgment; to a right discharge of your duty. We shall all of us, Gentlemen, have an hour of cool reflection\u2014when the feelings and agitations of the day shall have subsided; when we shall view things through a different, and a much juster medium. It is, then, we all wish an absolving conscience. May you, Gentlemen, now act such a part, as will here after insure it;\u2014such a part as may occasion the prisoners to rejoice. May the blessing of those, who were in jeopardy of life, come upon you\u2014may the blessing of him who is \u201cnot faulty to die,\u201d discend and rest upon you and your posterity.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0016", "content": "Title: Adams\u2019 Argument for the Defense: 3\u20134 December 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n May it please your Honours and you Gentlemen of the Jury,\n I am for the prisoners at the bar, and shall apologize for it only in the words of the Marquis Beccaria: \u201cIf I can but be the instrument of preserving one life, his blessing and tears of transport, shall be a sufficient consolation to me, for the contempt of all mankind.\u201d As the prisoners stand before you for their lives, it may be proper, to recollect with what temper the law requires we should proceed to this trial. The form of proceeding at their arraignment, has discovered that the spirit of the law upon such occasions, is conformable to humanity, to commonsense and feeling; that it is all benignity and candor. And the trial commences with the prayer of the Court, expressed by the Clerk, to the Supream JUDGE of Judges, empires and worlds: \u201cGod send you a good deliverance.\u201d\n We find, in the rules laid down by the greatest English Judges, who have been the brightest of mankind; We are to look upon it as more beneficial, that many guilty persons should escape unpunished, than one innocent person should suffer. The reason is, because it\u2019s of more importance to community, that innocence should be protected, than it is, that guilt should be punished; for guilt and crimes are so frequent in the world, that all of them cannot be punished; and many times they happen in such a manner, that it is not of much consequence to the public, whether they are punished or not. But when innocence itself, is brought to the bar and condemned, especially to die, the subject will exclaim, it is immaterial to me, whether I behave well or ill; for virtue itself, is no security. And if such a sentiment as this, should take place in the mind of the subject, there would be an end to all security what so ever. I will read the words of the law itself.\n The rules I shall produce to you from Lord Chief Justice Hale, whose character as a lawyer, a man of learning and philosophy, and as a Christian, will be disputed by nobody living; one of the greatest and best characters, the English nation ever produced: his words are these. 2. H.H.P.C. Tutius semper est errare, in acquietando, quam in puni\u00adendo, ex-parte misericordiae, quam ex parte justitiae, it is always safer to err in acquitting, than punishing, on the part of mercy, than the part of justice. The next is from the same authority, 305 Tutius erratur ex parte mitiori, it is always safer to err on the milder side, the side of mercy, H.H.P.C. 509, the best rule in doubtful cases, is, rather to incline to acquital than conviction: and in page 300 Quod dubitas ne feceris, Where you are doubtful never act; that is, if you doubt of the prisoners guilt, never declare him guilty; this is always the rule, especially in cases of life. Another rule from the same Author, 289, where he says, In some cases, presumptive evidence go far to prove a person guilty, though there is no express proof of the fact, to be committed by him; but then it must be very warily pressed, for it is better, five guilty persons should escape unpunished, than one innocent person should die.\n The next authority shall be from another Judge, of equal character, considering the age wherein he lived; that is Chancellor Fortescue, in praise of the laws of England, page 59, this is a very ancient writer on the English law: his words are, \u201cIndeed one would rather, much rather, that twenty guilty persons escape the punishment of death, than one innocent person be condemned, and suffer capitally.\u201d Lord Chief Justice Hale, says, It is better five guilty persons escape, than one innocent person suffer. Lord Chancellor Fortiscue, you see, carries the matter farther, and says, Indeed one had rather, much rather, that twenty guilty persons should escape, than one innocent person suffer capitally. Indeed this rule is not peculiar to the English law, there never was a system of laws in the world, in which this rule did not prevail; it prevailed in the ancient Roman law, and which is more remarkable, it prevails in the modern Roman law, even the judges in the Courts of Inquisition, who with racks, burnings and scourges, examine criminals, even there, they preserve it as a maxim, that it is better the guilty should escape punishment, than the innocent suffer. Satius esse nocentem absolvi quam insentem damnari, this is the temper we ought to set out with; and these the rules we are to be governed by. And I shall take it for granted, as a first principle, that the eight prisoners at the bar, had better be all acquitted, though we should admit them all to be guilty, than, that any one of them should by your verdict be found guilty, being innocent.\n I shall now consider the several divisions of law, under which the evidence will arrange it self.\n The action now before you, is homicide; that is the killing of one man by another, the law calls it homicide, but it is not criminal in all cases, for one man to slay another. Had the prisoners been on the Plains of Abraham, and slain an hundred Frenchmen apiece, the English law would have considered it, as a commendable action, virtuous and praiseworthy: so that every instance of killing a man, is not a crime in the eye of the law; there are many other instances which I can not enumerate, an officer that executes a person under sentence of death, &c. So that Gentlemen, every instance of one man\u2019s killing another, is not a crime, much less a crime to be punished with death. But to descend to some more particulars.\n The law divides homicide into three branches; the first, is justifiable, the second excusable, and the third felonious; felonious homicide, is subdivided into two branches; the first is murder, which is killing with malice aforethought, the second is manslaughter, which is killing a man on a sudden provocation: here Gentlemen, are four sorts of homicide, and you are to consider, whether all the evidence amounts to the first, second, third, or fourth of these heads. The fact, was the slaying five unhappy persons that night; you are to consider, whether it was justifiable, excusable, or felonious; and if felonious, whether it was murder or manslaughter. One of these four it must be, you need not divide your attention to any more particulars. I shall however, before I come to the evidence, show you several authorities, which will assist you and me in contemplating the evidence before us.\n I shall begin with justifiable homicide; if an officer a sheriff execute a man on the gallows, draws and quarters him, as in case of high treason, and cuts off his head, this is justifiable homicide, it is his duty. So also, Gentlemen, the law has planted fences and barriers around every individual; it is a castle round every man\u2019s person, as well as his house. As the love of God and our neighbour, comprehends the whole duty of man, so self-love and social, comprehend all the duties we owe to mankind, and the first branch is self-love, which is not only our indisputable right, but our clearest duty, by the laws of nature, this is interwoven in the heart of every individual; God almighty, whose laws we cannot alter, has implanted it there, and we can annihilate ourselves, as easily as root out this affection for ourselves. It is the first, and strongest principle in our nature, Justice Blackstone calls it, \u201cThe primary cannon in the law of nature.\u201d That precept of our holy religion which commands us to love our neighbour as ourselves doth not command us to love our neighbour better than ourselves, or so well, no Christian Divine hath given this interpretation. The precept enjoins, that our benevolence to our fellow men, should be as real and sincere, as our affections to ourselves, not that it should be as great in degree. A man is authorised therefore by common sense, and the laws of England, as well as those of nature, to love himself better than his fellow subject: If two persons are cast away at sea, and get on a plank, (a case put by Sir Francis Bacon,) and the plank is insufficient to hold them both, the one hath a right to push the other off to save himself. The rules of the common law therefore, which authorize a man to preserve his own life at the expence of another\u2019s, are not contradicted by any divine or moral law. We talk of liberty and property, but, if we cut up the law of self-defence, we cut up the foundation of both, and if we give up this, the rest is of very little value, and therefore, this principle must be strictly attended to, for whatsoever the law pronounces in the case of these eight soldiers will be the law, to other persons and after ages, all the persons that have slain mankind in this country, from the beginning to this day, had better have been acquitted, than that a wrong rule and precedent should be established.\n I shall now, read to you a few authorities on this subject of self-defence. Foster 273 in the case of justifiable self-defence, \u201cThe injured party may repell force with force in defence of his person, habitation, or property, against one who manifestly intendeth and endeavoureth with violence, or surprize, to commit a known felony upon either.\u201d In these cases he is not obliged to retreat, but may pursue his adversary, till he findeth himself out of danger, and if in a conflict between them he happeneth to kill, such killing is justifiable. Keiling, 128, 129. I must in treat you, to consider the words of this authority, the injured person may repell force by force against any who endeavours to commit any kind of felony on him or his, here the rule is, I have a right to stand on my own defence, if you intend to commit felony; if any of the persons made an attack on these soldiers, with an intention to rob them, if it was but to take their hats feloniously, they had a right to kill them on the spot, and had no business to retreat; if a robber meets me in the street, and commands me to surrender my purse, I have a right to kill him without asking questions; if a person commits a bare assault on me, this will not justify killing, but if he assaults me in such a manner, as to discover an intention, to kill me, I have a right to destroy him, that I may put it out of his power to kill me. In the case you will have to consider, I do not know there was any attempt to steal from these persons; however, there were some persons concerned, who would probably enough have stolen, if there had been any thing to steal; and many were there who had no such disposition, but this is not the point we aim at, the question is, are you satisfied, the people made the attack in order to kill the soldiers? If you are satisfied that the people, who ever they were, made that assault, with a design to kill or maim the soldiers, this was such an assault, as will justify the soldiers killing in their own defence. Further it seems to me, we may make another question, whether you are satisfied that their real intention was to kill or maim or not? if any reasonable man, in the situation of one of these soldiers, would have had reason to believe in the time of it, that the people came with an intention to kill him, whether you have this satisfaction now, or not in your own minds, they were justifiable, at least excusable in firing; you and I, may be suspicious that the people who made this assault on the soldiers, did it to put them to the flight, or purpose that they might go exulting about the town afterwards in triumph; but this will not do, you must place yourselves in the situation of Wemms or Killroy\u2014 consider yourselves, as knowing that the prejudices of the world about you, were against you; that the people about you, thought you came to dragoon them into obedience to statutes, instructions, mandates and edicts, which they thoroughly detested; that many of these people were thoughtless and inconsiderate, old and young, sailors and land men, negroes and molattos; that they, the soldiers had no friends about them, the rest were in opposition to them; with all the bells ringing, to call the town together to assist the people in King-street; for they knew by that time, that there was no fire; the people shouting, huzzaing, and making the mob whistle as they call it, which when a boy makes it in the street, is no formidable thing, but when made by a multitude, is a most hideous shriek, almost as terrible as an Indian yell; the people crying Kill them! Kill them! Knock them over! heaving snow-balls, oyster shells, clubs, white birch sticks three inches and an half diameter, consider yourselves, in this situation, and then judge, whether a reasonable man in the soldiers situation, would not have concluded they were going to kill him. I believe, if I was to reverse the scene, I should bring it home to our own bosoms; suppose Colonel Marshall, when he came out of his own door, and saw these grenadiers coming down with swords, &c. had thought it proper to have appointed a military watch; suppose he had assembled Gray and Attucks that were killed, or any other persons in town, and had planted them in that station as a military watch, and there had come from Murray\u2019s barracks, thirty or forty soldiers, with no other arms than snow-balls, cakes of ice, oyster-shells, cinders and clubs, and attacked this military watch in this manner, what do you suppose would have been the feelings and reasonings of any of our householders; I confess I believe they would not have borne the one half of what the witnesses have sworn the soldiers bore, till they had shot down as many as were necessary to intimidate and disperse the rest; because, the law does not oblige us to bear insults to the danger of our lives, to stand still with such a number of people round us, throwing such things at us, and threatening our lives, until we are disabled to defend ourselves.\n \u201cWhere a known felony, is attempted upon the person, be it to rob, or murder, here the party assaulted may repel force with force, and even his own servant then attendant on him, or any other person present, may interpose for preventing mischief, and if death ensues, the party so interposing will be justified. In this case nature and social duty co-operate.\u201d Foster 274.\n Hawkins P.C. Chap. 28, \u00a725. towards the end, \u201cYet it seems that a private person, a fortiori, an officer of justice, who happens unavoidably to kill another in endeavouring to defend himself from, or suppress dangerous rioters, may justify the fact, in as much as he only does his duty in aid of the public justice.\u201d Section 24. \u201cAnd I can see no reason why a person, who without provocation is assaulted by another in any place whatsoever, in such a manner as plainly shews an intent to murder him, as by discharging a pistol, or pushing at him with a drawn sword, &c. may not justify killing such an assailant, as much as if he had attempted to rob him: For is not he who attempts to murder me, more injurious than he who barely attempts to rob me? And can it be more justifiable to fight for my goods than for my life; and it is not only highly agreeable to reason that a man in such circumstances, may lawfully kill another, but it seems also to be confirmed by the general tenor of our law books, which speaking of homicide se defendendo, suppose it done in some quarrel or affray.\u201d\n \u201cAnd so perhaps the killing of dangerous rioters, may be justified by any private persons, who cannot otherwise suppress them, or defend themselves from them; in as much as every private person seems to be authorized by the law, to arm himself for the purposes aforesaid.\u201d Hawkins p. 71. \u00a714\u2014Here every private person is authorized to arm himself, and on the strength of this authority, I do not deny the inhabitants had a right to arm themselves at that time, for their defence, not for offence, that distinction is material and must be attended to.\n Hawkins, page 75. \u00a714. \u201cAnd not only he who on an assault retreats to the wall or some such streight, beyond which he can go no further, before he kills the other, is judged by the law to act upon unavoidable necessity; but also he who being assaulted in such a manner, and in such a place, that he cannot go back without manifestly endangering his life, kills the other without retreating at all.\u201d\u2014\u00a716. \u201cAnd an officer who kills one that insults him in the execution of his office, and where a private person, that kills one who feloniously assaults him in the high way, may justify the fact without ever giving back at all.\u201d\n There is no occasion for the Magistrate to read the Riot act. In the case before you, I suppose you will be satisfied when you come to examine the witnesses, and compare it with the rules of the common law, abstracted from all mutiny acts and articles of war, that these soldiers were in such a situation, that they could not help themselves; people were coming from Royal-exchange-lane, and other parts of the town, with clubs, and cord wood sticks; the soldiers were planted by the wall of the Custom House; they could not retreat, they were surrounded on all sides, for there were people behind them, as well as before them; there were a number of people in Royal-exchange-lane; the soldiers were so near to the Custom house, that they could not retreat, unless they had gone into the brick wall of it. I shall shew you presently, that all the party concerned in this unlawful design, were guilty of what any one of them did; if any body threw a snow-ball, it was the act of the whole party; if any struck with a club, or threw a club, and the club had killed any body, the whole party would have been guilty of murder in law.\n Ld. C.J. HOLT, in Mawgridge\u2019s Case, Keyling 128, says, \u201cNow it hath been held, that if A of his malice prepensed assaults B, to kill him, and B draws his sword and attacks A and pursues him, then A for his safety gives back, and retreats to a wall, and B still pursuing him with his drawn sword, A in his defence kills B. This is murder in A. For A having malice against B, and in pursuance thereof endeavouring to kill him, is answerable for all the consequences, of which he was the original cause. It is not reasonable for any man that is dangerously assaulted, and when he perceives his life in danger from his adversary, but to have liberty for the security of his own life, to pursue him that maliciously assaulted him; for he that hath manifested that he hath malice against another, is not fit to be trusted with a dangerous weapon in his hand. And sore solved by all the Judges when they met at Seargeant\u2019s inn, in preparation for my Lord Morley\u2019s trial.\u201d\n In the case here, we will take Montgomery, if you please, when he was attacked by the stout man with the stick, who aimed it at his head, with a number of people round him, crying out, Kill them! Kill them! had he not a right to kill the man. If all the party were guilty of the assault made by the stout man, and all of them had discovered malice in their hearts, had not Montgomery a right, according to Lord Chief Justice Holt, to put it out of their power to wreak their malice upon him. I will not at present, look for any more authorities in the point of self-defence; you will be able to judge from these, how far the law goes, in justifying or excusing any person in defence of himself, or taking away the life of another who threatens him, in life or limb; the next point is this, That in case of an unlawful assembly, all and every one of the assembly is guilty of all and every unlawful act, committed by any one of that assembly, in prosecution of the unlawful design they set out upon.\n Rules of law should be universally known, what ever effect they may have on politics; they are rules of common law, the law of the land, and it is certainly true, that where ever there is an unlawful assembly, let it consist of many persons or a few, everyman in it is guilty of every unlawful act committed by any one of the whole party, be they more or be they less, in pursuance of their unlawful design. This is the policy of the law: to discourage and prevent riots, insurrections, turbulence and tumults.\n In the continual vicissitudes of human things, amidst the shocks of fortune and the whirls of passion, that take place at certain critical seasons, even in the mildest government, the people are liable to run into riots and tumults. There are Church-quakes and state-quakes, in the moral and political world, as well as earthquakes, storms and tempests in the physical. Thus much however must be said in favour of the people and of human nature, that it is a general, if not universal truth, that the aptitude of the people to mutinies, seditions, tumults and insurrections, is in direct proportion to the despotism of the government. In governments completely despotic, i.e. where the will of one man, is the only law, this disposition is most prevalent.\u2014In Aristocracies, next\u2014in mixed Monarchies, less than either of the former\u2014in compleat Republick\u2019s the least of all\u2014and under the same form of government as in a limited monarchy, for example, the virtue and wisdom of the administration, may generally be measured by the peace and order, that are seen among the people. However this may be, such is the imperfection of all things in this world, that no form of government, and perhaps no wisdom or virtue in the administration, can at all times avoid riots and disorders among the people.\n Now it is from this difficulty, that the policy of the law hath framed such strong discouragements, to secure the people against tumults; because when they once begin, there is danger of their running to such excesses, as will overturn the whole system of government. There is the rule from the reverend sage of the law, so often quoted before.\n I. H.H.P.C. 437. \u201cAll present, aiding and assisting, are equally principal with him that gave the stroke, whereof the party died. For tho\u2019 one gave the stroke, yet in interpretation of law, it is the stroke of every person, that was present aiding and assisting.\u201d\n I. H.H.P.C. 440. \u201cIf divers come with one assent to do mischief, as to kill, rob, or beat, and one doth it, they are all principals in the felony. If many be present, and one only gives the stroke whereof the party dies, they are all principal, if they came for that purpose.\u201d\n Now if the party at Dock-square, came with an intention only to beat the soldiers, and began the affray with them, and any of them had been accidentally killed, it would have been murder, because it was an unlawful design they came upon; if but one does it, they are all considered in the eye of the law to be guilty, if any one gives the mortal stroke, they are all principal here, therefore there is a reversal of the scene; if you are satisfied, that these soldiers were there on a lawful design and it should be proved any of them shot without provocation and killed any body, he only is answerable for it. First Hale\u2019s pleas of the crown.\n 1. H.H.P.C. 444. \u201cAlthough if many come upon an unlawful design, and one of the company kill one of the adverse party, in pursuance of that design, all are principals; yet if many be together upon a lawful account, and one of the company, kill another of an adverse party, without any particular abetment of the rest to this fact of homicide they are not all guilty that are of the company, but only those that gave the stroke or actually abetted him to do it.\u201d\n 1. H.H.P.C. 445. \u201cIn the case of a riotous assembly to rob or steal deer, or do any unlawful act of violence, there the offence of one, is the offence of all the company.\u201d\n In another place, 1. H.H.P.C. 439. \u201cThe Lord Dacre and divers others went to steal deer in the park of one Pelham\u2014Raydon one of the company, killed the keeper in the park; the Lord Dacre and the rest of the company being in the other part of the park. Yet it was adjudged murder in them all, and they died for it.\u201d And he quotes Crompton, 25. Dalton 93 p. 241. So that in so strong a case as this, where this nobleman set out to hunt deer in the ground of another, he was in one part of the park, his company in another part, yet they were all guilty of murder.\n The next is Hale\u2019s Pleas of the Crown, 1. H.H.P.C. 440, \u201cThe case of Drayton Bassit, diverse persons doing an unlawful act, all are guilty of what is done by one.\u201d\n Foster, 353, 354. \u201cA general resolution against all opposers, whether such resolution appears upon evidence to have been actually and implicitly entered into by the confederates, or may reasonably be collected from their number, arms or behaviour, at, or before the scene of action, such resolutions, so proved, have always been considered as strong ingredients in cases of this kind. And in cases of homicide, committed inconsequence of them, every person present; in the sense of the law, when the homicide hath been committed, hath been involved in the guilt of him that gave the mortal blow.\u201d\n Foster. \u201cThe cases of Lord Dacre mentioned by Hale, and of Pudsey, reported by Crompton, and cited by Hale, turned upon this point. The offences they respectively stood charged with as principals, were committed far out of their sight and hearing; and yet both were held to be present. It was sufficient, that at the instant the facts were committed, they were of the same party and upon the same pursuit, and under the same engagements and expectations of mutual defence and support, with those that did the facts.\u201d\n Thus far I have proceeded, and I believe it will not be hereafter disputed by any body, that this law ought to be known to every one who has any disposition to be concerned in an unlawful assembly, whatever mischief happens in the prosecution of the design they set out upon, all are answerable for it. It is necessary we should consider the definitions of some other crimes, as well as murder; sometimes one crime gives occasion to another, an assault is sometimes the occasion of man-slaughter, sometimes of excusable homicide. It is necessary to consider what is a riot. 1. Hawk. c. 65.\u00a72. I shall give you the definition of it. \u201cWhere so ever more than three persons use force or violence, for the accomplishment of any design whatever, all concerned are rioters.\u201d\n Were there not more than three persons in Dock-square? Did they not agree to go to King-street, and attack the Main guard? Where then, is the reason for hesitation, at calling it a riot? If we cannot speak the law as it is, where is our liberty? And this is law, that wherever more than three persons, are gathered together, to accomplish any thing with force, it is a riot. 1. Hawk. c. 65, \u00a72. \u201cWherever more than three, use force and violence, all who are concerned therein are rioters: But in some cases wherein the law authorizes force, it is lawful and commendable to use it. As for a sheriff, 2. And. 67. Poph. 121. or constable, 3 H. 7. 10. 6. or perhaps even for a private person, Poph. 121. Moore, 656. to assemble a competent number of people, in order with force, to oppose rebels, or enemies, or rioters, and afterwards with such force, actually to suppress them.\u201d\n I do not mean to apply the word rebel on this occasion: I have no reason to suppose that ever there was one in Boston, at least among the natives of the country; but rioters are in the same situation, as far as my argument is concerned, and proper officers may suppress rioters, and so may even private persons.\n If we strip ourselves free from all military laws, mutiny acts, articles of war and soldiers oaths, and consider these prisoners as neighbours, if any of their neighbours were attacked in King-street, they had a right to collect together to suppress this riot and combina\u00adtion. If any number of persons meet together at a fair, or market, and happen to fall together by the ears, they are not guilty of a riot, but of a sudden affray: here is another paragraph which I must read to you, 1. Hawkins, c. 65, \u00a73, \u201cIf a number of persons, being met together at a fair or market, or on any other lawful and innocent occasion, happen on a sudden quarrel, to fall together by the ears, they are not guilty of a riot, but of a sudden affray only, of which none are guilty, but those who actually engage in it,\u201d &c. End of the \u00a7. It would be endless, as well as superfluous, to examine, whether every particular person engaged in a riot, were in truth one of the first assembly, or actually had a previous knowledge of the design thereof.\n I have endeavoured to produce the best authorities, and to give you the rules of law in their words, for I desire not to advance any thing of my own. I chuse to lay down the rules of law, from authorities which cannot be disputed. Another point is this, whether, and how far, a private person may aid another in distress? Suppose a press gang should come on shore in this town, and assault any sailor, or householder in King street, in order to carry them on board one of his Majesty\u2019s ships and impress him without any warrant, as a seaman in his Majesty\u2019s service, how far do you suppose the inhabitants would think themselves warranted by law, to interpose against that lawless press gang? I agree that such a press gang would be as unlawful an assembly, as that was in King street. If they were to press an inhabitant, and carry him off for a sailor, would not the inhabitants think them-selves warranted by law to interpose in behalf of their fellow citizens? Now Gentlemen, if the soldiers had no right to interpose in the relief of the Sentry, the inhabitants would have no right to interpose with regard to the citizen, for whatever is law for a soldier, is law for a sailor, and for a citizen, they all stand upon an equal footing, in this respect. I believe we shall not have it disputed, that it would be lawful to go into King-street, and help an honest man there, against the press master. We have many instances in the books which authorize it, which I shall produce to you presently.\n Now suppose you should have a jealousy in your minds, that the people who made this attack on the Sentry, had nothing in their intention more than to take him off his post, and that was threatened by some; suppose they intended to go a little farther, and tar and feather him, or to ride him, (as the phrase is in Hudibras) he would have a good right to have stood upon his defence, the defence of his liberty, and if he could not preserve that without hazard to his own life, he would be warranted, in depriving those of life, who were endeavouring to deprive him of his; that is a point I would not give up for my right hand, nay, for my life.\n Well, I say, if the people did this, or if this was only their intention, surely the officer and soldiers had a right to go to his relief, and therefore they set out upon a lawful errand, they were therefore a lawful assembly, if we only consider them as private subjects and fellow citizens, without regard to Mutiny Acts, Articles of War, or Soldiers Oaths; a private person, or any number of private persons, have a right to go to the assistance of their fellow subject in distress and danger of his life, when assaulted and in danger from a few or a multitude. Keyl. 136. \u201cIf a man perceives another by force to be injuriously treated, pressed and restrained of his liberty, tho\u2019 the person abused doth not complain, or call for aid or assistance; and others out of compassion shall come to his rescue, and kill any of those that shall so restrain him, that is manslaughter. Keyl. A and others without any warrant, impress B to serve the King at sea, B quietly submitted and went off with the press master; Hugett and the others pursued them, and required a sight of their warrant; but they shewing a piece of paper that was not a sufficient warrant, thereupon Hugett with the others drew their swords, and the press masters theirs, and so there was a combat, and those who endeavoured to rescue the pressed man killed one of the pretended press masters. This was but manslaughter, for when the liberty of one subject is invaded, it affects all the rest: it is a provocation to all people, as being of ill example and pernicious consequences.\u201d\n 2. Lord Raymond, 1301. The Queen versus Tooley et alios, Lord Chief Justice Holt says, 3d. \u201cThe prisoner (i.e. Tooley) in this case had sufficient provocation; for if one be imprisoned upon an unlawful authority, it is a sufficient provocation to all people out of compassion;\u2014and where the liberty of the subject is invaded, it is a provocation to all the subjects of England, &c. and sure a man ought to be concerned for magna charta and the laws; and if any one against the law imprisons a man, he is an offender against magna charta.\u201d\n I am not insensible of Sir Michael Foster\u2019s observations on these cases, but apprehend they do not invalidate the authority of them as far as I now apply them to the purpose of my argument. If a stranger, a mere fellow subject may interpose to defend the liberty, he may to defend the life of another individual. But according to the evidence, some imprudent people before the Sentry, proposed to take him off his post, others threatened his life, and intelligence of this was carried to the Main-guard, before any of the prisoners turned out: They were then ordered out to relieve the Sentry, and any of our fellow citizens might lawfully have gone upon the same errand; they were therefore a lawful assembly.\n I have but one point more of law to consider, and that is this: In the case before you, I do not pretend to prove that every one of the unhappy persons slain, were concerned in the riot; the authorities read to you just now, say, it would be endless to prove, whether every person that was present and in a riot, was concerned in planning the first enterprise or not: nay, I believe it but justice, to say, some were perfectly innocent of the occasion, I have reason to suppose, that one of them was, Mr. Maverick; he was a very worthy young man, as he has been represented to me, and had no concern in the riotous proceedings of that night; and I believe the same may be said, in favour of one more, at least, Mr. Caldwell who was slain; and therefore many people may think, that as he, and perhaps another was innocent, therefore innocent blood having been shed, that must be expiated by the death of somebody or other. I take notice of this, because one gentleman nominated by the sheriff, for a Juryman upon this trial, because he said, he believed Capt. Preston was innocent, but innocent blood had been shed, and therefore somebody ought to be hanged for it, which he thought was indirectly giving his opinion in this cause. I am afraid many other persons have formed such an opinion; I do not take it to be a rule, that where innocent blood is shed, the person must die. In the instance of the Frenchmen on the Plains of Abraham, they were innocent, fighting for their King and country, their blood is as innocent as any, there may be multitudes killed, when innocent blood is shed on all sides, so that it is not an invariable rule. I will put a case, in which, I dare say, all will agree with me: Here are two persons, the father and the son, go out a hunting, they take different roads, the father hears a rushing among the bushes, takes it to be game, fires and kills his son through a mistake; here is innocent blood shed, but yet nobody will say the father ought to die for it. So that the general rule of law, is, that whenever one person hath a right to do an act, and that act by any accident, takes away the life of another, it is excusable, it bears the same regard to the innocent as to the guilty. If two men are together, and attack me, and I have a right to kill them, I strike at them, and by mistake, strike a third and kill him, as I had a right to kill the first, my killing the other, will be excusable, as it happened by accident. If I in the heat of passion, aim a blow at the person who has assaulted me, aiming at him, I kill another person, it is but manslaughter. Foster, 261. \u00a73. \u201cIf an action unlawful in itself be done deliberately and with intention of mischief or great bodily harm to particulars, or of mischief indiscriminately, fall it where it may, and death ensues against or beside the original intention of the party, it will be murder. But if such mischievous intention doth not appear, which is matter of fact and to be collected from circumstances, and the act was done heedlessly and inconsiderately, it will be manslaughter: not accidental death, because the act upon which death ensued, was unlawful.\u201d\n \u201cUnder this head, &c. See the remainder inserted in pages 145, 146\n Supposing in this case, the Molatto man was the person made the assault, suppose he was concerned in the unlawful assembly, and this party of soldiers endeavouring to defend themselves against him, happened to kill another person who was innocent, though the soldiers had no reason that we know of, to think any person there, at least of that number who were crouding about them innocent, they might naturally enough presume all to be guilty of the riot and assault, and to come with the same design; I say, if on firing on these who were guilty, they accidentally killed an innocent person, it was not their faults, they were obliged to defend themselves against those who were pressing upon them, they are not answerable for it with their lives, for upon supposition it was justifiable or excusable to kill Attucks or any other person, it will be equally justifiable or excusable if in firing at him, they killed another who was innocent, or if the provocation was such as to mitigate the guilt to manslaughter, it will equally mitigate the guilt, if they killed an innocent man un-designedly, in aiming at him who gave the provocation, according to Judge Foster, and as this point is of such consequence, I must produce some more authorities for it. 1. Hawkins, 84. \u201cAlso, if a third person accidentally happen to be killed, by one engaged in a combat with another upon a sudden quarrel, it seems that he who kills him is guilty of manslaughter only.\u201d H.H.P.C. 442. To the same point, and 1. H.H.P.C. 484 and 4 Black. 27.\n I shall now consider one question more, and that is concerning provocation.* We have hitherto been considering self-defence, and how far persons may go in defending themselves against aggressors, even by taking away their lives, and now proceed to consider, such provocations as the law allows to mitigate or extenuate the guilt of killing, where it is not justifiable or excusable.\n An assault and battery, committed upon a man, in such a manner as not to endanger his life, is such a provocation as the law allows to reduce killing, down to the crime of manslaughter. Now the law has been made on more consideration than we are capable of making at present; the law considers a man as capable of bearing any thing, and every thing, but blows. I may reproach a man as much as I please, I may call him a thief, robber, traitor, scoundrel, coward, lobster, bloody back, &c. and if he kills me it will be murder, if nothing else but words preceed; but if from giving him such kind of language, I proceed to take him by the nose, or fillip him on the forehead, that is an assault! that is a blow; the law will not oblige a man to stand still and bear it; there is the distinction; hands off, touch me not, as soon as you touch me, if I run you thro\u2019 the heart it is but Manslaughter; the utility of this distinction, the more you think of it, the more you will be satisfied with it; it is an assault when ever a blow is struck, let it be ever so slight, and sometimes even without a blow. The law considers man as frail and passionate, when his passions are touched, he will be thrown off his guard, and therefore the law makes allowances for this frailty, considers him as in a fit of passion, not having the possession of his intellectual faculties, and therefore does not oblige him to measure out his blows with a yard stick, or weigh them in a scale; let him kill with a sword, gun or hedge stake, it is not murder, but only manslaughter. Keyling\u2019s Reports 135. Regina versus Mawgridge. \u201cRules supported by authority and general consent, shewing what are always allowed to be sufficient provocations. First, if one man, upon any words shall make an assault upon another, either by pulling him by the nose, or filliping upon the forehead, and he that is so assaulted, shall draw his sword, and immediately run the other through, that is but manslaughter; for the peace is broken by the person killed, and with an indignity to him that received the assault. Besides, he that was so affronted might reasonably apprehend, that he that treated him in that manner, might have some further design upon him.\u201d So that here is the boundary, when a man is assaulted, and kills in consequence of that assault, it is but manslaughter; I will just read as I go along the definition of an assault, 1. Hawkins Chap. 62, \u00a71. \u201cAn assault is an attempt or offer, with force or violence, to do a corporal hurt to another; as by stricking at him, with or without a weapon, or presenting a gun at him, at such a distance to which the gun will carry, or pointing a pitchfork at him, or by any other such like act done in an angry, threatning manner, &c. But no words can amount to an assault.\u201d Here is the definition of an assault, which is a sufficient provocation to soften killing down to manslaughter, 1. Hawkins, Chap. 31, \u00a736. \u201cNeither can he be thought guilty of a greater crime (than manslaughter) who finding a man in bed with his wife, or being actually struck by him, or pulled by the nose, or filliped upon the forehead, immediately kills him, or in the defence of his person from an unlawful arrest; or in the defence of his house, from those who claiming a title to it, attempt forcibly to enter it, and to that purpose shoot at it, &c.\u201d Every snow-ball, oyster shell, cake of ice, or bit of cinder that was thrown that night, at the Sentinel, was an assault upon him; every one that was thrown at the party of soldiers, was an assault upon them, whether it hit any of them or not. I am guilty of an assault, if I present a gun at any person, whether I shoot at him or not, it is an assault, and if I insult him in that manner, and he shoots me, it is but manslaughter. Foster, 295, 6. \u201cTo what I have offered with regard to sudden rencounters, let me add, that the blood, already too much heated, kindleth afresh at every pass or blow. And in the tumult of the passions, in which mere instinct self preservation, hath no inconsiderable share, the voice of reason is not heard. And therefore, the law in condesension to the infirmities of flesh and blood doth extenuate the offence.\u201d Insolent, scurrilous, or slanderous language, when it preceeds an assault, aggravates it. Foster 316. \u201cWe all knew know that words of reproach, how grating and offensive soever, are in the eye of the law, no provocation, in the case of voluntary homicide, and yet every man who hath considered the human frame, or but attended to the workings of his own heart, knoweth, that affronts of that kind, pierce deeper, and stimulate in the veins more effectually, than a slight injury done to a third person, tho\u2019 under colour of justice, possibly can.\u201d I produce this to show the assault, in this case, was aggravated by the scurrilous language which preceeded it. Such words of reproach, stimulate in the veins, and exasperate the mind, and no doubt if an assault and battery succeeds them, killing under such a provocation, is softened to manslaughter, but, killing without such provocation, makes it murder.\n FIVE o\u2019Clock, p.m. the Court adjourned till Tuesday morning 4 December, nine o\u2019Clock.\n Tuesday, NINE o\u2019Clock, the Court met according to adjournment, and Mr. Adams proceeded.\n May it please your Honours, and you Gentlemen of the Jury,\n I yesterday afternoon produced from the best authorities, those rules of law which must govern all cases of homicide, particularly that which is now before you; it now remains to consider the evidence, and see whether any thing has occurred, that may be compared to the rules read to you; and I will not trouble myself nor you with laboured endeavours to be methodical, I shall endeavour to make some few observations, on the testimonies of the witnesses, such as will place the facts in a true point of light, with as much brevity as possible; but I suppose it would take me four hours to read to you, (if I did nothing else but read) the minutes of evidence that I have taken in this trial. In the first place the Gentleman who opened this cause, has stated to you, with candour and precision, the evidence of the identity of the persons.\n The witnesses are confident that they know the prisoners at the barr, and that they were present that night, and of the party; however, it is apparent, that witnesses are liable to make mistakes, by a single example before you. Mr. Bass, who is a very honest man, and of good character, swears positively that the tall man, Warren, stood on the right that night, and was the first that fired; and I am sure you are satisfied by this time, by many circumstances, that he is totally mistaken in this matter; this you will consider at your leisure. The witnesses in general did not know the faces of these persons before; very few of them knew the names of them before, they only took notice of their faces that night. How much certainty there is in this evidence, I leave you to determine.\n There does not seem to me to be any thing very material in the testimony of Mr. Aston, except to the identity of McCauley, and he is the only witness to that. If you can be satisfied in your own minds, without a doubt, that he knew McCauley so well as to be sure, you will believe he was there.\n The next witness is Bridgham, he says he saw the tall man Warren, but saw another man belonging to the same regiment soon after, so like him, as to make him doubt whether it was Warren or not; he thinks he saw the Corporal, but is not certain, he says he was at the corner of the Custom house, this you will take notice of, other witnesses swear, he was the remotest man of all from him who fired first, and there are other evidences who swear the left man did not fire at all; if Wemms did not discharge his gun at all, he could not kill any of the persons, therefore he must be acquitted on the fact of killing; for an intention to kill, is not murder nor manslaughter, if not carried into execution: The witness saw numbers of things thrown, and he saw plainly sticks strike the guns, about a dozen persons with sticks, gave three cheers, and surrounded the party, and struck the guns with their sticks several blows: This is a witness for the crown, and his testimony is of great weight for the prisoners; he gives his testimony very sensibly and impartially. He swears positively, that he not only saw ice or snow thrown, but saw the guns struck several times; if you believe this witness, of whose credibility you are wholly the judges, as you are of every other; if you do not believe him, there are many others who swear to circumstances in favour of the prisoners; it should seem impossible you should disbelieve so great a number, and of crown witnesses too, who swear to such variety of circumstances that fall in with one another so naturally to form our defence; this witness swears positively, there were a dozen of persons with clubs, surrounded the party; twelve sailors with clubs, were by much an overmatch to eight soldiers, chained there by the order and command of their officer, to stand in defence of the Sentry, not only so, but under an oath to stand there, i.e. to obey the lawful command of their officer, as much, Gentlemen of the Jury, as you are under oath to determine this cause by law and evidence; clubs they had not, and they could not defend themselves with their bayonets against so many people; it was in the power of the sailors to kill one half or the whole of the party, if they had been so disposed; what had the soldiers to expect, when twelve persons armed with clubs, (sailors too, between whom and soldiers, there is such an antipathy, that they fight as naturally when they meet, as the elephant and Rhinoceros) were daring enough, even at the time when they were loading their guns, to come up with their clubs, and smite on their guns; what had eight soldiers to expect from such a set of people? Would it have been a prudent resolution in them, or in any body in their situation, to have stood still, to see if the sailors would knock their brains out, or not? Had they not all the reason in the world to think, that as they had done so much, they would proceed farther? Their clubs were as capable of killing as a ball, an hedge stake is known in the law books as a weapon of death, as much as a sword, bayonet, or musket. He says, the soldiers were loading their guns, when the twelve surrounded them, the people went up to them within the length of their guns, and before the firing; besides all this he swears, they were called cowardly rascals, and dared to fire; he says these people were all dressed like sailors; and I believe, that by and bye you will find evidence enough to satisfy you, these were some of the persons that came out of Dock-square, after making the attack on Murray\u2019s barracks, and who had been arming themselves with sticks from the butchers stalls and cord wood piles, and marched up round Corn-hill under the command of Attucks. All the bells in town were ringing, the ratling of the blows upon the guns he heard, and swears it was violent; this corroborates the testimony of James Bailey, which will be considered presently. Some witnesses swear a club struck a soldier\u2019s gun, Bailey swears a man struck a soldier and knocked him down, before he fired, \u201cthe last man that fired, levelled at a lad, and moved his gun as the lad ran:\u201d You will consider, that an intention to kill is not murder; if a man lays poison in the way of another, and with an express intention that he should take it up and die of it, it is not murder: Suppose that soldier had malice in his heart, and was determined to murder that boy if he could, yet the evidence clears him of killing the boy, I say admit he had malice in his heart, yet it is plain he did not kill him or any body else, and if you believe one part of the evidence, you must believe the other, and if he had malice, that malice was ineffectual; I do not recollect any evidence that assertains who it was that stood the last man but one upon the left, admitting he discovered a temper ever so wicked, cruel and malicious, you are to consider his ill temper is not imputable to another, no other had any intention of this deliberate kind, the whole transaction was sudden, there was but a very short space of time between the first gun and the last, when the first gun was fired the people fell in upon the soldiers and laid on with their weapons with more violence, and this served to encrease the provocation, and raised such a violent spirit of revenge in the soldiers, as the law takes notice of, and makes some allowance for, and in that fit of fury and madness, I suppose he aimed at the boy.\n The next witness is Dodge, he says, there were fifty people near the soldiers pushing at them; now the witness before says, there were twelve sailors with clubs, but now here are fifty more aiding and abetting of them, ready to relieve them in case of need; now what could the people expect? It was their business to have taken themselves out of the way; some prudent people by the Town-house, told them not to meddle with the guard, but you hear nothing of this from these fifty people; no, instead of that, they were huzzaing and whistling, crying damn you, fire! why don\u2019t you fire? So that they were actually assisting these twelve sailors that made the attack; he says the soldiers were pushing at the people to keep them off, ice and snow-balls were thrown, and I heard ice rattle on their guns, there were some clubs thrown from a considerable distance across the street. This witness swears he saw snow-balls thrown close before the party, and he took them to be thrown on purpose, he saw oyster-shells likewise thrown.\u2014Mr. Langford the watchman, is more particular in his testimony, and deserves a very particular consideration, because it is intended by the council for the crown, that his testimony shall distinguish Killroy from the rest of the prisoners, and exempt him from those pleas of justification, excuse or extenuation, which we rely upon for the whole party, because he had previous malice, and they would from hence conclude, he aimed at a particular person; you will consider all the evidence with regard to that, by itself.\n Hemmingway, the sheriff\u2019s coachman, swears he knew Killroy, and that he heard him say, he would never miss an opportunity of firing upon the inhabitants: this is to prove that Killroy had preconceived malice in his heart, not indeed against the unhappy persons who were killed, but against the inhabitants in general, that he had the spirit not only of a Turk or an Arab, but of the devil; but admitting that this testimony is litterally true, and that he had all the malice they would wish to prove, yet, if he was assaulted that night, and his life in danger, he had a right to defend himself as well as another man; if he had malice before, it does not take away from him the right of defending himself against any unjust aggressor. But it is not at all improbable, that there was some misunderstanding about these loose expressions; perhaps the man had no thoughts of what his words might import; many a man in his cups, or in anger, which is a short fit of madness, hath uttered the rashest expressions, who had no such savage disposition in general: so that there is but little weight in expressions uttered at a kitching fire, before a maid and a coachman, where he might think himself at liberty to talk as much like a bully, a fool, and a madman as he pleased, and that no evil would come of it. Strictly speaking, he might mean no more than this, that he would not miss an opportunity of firing on the inhabitants, if he was attacked by them in such a manner as to justify it: soldiers have sometimes avoided opportunities of firing, when they would have been justified, if they had fired. I would recommend to them, to be tender by all means, nay, let them be cautious at their peril; but still what he said, amounts in strictness, to no more than this, \u201cIf the inhabitants make an attack on me, I will not bear from them what I have done already;\u201d or I will bear no more, than what I am obliged by law to bear. No doubt it was under the fret of his spirits, the indignation, mortification, grief and shame, that he had suffered a defeat at the Rope-walks; it was just after an account of an affray was published here, betwixt the soldiers and inhabitants at New York. There was a little before the 5th of March, much noise in this town, and a pompous account in the news-papers, of a victory obtained by the inhabitants there over the soldiers; which doubtless excited the resentment of the soldiers here, as well as exultations among some sorts of the inhabitants: and the ringing of the bells here, was probably copied from New York, a wretched example in this, and in two other instances at least: the defeat of the soldiers at the Rope-walks, was about that time too, and if he did, after that, use such expressions, it ought not to weigh too much in this case. It can scarcely amount to proof that he harboured any settled malice against the people in general. Other witnesses are introduced to show that Killroy had besides his general ill will against every body, particular malice against Mr. Gray, whom he killed, as Langford swears.\n Some of the witnesses, have sworn that Gray was active in the battle at the Rope walks, and that Killroy was once there, from whence the Council for the Crown would infer, that Killroy, in King-street, on the 5th of March in the night, knew Gray whom he had seen at the Rope-walks before, and took that opportunity to gratify his preconceived malice; but if this is all true, it will not take away from him his justification, excuse, or extenuation, if he had any. The rule of the law is, if there has been malice between two, and at a distant time afterwards they met, and one of them assaults the other\u2019s life, or only assaults him, and he kills in consequence of it, the law presumes the killing was in self defence, or upon the provocation, not on account of the antecedent malice. If therefore the assault upon Killroy was so violent as to endanger his life, he had as good a right to defend himself, as much as if he never had before conceived any malice against the people in general, or Mr. Gray in particular. If the assault upon him, was such as to amount only to a provocation, not to a justification, his crime will be manslaughter only. However, it does not appear, that he knew Mr. Gray; none of the witnesses pretend to say he knew him, or that he ever saw him. It is true they were both in the Rope-walks at one time, but there were so many combatants on each side, that it is not even probable that Killroy should know them all, and no witnesses says there was any rencounter there between them two. Indeed, to return to Mr. Langford\u2019s testimony, he says, he did not perceive Killroy to aim at Gray, more than at him, but he says expressly, he did not aim at Gray. Langford says, \u201cGray had no stick, was standing with his arms folded up.\u201d This witness, is however most probably mistaken in this matter, and confounds one time with another, a mistake which has been made by many witnesses, in this case, and considering the confusion and terror of the scene, is not to be wondered at.\n Witnesses have sworn to the condition of Killroy\u2019s bayonet, that it was bloody the morning after the 5th of March. The blood they saw, if any, might be occasioned by a wound given by some of the bayonets in the affray, possibly in Mr. Fosdick\u2019s arm, or it might happen, in the manner mentioned by my brother before. One bayonet at least was struck off and it might fall, where the blood of some person slain afterwards flowed. It would be doing violence to every rule of law and evidence, as well as to common sense and the feelings of humanity, to infer from the blood on the bayonet, that it had been stabbed into the brains of Mr. Gray after he was dead, and that by Killroy himself who had killed him.\n Young Mr. Davis swears, that he saw Gray that evening, a little before the firing, that he had a stick under his arm, and said he would go to the riot, \u201cI am glad of it, (that is that there was a rumpus) I will go and have a slap at them, if I lose my life.\u201d And when he was upon the spot, some witnesses swear, he did not act that peaceable in-offensive part, which Langford thinks he did. They swear, they thought him in liquor\u2014that he run about clapping several people on the shoulders saying, \u201cDont run away\u201d\u2014\u201cthey dare not fire.\u201d Langford goes on \u201cI saw twenty or five and twenty boys about the Sentinal\u2014and I spoke to him, and bid him not be afraid.\u201d\u2014How came the Watchman Langford to tell him not to be afraid. Does not this circumstance prove, that he thought there was danger, or at least that the Sentinel in fact, was terrified and did think himself in danger. Langford goes on \u201cI saw about twenty or five and twenty boys that is young shavers.\u201d\u2014We have been entertained with a great variety of phrases, to avoid calling this sort of people a mob.\u2014Some call them shavers, some call them genius\u2019s.\u2014The plain English is gentlemen, most probably a motley rabble of saucy boys, negroes and molattoes, Irish teagues and out landish jack tarrs.\u2014And why we should scruple to call such a set of people a mob, I can\u2019t conceive, unless the name is too respectable for them: \u2014The sun is not about to stand still or go out, nor the rivers to dry up because there was a mob in Boston on the 5th of March that attacked a party of soldiers.\u2014Such things are not new in the world, nor in the British dominions, though they are comparatively, rareties and novelties in this town. Carr a native of Ireland had often been concerned in such attacks, and indeed, from the nature of things, soldiers quartered in a populous town, will always occasion two mobs, where they prevent one.\u2014They are wretched conservators of the peace!\n Langford \u201cheard the rattling against the guns, but saw nothing thrown.\u201d\u2014This rattling must have been very remarkable, as so many witnesses heard it, who were not in a situation to see what caused it. These things which hit the guns made a noise, those which hit the soldiers persons, did not\u2014But when so many things were thrown and so many hit their guns, to suppose that none struck their persons is incredible. Langford goes on \u201cGray struck me on the shoulder and asked me what is to pay? I answered, I don\u2019t know but I believe something will come of it, by and bye.\u201d\u2014Whence could this apprehension of mischief arise, if Langford did not think the assault, the squabble, the affray was such as would provoke the soldiers to fire?\u2014\u201ca bayonet went through my great coat and jacket,\u201d yet the soldier did not step out of his place. This looks as if Langford was nearer to the party than became a watchman. Forty or fifty people round the soldiers, and more coming from Quaker-lane, as well as the other lanes. The soldiers heard all the bells ringing and saw people coming from every point of the compass to the assistance of those who were insulting, assaulting, beating and abusing of them\u2014what had they to expect but destruction, if they had not thus early taken measures to defend themselves?\n Brewer saw Killroy, &c. saw Dr. Young, &c. \u201che said the people had better go home.\u201d It was an excellent advice, happy for some of them had they followed it, but it seems all advice was lost on these persons, they would harken to none that was given them in Dock-square, Royal exchange-lane or King-street, they were bent on making this assault, and on their own destruction.\n The next witness that knows any thing, was, James Bailey, he saw Carrol, Montgomery and White, he saw some round the Sentry, heaving pieces of ice, large and hard enough to hurt any man, as big as your fist: one question is whether the Sentinel was attacked or not.\u2014If you want evidence of an attack upon him there is enough of it, here is a witness an inhabitant of the town, surely no friend to the soldiers, for he was engaged against them at the Rope-walks; he says he saw twenty or thirty round the Sentry, pelting with cakes of ice, as big as one\u2019s fist; certainly cakes of ice of this size may kill a man, if they happen to hit some part of the head. So that, here was an attack on the Sentinel, the consequence of which he had reason to dread, and it was prudent in him to call for the Main-Guard: he retreated as far as he could, he attempted to get into the Custom-house, but could not; then he called to the Guard, and he had a good right to call for their assistance; \u201che did not know, he told the witness, what was the matter,\u201d \u201cbut he was afraid there would be mischief by and bye;\u201d and well he might, with so many shavers and genius\u2019s round him\u2014capable of throwing such dangerous things. Bailey swears, Montgomery fired the first gun, and that he stood at the right, \u201cthe next man to me, I stood behind him, &c.\u201d This witness certainly is not prejudiced in favour of the soldiers, he swears, he saw a man come up to Montgomery with a club, and knock him down before he fired, and that he not only fell himself, but his gun flew out of his hand, and as soon as he rose he took it up and fired. If he was knocked down on his station, had he not reason to think his life in danger, or did it not raise his passions and put him off his guard; so that it cannot be more than manslaughter.\n When the multitude was shouting and huzzaing, and threatning life, the bells all ringing, the mob whistle screaming and rending like an Indian yell, the people from all quarters throwing every species of rubbish they could pick up in the street, and some who were quite on the other side of the street throwing clubs at the whole party, Montgomery in particular, smote with a club and knocked down, and as soon as he could rise and take up his firelock, another club from a far struck his breast or shoulder, what could he do? Do you expect he should behave like a Stoick Philosopher lost in Apathy? Patient as Epictatus while his master was breaking his leggs with a cudgel? It is impossible you should find him guilty of murder. You must suppose him divested of all human passions, if you don\u2019t think him at the least provoked, thrown off his guard, and into the furor brevis, by such treatment as this.\n Bailey \u201cSaw the Molatto seven or eight minutes before the firing, at the head of twenty or thirty sailors in Corn-hill, and he had a large cordwood stick.\u201d So that this Attucks, by this testimony of Bailey compared with that of Andrew, and some others, appears to have undertaken to be the hero of the night; and to lead this army with banners, to form them in the first place in Dock square, and march them up to King-street, with their clubs; they passed through the main-street up to the Main-guard, in order to make the attack. If this was not an unlawful assembly, there never was one in the world. Attucks with his myrmidons comes round Jockson\u2019s\u2004Jackson\u2019s corner, and down to the party by the Sentry-box; when the soldiers pushed the people off, this man with his party cried, do not be afraid of them, they dare not fire, kill them! kill them! knock them over! And he tried to knock their brains out. It is plain the soldiers did not leave their station, but cried to the people, stand off: now to have this reinforcement coming down under the command of a stout Molatto fellow, whose very looks, was enough to terrify any person, what had not the soldiers then to fear? He had hardiness enough to fall in upon them, and with one hand took hold of a bayonet, and with the other knocked the man down: This was the behaviour of Attucks;\u2014 to whose mad behaviour, in all probability, the dreadful carnage of that night, is chiefly to be ascribed. And it is in this manner, this town has been often treated; a Carr from Ireland, and an Attucks from Framingham, happening to be here, shall sally out upon their thoughtless enterprizes, at the head of such a rabble of Negroes, &c. as they can collect together, and then there are not wanting, persons to ascribe all their doings to the good people of the town.\n Mr. Adams proceeded to a minute consideration of every witness produced on the crown side; and endeavoured to shew, from the evidence on that side, which could not be contested by the council for the crown, that the assault upon the party, was sufficiently dangerous to justify the prisoners; at least, that it was sufficiently provoking, to reduce to manslaughter the crime, even of the two who were supposed to be proved to have killed. But it would swell this publication too much, to insert his observations at large, and there is the less necessity for it, as they will probably occur to every man who reads the evidence with attention. He then proceeded to consider the testimonies of the witnesses for the prisoners, which must also be omitted: And concluded,\n I will enlarge no more on the evidence, but submit it to you.\u2014Facts are stubborn things; and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations, or the dictates of our passions, they cannot alter the state of facts and evidence: nor is the law less stable than the fact; if an assault was made to endanger their lives, the law is clear, they had a right to kill in their own defence; if it was not so severe as to endanger their lives, yet if they were assaulted at all, struck and abused by blows of any sort, by snow-balls, oyster-shells, cinders, clubs, or sticks of any kind; this was a provocation, for which the law reduces the offence of killing, down to manslaughter, in consideration of those passions in our nature, which cannot be eradicated. To your candour and justice I submit the prisoners and their cause.\n The law, in all vicissitudes of government, fluctuations of the passions, or flights of enthusiasm, will preserve a steady undeviating course; it will not bend to the uncertain wishes, imaginations, and wanton tempers of men. To use the words of a great and worthy man, a patriot, and an hero, and enlightned friend of mankind, and a martyr to liberty; I mean Algernon Sidney, who from his earliest infancy sought a tranquil retirement under the shadow of the tree of liberty, with his tongue, his pen, and his sword, \u201cThe law, (says he,) no passion can disturb. Tis void of desire and fear, lust and anger. \u2019Tis menc sine affectu; written reason; retaining some measure of the divine perfection. It does not enjoin that which pleases a weak, frail man, but without any regard to persons, commands that which is good, and punishes evil in all, whether rich, or poor, high or low,\u2014Tis deaf, inexorable, inflexible.\u201d On the one hand it is inexorable to the cries and lamentations of the prisoners; on the other it is deaf, deaf as an adder to the clamours of the populace.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0017", "content": "Title: Paine\u2019s Argument for the Crown: 4\u20135 December 1770\nFrom: Paine, Robert Treat\nTo: \n May it please &c.\n It now remains to close this Cause on the part of the Crown, a cause, which from the Importance of it has been examined with such minuteness and protracted to such a length that I fear it has fatigued your attention as I am certain it has exhausted my Spirits. However Gentlemen it may serve to show you and all the world that the Benignity of the English Law, so much relied on by the Council for the Prisoners is well known and attended to among us and Sufficiently applied in the Cause at Barr; far be it from me to advance or even insinuate any thing to the disparagement of that well known Principle of English Law, in Support of which the Council last speaking for the Prisoners has produced so many Authoritys; Nor should I think it needful to remark perticularly on it but that it has been traced thro so many Authoritys and urged with so much as tho it were the foundation of their Defence, or at least a principle Argument relyed on.\n But Gentlemen if you consider this Sort of reasoning one moment you will be sensible that it tends more to amuse than infor enlighten and without due caution might Captivate your attention to that principle of Law which is endeared by the Name of Candour Mercy and Benignity while it draws you intirely from Justice that essential principle without which the Law were but an empty Sound. Justice, strict, Justice is the ultimate Object of our Law. And to me it seems no hard Task to maintain that the Attribute of mercy or Benignity can be ascribed to nothing abstracted from that of Justice and therefore that a \u201cLaw all Mercy\u201d would be an unjustice and therefore when we talk of the Benignity of the English Law We can understand nothing more by it than what is fairly Comprehended in Ld. Coke\u2019s Observation on Our Law in General that it is Ultima Ratio the last improvement of Reason which in the nature of it will not admitt any Proposition to be true of which it has not Evidence, nor determine that to be certain of which there remains a doubt; if therefor in the examination of this Cause the Evidence is not sufficient to Convince beyond reasonable Doubt of the Guilt of all or any of the Prisoners by the Benignity and Reason of the Law you will acquit them, but if the Evidence be sufficient to convince you of their Guilt beyond reasonable Doubt the Justice of the Law will require you to declare them Guilty and the Benignity of the Law will be satisfyed in the fairness and impartiality of their Tryal.\n I am sensible, Gentlemen I have got the severe side of the question to Conduct. I am arguing against the Lives of eight of our fellow Subjects the Very thought of which is enough to excite your Compassion and to influence my Conduct; the Council for the Crown well aware of their Advantage arising from the humane Side of the Question, have availed themselves of all the Observations arising therefrom and have pressed the Defence by such Appeals to the Passions in favor of Life as might be grating to your humanity should I attempt the like against Life. Numberless are the Observations that have been made in order to set the Prisoners in a favorable point of Light and bring them within the notice of your Compassion. It has been represented \u201cthat the Life of a Soldier is thought to be less valuable among us than the life of a private Subject\u201d than which nothing can be more ill founded. What ever Wrath and bitterness may have been expressed by Some on Account of the unhappy Transaction now under Examination it was no more than would have been said had the Persons who did it not been Soldiers. Nay the very appearance of this Tryal, the Conduct of the Witnesses, and Spectators and all Concerned in it must Satisfye any one that a Soldiers Life is by no means undervalued, but that they have as fair Opportunitys of defence as any other Subjects. It has been observed to you Gentlemen that the Evidence against the Prisoners has been for a long time past published and put into all your hands, and the Supposed inconveniencys which the Prisoners labour under on that Account have been Displayed with a vehemence of Expression; for my part I am really at a Loss to determine.\n The Truth whole of the Facts is this. Immediately after the Unhappy Homicide it was very naturally considered as attended with such Circumstances as would engage the Attention of Authority in Great Britain and as it was well known that Representations were making and Dispatches about to be sent respecting the Matter it was thought necessary to collect and send such Evidence as was feared would be omitted that so we might not Suffer in Our Conduct for want of it; the Copys of those Depositions were here Sacredly Concealed, nor would the Contents of them have got Abroad but that Copys printed on the other side the Water came over here and being free from the Controul of the Town were reprinted and for what I know in some means dispersed before the Tryal came on.\n But I am really at a loss to determine whether this unexpected and undesigned Event has tended more to the Advantage or disadvantage, of the Prisoners, for it is notorious that by means of it they have known the Strength of the Evidence against them, and had time to prepare to encounter it which is manifest by the Rout Route taken in their Defence they have endeavoured, while the Council for the Crown with all their supposed assistance having neither seen nor heard of the witnesses Evidence to be produced in favour of the Prisoners, were surprised with a great part of it and had not the same Opportunity to prepare Evidence to oppose it which perhaps they might have found; but to what purpose is it to exclaim against the hard fate of the Prisoners on account of that Publication or any supposed Rancour against them when you Gentlemen know you are not prejudiced in the Cause nor have formed any Judgment respecting it, as you have declared on your Oaths and when nothing has been or can be objected to the credibility of Witnesses for the Crown and when nothing Appears of Partiality in the manner or matter of their Testimony; but even many Matters are testified by them of which the Council for the Prisoners avail themselves in the Defence and which never could have escaped any person whose mind was so unduly agitated with Passion as has been Complaind of.\n Relying upon it therefore Gentlemen that as on the one hand you have Concieved none of those Prejudices compl against the Prisoners Complained of so on the other hand you will not Suffer your Selves to be amused with a Supposition of facts which do not Exist nor with Representations and Arguments which have no foundation; I shall endeavour to address my self to your Cool and Candid Reason and in the breifest manner I am able consider the Evidence that has been Offered in their Defence, the Arguments and Law that have been applied to it, and then observing on the Evidence against the Prisoners and the Law operating thereon, I shall rest the Matter with you.\n In the first place, Gentlemen, you percieve that a very considerable part of the Evidence produced by the Prisoners is designed to prove to you that on the Evning of the 5th of March the Town was in a genral Commotion that vast Numbers of People were seen coming from all parts of the Town Armed with Clubbs and Sticks of various Sizes and some with Guns and that they Assembled at and Near King Street that Fire was cryed and the Bells rung in Order to encrease the Collection and from all this you may be induced to believe that there was a genral design in a great Number of the Inhabitants to Attack the Soldiers, that it was the Inhabitants who began the disorders of the Evning and that all the Misfortunes of it was the Effect of their disorderly Conduct. But Gentlemen if we recollect the Evidence we shall find that previous to all this Collection a Number of Soldiers had come out of their Barracks Armed with Clubbs Bayonets Cutlasses Tongs and Instruments of divers kind and in the most disorderly and outrageous manner were ravaging the Streets Assaulting every one they met and even turning out of their way to Assault and endanger the Lives of some of the most peaceable Inhabitants who were standing at their own Doors and who did nor said any thing to them. For the Truth of this Consider the Testimony of Mr. Appleton, Kneeland and Thayer and even vented their inhumanity on a little Boy of 12 years old. That they some of them were conspiring to Blow up Liberty Tree in the manner as had been done at N. York the account of which had then just come among us, and the Plan they were laying for doing it as appears by the Testimony of Mr. Cox. Consider also the Testimony we have from Col. Marshall, Bailey, Crookshanks, Mr. B. Davis and others who declare the outrageous appearance, Behaviour and threatnings of the Soldiers at other times and places that Evning. Consider also the Testimony of those who give an account of the Affray at Murrays Barracks where by the Testimony of Mr. Archibald 18 or 20 Soldiers had rushed out with Cutlasses Tongs &c. attacking all that came in their way struck him and another Person and cut an Oysterman on the Sholdier of whose Testimony we are deprived by reason of his Abscence. I mention this Testimony of Mr. Archibald as also that of Mr. Bass the more particularly as in all probability it was the begining of that affair at those Barracks of which so much has been said. Consider also the Testimony of Mr. Wilkenson and Helyer to the Behaviour of the Soldiers and Inhabitants at that place and it will represent to you the true Light in which that Affair ought to be viewed.\n The Inhabitants had for a Long while been fully sensible of the ill disposition and Abusive Behaviour of many of the Soldiers towards them and the most peaceable among us had thought found it necessary to arm themselves with heavy Walking Sticks or Weapons of Defence when they went abroad. This Occasioned that appearance of Sticks in almost every ones hand which has been testified and which in fact was little more than might have been seen on any other night.\n In order to draw this affair to one point of view you will consider the Account given you of the affray at the Ropewalks at 4 or 5 different times some few days before in some one or other of which Warren, Kilroy and Carrol three of the Prisoners at the Barr were present. From Mr. Ferriters Testimony it is clear that Affray began first by the abuse of i.e. from the Soldier and that previous to the unseemly Answer given by one of the Workmen. From this Testimony the Testimony of James Bayley and also of Col. Hill a Majestrate of the County (as when they struck after he had told em he was) we have such an Account of the Riotous barbarous ungoverned and ungovernable Behaviour of those Soldiers as must necessarily fill the minds of the Inhabitants with very alarming Prospects which when added to the Behaviour of the Soldiers on the unhappy Evning must naturally give rise to all that appearance.\n There can be no doubt but that the Collection of people that were seen that night was occasioned by many different Causes. It evidently appears it was a bright moon light Evning the pleasantness of which increasd by a new fall\u2019n Snow many persons to be walking the Streets, and some of them these hearing of the outrages of the Soldiers stop\u2019d to see and enquire of the matter and some of them might join with those who were abused and make preparation to defend them\u00adselves. Such were those who being abused by the Soldiers at Murrays Barracks ran down to Dock Square and began to pull the Leggs out of the Butchers Stalls as is testified by Bass and is doubtless the same Appearance Testified by Hewes and some other of their Witnesses. Great Numbers were brought by the ringing of the Bells and cry of Fire which cry by Coll. Marshalls Account was repeated by the Soldiers as well as some of the Inhabitants. Upon this Numbers came out of their Houses from all parts with Bucketts and Baggs as is usual in case of Fire and many Witnesses testify of a Number of Fire Engines that were drawn out on the Occasion of these. Great Numbers went away. Some few tarried to see the End of those disorders of which they had had such repeated accounts.\n The Account given by Mr. William Hunter, Michelson, Selkrig and Bowman all relate to the same Collection of People in Dock Square which they observed from Mr. Hunters Balcony. Mr. Bowman\u2019s Account is that as the Bells rung the People collected and asked where the fire was. The Accounts given by Dr. Hirons, Capt. Goldfinch, Dr. Jeffrys and Thos. Simmons appear evidently to have been the Consequence of the Soldiers rushing out in the manner before described and however little it can be justified yet who can say that any thing better could be expected when they found they could not walk their Streets in peace without danger of assasination. But how doth all this prove the grand point for which it must have been produced vizt. that there was a combination among the Inhabitants to attack the Soldiery; Does the threatning Rude and indecent Speeches of which so much pains has been taken to give you Evidence prove any thing like this? Is it to be wondered at that among a Number of people collected on such an Occasion there should be some who should rashly and without design express themselves in such a manner and must the disposition and intention of the whole be collected from such Expressions heard only by a few.\n Was it Lawful for the Inhabitants of Boston to be in walk the Streets that Evning and with Sticks? Was it Lawful for them to run on the Cry of Fire? Was it lawful for them to stop to enquire into any disturbance that had hapned, and while they were thus walking running or enquiring must they be Answerable for the rude Speech of every person that happens to be near them, when it does not appear they assented to them or joined in putting them in Execution? How many Sailors and foreigners of the lower Class may we well suppose there is in so populous a Sea Port who are fond of mingling with such Commotions and pushing on a disorder of which they feel not the Consequence. In all this Gentlemen I go upon the Supposition that the Witnesses who have testified of these threatning Speaches are not mistaken or omitted some Circumstance that might alter the force of them; and how far there is a possibility of that you will judge when you consider the great Confusion they give an account of Concomitant there with; to me Gentlemen it seems clearly that if those Speaches were made in the manner that has been testified, however rude and indiscreet yet they are rather to be resolved into that frenzy of undisciplined Resentment and those frantick transports of Passion which naturally take place among a free People Oppressed and galled with the ravagings of an ungoverned Soldiery, than to be construed as Evidence of an Insurrection or a design to put in Execution the Supposed threats; And really when we trace the Evidence to the End of the affair we dont find an attempt to put them in Execution.\n What Attack was made or pretended to be made on the Main Guard? What Consider the Evidence respecting the people who ran up Cornhill, and there Number quality and arms were such as must render the Supposition of such an attempt the Subject of Ridicule rather than Serious Argument. Of the 200 Collected in Dock Square as testified by the Gentlemen in the Balcony, who Huzza\u2019d for the Main Guard and ran several ways to King Street together with the large Company from Murray\u2019s Barracks some of whom ran toward the Town House as testified by others, we find but a very few that ever got into K.S.; for by the best Account we dont find above 70 or 80 there some very Credible Witnesses of good Judgment say 50 or 60 and some say about 100 and as many Boys as men, and of these it is evident clear from the Current of the Evidence that many Came from else where and but a small proportion had Sticks; So that either the Gentlemen who have testified concerning the Number in Dock Square and at Murray Barracks must either be mistaken as to their Number which is no Reflection on them to Suppose or else but a small part of them must have gone into K. Street.\n Let us now enquire whether those few of them who did arrive in K.S. or any Body else made an attack on the Soldiery there. For this Gentlemen is the purpose of all this Evidence, the Prisoners would have you believe that a Number of Men Armed with Clubs rush\u2019d down into K.S. first assaulted their Centry there and then surrounded and assaulted them when they came to relieve and Support him and endangered their Lives in such a manner as that they were obliged to fire on them for their own preservation or else to what purpose has so much time been spent in producing this Evidence. It was designed undoubtedly to give Such a Coloring to the Appearance and behaviour of the people in K.S. as may render them a riotous and unlawful assembly and the proper objects of Fear and resentment to the Party.\n Let us now draw the matter closer home and see how it will turn out. It appears from the Evidence of many the K.S. at 9 oClock was clear of People and free from disturbance, till the Centry White that Prisner at the Barr, took upon him to Strike a Boy for Speaking saucily of a Capt. The Complaints of the Boy engaged the Attention of the People hereabouts as the Abuses offered elsewhere had engaged others. Many are the Witnesses who give some Account of the supposed Attacks on the Centry thereon and very different are these accounts of it; Some tell you it was only a few Boys that they threw Snow Balls at him but none hit him and some of the most intelligeable persons agree in this. Some say that he called for the Main Guard. Others as likely to have heard nothing of it and several of the Witnesses tell you that the Affair seemd subsiding and that they should have gone away if the Party had not come down. Some of the Witnesses tell you there was not above 12 People by the Centry when the Party came down, but the people who were collected by the ringing of on the Supposition of Fire and who were standing in Knots as some of the Witnesses gathered round tell came when the Party came.\n The Evidence must Satisfye you that the people who Composed this Collection were of various kinds and various were their designs of coming. Number Some of them were people of fair Characters and peaceable dispositions and who mingled with the rest to use their Endeavours to prevent any Mischiefs which many Witnesses tell you they saw nothing of the violent Abuses offered to the Soldiers testified of by others nor heard the Threats and loud Hallowings testified of by others. Some of this Collection were Boys and Negros drawn there by the Curiosity peculiar to their disposition, and without doubt might throw some Snow Balls, and its quite natural to believe from the Evidence and the Nature of the thing that there were some there armed with Sticks and Clubbs determin\u2019d if the Soldiers abused them in the manner they had done the Inhabitants that Evning and at times before to try the weight of them and had repaired into K.S. on a Supposition that those Soldiers who had began the disorder of the Evening at a time when they ought to have been in their Barracks were con\u00adtinuing their disorders there, (for it appears about the time of the attack on the Centry several partys of Soldiers were seen in K.S. armed with clubbs Cutlasses &c.;) and that they had not the least design or Idea of Attacking a Party on duty. And many other peaceable people gathered there meerly to see what was going on.\n Can any person living from the history of this Affair as it turns up in Evidence Suppose these persons were such dangerous rioters as to bring them within those Rules of Law which have been read to you that it is lawful to kill them; Shall the innocent and peaceable who by meer Casualty are mixt with some of the ruder Sort be liable to be Shot down by a Party of Soldiers meerly because they please to call \u2019em dangerous Rioters? Tis the Action Generally and not a few Angry tho threatning Expressions that constitutes any Riot and the Agreement of the whole Body that makes \u2019em Partys. This appears from some of the Authoritys read.\n Great pains has been taken to satisfye you that this Collection of People actually attacked assaulted and endangered the lives of the Party. Great numbers have testified concerning this affair and their accounts of the matter are very various. Numbers of the most impartial and Judicious and who stood in the best Scituation of observation saw nothing of such Transactions as are testified by others which one would think could not escape there notice. The Showers of Snow Balls, Oyster Shells and multitude of Sticks. The frequent and loud Huzzaing and threatning Crys which some relate were in some measure and in some instances totally unobserved by a very great Number of the best Witnesses many of whom were produced by the Prisoners and whose Credibility, Judgment and Scituation was equally good as those who relate it. But say their Council Shall negative Evidence out Weigh Positive? Undoubtedly in some cases it may Satisfy the mind and in others it may raise a doubt. In this Case the fact asserted is of such a Nature as must be very much affected by negative Evidence; is it possible to conceive that such facts should exist as have been asserted and escape the notice of such so great Numbers of such Witnesses? If the facts did exist it must have only been in such a degree, as only to be observed accidently by a few and not in such a manner as to engage the notice of the whole; but great relyance is placed on the dying Speech of Carr one of the deceased as testified by Dr. Jeffrys; to me Gentlemen it seems unaccountable that any Stress should be laid on this Evidence, Carr it seems was for taking a Sword when he went out; whether to fight for or against the Soldiers is very uncertain, by his Country and behaviour, one would think the latter for he never joined with the people nor went within six Rods of them, had been there but a very Short Space of time and was going from them When he was Shot, and I cant concieve why his Judgment of the matter whose Character and disposition we know not, without the obligation of an Oath and so scituated tho a dying Man should weigh more than the Testimony of Numbers of Judicious reputable Witnesses who were in the midst of it and told you they saw nothing that should occasion them to fire and wondered at the reason of it, and thot if they had Suspected any such thing they should have gone away and when they were so Scituated as to be in danger themselves and one of them had his Surtot Scorched and much more to the same purpose. But it is insisted on that Montgomery was knock\u2019d down previous to the firing; that when you recollect the Account given by Fosdick and Danbrook, and of Mr. Palmes a Witness on the same Side you will at least doubt the time of it and conclude it to be the same transaction he testifys of when he and many others say he could not be without their seeing it.\n No one will pretend to deny the Numerous Authority produced in the Case. The grand Question is whether they apply to the Evidence and in order to do this let us recapitulate the Argument. It is proved to you Gentlemen that all the Prisoners at the Bar were present in K.S. at the firing. It appears by the current of the testimony that 7 Guns were fired, and it appears pretty certain that Wemys, the Corporal was the one who did not fire. It is certain that five men were killed by the firing of which Montgomery killed Attucks and Kilroy killed Grey.\n But which of the other 5 prisoners killed the other 3 of the deceased appears very uncertain. But this operates nothing in their favour if it appears to you that they were an unlawful Assembly for it has been abundantly proved to you by the Numerous Authoritys produced by the Council for the Prisoners, that every individual of an Unlawful Assembly is answerable for the doings of the rest. They are all considered as Principals, and all that are present aiding assisting and abetting to the doing an unlawful act as is charged in the Several Indictments against the Prisoners are also considered as Principals. The Council aware of this have endeavoured to make it appear they were a lawful Assembly that the Centry was duly Stationed at the Custom House and that the Party had a right and actually did come to Support him and so were a lawful Assembly. But it must be remembered that no Man or body of Men have a right to do a lawful Action in an unlawful Manner if they do they become an unlawful Assembly. You recollect the Evidence of the forcible Manner of their going down pushing all those who stood in their way and of their Behaviour at their first arrival pushing their Bayonets at several people standing peacably there, and even tho they were Lawfully assembled when they got there yet the moment they turned their Arms on the People without just Cause they became an Unlawful Assembly in such a sense as that all are answerable for the doings of any one. The Kings Troops have undoubtedly a right to march thro\u2019 the Streets and as such are a Lawful Assembly. But if in such marching without just Cause they fire on the Inhabitants and but one man is kill\u2019d they Surely are all answerable tho it cant be proved who did the Execution. What better is this Case. If there was a just Cause for firing they will be acquitted on that plea and there will be no Occasion to determine the legality of their Assembling. If there was no just Cause of firing how will you excuse them all of the Guilt tho it is not proved who were the actual perpetrators. When you recollect further, the Account given you by many Witnesses, that on firing the first Gun the people dispersed and were in a Manner withdrawn to a distance at the firing the last Guns that the last Gun was fired at a Boy at a distance running down Street; that they presented their firelocks again at the few people who came with the Chirugeon to pick up the Dead it appears to me you must be Satisfy\u2019d they were possessed of that Wicked depraved malignant Spirit which constitutes Malice, that from the whole Evidence taken together no just Cause appears for such outrageous Conduct and therefore that they must be considered as aiding and assisting each other in this unlawful Act which the lawfulness of their Assembling will not excuse; can it ever be supposed that the Law even the Benignity of the Law which is very necessarily here called in to their Aid will admit of so pitiful evasion as this. Will not the reason of the Law impute Guilt to all of them tho at first lawfully assembled seeing they joined in doing an unlawful Action and so that Gentlemen the final Result of the whole matter must turn on a mere question of facts.\n It has been shewn you Gentlemen that all killing at the first blush is Murder in the Eye of the Law and that the Prisoner must make out the facts which he relys on for his Justification Excuse or Alleviation: unless they appear from the Witnesses who testify of the killing.\n Does there appear Sufficient Evidence to justify or excuse the killing in Order for which it must appear to be done to prevent the Commission of a known felony. Black. Com. 4th. p. 181. It seems Montgomery was not knock\u2019d down if at all till he pushed with his Bayonet and the Blow was not followed. Had the people intended any more than to resent the insolence of the Party who were pushing and wounding them they certainly would have Executed their design on the discharge of the Guns. But nothing of that kind appears. The plea of Self Defence which is made for them must inevitably fail unless you can be Satisfied there was no other possible way of Saving their Lives but by firing killing. Fost. 278. 1 HPC. No one who recollects that till the firing the 1st Gun Capt. Preston Stood talking with a Witness can believe this to be the Case and if so it was an unlawful act to kill, and as they were all combined in the firing they are all answerable.\n Neither Gentlemen doth it seem by taking the Evidence all together it will alleviate their Crime to Man Slaughter, Shall throwing a Snow Ball from a Distance alleviate the Crime of firing Ball amidst a Number of people who at first stood so thick they could not throw and as the Witnesses some that they most rely on tell you were crouding back? Shall this be likened to the filliping a man on the Forehead as has been read to you? Is it not manifest that in that Case the very Assailant was killed, but here it appears that none of the persons killed were assailants. Attacks 15 feet off leaning on his Stick, Gray 12 feet off with his hand in his Bosom, and the other three just run into the Street and scarce knew of the Affair before they were shot down. Tis to human Frailty and that only and not to such Brutal Rage and Diabolical Malignity as must have impelled the Prisners to fire as they did; if there was provocation enough to have provoked a Cholerick Man\n Indeed if you believe that Montgomery was knock\u2019d down in the manner Testified asserted his Crime I acknowledge can amount no higher than Manslaughter; but what Evidence is there that any of the rest recieving such a provocation before firing as will alleviate their Crime. The left wing of the Party was uncovered by the People, the Croud was chiefly at the Right. Andrew indeed supposes Kilroy was struck but when we consider he looked about and saw Attucks fall he must have Confounded this fact as in my Opinion he has many others. The Witness who testifys of Kilroys killing Grey puts it beyond dispute that he shot him deliberately and after Caution not to fire and the Witness must have seen the blow if he had received any. When you consider the Evidence against Kilroy, his previous threatning and that repeatedly after admonition you must unavoidably I think and the express Evidence of killing Gray and the manner of it I think you must unavoidably find him Guilty of murder. What your Judgment should think of the rest tho the Evidence is undoubtedly the fullest against him, yet it full enough against the rest.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0018", "content": "Title: Adjournment: 4\u20135 December 1770\nFrom: UNKNOWN\nTo: \n TUESDAY 4 December, half past FIVE o\u2019Clock, p.m. (Mr. Paine not having gone through his argument) the Court adjourned to Wednesday morning, Eight o\u2019Clock.\n WEDNESDAY morning 5 December, Eight o\u2019Clock, the court met according to Adjournment, when Mr. Paine finished closing, and the Court proceeded to sum up the cause to the Jury.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0019", "content": "Title: Trowbridge\u2019s and Oliver\u2019s Charges to the Jury: 5 December 1770\nFrom: Trowbridge, Edmund,Oliver, Peter\nTo: \n Justice Trowbridge\n Gentlemen of the Jury,\n William Wemms, James Hartegan, William McCauley, Hugh White, Matthew Killroy, William Warren, John Carrol and Hugh Montgomery, prisoners at the bar, are charged by the Grand Jurors for the body of this county, with having feloniously and of their malice aforethought, shot and thereby killed and murdered Samuel Maverick, Samuel Gray, James Caldwell, Patrick Carr, and Crispus Attucks, against the peace, crown and dignity of our Sovereign Lord the King; altho\u2019 it is laid in each indictment that some one of the prisoners in particular gave the mortal wound, yet as all the rest of them are charged with being present aiding and abetting him to do it, they are all charged as principals in the murder; and therefore, if upon consideration of the evidence given in this case, it should appear to you that all the prisoners gave the mortal wound, or that any one of them did it, and that the rest were present aiding and abetting him to do it, the indictment will be well maintained against all the prisoners, so far as respects the killing, because in such case, the stroke of one is, in consideration of law, the stroke of all. And as the crime whereof the prisoners are accused is of such a nature as that it might have been committed by any one of them, though the indictments purport a joint charge, yet the law looks on the charge as several against each of the prisoners. To this charge they have severally pleaded Not Guilty, and thereby thrown the burden of proof upon the crown. Considering how much time has already been taken up in this case, and the multiplicity of evidence that has been given in it, I shall not spend any time in recapitulating what each witness has testified, especially as your Foreman has taken it in writing from the mouths of the witnesses, but shall endeavour to point out the manner in which the various testimonies are to be considered, and how the evidence given is to be applied, still leaving it with you to determine how far that which has been testified by each witness is to be believed. But before I do this, it may not be improper, considering what has in the course of this year been advanced, published, and industriously propagated among the people, to observe to you that none of the indictments against the prisoners are founded on the act of this province, or the law given to the Jews, but that, all of them are indictments at common law. The prisoners are charged with having offended against the common law, and that only; by that law therefore they are to be judged, and by that law condemned, or else they must be acquitted. This seems to make it highly proper for me to say something to you upon the common law, upon homicide and the several kinds and degrees of it, and the rules for trial of homicide as settled and established by the common law. The laws of England are of two kinds, the unwritten or common law, and the written or statute law. The general customs or immemorial usage of the English nation, is properly the common law. And the evidence thereof are the Records of the several Courts of Justice, the Books of Reports and Judicial Decisions, and the Treatises of the Sages of the Law, handed down to us from the times of the highest antiquity. The common law is the law by which the proceedings and determinations in the King\u2019s ordinary Courts of Justice, are guided and directed. This law is the birth right of every Englishman. The first settlers of this country brought it from England with them. It was in force here when the act of this province against murder was made. Murder here was then felony by common law, and excluded Clergy by, 23 H. 8. c. 1. and 1. Edw. 6. c. 12. So that, that province act, created no new felony. It was in affirmance of the common law. If murder by that act had been made a new felony, a murderer would now be intituled to the benefit of clergy by force of 25. E. 3. c. 4. because it is not taken away by that province act or any other made since. Homicide is of three kinds, justifiable, excusable, and felonious. The first has no share of guilt at all\u2014the second very little, but the third is the highest crime against the law of nature. There are also degrees of guilt in felonious homicide, which divide the offence into manslaughter and murder. I shall give some instances under each head, proper to be considered in this case, and known at this day. And first of justifiable homicide. Killing him who attempts to rob or murder me, to break open my dwelling-house in the night, or to burn it, or by force to commit any other felony on me, my wife, child, servant, friend, or even a stranger, if it cannot otherwise be prevented, is justifiable. By common law it was, and still is, the duty of peace officers, such as Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Under-sheriffs, and Constables, to suppress riots, routs, and unlawful assemblies. The Stat. 13. H. 4. c. 8. subjected Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, and Under-sheriffs to the penalty of \u00a3100, if they neglected their duty therein. And as the common law obliges the peace officers to suppress riots, &c. so it empowers them to raise a sufficient force to enable them to do it. A Justice of the Peace, Sheriff, or Under-sheriff may raise the power of the county, and the Constable of a town, the people of that town, to aid and assist him in suppressing a riot and apprehending the rioters, and if they stand in their defence, resist the officer, and continue their riotous proceeding in pulling down a house, assaulting and beating, or abusing any person or persons, such rioters may lawfully be killed, if they cannot otherwise be prevented. It is the duty of all persons (except women, decrepid persons, and infants under fifteen,) to aid and assist the peace officers to suppress riots, &c. when called upon to do it. They may take with them such weapons as are necessary to enable them effectually to do it, and may justify the beating, wounding, and even killing, such rioters as resist, or refuse to surrender; if the riot cannot otherwise be suppressed, or the rioters apprehended. So in case of a sudden affray, if a private person interposing to part the combatants, and giving notice of his friendly de\u00adsign, is assaulted by them, or either of them, and in the struggle happens to kill, he may justify it, because it is the duty of every man to interpose in such cases to preserve the public peace. A fortiori private persons may interpose to suppress a riot.\n Homicide excuseable in self-defence is where one engaged in a sudden affray, quits the combat before a mortal wound given, retreats as far as he safely can, and then urged by meer necessity, kills his adversary in the defence of his own life. This differs from justifiable self-defence, because he was to blame for engaging in the affray, and therefore must retreat as far as he can safely; whereas in the other case aforementioned neither the peace officers, nor his assistants, nor the private person, is obliged to retreat, but may stand and repel force by force.\n Manslaughter is the unlawful killing another without malice express or implied: As voluntarily upon a sudden heat, or involuntarily in doing an unlawful act. Manslaughter on a sudden provocation, differs from excusable homicide in self-defence, in this; that in one case there is an apparent necessity for self-preservation to kill the aggressor, in the other there is no necessity at all, it being a sudden act of revenge. As where one is taken in the act of adultry, and instantly killed by the husband in the first transport of passion. So if one, on angry words, assaults another by wringing his nose, and he thereupon immediately draws his sword and kills the assailant, it is but Manslaughter, because the peace is broken, with an indignity to him that received the assault, and he being so affronted, might reasonably apprehend the other had some further design on him. Where one happens to kill another in a contention for the wall, it is but manslaughter. So where H and A came into Buckner\u2019s lodging, A takes down a sword in the scabbard that hung there, stood at the chamber door with the sword undrawn, to prevent Buckner from going out before they could bring a Bailiff to arrest him for a debt he owed H; and upon some discourse between Buckner and H, Buckner takes a dagger out of his pocket, stabs and kills H with it. This was adjudged only manslaughter at common law, and not to come within the statute of 1. Ja 1. against stabbing, because Buckner was unlawfully imprisoned. So where an officer abruptly and violently pushed into a gentleman\u2019s chamber, early in the morning to arrest him, without telling him his business, or using words of arrest, and the gentleman not knowing him to be an officer, in his first surprise, took down a sword and stabbed him. This also was ruled to be but manslaughter at common law, because the gentleman might reasonably conclude from the officer\u2019s behaviour, that he came to rob or murder him. So where Marshal and some other Bailiffs, came to Cook\u2019s dwelling house about eight o\u2019clock in the morning, called upon him to open his doors and let them enter, because they had a warrant, on such and such writs, at the suit of such persons, to arrest him, and required him to obey them, but he told them they should not enter, and bid them depart, and thereupon they broke a window, and then came to the door of the house, and in attempting to force it open, broke one of the hinges, whereupon Cook shot Marshal and killed him; it was adjudged not to be murder, because though Marshal was an officer, yet he was not in the due execution of his office, but was doing an unlawful act in attempting to break open the house to execute such a civil process; and every one has a right to defend his house in such cases; but to be man-slaughter, because Cook saw Marshal, knew him, shot and killed him voluntarily, when he might have resisted him without killing him. Though no words of reproach, nor actions, or gestures expressive of reproach or contempt, without an assault, will by common law free the party killing from the guilt of murder, yet words, of menace of bodily harm, may amount to such a provocation, as to make the offence to be but manslaughter.\n If these determinations appear new and extraordinary to you, it is not to be wondered at, considering the doctrines that of late have been advanced and propagated among you. In the course of this year you doubtless have heard much of the law given to the Jews, respecting homicide, as well as of the precept given to Noah, that \u201cWhoso shedeth man\u2019s blood, by man shall his blood be shed.\u201d Whence it has been inferred, that whoever voluntarily kills another, whatever the inducement, or provocation may be, is a murderer, and as such ought to be put to death. But surely not only the avenger of blood, and he who killed a thief breaking up an house in the night, were exceptions to that general precept, but also he who killed another in his own defence. Even the Jewish Doctors allowed this and that justly; because the right of self-defence is founded in the law of nature. The Jews indeed, supposed their law equally subjected to death, him who killed another, whether of malice aforethought, or on a sudden falling out: but it seems the early Christian divines did not, for the Clergy in the reign of Canute, the beginning of the eleventh century, so construed the Mosaical law as to deem him a murderer, who in time past had conceived hatred against his neighbour and lain in wait for him and killed him, and him guilty of manslaughter only who killed another on sudden provocation; and it is ordained by one of the laws of this Canute, that if any person shall with premeditation kill another he shall be openly delivered up to the kindred of the slain, but if the killing be not with premeditation the Bishop shall take cognizance of it. And as homicides have since happened, and been tried in the King\u2019s Courts, the Judges have from time to time, determined them to be either justifiable, excusable, or felonious: and if felonious, to be murder or manslaughter, according to the particular circumstances that attended the killing.\n These determinations of the King\u2019s Courts, for so many ages past, shew, not only what the common law in cases of this kind is, but that these rules of the common law, are the result of the wisdom and experience of many ages. However it is not material in the present case, whether the common law is agreeable to, or variant from, the law given to the Jews, because it is certain, the prisoners are not in this Court to be tried by that law, but by the common law, that is according to the settled and established rules, and antient customs of the nation, approved for successions of ages.\n Murder, by the common law, is the unlawful killing a reasonable creature, under the King\u2019s peace, of malice aforethought, by a person of sound mind and discretion. Malice is the grand criterion that distinguishes murder from all other homicide. Malice aforethought, is not confined to an old grudge, or fixed, settled anger against a particular person, but it extends to a disposition to do evil. It is the dictate of a wicked, depraved, and malignant spirit. As when one with a sedate, deliberate mind, and formed design kills another. Not where the killing is owing to a sudden transport of passion, occasioned by any considerable provocation. For the law pays such regard to human frailty, as not to put an hasty act, and a deliberate one, upon the same footing with regard to guilt. In the case of duelling, when two, upon a sudden quarrel, instantly draw their swords and fight, and one kills the other, it is manslaughter; but if on such a quarrel in the morning, they agree to fight in the afternoon, or so long after as that there is sufficient time for the blood to cool, the passions to subside, and reason to interpose, and they meet and fight accordingly, if one kills the other, it is murder. So if a man resolves to kill the next man he meets, and does it, it is murder, although he knew him not, for this shews the malignity of his heart, and his universal malice. So where one maliciously strikes or shoots at another, but misses him and kills a third person, whom he did not intend to hurt, it is nevertheless murder, because he is answerable for all the consequences of his malicious act; but if the blow intended against A, and lighting on B, arose from a sudden transport of passion, which in case A had died by it, would have reduced the offence to manslaughter, the fact will admit of the same alleviation if B should happen to fall by it. If two or more come together to do an unlawful act against the King\u2019s peace, of which the probable consequence might be bloodshed, as to beat a man, or commit a riot, and in the prosecution of that design, one of them kills a man, it is murder in them all. So where one kills another wilfully without a considerable provocation, it is murder, because no one unless of an abandoned heart, would be guilty of such an act upon a slight or no apparent cause. So if one kills an officer of justice, either civil or criminal, in the execution of his duty, or any of his assistants endeavouring to conserve the peace, or any private person endeavouring to suppress an affray, or apprehend a felon, knowing his authority, or the intention with which he interposes, it is murder. As to the rules settled and established by common law, for the trial of homicide, it is observable, That no person can by common law, be held to answer for any kind of homicide, at the suit of the King only, unless he be first accused thereof by a Jury of the county where the fact was done. That he who is so accused, may on the plea of Not Guilty, not only put the council for the King upon the proof of the fact, but when it is proved, may give any special matter in evidence to justify or excuse it, or to alleviate the offence. That the facts are to be settled by another Jury of the same county, who are supposed to be best knowing of the witnesses and their credibility, and their verdict must be founded on the evidence given them in Court. That if any of the jurors are knowing of the facts, they ought to inform the Court of it, be sworn as witnesses, and give their testimonies in Court, to the end it may be legal evidence to their fellows, and the Court may know on what evidence the Jury\u2019s verdict is founded. That the Court are to determine the law arising on the facts, because they are supposed to know it. That the Jury, under the direction of the Court in point of law, matters of fact being still left to them, may give a general verdict conformable to such direction; but in cases of doubt, and real difficulty, the Jury ought to state the facts and circumstances in a special verdict, that the Court upon farther consideration thereof, may determine what the law is thereon. That although malice is to be collected from all circumstances, yet the Court, and not the Jury, are the proper Judges thereof; as also, if the quarrel was sudden, whether there was time for the passions to cool, or whether the act was deliberate or not. The Judge ought to recommend to the Jury to find the facts specially, or direct them hypothetically, as\u2014if you believe such and such witnesses, who have sworn so and so, the killing was malicious, and then you ought to find the prisoners guilty of murder; but if you do not believe these witnesses, then you ought to find them guilty of manslaughter only. And according to the nature of the case, if you on the evidence given, believe the facts to be so, then the act was deliberate, or if you believe them to be so, then it was not deliberate, and according as you believe, so you ought to find one or the other.\n To what has been said under this head I must add, that in the trial of this case, both the Court and Jury are as much obliged to observe these rules, as a Court and Jury in England would be in the trial of a like case there; the law in these respects is the same here, as there. A Juror\u2019s oath in this case is also the same here as there. Therefore as by law, you are to settle the facts in this case, upon the evidence given you in Court: you must be sensible, that in doing it, you ought not to have any manner of regard to what you may have read or heard of the case out of Court. And as it is the proper business of the Court, to determine the law arising upon the facts, you must also be sensible, that you are to take the law from the Court, and not collect it from what has been said by people out of Court, or published in the newspapers, or delivered from the pulpits.\n Having premised these things, I shall observe to you, the several questions that arise in this case; and point out to you the manner in which I think they may be best considered and determined.\n The principal questions are these, viz.\n I. Whether the five persons said to be murdered, were in fact killed? And if so.\n II. Whether they, or either of them were killed by the prisoners, or either of them? And if they were, then\n III. Whether such killing was justifiable, excusable, or felonious? And if the latter.\n IV. Whether it was manslaughter or murder?\n As to the first, you have not only the coroner\u2019s inquest, but the testimony of so many witnesses, that the five persons were shot and thereby mortally wounded in the night of the 5th of March last, and that some of them died instantly, and the rest in a few days after, that you doubtless will be satisfied they were all killed. And the same evidence must I think, also convince you, that they were all killed by the party of soldiers that were at the Custom-house that night, or by some of them.\n Whether the prisoners were there, will therefore be your next enquiry; for if either of them was not, he must be acquitted. You have the testimony of Bridgham and Simpson as to Wemms; of Danbrooke and Simpson as to Hartegan; of Austin as to McCauley; of Simpson, Langford, Bailey and Clark as to White; of Archibald, Lang-ford and Brewer as to Killroy; of Dodge and Simpson as to Warren; and of Bailey, Bass, Palmes, Danbrooke and Wilkinson as to Montgomery\u2019s being at the Custom house that night, and of the party of soldiers that was there; and this is not contested with any opposite proof. The law doth not in this case make the testimony of two witnesses necessary for the Jury to settle a fact upon: If one swears it, and upon his testimony you believe it, that is sufficient evidence for you to find the fact. But if you are satisfied upon the evidence, that all the prisoners were there, yet, as each prisoner is severally charged with having killed these five persons, and by his plea has denied the charge, you must be fully satisfied upon the evidence given you, with regard to each prisoner, that he in particular, did in fact, or in consideration of law, kill one or more of these persons that were slain, or he must be acquitted.\n The way therefore to determine this, will be for you to name some one of the prisoners, and then consider, whether it appears upon the evidence in the case, that he did in fact kill Maverick? And then, whether upon the evidence it appears, he in fact killed Gray? And so enquire in the same manner, whether he did in fact kill either of the other three persons? And having noted how it appears upon the evidence with regard to him; you must then proceed in like manner with each of the other prisoners; and if upon a full consideration of the evidence in the case, you should be in doubt, as to any one of the prisoners having in fact killed either of the persons that were slain, you must consider whether he did it in consideration of law? Now all that are present, aiding and abetting one person in killing another, do, in judgment of law, kill him. The stroke of one is, in consideration of law, the stroke of all. When a number of persons assemble together to do an unlawful act, and in prosecution of that design, one of them kills a man, all the rest of the company are in law considered as abetting him to do it.\n You must therefore enquire how, and for what purpose, the prisoners came together at the Custom house, and what they did there before these persons were killed.\n The Council for the prisoners say, that, if they were at the Custom house that night, they went there by order of the Captain of the Main guard, to support and protect the Sentry, who was insulted, assaulted and abused by a considerable number of people, assembled for that purpose; but as this is denied by the Council for the Crown, it will be proper to consider whether, a Sentry was duly placed at the Custom-house? And if so, whether he was attacked? And if so, whether the prisoners went by order of the Captain to support and protect him?\n That a Sentry was in fact then placed at the Custom-house, by order of Colonel Dalrymple, the Commanding Officer, as also that one had been placed there for a long time before, is testified by Capts. O\u2019Hara and Mason, and indeed the right to place Sentries, (it being in time of peace) is the only thing that has been questioned. Upon this, therefore I would observe, that as the main design of society, is the protection of individuals by the united strength of the whole community; so for the sake of unanimity, strength and dispatch, the supreme executive power is by the British constitution vested in a single person, the King. This single person has the sole power of raising fleets or armies; and the Statute of 13 Car. 2 c. 6. declares, That \u201cwithin all his Majesty\u2019s realms and dominions, the sole supreme government, command and disposition of the militia, and of all forces by sea and land, and all forts and places of strength is, and by the law of England ever was, the undoubted right of his Majesty and his royal Predecessors, Kings and Queens of England.\u201d And as Charles the Second had this right as King of England, it of course comes to his successors, and our present Sovereign Lord the King, now hath it.\n Indeed the Bill of Rights declares among other things, That the raising or keeping a standing army, within the kingdom, in a time of peace, unless with the consent of Parliament, is against law. And it is said, that upon the same principles whereon that declaration was founded, it is alike unlawful to be done in any other part of the King\u2019s dominions. But be that as it may, the Mutiny Acts annually made, shew the consent of Parliament, that the King in time of peace should keep up a standing army not only in the Kingdom, but in America also. They not only ascertain the number of troops that shall be kept up, but provide for the regulation of such of the King\u2019s troops as are in America. And therefore as by these acts the King is impowered to keep up these troops, and he, by common law, has the command and disposition of all forces by sea and land within his dominions, and is the principal conservator of the peace, he doubtless, well might send such part of those troops to this part of his dominions, in order to restore the public peace, or to aid and assist the civil Magistrate in preserving of it, as he judged necessary for the purpose; and if you should think there was no occasion for sending any troops here, for either of those purposes, that will not alter the case, because the King being the proper judge in that matter, the validity of his order will not depend upon the truth of the representations whereon it is founded. The acts not only fix the number of troops to be kept up, but also establish a law martial for their government. Among other things, the Acts subject every officer or soldier that sleeps on his post, or leaves it before he is relieved, or disobeys the lawful command of his superior officer, to such punishment as a Court Martial shall inflict, though it extend to death itself. These troops are, and ever since they came here, have been under this martial law, and subject to as strict regulation, as in time of war. Placing Sentries is a necessary part of the regulation of an army, accordingly a Sentry hath in fact been kept at the Custom-house, ever since the troops have been here; and it is sworn, by the Captains O\u2019Hara and Mason, that it was done by order of the Commanding Officer. If so, you have no reason to doubt but that it was legally done.\n Your next enquiry then will be, whether the Sentry so placed at the Custom house was attacked? Many witnesses have sworn that he was. But the Council for the Crown say, the contrary appears by the testimony of Col. Marshal and others.\n It is with you to determine this matter upon the whole of the evidence given you. In doing it you ought to reconcile the several testimonies, if by any reasonable construction of the words it may be done. Where some witnesses swear they saw such a thing done, and others swear they were present and did not see it: if the thing said to be done be such as it may reasonably be supposed some might see and others not, by reason of their want of observation, or particular attention to other matters there, as both may be true, you ought to suppose them to be so, rather than presume that any of the witnesses swear falsely. But if witnesses contradict each other, so that their testimonies cannot be reconciled, you must then consider the number of the witnesses on each side, their ability, integrity, indifference as to the point in question, and the probability or improbability arising from the nature of the thing in question, and upon the whole settle the fact as you verily believe it to be. If you find the Sentry was attacked, the next thing to be considered is, whether the prisoners went to protect him, and if so, whether it was lawful for them so to do. There is a great difference between a common affray, and attacking the King\u2019s forces. I think the law in that regard ought to be more generally known here than it seems to be. If upon a sudden quarrel from some affront given or taken, the neighbourhood rise and drive the King\u2019s forces out of their quarters, it is a great misdemeanor, and if death ensues it may be felony in the assailants, but it is not treason, because there was no intention against the King\u2019s person or government: But attacking the king\u2019s forces in opposition to his authority, upon a march or in quarters, is levying war against the King. And resisting the King\u2019s forces, if sent to keep the peace, may amount to an overt act of high treason. Though it may be attended with great inconveniences for private persons, without a peace officer, to make use of arms for suppressing an ordinary riot, yet if the riot be such an one as savours of rebellion, it doubtless may lawfully be done. You have heard what the witnesses deposed respecting the resolution taken to drive the soldiers out of town, \u201cbecause they had no business here.\u201d You have also heard what has been testified of the proposals to attack the Main-guard \u2014 of the assembling of the people especially in Dock-square \u2014 of the huzzaing for the Main guard and King-street\u2014 and of the attacking the Sentry. Now if this was done in pursuance of a resolution taken \u201cto drive the soldiers out of the town, because they had no business here,\u201d I will not now determine whether it was treason or not; but it certainly was a riot that savoured of rebellion; for the suppressing whereof, private persons might not only arm themselves, but make use of their arms, if they could not otherwise suppress it. Much more might the Captain of the Main guard take part of the guard, armed as usual, and go with them to protect the Sentry. By what Crookshanks, Benjamin Davis, Whitington, and others have sworn, it seems the Sentry not only called to the Main-guard for assistance, but two men went and told them they must send assistance directly or the Sentry would be murdered. Whereupon the Captain gave orders that a party should go to the assistance of the Sentry, and they were drawn out accordingly, led down to the Custom house by a Corporal, and followed by the Captain. Now as this party did not assemble, or go there, of their own accord, but were sent by their Captain to protect the Sentry, it must be supposed that was their design in going until the contrary appears. And although upon the evidence you should not be satisfied that the Sentry was attacked in pursuance of a resolution taken to drive the soldiers out of town, because they had no business here, yet considering the notice given by the two men to the Captain, of the danger the Sentry was in, and what the Captain himself might then see and observe of the attack upon the Sentry, (if any regard is to be had to what a great number of the witnesses have sworn) he well might order out such a party, and go with them to protect the Sentry: And it seems to be agreed that if the prisoners were at the Custom-house that night, all of them, except the Sentry, were of that party. It has been said that this party of soldiers, when on their march, pushed Fosdick with a bayonet while he was standing peaceably in the street, and struck Brewer as soon as they got to the Custom-house, which shewed their design was to disturb the peace, and not to preserve it. But as Fosdick himself says, that, upon his refusing to move out of his place, they parted and went by him, you will consider whether it is not more reasonable to suppose, that what he calls a push was an accidental touch owing to the numbers in the street, rather than any thing purposely done to hurt him; and so with regard to the blow said to be given to Brewer. But supposing the push purposely given by one of the party, and the blow by him or another of them, it will by no means be sufficient to prove a design in the whole party, to disturb the peace, nor will all of them be involved in the guilt of one or more of them that broke the peace, unless they actually aided or abetted him or them that did it; because they were assembled and sent forth for a different purpose, and a lawful one. But if they were a lawful assembly when they got to the Custom house, yet if afterwards they all agreed to do an unlawful act to the disturbance of the peace, and in prosecution of that design Maverick and the rest were killed, all that party will by law be chargeable with each mortal stroke given by either of them, as though they all had in fact given it.\n And it is said, that while they were at the Custom-house, before they fired, some of them attempted with their bayonets to stab every one they could come at, without any reason at all for so doing. Such conduct to be sure can neither be justified nor excused. But as the time was so very short, and some of the witnesses declare the people were crouding upon the soldiers, and that they were moving their guns backwards and forwards crying stand off, stand off, without moving from their station, you will consider whether this may not be what other witnesses call an attempt to stab the people. But, be that as it may, if the party was a lawful assembly before, this not being the act of the whole, would not make it unlawful. The Council for the Crown insist, that the firing upon the people was an unlawful act, in disturbance of the peace, and as the party fired so near together, it must be supposed they previously agreed to do it; that agreement made them an unlawful assembly, if they were not so before, and being so when they fired, all are chargeable with the killing by any one or more of them. However just this reasoning may be, where there is no apparent cause for their firing, yet it will not hold good where there is. If each of the party had been at the same instant so assaulted, as that it would have justified his killing the assailant in defence of his own life, and there upon each of them had at that same instant fired upon and killed the person that assaulted him, surely it would not have been evidence of a previous agreement to fire, or prove them to be an unlawful assembly; nor would it have been evidence of such agreement though the attack was not such as would justify the firing and killing, if it was such an assault as would alleviate the offence, and reduce it to manslaughter, since there would be as apparent a cause of the firing in one case as in the other, and though not so good a cause, yet such an one as the law, in condescension to human frailty greatly regards. You will therefore carefully consider what the several witnesses have sworn, with regard to the assault made upon the party of soldiers at the Custom house, and if you thereupon believe they were, before, and at the time of, their firing attacked by such numbers, and in such a violent manner, as many of the witnesses have positively sworn, you will be able to assign a cause for their firing so near together, as they did, without supposing a previous agreement so to do. But it is said that if their firing as they did, don\u2019t prove a previous agreement to do it, yet it is good evidence of an actual abetment to fire, as one by firing encourages the others to do the like. As neither of the soldiers fired more than once, it is evident that he who fired last, could not thereby in fact, abet or encourage the firing of any of those who fired before him, and so it cannot be evidence of such abetment. And if he who fired first and killed, can justify it, because it was lawful for him so to do, surely that same lawful act cannot be evidence of an unlawful abetment. And though he who first fired and killed, may not be able to justify the doing it, yet if it appears he had such a cause for the killing as will reduce it to Manslaughter, it would be strange indeed if that same act should be evidence of his abetting another who killed without provocation, so as to make him who fired first guilty of murder. The same may be said as to all the intermediate firings: and, as the evidence stands, I don\u2019t think it necessary to say how it would be in case the first person fired with little or no provocation. If therefore this party of soldiers, when at the Custom house, were a lawful assembly and continued so until they fired, and their firing was not an actual unlawful abetment of each other to fire, nor evidence of it, they cannot be said to have in consideration of law killed those five persons or either of them, but it must rest on the evidence of the actual killing: and, if so, neither of the prisoners can be found guilty thereof, unless it appears not only that he was of the party, but that he in particular infact did kill one or more of the persons slain. That the five persons were killed by the party of soldiers or some of them, seems clear upon the evidence, and indeed is not disputed.\n Some witnesses have been produced to prove that Montgomery killed Attucks; and Langford swears Killroy killed Gray, but none of the witnesses undertake to say that either of the other prisoners in particular killed either of the other three persons, or that all of them did it. On the contrary it seems that one of the six did not fire, and that another of them fired at a boy as he was running down the street, but missed him (if he had killed him, as the evidence stands, it would have been murder) but the witnesses are not agreed as to the person who fired at the boy, or as to him who did not fire at all. It is highly probable, from the places where the five persons killed fell and their wounds, that they were killed by the discharge of five several guns only. If you are upon the evidence satisfied of that, and also that Montgomery killed Attucks, and Killroy Gray, it will thence follow that the other three, were killed, not by the other six prisoners, but by three of them only: and therefore they cannot all be found guilty of it. And as the evidence does not shew which three killed the three, nor that either of the six in particular killed either of the three, you cannot find either of the six guilty of killing them or either of them. If you are satisfied, upon the evidence given you, that Montgomery killed Attucks, you will proceed to inquire whether it was justifiable, excusable, or felonious homicide, and if the latter whether it was maliciously done or not. As he is charged with murder, if the fact of killing be proved, all the circumstances of necessity or infirmity are to be satisfactorily proved by him, unless they arise out of the evidence produced against him, for the law presumeth the fact to have been founded in malice untill the contrary appears.\n You will therefore, carefully consider and weigh the whole of the evidence given you respecting the attack, made upon the party of soldiers in general, and upon Montgomery in particular. In doing it, you will observe the rules I have before mentioned, and not forget the part that some of the witnesses took in this unhappy affair, and if upon the whole it appears to you, that Montgomery was attacked, in such a violent manner, as that his life was in immediate danger, or that he had sufficient reason to think it was, and he thereupon fired and killed Attucks, for the preservation of his own life, it was justifiable homicide; and he ought to be acquitted. If you do not believe that was the case, but upon the evidence are satisfied, that he was by that assembly, assaulted with clubs and other weapons, and there-upon fired at the rioters and killed Attucks: then you ought to find him guilty of manslaughter only. But if upon the evidence you believe, that Montgomery, without being previously assaulted, fired, and killed Attucks: then you will find him guilty of murder. But you must know, that if this party of soldiers in general were pelted, with snow-balls, pieces of ice and sticks, in anger, this, without more, amounts to an assault, not only upon those that were in fact struck, but upon the whole party; and is such an assault as will reduce the killing to manslaughter. And if you believe, what some of the witnesses have sworn, that the people around the soldiers, and many of them armed with clubs, crouded upon the soldiers, and with the cry of, \u201cRush on, Kill them, Kill them, Knock them over,\u201d did in fact rush on, strike at them with their clubs, and give Montgomery such a blow, as to knock him down, as some of the witnesses say, or to make him sally, or stagger, as others say\u2014it will be sufficient to show, that his life was in immediate danger, or that he had sufficient reason to think so.\n It seems, a doctrine, has of late been advanced, \u201cthat soldiers while on duty, may upon no occasion whatever fire upon their fellow subjects, without the order of a civil magistrate.\u201d This may possibly account, for some of those who attacked the soldiers, saying to them, \u201cYou dare not fire, we know you dare not fire.\u201d But it ought to be known, that the law doth not countenance such an absurd doctrine. A man by becoming a soldier, doth not thereby lose the right of self-defence which is founded in the law of nature. Where any one is, without his own default, reduced to such circumstances, as that the laws of society cannot avail him, the law considers him, \u201cas still in that instance under the protection of the law of nature.\u201d This rule extends to soldiers as well as others; nay, while soldiers are in the immediate service of the King, and the regular discharge of their duty, they rather come within the reason, of civil officers and their assistants, and so are alike under the peculiar protection of the law.\n If you are satisfied upon the evidence, that Killroy killed Gray, you will then enquire, whether it was justifiable, excusable or felonious homicide, and if the latter, whether it was with, or without malice. If the attack was upon the party of soldiers in general, and in the manner I have just mentioned, as some of the witnesses say it was, it is equally an assault upon all, whether all were in fact struck, or not, and makes no material difference, as to their respective right of firing: for a man is not obliged to wait until he is killed, or struck, before he makes use of the necessary means of self defence. If the blows with clubs were, by an enraged multitude, aimed at the party in general, each one might reasonably think his own life in danger; for though he escaped the first blow, he might reasonably expect more would follow, and could have no assurance, that he should be so fortunate as to escape all of them.\n And therefore, I do not see but that Killroy is upon the same footing with Montgomery; and your verdict must be the same as to both, unless what Hemmingway swears Killroy said, or the affray at the Rope-walk, or both, materially vary the case. Hemmingway swears, that he and Killroy were talking about the town\u2019s people and the soldiers, and that Killroy said, \u201cHe never would miss an opportunity, when he had one, to fire on the inhabitants, and that he had wanted to have an opportunity, ever since he landed.\u201d But he says, he cannot remember what words immediately preceded or followed, or at what particular time the words were uttered, nor does he know whether Killroy was jocular, or not. If the witness is not mistaken as to the words, the speech was at least, very imprudent and foolish. However, if Killroy, either in jest or in earnest, uttered those words, yet if the assault upon him was such, as would justify his firing and killing, or alleviate it so as to make it but manslaughter, that will not inhance the killing to murder. And though it has been sworn that Killroy and other soldiers, had a quarrel with Gray and others, at the Rope-walk, a few days before the 5th March, yet it is not certain that Killroy then knew Gray,or aimed at him in particular: But if Gray encouraged the assault by clapping the assailants on their backs, as Hinkley swears he did, and Killroy saw this and knew him to be one of those that were concerned in the affray at the Rope walk, this very circumstance would have a natural tendency, to raise Killroy\u2019s passions, and throw him off his guard, much more than if the same things had been done by another person. In the tumult of passion the voice of reason is not heard, and it is owing to the allowance the law makes for human frailty, that all unlawful voluntary homicide is not deemed murder. If there be \u201cmalice between A and B, and they meet casually, A assaults B, and drives him to the wall, B in his own defence kills A, this is se defendendo, and shall not be heightened by the former malice, into murder or homicide at large, for it was not a killing upon the account of the former malice, but upon a necessity imposed upon him by the assault of A.\u201d So upon the same principle, where the assault is such as would make the killing but manslaughter, if there had been no previous quarrel, the killing ought to be attributed to the assault, unless the evidence clearly shews the contrary: an assault being known and allowed by law to be a provocation to kill, that will free the party from the guilt of murder; whereas neither words of reproach, nor actions expressive of contempt, \u201care a provocation to use such violence,\u201d that is, the law doth not allow them to be, without an assault such a provocation as will excuse the killing, or make it any thing less than murder.\n Upon the same principle, where the assault is such, as makes the killing manslaughter, the killing ought to be attributed to the assault, unless the evidence clearly shows the contrary.\n This meeting of Killroy and Gray was casual upon the part of Killroy at least; he was lawfully ordered to the place where he was and had no right to quit his station without the leave of Capt. Preston; nor were any of the party obliged to retreat and give way to the rioters, but might lawfully stand, and repel force by force.\n It is needless for me to say what you ought to do with regard to the other six prisoners, in case they had gone to the Custom-house, not to protect the Sentry, but to disturb the peace, or after they got there and before the firing had agreed so to do; or in case they had actually unlawfully abetted the killing: because none of these things have been testified, nor can any of them be deduced from any thing which has been given to you in evidence.\n Having already said much more upon this occasion, than I should have thought necessary in a like case, at any other time, I shall add no more.\n Justice Oliver.\n Gentlemen of the Jury,\n This is the most solemn trial I ever sat in judgment upon. It is of great importance to the community in general, and of the last importance to the prisoners at the bar. I have noticed your patience and attention during the course of the trial, which have been highly commendable and seem to have been adequate to the importance of the cause.\n The occasion of this trial is the loss of five of our fellow-subjects, who were killed on the evening of the 5th of March last: whether the prisoners at the bar are chargeable with their death or not, it is nevertheless our part to adore the divine conduct in this unhappy catastrophe, and to justify the ways of GOD to man.\n Here are eight prisoners at the bar who are charged with the murder of those five persons, and whose lives or deaths depend upon your verdict. They are soldiers, but you are to remember that they are fellow-subjects also. Soldiers, when they act properly in their department, are an useful set of men in society, and indeed, in some cases, they are more useful than any other members of society, as we happily experienced in the late war, by the reduction of Canada, whereby our liberties and properties have been happily secured to us: and soldiers, Gentlemen, are under the protection of the same laws equally with any other of his Majesty\u2019s subjects.\n There have been attempts to prejudice the minds of the good people of this province against the prisoners at the bar, and I cannot help taking notice of one in particular, (which included also an insult on this Court) published in one of the Weekly Papers the day before this trial was to have come on. I think I never saw greater malignity of heart expressed in any one piece; a malignity blacker than ever was expressed by the savages of the wilderness, for they are in the untutored state of nature and are their own avengers of wrongs done to them; but we are under the laws of society, which laws are the avengers of wrongs done to us: I am sorry I am obliged to say it, but there are persons among us who have endeavoured to bring this Supreme Court of Law into contempt, and even to destroy the Law itself: there may come a time when these persons themselves may want the protection of the law and of this Court, which they now endeavour to destroy, and which, if they succeed in their attempts, it may be too late for them to repair to for justice: but I trust, that the ancient virtue and spirit of this people will return and the law be established on a firm basis. If you, Gentlemen, have seen or read any of the libels which have been published, and have imbibed prejudices of any sort, I do now charge you, in that sacred Name which you have in the most solemn manner invoked for the faithful discharge of your present trust, to divest your minds of every thing that may tend to bias them in this cause: It is your duty to fix your eyes solely on the scales of justice and as the law and evidence in either scale may preponderate, so you are to determine by your verdict.\n Gentlemen, the prisoners at the bar are indicted, with others, for the murder of five different persons; viz. Carrol for the murder of James Caldwell; Killroy for the murder of Samuel Maverick; White for the murder of Patrick Carr; Hartegan for the murder of Samuel Gray; Warren for the murder of Crispus Attucks. Observe, that the five prisoners I have now named, are severally charged as principals in the different supposed murders, and the others as aiding and abetting, which in the sense of the law makes the latter principals in the second degree.\n I should have given to you the definitions of the different species of homicide, but as my brother hath spoke so largely upon this subject, and hath produced so many and so indisputable authorities relative thereto, I would not exhaust your patience which hath so remarkably held out during this long trial. But I would add one authority to the numbers which have been produced, not that it immediately relates to this case, but I the rather do it, because I see a mixt audience, and many from the country whom it more directly concerns: it is cited from the celebrated Ld. C. Just. HALE by the great and upright Judge FOSTER, viz. If a person, drives his cart carelessly and it runs over a child in the street; if he have seen the child and yet drives on upon him, it is MURDER because willfully done; here is the heart regardless of social duty: but if he saw not the child, it is MANSLAUGHTER; but if the child had run cross the way and the cart run over the child before it was possible for the carter to make a stop, it is by MISADVENTURE.\n The law that was given to Noah after the deluge, viz. Whosoever sheddeth Mans blood, by Man shall his blood be shed, hath lately been urged in the most public manner very indiscriminately, without any of the softenings of humanity. Moses in his code of laws, mentions the same, though in different words, viz. He that killeth a man, he shall be put to death: but be pleased to remember Gentlemen, that Moses was the best Commentator on his own laws, and he hath published certain restrictions of this law, as, If one thrust another of hatred that he die, the slayer shall surely be put to death; but if he thrust him suddenly without enmity, or cast a stone upon him, not seeing him, so that he die, in those cases there were cities of refuge appointed for the manslayer to flee to, that his life might be safe: so that to construe that law to Noah strictly, is only to gratify a blood thirsty revenge, without any of those allowances for human frailties which the law of nature and the English law also make.\n I would recommend to you, Gentlemen, in order to your forming a just verdict in this cause, to satisfy yourselves in the first place, whether or not the prisoners at the bar were an unlawful assembly when they were at the Custom-house, for on that much depends their guilt or innocence. That they were nigh the Custom-house when the five persons mentioned in the indictments were killed, you can have no doubt, for it is conceded. Inquire then how they came there. Now, two officers viz. Capt. Mason and Capt. O\u2019Hara have sworn that a Sentinel was placed at the Custom-house, by orders of the commanding officer to protect the King\u2019s monies, and that it is at his peril if he stirs from his duty: it appears by divers witnesses that this Sentinel was attacked and called for aid; upon which a party, consisting of the prisoners at the bar with an officer at their head, went down to protect him: they were under obligation by act of parliament to obey their commanding officer; and thus far, being at their post constituted them a lawful assembly.\n Consider next, whether those who were collected around the prisoners at the bar, were a lawful or unlawful assembly; and in order to satisfy yourselves, weigh the evidence that hath been offered impartially. But I cannot help taking notice in this place, that some delicacy hath been used at the bar, in calling those people a mob. Mob is only a contraction of a Latin word which signifies a tumultuous croud gathered, but I shall use the legal phrase and call such a croud a riotous assembly, if the sound is more agreeable than mob.\n As my brother Trowbridge has been very full in his remarks upon the evidence, and as you Mr. Foreman have wrote down from the witnesses mouths what they testified, which is somewhat uncommon, and for which you are to be applauded, I shall therefore only make a few remarks on those I think the most material testimonies, not beginning in the order of examination, but in the order of time.\n Thomas Simmons says, that betwixt eight and nine o\u2019clock on that unhappy evening, (which was before the firing, for the firing was not till between nine and ten) he heard people at the Sugar-house barracks, which are called Murray\u2019s barracks, say, if the soldiers would not come out and fight them, they would set fire to the four corners of the barracks, and burn every damned soul in them; that there was a considerable number of them armed with cutlasses, swords and sticks.\n William Davis is the next witness I shall take notice of; he is a gentleman who is a stranger to me, but whose character stands unimpeached in this Court, and who hath given a distinct testimony of what passed under his notice: he says, that about eight o\u2019clock he saw about two hundred in Forestreet, armed with different weapons, threatening to knock down the first soldier or bloody back they should meet; some proposed to go to the southward and join their friends there, and drive all the soldiers out of town. At Dock-square, about nine o\u2019clock, he says he saw numbers in the market tearing up the stalls and saying, damn the dogs, where are they now? let us go and kill that damned scoundrel of a Sentry, and then attack the Main-guard; others said, Smith\u2019s barracks. At Olivers-dock he says, he saw numbers with clubs: one man was loading his piece, and said he would do for some of them scoundrels that night, and said, damn the villains, scoundrells, Soldiers and Commissioners, and damn the villain who first sent them here, they should not remain here above two days longer.\n Allow me, Gentlemen, to make a pause at this last part of the evidence, viz. Damn the villain who first sent them here; and make an observation which I am sorry for the occasion of, the expression having been justified. I venture to affirm that man a villain who uttered it, for it was his Majesty who sent them here, and here they were fixed by his order and authority.\n Dr. Hirons, who lives near to Murray\u2019s barracks hath told you, that a little after eight o\u2019clock he saw people coming from Dock-square and heard the words, Town-born turn out, twenty or thirty times, and the people encreasing. He mentions the altercations between the officers and inhabitants, and a little man talking with an officer, saying, You know the town and country have been used ill, we did not send for you, we won\u2019t have you here, we\u2019ll get rid of you, or drive you away; and that then about two thirds of them went off and said, let\u2019s go to the Main-guard, huzza for the Main-guard.\n Dr. Jeffries says, that about eight o\u2019clock he saw the passage to Murray\u2019s barracks filled with inhabitants, who, with ill language dared the soldiers to fight: he imagines there were seventy or eighty people, and but three soldiers, and that when the officers were endeavouring to appease the people, snow-balls were flung at them; and that when they told the people that the soldiers were secured in their barracks and could not come out, somebody replied, You mean they dare not come out, you dare not let them. Some then said home, others said, no we shall find some in King-street, others said, we\u2019ll go to the Main-guard. Dr. Jeffries hath been so distinct and particular, that you cannot but remember his testimony.\n As to the pains which have been taken to exculpate this town from being concerned in the fatal action of that night, they seem to me to have been unnecessary. It is true, there hath been, in times past, no place more remarkable for order and good government than this town; but as it is a seaport town and of great trade, it is not to be wondered at, that the inhabitants of it should be infected with disorder as well as other populous places.\n James Selkrig, with three others, say, that before the bells rang they saw, not far from Murray\u2019s barracks, a large number armed with different weapons; some of them say, nigh two hundred: that some of the people had been repulsed from the barracks, and after that, a tall man with a red cloak and white wig talked to the people, who listned to him, and then huzzaed for the Main guard. I cannot but make this observation on the tall man with a red cloak and white wig, that, whoever he was, if the huzzaing for the Main-guard and then attacking the soldiers, was the consequence of his speech to the people, that tall man is guilty in the sight of GOD, of the murder of the five persons mentioned in the indictment, and altho\u2019 he may never be brought to a court of justice here, yet unless he speedily flies to the city of refuge, the supreme avenger of innocent blood, will surely overtake him.\n John Gridley hath told you, that he heard numbers before the Town-house say, GOD damn the rascals, some said, this will never do, the readiest way to get rid of those people, is to attack the Main-guard, strike at the root, this is the nest; others replied, damn you, that\u2019s right. All this was before the soldiers had formed.\n It would be too tedious to recite the numbers of testimonies to prove a design to attack the soldiers: I have selected a few, which seem to prove the intent, for there are no less than thirty-eight witnesses to this fact, six of whom the council for the King have produced. Compare them Gentlemen, and then determine whether or not there is any room to doubt of the numbers collected around the soldiers at the Custom house, being a riotous assembly.\n I will return now to the soldiers and view their behaviour whilst they were going upon duty at the Custom house, and whilst they were there. As they were going from the Main guard to their post, to support the Sentry, (who by the way behaved with a good temper of mind, in endeavouring to avoid a dispute, by attempting to get into the Custom house, which he was by no means obliged to do,) I say, as they were going down, Nathaniel Fosdick says, they bid him make way, but he refused: instead of forcing him to give way, he says, they gave way to him, and passed to their post; when they got there, they loaded; and John Gridley says, that, whilst they were loading, he passed between the files and they put up their guns to let him pass. I cannot find, upon examining the testimonies, that any one soldier stirred from his post, and indeed it might have been fatal to him to have broke his orders; but on the contrary, it hath been said, that had they stepped forward, they might have killed the people, but they only pushed their bayonets as they stood, to keep off the people who were pressing on them; at the same time, bidding them keep off.\n Now consider whether the prisoners had any just provocation to fire upon the inhabitants, for that some of them did fire, you can be in no doubt. There are twenty five witnesses who have sworn to ice, snowballs, sticks, &c. being thrown at the prisoners, ten of whom, are witnesses for the Crown. There are nigh thirty witnesses who have sworn to words of provocation uttered against the prisoners, as daring them to fire, and threatning to kill them; but you must remember that words only, are no provocation in law to justify the killing of a person; but if threatning expressions are attended with an attempt on the life of a man, in such a case a killing may be justified; and if any such facts appear in this trial, you must consider them thoroughly. And here, I would take notice of the testimonies of some of the witnesses, viz. that although they were close to the soldiers, they saw nothing of any kind thrown at them, nor heard any huzza or a threatning: nay, one witness is so distinct, as to tell, in a cloud of smoak, which guns killed the different persons. I know not how to account for such testimonies, unless by the witnesses being affrighted, which some of them say they were not: they themselves perhaps may satisfy their own minds.\n Dr. Jeffries relates an account which he had from Patrick Carr, one of the deceased, who on his death bed repeatedly told him and confirmed it but a few hours before he died, that he went with a design against the soldiers, that the soldiers were pelted as they were going to their post, that he thought they were abused and that they would really have fired before, for he heard many voices cry out, kill them, andthat he thought they fired to defend themselves: that he forgave, and did not blame the man, whoever he was, that shot him; that he blamed himself for going to the riot, and might have known better, for he had seen soldiers called to quell riots, hut never saw any bear half so much before. This Carr was not upon oath, it is true, but you will determine, whether a man, just stepping into eternity, is not to be believed; especially in favour of a set of men by whom he had lost his life.\n Ye have one difficulty to solve, Gentlemen, and that is, that there were five persons killed, and here are eight soldiers charged with murdering them. Now one witness says, that the Corporal did not fire, and Thomas Wilkinson says, that the guns of the third or fourth man from the eighth flashed, so that there are two guns of eight not discharged and yet it is said seven were fired. This evinces the uncertainty of some of the testimonies. My brother Trowbridge hath explained the difficulty of charging any one prisoner with killing any one particular person, and hath adduced an authority from Lord Chief Justice Hale, to support him; so that this maxim of law cannot be more justly applied, than in this case, viz. That it is better that ten guilty persons escape, than one innocent person suffer: indeed as to two of the prisoners, there is no great doubt of their firing, namely, Montgomery and Killroy. As to Montgomery, it seems to be agreed that he was on the right, and Richard Palmes says, that a piece of ice or a stick struck his gun before he fired: and Andrew, Mr. Wendell\u2019s Negro man (of whom his master gives a particular and good character) is very distinct in his account; and he says, that a stout man struck the grenadier on the right, first on his gun and then on his head, and also kept his bayonet in his left hand; and then a cry of kill the dogs, knock them over; upon which he soon fired: here take the words and the blows together, and then say, whether this firing was not justifiable.\n As to Killroy, there have been stronger attempts to prove him guilty of murder than any other. Two witnesses have sworn, that his bayonet was bloody next morning; but nothing hath been offered in evidence to prove how it came so; I have only one way to account for it; if it was bloody, viz. that by pushing to keep off Nathaniel Fosdick it might become so by wounding him in the breast and arm. Nicholas Ferreter, who the week before beat one of the soldiers at the Rope-walks, says further, that Killroy was then at the Rope-walks; but at the same time he says, that Killroy uttered no threatnings but only daring the Rope-makers to come out. But Samuel Hemmingway says, that some time before the 5th March he heard Killroy say, that he would not miss an opportunity of firing on the inhabitants. How the conversation was had, whether it was maliciously spoke or was jocose talk doth not so fully appear, but it would be extream hard to connect such discourse with this transaction; especially, as his being at the Custom House was not voluntary, but by order of his officer.\n Thus Gentlemen, I have as concisely as I could, without doing injustice to the cause, summed up the evidence to you: I was afraid of being tedious, otherwise I should have more minutely considered it.\n If upon the whole, by comparing the evidence, ye should find that the prisoners were a lawful assembly at the Custom house, which ye can be in no doubt of if you believe the witnesses, and also that they behaved properly in their own department whilst there, and did not fire till there was a necessity to do it in their own defence, which I think there is a violent presumption of: and if, on the other hand, ye should find that the people who were collected around the soldiers, were an unlawful assembly, and had a design to endanger, if not to take away their lives, as seems to be evident, from blows succeeding threatnings; ye must, in such case acquit the prisoners; or if upon the whole, ye are in any reasonable doubt of their guilt, ye must then, agreeable to the rule of law, declare them innocent.\n As I said at first, this cause is of the last importance to the prisoners, their lives or deaths depend upon your verdict; and may you be conducted by the Supreme Wisdom to return such an one, as that your hearts may not reproach you so long as you live, and as shall acquit you at that tribunal, where the inmost recesses of the human mind shall be fully disclosed.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/05-03-02-0001-0004-0020", "content": "Title: Paine\u2019s Minutes of Cushing\u2019s and Lynde\u2019s Charges to the Jury: 5 December 1770\nFrom: Paine, Robert Treat\nTo: \n Judge Cushing. The longest Tryal I have ever known. The Party in King Street had a right to beat.\n Judge Lynde. 8 Prisoners. No Body can wonder that on their account we have spend a great Deal of Time. HP 482, If it be not known who kill\u2019d. This Rule will Shorten your Business.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0003", "content": "Title: Committee Report on the Reasons for not Proceeding to Business, 12 June 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Hawley, Joseph,Adams, Samuel,Pickering, John Jr.,Leonard, Daniel,Mitchell, Edward,Sumner, Nathaniel,Hobson, Humphrey,Denny, Thomas,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: \n 12 June 1770. MS not found. Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 25\u201332. Prepared by a committee appointed 8 June composed of Joseph Hawley, Samuel Adams, JA, John Pickering Jr., Daniel Leonard, Edward Mitchell, Nathaniel Sumner, Humphrey Hobson, and Thomas Denny (same, p. 24), and presented to the House by Joseph Hawley.\n Upon receipt of the House Address of 7 June (see preceding calendar entry), Lt. Gov. Hutchinson replied with a message which justified the legality of removing the General Court to Cambridge and urged the need to proceed with the session\u2019s business (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 23\u201324). The committee listed above was named \u201cto state the Reasons of this House for coming into a Resolution, That it is not expedient to proceed to the Business of the Session while the General Assembly is held out of the Town-House in Boston; and also for adhering to the same.\u201d\n On 12 June the House adopted the committee\u2019s report, which recommended publication of the House resolutions of 6 June along with \u201cReasons for adhering to said Resolutions\u201d which the Committee had prepared. The \u201cReasons\u201d waived \u201cat present . . . any further Observations on the Legality\u201d of holding legislative sessions out of Boston. Instead, the report conceded the validity of prerogative when used \u201cto the public Good,\u201d but attacked Hutchinson\u2019s policies as a misuse of power, unjustified by public need and contrary to the public welfare. The \u201cReasons\u201d answered each historical and legal precedent Hutchinson had raised in his defense and closed with the claim that Hutchinson, not the General Court, must bear the blame for any inconveniences suffered as a result of the legislature\u2019s refusal to conduct business while sessions were held in Cambridge. The report was adopted with only three dissenting votes (same, p. 31\u201332).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0004", "content": "Title: Address to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson Seeking a Recess, 15 June 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Cushing, Thomas,Hawley, Joseph,Adams, Samuel,Sheaffe, Edward,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: Hutchinson, Thomas,Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony\n 15 June 1770. MS not found. Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 38. Prepared by a committee appointed and reporting the same day, composed of Thomas Cushing, Joseph Hawley, Samuel Adams, Edward Sheaffe, and JA.\n On 13 June the Representatives heard the Council\u2019s address to Hutchinson which reiterated the determination of the House to conduct no business in Cambridge (same, p. 32\u201336). Hutchinson\u2019s reply to the Council reaffirmed his position and was presented to the House on 15 June. The committee described above was then named to prepare a message to the Lieutenant Governor restating the lower chamber\u2019s decision \u201cnot to enter upon Business out of the Town of Boston\u201d and adding the prayer that if Hutchinson was \u201cdetermined not to remove the Assembly there, he would be pleased to give Leave to the Members to retire to their respective Homes\u201d (same, p. 37). Upon the adoption of the report, JA was named to the committee which delivered the message to Hutchinson. It was not until 25 June, however, that Hutchinson recessed the intransigent legislators (same, p. 38, 47).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-31-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0005", "content": "Title: Reply to a Speech of Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, 31 July 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Cushing, Thomas,Hancock, John,Leonard, Daniel,Adams, Samuel,Denny, Thomas,Gallison, John,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: Hutchinson, Thomas,Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony\n 31 July 1770. MS, fair copy, in the hand of Samuel Adams (MB). Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 63\u201371. Prepared by a committee appointed 26 July, composed of Thomas Cushing, John Hancock, Daniel Leonard, Samuel Adams, JA, Thomas Denny, and John Gallison (same, p. 62).\n The second session of the General Court began 25 July with a speech from Hutchinson to both houses. He pressed his arguments for maintaining the legislature in Cambridge and urged House and Council to reconsider their decision not to proceed to business until back in Boston (same, p. 58\u201361). The following day the House voted to adhere to the resolution of 6 June (see calendar entry for 7 June, above) and to refuse to conduct business in Cambridge. The committee described above was named to draft an answer to Hutchinson\u2019s speech and to notify him of the representatives\u2019 decision to stand by their earlier policy. Before acceptance, the report was recommitted, and when resubmitted it was debated paragraph by paragraph (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), p. 62\u201363). On 3 August, despairing of any cooperation from the General Court, Hutchinson prorogued the legislature to 5 September (same, p. 78).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0006", "content": "Title: Committee Report on Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson\u2019s Speech, 28 September 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Cushing, Thomas,Adams, Samuel,Foster, Jedediah,Denny, Thomas,Hancock, John,Godfrey, George,Warren, James,Hobson, Humphrey,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: \n 28 September 1770. MS not found. Prepared by a committee appointed 27 September, composed of Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, Jedediah Foster, Thomas Denny, JA, John Hancock, George Godfrey, James Warren, and Humphrey Hobson Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 82.\n The third session of the 1770\u20131771 General Court, continued by prorogations, met in Cambridge on 26 September. The following day Hutchinson delivered a speech to the Council and House meeting jointly in which he catalogued matters requiring the legislature\u2019s attention and urged proceeding \u201cwith all Diligence\u201d (same, p. 80\u201382). On 28 September, Cushing \u201creported as their unanimous Opinion, That it is for the Interest of the Province, that this House still adhere to their former Resolution, viz. That it is by no Means expedient to proceed to the public Business\u201d (same, p. 82). For House action on the report, see calendar entries for 4 and 5 October, below.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0007", "content": "Title: Message to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson on his Speech to the General Court, 4 October 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Hancock, John,Ingersoll, David Jr.,Adams, Samuel,Fuller, Samuel,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: Hutchinson, Thomas,Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony\n 4 October 1770. MS not found. Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 86\u201387. Prepared by a committee appointed and reporting the same day composed of John Hancock, JA, David Ingersoll Jr., Samuel Adams, and Abraham Fuller.\n On 4 October, the House first considered the committee report of 28 September (see preceding calendar entry) which called for a reaffirmation of the assembly\u2019s refusal to conduct business out of Boston. Instead of taking direct action on this recommendation, the House named the committee listed above to prepare a message to Hutchinson doing two things: seeking clarification of a section of his speech of 27 September, and demanding information concerning any recent instructions Hutchinson had received concerning the site of General Court sessions. Clarification was sought for Hutchinson\u2019s mention of \u201cAffairs depending of a very interesting Nature, which had not then during the June and July sessions of the General Court come to our Knowledge, and which may be determined before we can have another Opportunity of acting upon them\u201d if the legislature continued to refuse to conduct business. The committee\u2019s report was approved by the House and answered by Hutchinson the same day (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 80, 86\u201387; see following calendar entry).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0008", "content": "Title: Committee Report on Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson\u2019s Message, 5 October 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Murray, John,Gerrish, Joseph,Prebble, Jedediah,Adams, Samuel,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: \n 5 October 1770. MS not found. Prepared by a committee appointed and reporting 5 October, composed of John Murray, Joseph Gerrish, JA, Jedediah Prebble, and Samuel Adams. Murray reported the same day.\n In his reply to the House Message of 4 October (see preceding calendar entry), Hutchinson claimed he was \u201cnot at Liberty\u201d to communicate the order in council of 6 July to which he had referred obliquely in his speech at the opening of the session. He referred to the \u201centire Approbation\u201d the Crown had given to his transfer of the legislature to Cambridge and asserted that he was now \u201crestrained from removing it to Boston\u201d (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 87). After Hutchinson\u2019s message was read to the House on 5 October, Murray reported the committee\u2019s \u201cunanimous Opinion, That his Honor\u2019s said Message does not afford that Light which the House requested in their Message to him; and that it appears to them from his Honor\u2019s Message, that he was restrained by Instruction, from communicating the same to the House in a Parliamentary Manner\u201d (same, p. 88).\n JA was then named to a committee \u201cto prepare an Address and Remonstrance accordingly,\u201d but the Journal records no presentation of any such \u201cAddress\u201d in that session; indeed, the need for such a protest was superseded by House action on 9 October (see Editorial Note, above).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0009", "content": "Title: Committee Report on Naming a Day of Prayer and Humiliation, 17 October 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Danielson, Timothy,Warren, James,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: \n 17 October 1770. MS not found. Draft prepared by a committee appointed 16 October composed of JA, Timothy Danielson, and James Warren. The committee\u2019s report, submitted the following day, was recommitted and, at the same time, JA was excused from the committee with Samuel Holten appointed in his place (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 101\u2013102).\n The original committee was instructed to prepare an Address to Lt. Gov. Hutchinson, \u201cpraying that he would be pleas\u2019d to appoint a Day of solemn Prayer and Humiliation to be observ\u2019d throughout this Province\u201d (same, p. 98). There is no way of knowing how similar the committee\u2019s draft was to the address on this subject adopted by the House on 23 October (same, p. 110). For Hutchinson\u2019s discussion of the political implications of the House request, see Massachusetts Bay, ed. MayoThomas Hutchinson, The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, ed. Lawrence Shaw Mayo, Cambridge, 1936; 3 vols., 3:244.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0010", "content": "Title: Message to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson on the Command of Castle William, 23 October 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Adams, Samuel,Warren, James,Hancock, John,Prescott, James,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: Hutchinson, Thomas,Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony\n 23 October 1770. MS not found. Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 111. Prepared by a committee appointed 17 October composed of Samuel Adams, JA, James Warren, John Hancock, and James Prescott (same, p. 101).\n In his speech at the opening of the General Court\u2019s third session (27 Sept.), Hutchinson announced that provincial troops had been withdrawn from Castle William and, by order of the Crown, replaced by British regulars (same, p. 81). The House expressed indignation at the \u201cvery false Representations\u201d that presumably had persuaded the King to take this step and demanded to know whether Hutchinson still commanded the post or whether Castle William had been transferred from civilian to military jurisdiction (same, p. 94\u201395).\n When Hutchinson\u2019s reply to the House (17 Oct.) did not satisfy the representatives, they named the committee described above. The committee\u2019s report proposed a message demanding that Hutchinson \u201cin an explicit Manner assure us, Whether you still hold the Command of his Majesty\u2019s Castle-William.\u201d Hutchinson\u2019s reply is printed at p. 112\u2013113.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0011", "content": "Title: Message to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson on the Style of Enacting Laws, 6 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Leonard, Daniel,Ingersoll, David Jr.,Adams, Samuel,Hawley, Joseph,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: Hutchinson, Thomas,Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony\n 6 November 1770. MS not found. Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 134\u2013135. Prepared by a committee appointed 2 November composed of Daniel Leonard, Samuel Adams, JA, Joseph Hawley, and David Ingersoll Jr. (same, p. 128).\n After voting to conduct business despite their removal to Cambridge, members of the House added the phrase \u201cin general court assembled\u201d to the usual form for the authority under which provincial statutes were enacted. The committee described above was appointed immediately after the House received Hutchinson\u2019s protest that the \u201cStile of enacting\u201d new laws would force him to violate instructions of thirty years\u2019 standing which required the governor to allow only the form \u201cby the Governor, Council and House of Representatives\u201d (same, p. 128). The committee\u2019s report of 6 November declared that the additional phrase was \u201cof Substance, and necessary,\u201d but the House did not press the matter. As Hutchinson pointed out, the representatives \u201csent for their bills from the council, took out the exceptionable words, and omitted them in all the other bills passed in the session\u201d (Massachusetts Bay, ed. MayoThomas Hutchinson, The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, ed. Lawrence Shaw Mayo, Cambridge, 1936; 3 vols., 3:226).\n JA himself referred to the matter as a \u201claboured controversy,\u201d which he mentioned in passing in his Autobiography only as the inspiration for Governor Shirley\u2019s remark on \u201cthis brace of Adams\u2019s\u201d who served in the House in 1770 (Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:54\u201356, 3:295). For a discussion of the usage of the controversial phrase in earlier provincial statutes, see Mass., Province LawsThe Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1869\u20131922; 21 vols., 5:139\u2013140.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0012", "content": "Title: Committee Report on the State of the Province, 16 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Cushing, Thomas,Hawley, Joseph,Adams, Samuel,Hancock, John,Worthington, John,Pickering, John Jr.,Warren, James,Whitcomb, John,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: \n 16 November 1770. MS not found. Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 164. Prepared by a committee appointed 16 October composed of Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, Joseph Hawley, JA, John Hancock, John Worthington, John Pickering Jr., James Warren, and John Whitcomb (same, p. 97).\n In its report the committee dealt with the colony\u2019s economic problems, recently aggravated by the Boston merchants\u2019 vote to end the nonimportation of most British goods (for this vote of 12 Oct., see Massachusetts GazetteMassachusetts Gazette: and the Boston Weekly News-Letter., 15 Oct.). The House adopted the committee\u2019s resolutions calling on members of that chamber to \u201cuse their utmost Endeavors, and enforce them their fellow citizens by their Example, to discourage Prodigality and Extravagance\u201d and \u201cto discourage the Use of Foreign Superfluities, and to promote our own Manufactures in the several Towns we represent.\u201d\n Pursuant to these resolutions, Thomas Cushing, John Hancock, William Heath, Samuel Adams, JA, Ebenezer Thayer, Samuel Bacheller, Samuel Howe, and Benjamin White were appointed \u201cto prepare a Plan for the Encouragement of Arts, Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce, and report at the next Session\u201d (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 164). No plan for the encouragement of manufactures was introduced at the fourth session of the General Court (April 1771), but see JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 2:2, for an account of a meeting on 7 or 8 February 1771 of the committee charged with drawing up this plan.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0013", "content": "Title: An Act for the Limitation of Personal Actions, 20 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Hawley, Joseph,Worthington, John,Hutchinson, Thomas,Massachusetts, Lieutenant Governor of,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: \n 20 November 1770. MS, engrossed copy, signed by Hutchinson (M-Ar). Printed: Mass., Province LawsThe Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1869\u20131922; 21 vols., 5:109\u2013111. Prepared by a committee appointed 16 October composed of JA, John Worthington, and Joseph Hawley (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 98).\n The need to regularize limitations on suits at law was one of the \u201cimportant Matters\u201d cited by Hutchinson in his plea to the House to resume business in June (same, p. 23). Legislation limiting such actions had been passed in earlier years, but had been \u201crepeatedly suspended before it could have any operation\u201d (Hutchinson to Board of Trade, 21 Dec. 1770, Mass., Province LawsThe Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1869\u20131922; 21 vols., 5:143; a list of earlier statutes on limitations of actions is printed at p. 109). The committee was ordered to consider \u201call the Laws relating to the Limitation of Actions, reduce them to one Bill, and report.\u201d In the absence of earlier draft versions it is impossible to assess the contributions made by the House committee.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0014", "content": "Title: Message to Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson on the Command of Castle William, 20 November 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Cushing, Thomas,Hawley, Joseph,Adams, Samuel,Hancock, John,Worthington, John,Pickering, John Jr.,Warren, James,Whitcomb, John,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: Hutchinson, Thomas,Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony\n MS not found. Printed: Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 171\u2013172. Prepared by the committee on the state of the province, appointed 16 October (see calendar entry for 16 Nov., above).\n After its exchange of messages with Hutchinson on the Castle William controversy in mid-October (see calendar entry for 23 Oct., above), the House ordered the committee on the state of the province to take affidavits from Capt. John Phillips, former commander of the fort, and from Stephen Hall, former chaplain of the post (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 145). Hutchinson recalled that the House \u201cgave him notice by a committee, that they should proceed to examine witnesses present at the transfer of Castle William, and that he might be present at the examination, if he thought fit. This he did not think in character, but did not think proper to interrupt them\u201d (Massachusetts Bay, ed. MayoThomas Hutchinson, The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, ed. Lawrence Shaw Mayo, Cambridge, 1936; 3 vols., 3:224).\n The committee report based on these investigations was presented in the form of a message to Hutchinson. As adopted by the House on 20 November, the message remonstrated against the Lieutenant Governor\u2019s having, \u201cmerely in Obedience to Instructions,\u201d surrendered command of Castle William, \u201ca Power . . . which by the Charter is vested in him for the Safety of the People\u201d and prayed that Hutchinson would \u201ctake effectual Measures, that the Power of garrisoning his Majesty\u2019s Castle-William, may be restored to the Governor of the Province to whom it by Charter it belongs.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0082-0015", "content": "Title: Committee of Correspondence to Benjamin Franklin, 17 December 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Cushing, Thomas,Hall, Stephen,Adams, Samuel,Hancock, John,Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: \n Boston, 17 December 1770. RC (MeHi). Printed: Franklin, PapersThe Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Leonard W. Labaree, William B. Willcox (from vol. 15), and others, New Haven, 1959\u2013\u2003., 17:301\u2013304. Prepared by a \u201cCommittee of Correspondence\u201d appointed 7 November composed of Thomas Cushing, John Hancock, Stephen Hall, Samuel Adams, and JA. Although \u201cBoston\u201d was used in the date line, the House was still meeting in Cambridge.\n This committee was \u201cto communicate such Intelligence as may be necessary, to the Agent and others in Great-Britain; and also to the Speakers of the several Assemblies thro\u2019 the Continent, or to such Committee of Correspondence as they have, or may appoint\u201d (Mass., House Jour.Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts [1715\u2013], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919\u2013. (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.), 1770\u20131771, p. 139). The first letter sent to Franklin, the newly appointed agent in London for the House, is the only one of the committee\u2019s letters known to survive.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0083", "content": "Title: From John Adams to Catharine Macaulay, 9 August 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Macaulay, Catharine Sawbridge\n Boston9 August 1770. Printed: JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 1:360\u2013361. For Mrs. Macaulay\u2019s reply, see 19 July 1771, below.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0085", "content": "Title: Boston Town Committee Report on a Society to Promote the Arts, Agriculture, Manufactures, and Commerce, 29 September 1770\nFrom: Adams, John,Cushing, Thomas,Hancock, John,Boylston, Thomas,Adams, Samuel,Warren, Joseph,Dennie, William,Boston Town Meeting\nTo: \n Boston, 29 September 1770. MS not found. At the Boston Town Meeting of 20 Sept., JA was named to a committee including John Hancock, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, Thomas Boylston, Joseph Warren, and William Dennie to consider the \u201cProposal of a number of Inhabitants for forming a Society in order to promote Arts, Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce in this Province.\u201d The town meeting records for 29 Sept. show that \u201cthe Committee . . . not being present their Report which had been lodged with the Town Clerk, was not read, but the consideration thereof referred to the Adjournment\u201d (Boston Record Commissioners, 18th ReportCity of Boston, Record Commissioners, Reports, Boston, 1876\u20131909; 39 vols., p. 37\u201338). No evidence of further consideration of the report has been found.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0086", "content": "Title: From John Adams to John Lowell?, 15 December 1770\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Lowell, John\n Dr sir\n Being generally Speaking a son of Liberty, notwithstanding the Cloud of Toryism that has lately, you know, passed over me, a Number of Gentlemen have retaind me, with you, in Defence of that great and inestimable Right, Liberty and Priviledge by Charter of digging Clams upon the Ipswich Clam Banks. The Proprietors of Ipswich have sued Varrill before a Justice &c.\u2014Varrill will shew you the Copies. Will it not be best (if the Ptfs should enter) for unknown amount of text missingthe Proprietors will bring the next Action before the Superiour Court and have this great constitutional Question decided at last by the Kings Bench.\u2014I wish you a pleasant and profitable Court and am with great Esteem your Brother\n John Adams", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0001", "content": "Title: New Fables, 2 January 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThe first ascription of these fables to Franklin was by Verner Crane, and his evidence is conclusive. When the second and third fables were composed, as distinct from published, is impossible to say; the genesis of the first goes back almost two years, although in the intervening period it changed considerably.\nNEW FABLES, humbly inscribed to the S\u2014\u2014y of St\u2014\u2014e for the American Department.\nFABLE I.\nA Herd of Cows had long afforded Plenty of Milk, Butter, and Cheese to an avaricious Farmer, who grudged them the Grass they subsisted on, and at length mowed it to make Money of the Hay, leaving them to shift for Food as they could, and yet still expected to milk them as before; but the Cows, offended with his Unreasonableness, resolved for the future to suckle one another.\n FABLE II.\nAn Eagle, King of Birds, sailing on his Wings aloft over a Farmer\u2019s Yard, saw a Cat there basking in the Sun, mistook it for a Rabbit, stoop\u2019d, seized it, and carried it up into the Air, intending to prey on it. The Cat turning, set her Claws into the Eagle\u2019s Breast; who, finding his Mistake, opened his Talons, and would have let her drop; but Puss, unwilling to fall so far, held faster; and the Eagle, to get rid of the Inconvenience, found it necessary to set her down where he took her up.\n FABLE III.\nA Lion\u2019s Whelp was put on board a Guinea Ship bound to America as a Present to a Friend in that Country: It was tame and harmless as a Kitten, and therefore not confined, but suffered to walk about the Ship at Pleasure. A stately, full-grown English Mastiff, belonging to the Captain, despising the Weakness of the young Lion, frequently took it\u2019s Food by Force, and often turned it out of it\u2019s Lodging Box, when he had a Mind to repose therein himself. The young Lion nevertheless grew daily in Size and Strength, and the Voyage being long, he became at last a more equal Match for the Mastiff; who continuing his Insults, received a stunning Blow from the Lion\u2019s Paw that fetched his Skin over his Ears, and deterred him from any future Contest with such growing Strength; regretting that he had not rather secured it\u2019s Friendship than provoked it\u2019s Enmity.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0003", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: I, 4 January 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nThis essay, printed in the Public Advertiser on Jan. 4, 1770, was the first in a series of eleven that ran in that newspaper for the next two months. The series was designed to muster support for the total repeal of the Townshend Acts, and ended when the last hope of such repeal was dashed in March. Verner Crane, with his usual meticulous and persuasive scholarship, has demonstrated that Franklin was the principal author, but may have had some assistance from his fellow member of the Club of Honest Whigs, James Burgh. The essays were the only instance during his English missions in which Franklin committed himself in advance to ongoing serial publication. Even though he did not meet the schedule as first announced, of two a week, and even if he did have Burgh\u2019s help as collaborator, the literary effort involved must have conflicted seriously with the other demands upon his time. Hence it is not surprising that the essays contain little that is original; they reiterate, and on occasion amplify, arguments that he had formulated earlier.\n[January 4, 1770]\nThe Time now approaches when the Great Council of the Nation is to meet for deliberating on the momentous Concerns of this mighty Empire; no Object of greater Importance than the present unhappy Dispute between the Mother Country, and her Colonies, is likely to come before them, I therefore beg leave to offer to the Public a few brief Considerations on this weighty Subject. The Hope that the Legislature will at length be graciously pleased to relax of the Severity heretofore exercised against our Fellow-Subjects in America, and to consult more deliberately the mutual Advantage both of them and us, has encouraged me to seize the present Opportunity. The impartial Publick will judge, from my Manner of treating the Subject, in the following Numbers, which will appear in this Paper on Mondays and Thursdays, what Opportunities I have had, during some Years Service in America, of knowing the Inclinations, Affections, and Concerns of the Inhabitants in the Provinces of that extensive Continent. Be it remembered by those, who may find themselves disposed to object against this Publication, that where the Matter is of such Weight, the Manner of stating it is of less Consequence, and that, while Grievances continue unredressed, the Continuance of Complaint is to be expected.\nIt is well known, that the late fatal Rupture between us and our Colonies, is owing to an Innovation introduced under the Administration of Mr. Grenville, by which, instead of the usual Method of Requisition, at all Times readily complied with by our Colonies to their utmost Power, we have thought fit to lay upon them sundry Taxes, with the declared Purpose of raising Money for the Benefit of the Revenue, while they have no Representation adequate, or inadequate in the Assembly, which imposes those Taxes. To this we have added an express authoritative Declaration, that the British Parliament has a Right to impose Taxes on the Colonies without their Consent given either in Person, or by Representation.\nThese Proceedings the Colonists consider as a direct Attack on the Vitals of their Liberty. \u201cWhat is it to be enslaved?\u201d the Colonists say, \u201cIf, being deprived of our Property, without our Consent, nay, in direct Opposition to our Inclination, by an Assembly in which not one Individual is interested, or authorized to take our Part, but, on the contrary, all think themselves interested to burthen us for their own Alleviation. What is it to be enslaved if this be not?\u201d According to Mr. Locke, the late Declaration of the Parliament\u2019s Right to tax the unrepresented Colonies, annihilates the whole Property of every British Subject in America, and at once beggars three Millions of industrious, loyal, and brave People. \u201cI have truly no Property in that which another can, by Right, take from me, when he pleases, against my Consent,\u201d says that great Writer. Now, in this very Predicament, have we, by the late Claim of a Right to tax the Colonies, without Representation, placed a very great Proportion of the British free-born Subjects. Three Millions, out of Fifteen of which his Majesty is Sovereign, are declared no longer Masters of the Fruits of their own Industry. Their All is at the absolute Disposal of the British Parliament, to every Intent and Purpose, as effectually as the Property of every Frenchman, or every Turk is at the Mercy of their respective Governments, in which the Subjects of those unhappy Countries are wholly unrepresented, and denied all Power of refusing; in which important Respect the Case of our Colonists is equally calamitous and oppressive.\nThe British Subjects on the West Side of the Atlantick, see no Reason why they must not have the Power of giving away their own Money, while those on the Eastern Side claim that Privilege. They imagine, it would sound very unmelodious in the Ear of an Englishman, to tell him, that, by the Rapidity of Population in our Colonies, the Time will quickly come when the Majority of the Subjects will be in America; and that in those Days there will be no House of Commons in England, but that Britain will be taxed by an American Parliament, in which there will not be one Representative for either of the British Kingdoms.\nIf the British Subjects, residing in this Island, claim Liberty, and the Disposal of their Property, on the Score of that unalienable Right that all Men, except those who have justly forfeited those Advantages have to them, the British People, residing in America, challenge the same on the same Principle. If the former alledge, that they have a Right to tax themselves, from Prescription, and Time immemorial, so may the latter. If the former have Charters from Princes, so have the latter. There is not one Species of Claim, natural or artificial, on which the former can found their Right to the Disposal of their own Property, to which the latter is not equally intitled. Indeed, an Empire, composed of half Freemen, half Slaves (in a very few Years the British Subjects in America will equal the Number of those in the Mother Country) would resemble the Roman Empire in it\u2019s ruinous State, as it is described in the wonderful Prediction of the Prophet Daniel, by the Representation of the Legs and Feet of an Image partly of Iron, and partly of Clay, partly strong, and partly broken. God forbid that ever this Description should be applicable to the British Empire!\nN.B. If any Fact should, in the Course of these Papers, be wrong stated, it will immediately be corrected, if candidly pointed out. But Gentlemen will please to decline urging any of the Objections already published against the Reasonings of the Colonists, because most of them will be considered in the Course of these Papers.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0004", "content": "Title: Petition to the Treasury from Franklin and Others for a Grant of Land, 4 January 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThe formation of the Grand Ohio Company in the early summer of 1769 had begun a flurry of activity among its principal promoters. The original request to the Privy Council for a grant of 2,400,000 acres, to be carved out of the territory ceded to the crown by the Indians in the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, had been referred to the Board of Trade. After a five-month pause the Board held a hearing in December, 1769, at which Hillsborough made the suggestion\u2014most surprising in the light of his previous attitude\u2014that the grant be enlarged to a size suitable for a new colony, and himself offered to sound out the opinion of the Treasury. The promoters may have been as much startled as pleased by the American Secretary\u2019s volte-face, but they were quick to improve the shining hour. At a meeting on December 27, with sixteen in attendance and Franklin in the chair, they decided to reorganize and enlarge the Company so as to include George Croghan and his group and those in the Indiana Company, and to raise the ante by asking for a grant of twenty million acres. The petition printed below grew out of this meeting and was presented to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, including Grafton and North, by the signers in person on January 4, 1770. The Commissioners behaved as might be expected: they were receptive in principle but averse to reaching any quick decision, and waited on further information from the Board of Trade and opinions from other governmental departments. The negotiations thereupon relapsed into their usual torpor.\n[January 4, 1770]\nThe Memorial of Thos Walpole, JohnSarjant, Dr. Franklin and Saml.Wharton for the Purchase of Lands in America in behalf of themselves andtheir Associates.\nSHEWETH.\nThat your Memorialists propose to your Lordships to become Purchasers of a certain tract of land within the late Cession made to the King at Fort Stanwix by the six Nations and described in a Paper hereto annexed paying for the same \u00a310,460 7s. 3d. and a Quit Rent of 2 shillings for every 100 Acres of cultivable Land within the said tract, which Quit Rent to commence after the expiration of 20 years. One fifth part of the Principal Money to be paid immediately on receiving a deed of Grant under the Great Seal for the said Tract of Land and the remaining four fifths to be paid annually by four equal Instalments\u2014And Your Memorialists &ca.\nThos. WalpoleJohn SarjantB. FranklinSaml. Wharton\nTo the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty\u2019s Treasury.\nCopy\n [Annex:] Beginning on the South side of the River Ohio, opposite the Mouth of Sioto, thence Southerly through the Pass in the Onasioto Mountains to the South side of the said Mountains thence along the side of the said Mountains North Easterly to the Fork of the Great Kenhawa made by the junction of Green Briar and New Rivers thence along the said Green Briar River on the Easterly side of the same into the head or termination of the North Easterly branch thereof, thence Easterly to the Allegheny Mountain thence along the said Allegheny Mountain to Lord Fairfax\u2019s line, thence along the same to the Spring head of the North branch of the River Powtomack thence along the Western Boundary line of the Province of Maryland to the Southern Boundary line of the Province of Pennsylvania, Thence along the said Southern Boundary line of the Province of Pennsylvania to the end thereof, Thence along the Western Boundary line of the said Province of Pennsylvania until the same shall strike the River Ohio, Thence down the said River Ohio to the Place of Beginning.\nCopy\nEndorsed: Memorial of the Honourable Thomas Walpole and his Associates to the Lords of the Treasury for Lands On the River ohio, and the Bounds of the same.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0005", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Ewing, 4 January 1770\nFrom: Ewing, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nPhilada. Janry. 4th 1769\nOur Philosophical Society have at Length ordered me to draw out an Account of our Observations of the Transits of Venus and Mercury to be transmitted to you as our President thro\u2019 whose Hands we think they may most conveniently be communicated to the learned Societies of Europe to whom you may apprehend they will be agreable. The Reason of their not coming sooner to Hand was a rash Agreement of the Society not to send them abroad untill we had printed them in our own Transactions. But finding that there was some Reason to suspect that some partial Accounts of them had been transmitted to England, by some of our Members privately, which possibly might be inaccurate and not much to be depended on, the Society have thought proper to reconsider that hasty Agreement, and send them without farther Loss of Time. We hope however that they will be as soon with you as those that have been made in South America and the East Indies. I have accordingly enclosed to you two Copies, one directed to the Astronomer Royal Mr. Maskelyne at Greenwich and the other to be transmitted by you to any of the learned Societies of Europe you shall think proper. I would have had them transcribed in a fairer Hand than my own, but only that the only Post which can reach the Packet leaves Town this morning.\nYou are well acquainted, Sir, with the Serenity of our Air, and the Advantages we enjoy above many other Countries in Europe for making celestial Observations could a fixed Observatory be established in Philadelphia. I have mentioned this Matter to Mr. Maskelyne and referred him to you for Advice how to bring it into Execution should it meet with your Approbation. You are well acquainted with the Views of our Assembly, and the Unreasonableness of expecting that they would lay out any of the public Money for such a Purpose, unless it was recommended by you to them, as they place an unreserved Confidence in your Judgment, concerning what Measures would Lend to the Reputation of the Province the Advancement of useful Knowledge and the Benefit of the public in general. Geography, Navigation and the Arts that depend upon them are daily reaping Advantages from the Astronomical Observations made in the different Observatories of Europe. Should you think it of any Consequence that we in this infant Country might bear any Part in these Things, your known Character and Abilities to judge in these Matters must necessarily have so much Influence with our Assembly as to induce them to bear at least a Part in the Expences of it. And possibly Mr. Maskelyne might suggest some Means of affording some Assistance from Home, from the Consideration of its being made subservient to his Observatory at Greenwich and put under his general Direction.\nI have not mentioned this Proposal to any Persons here but to Mr. Coomb, excepting to you, and that under a Promise that he will not speak of it, as I apprehend that there is a Propriety in its coming from you and the Astronomer Royal. So that if it does not meet with your Approbation, pray let it sleep and be so kind as to excuse the Trouble given you by Sir Your most obedient and very humble Servant\nJohn Ewing\nP S. Mr. Coombe tells me that he has mentioned the above Proposal to his Son, with a Desire that he should speak to you on the Subject.\nPlease to send me Authentic Accounts of the Observations of the Transit of Venus made in as many Places as you can conveniently procure, if your Leisure from more important Business will permit it, that we may here also endeavour to solve the curious Problem of the Suns Parallax. If it would not be trespassing too much, I should also be much obliged to you for an Account of Messrs. Mason\u2019s & Dixons Determinations of the Length of a Degree of Latitude here, as they have been employed by the R. Society to measure it in the lower Counties.\nEndorsed: Revd Mr Ewing \u2003Jan 4. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0006", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 4 January 1770\nFrom: Parker, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir\nWoodbridge Jan. 4, 1769 [1770]\nI am yet here about the Jersey Laws: I sent up to New York 8 Days ago, a Letter for you with the first of the inclosed Bill of Exchange for \u00a3200, Wats and Mc Evers on Harley and Drummond which I had of Mr. Colden: but the Weather has been so extreme severe, that I have not learnt whether it could be sent by a Merchantship, or by this Packet; but lest that should be with a Merchant Ship, I venture to send this per Packet. By that I sent a New power to you which I designed by Capt. Davis, who witnessed it, but he sailed suddenly and I knew it not. The Laws will take me here about two Weeks from this Time, when I hope to return to New-York. I continue very Stiff and sore but seem to gather Strength a little: I have resigned the Office in the Custom-House: We are otherways much as usual, and with the Utmost Regards remain Your most obliged Servant\nJames Parker\nPS. I don\u2019t remember ever to have seen your Examination in a Quebeck Paper, it was in several of the Eastern Ones; but I write to Quebeck about it, and if I can get it I will send it.\nAddressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Packet", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0008", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Wharton, [10 January? 1770]\nFrom: Wharton, Samuel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nWednesday Morning [January 10, 1770?]\nI was informed late last Night, That a Number of your and my Letters were lying at the New York Coffee House and Therefore I went into the City early this morning and have taken up all I could find.\nI send by my Boy, yours. I [am] always very respectfully your Very affectionate Friend.\nS Wharton\nAddressed: To / Dr. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0009", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: III, 11 January 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nSuppose some long-headed Minister should invent a Tax to be imposed only on those Subjects, residing in Britain, who have no Vote in any Election for Members of Parliament. Suppose the British Government to publish a formal Declaration, That they have a Right to give and grant away the Property of many Millions of their Fellow-Subjects, without, or against their Consent, and for the declared Purpose of saving their own, what Idea would this Proceeding give Foreigners of the hitherto justly boasted Equity of the British Government? But does it make any Difference, as to Equity, whether the Individuals taxed without, or against their own Consent, be Subjects residing on the Eastern, or on the Western Side of the Atlantick? If it does, the Advantage is plainly on the Side of the Tax here supposed; for the Members of the British Parliament, or at least the Majority of them (and the Majority decides) cannot be supposed competent Judges of the Ability of the Colonists to bear Taxes; whereas, they are Judges of the Ability of their Fellow-Subjects resident in Britain.\nAgain, suppose the Form of Representation was the same in England, as it is in some Parts of America, viz. That every Parish should send so many Deputies to the Assembly of Lawmakers. Suppose each County to exclude one Parish from the Privilege of Representation, and yet to lay Taxes on the unrepresented Parishes, as if they were represented. Suppose the Legislature to declare, that the County of Middlesex has a Right to tax the Parish of Islington, and at the same Time a Right to refuse to admit Deputies from that Parish to the County-Meeting, in which the Contingent for each Parish was settled, could it be reasonably expected that the Inhabitants of the Parish of Islington should contentedly submit to such gross Partiality? Yet this gross Partiality would be more reasonable than the British Parliament\u2019s assuming a Right to tax the unrepresented Colonists, because the Representatives of the other Parishes of Middlesex (and so of the rest) must, at least, be supposed competent Judges of the Abilities of the Inhabitants of Islington.\nThere is besides the Injustice, a palpable Self-contradiction in the Idea of a Power in the British Parliament, of laying Taxes on the Colonists, without previously new-modelling their whole internal Constitution. All, who know any Thing of the Government of the Colonies, know, that their Provincial Assemblies of Representatives have always had a Power, analagous to that of our House of Commons, of laying Taxes for bearing the Expences of each respective Government. This Constitution, every Body must perceive, is founded on the prime Maxim of all free Government, viz. That no Subject is to be deprived of any Part of his Property, but by his own Consent, given either personally, or by his Representative. Now, I should be glad to learn, from the Grenvillian Theory, what is to be the Business of the provincial Assemblies of Representatives in our Colonies, if the Power of taxing be in the British House of Commons? Is it not evident, that these two Powers are incompatible? How is the Provincial Assembly of New-England, for instance, to lay on a Tax of Half a Crown in the Pound for the most indispensable Exigency, at the same Time that, for aught that is known in New-England, the House of Commons may be laying on a Tax of Seventeen and Six-pence in the Pound? If we may put any Trust in the first Rule in Arithmetick, here is the whole Pound gone. And, that severe and disproportionate Taxes may be laid on the Colonies by a British Parliament, is naturally to be expected from the Difficulty of their coming at a competent Knowledge of the internal Circumstances of the Colonies, of which more hereafter. If it should be proposed, in order to support this double Power of Taxation, that there be an indemnifying Power vested in the American Assemblies, of retorting Taxes on Britain to the Value of the Excess above what the Colonists can fairly bear; besides, that this would, at best, be but a clumsy Kind of doing and undoing, perhaps our being subjected to Taxation by the Americans, might not be relished here. But, to be serious, as their Constitution is at present, it seems impossible to reconcile, with any clear Ideas of Business, a double Power of Taxing. And, to take away from their Assemblies the Power of Taxing, in order to place it solely in the House of Commons, would indeed effectually remove the glaring Absurdity of a Self-contradictory double Power of Taxation; but I should be glad to know, if the Grenvillians have an Idea of a State of more absolute Slavery, as to Property, than this new Constitution would, without Representation in Parliament, bring our American Fellow-Subjects into.\nOn this Head a most pitiful Set of Defences has been fabricated by the Enemies of Liberty: As, that the City of London is sometimes taxed by her own internal Government, to raise Funds for the particular Uses of the City, while she is subject to the general Taxes imposed by Parliament. If the Colonies sent, as London does, Members to Parliament, and their Provincial Assemblies were accidental subordinate Courts, like the Common-Council of London, and not, as at present, their whole Representation, there might be some Comparison attempted. As their Constitution is now, no two Things can well be imagined more specifically different.\nAgain, it has been urged, in Defence of the new Taxing-Policy, that it pleads Precedent. The Post-Office, say the Grenvillians, is, in Effect, a Tax upon America, which they never have complained of. The advancing of so frivolous an Apology for their Injustice and Oppression, shews the Difficulty they find in patching up an indefensible Cause. They might as well have drawn a Defence of their Policy from the establishing of Tolls at Turnpikes. Will any Man of common Sense attempt to force a Comparison between a Regulation evidently for the Benefit of the Colonies, and of our Merchants trading with them, and whose Effect is a saving of Money to the Colonists, and a Scheme, whose declared Intention is, to take from them their Property, and to increase the Revenue at their Expence, and contrary to their Inclination? Our American Fellow-Subjects have never shewn the least Inclination to dispute the Power of the British Government to make Regulations either for the Mother Country, or the Colonies, so they were found to be of general Advantage. Nay, it will appear by the Sequel that they have suppressed innumerable Complaints they might have been expected to utter with a very audible Voice. They have all along acquiesced in our regulating all the Branches of the national Commerce, and among the rest, that between the Mother Country and themselves. None of the Dummers, the Otises, the Dickensons, the Dulaneys, dispute, in their Writings, the Power of the British Government over the Colonies. All they oppose is the illegal and unconstitutional Application of it. The Colonists admire and celebrate the British Form of Government, and only wish to enjoy the Benefit of it. They have, in their implicit Confidence, (for, with Anguish, I write it, their confidence once was implicit) in the Wisdom of Parliament, taken for granted, that no Regulation was likely ever to be made by it, which should materially injure them; as the known Consequence of injuring or impoverishing the Colonies, must be heavy Damage to the Mother Country.\nAnother flimsy Apology for the Right of taxing the unrepresented Colonies, is drawn from the Tenor of some of their Charters. And here likewise the Grenvillians throw away a great deal of Toil and Sweat on an ungrateful and barren Argument. Their Manner of handling the Point is alone a sufficient Indication of the cruel Hardships with which they find themselves pinched. Sometimes they argue, that the Charters granted the original Colonists are the only Foundation on which their respective Constitutions rest; and that some of those Charters mention a Power in the Parliament to lay Taxes on the Colonists. Ergo, the late Innovations are unexceptionable. Now, the Truth is, this Mode of Expression occurs only in one or two Charters, and plainly means nothing more than a Security against regal Taxation, too common in those despotic Times.\nNor does it exclude the Idea of Representation, so essential to the Justice of a Claim of the Power of Taxation, but leaves it unmentioned; which was to be expected from the Spirit of those Ages, when Liberty was not understood. But the Grenvillians, in arguing from the Charters when they find themselves beaten out of this Hold, immediately shift Ground, and cry out, \u201cThe Kings who granted the Colony Charters over-stretched their Power.\u201d Nothing less than the whole Legislature could reach so far. Ergo, the Colonists Immunities are what the Legislature pleases to make them. How far the Power of Kings reaches I will not enquire; nor is the Dispute, whether the Colonists are to be Free or Slaves, to be decided by a Set of hasty Charters huddled up by a Set of Kings, who did not understand Liberty, and given to a Set of People who understand it as little. Were we to be determined by what was done in those arbitrary Times, the Liberties of the Mother Country, as well as of the Colonies, would soon be shaken from their Foundation.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0011", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 11 January 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Galloway, Joseph\nDear Sir,\nLondon, Jan. 11. 1770\nSince mine of the 9th. past, I have received your Favour of Nov. 8. with the Bill for \u00a3500. Wharton on Whitmore; for which I am greatly oblig\u2019d to the Assembly; and to you for your kind Care in so speedily remitting it.\nI am perfectly of the same Sentiments with you, that the old Harmony will never be restor\u2019d between the two Countries, till some Constitution is agreed upon and establish\u2019d, ascertaining the relative Rights and Duties of each. And I am pleas\u2019d to find that the same Opinion begins to prevail here. Several have mention\u2019d it to me in Conversation, and last Week, a Member of Parliament in high Station and in great Esteem with the present Ministry, came to visit me, and intimated that such a Constitution was now thought of, and in his Opinion a Plan might be form\u2019d agreable to both Sides, if three or four reasonable Men were to meet for that purpose, and discuss coolly the contended Points; which he wish\u2019d me to think of, and hop\u2019d I would not leave England till something of the kind was done.\nIt has been understood for some time past, that the Duties on Glass, Paper and Colours, were to be repeal\u2019d early this Session, agreable to the Promises in Lord Hillsborough\u2019s circular Letter; and the Duty on Tea in consequence of a Petition from the East India Company. This, if accomplished, will open the Trade, I suppose, between Britain and our Province; But it will still remain shut with Boston, if the other Revenue Acts are not also repealed. It is talk\u2019d, however, that a severe Law will be pass\u2019d with the Repeal, to make it highly penal to enter into such Agreements not to import Goods from hence, as have lately taken Place in America. A Paragraph you will observe in the King\u2019s Speech seems intended to introduce this new Law; which if brought forward we shall use our Endeavours to obstruct: tho\u2019 I do not see how such a Law could be executed; and I rather think it would tend to make such Agreements more general, and more resolutely adher\u2019d to. In the House of Peers on the first Day of the Session, Lords Chatham, Cambden, and Shelbourne, spoke strongly for the Rights of America, insisted that we had been unjustly treated by the late Laws, and that we had a Right to use the only peaceable Means in our Power, (those Agreements) for Self-Defence: They also, as I hear, gave their Opinion, that all the Revenue Laws for America ought to be repealed; commended our publick Virtue and the Spirit of Liberty that existed so universally among us; and said they gloried in being considered as the Friends of such a People. Col. Barr\u00e9 and others in the House of Commons spoke well to the same purpose. The ministerial Strength, however, is so great, that nothing will be done against their Inclination; and it is to be hoped, that by degrees they may be brought to favour us; especially as domestic Faction seem to give them Trouble enough at present.\nTo forward the Repeal, I have represented, that if they intend it at all, it should be done immediately; otherwise the Spring Trade will be too late and lost. I have also been in the City among the Merchants, to get them to present to the Ministry or Parliament, an Account of the Amount of their conditional Orders; in order to obviate an Opinion industriously propagated here, that the Trade still goes on, tho\u2019 covertly. Whether they will do it or not, I cannot yet say, many of them being so averse to the Ministry as to be unwilling to have anything to do with them. We may possibly know better in a few Days what is to be expected from Parliament; and I shall send you by the first Opportunity what occurs of Importance. The internal Divisions of this Kingdom, tho\u2019 bad in themselves, may perhaps produce some Advantage to us, or at least lessen the Mischiefs some threaten us with; but it is rather to be wish\u2019d Government would relieve and treat us fairly from Principles of Wisdom and Equity.\nI observe from the Committee\u2019s Letter, that the Instructions relating to the Change of Government in our Province, and other Points, are continued. We shall never lose Sight of them; but use our best Endeavours, and seize every Opportunity, of fulfilling the Desires of our Constituents; attending at the same time to the prudent Cautions given us with regard to some Matters of the greatest Importance.\nBe pleased to communicate this Letter to the Committee, assuring them of my Respect and most faithful Services. With great and sincere Esteem I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nJoseph Galloway Esqr \u2003Speaker.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0013", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: IV, 15 January 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nTo assume the Title of the Colonist\u2019s Advocate, is to undertake the Defence of Three Millions of the most valuable Subjects of the British Empire, against Tyranny and Oppression, brought upon them by a wrong-headed Ministry. It is to call the Attention of Government to the Injuries of the brave and free Emigrants from these Realms, who first, without the least Charge to us, obtained, and have, for many Years, at the Expence of their Sweat and their Blood, secured for themselves, and the Mother Country, an unmeasurable Territory, from whence Riches, Power, and Honour have, for many Centuries, been flowing in upon us; and (had not the evil Genius of England whispered in the Ear of a certain Gentleman, \u201cGeorge! be a Financier\u201d) would, for Ages to come, have continued to flow in the same happy Channel. I beg Justice for those brave People, who, in Confidence of our Protection, left their native Country, pierced into Woods, where no humanized Foot had, from the Creation, trod; who rouzed the deadly Serpent in his Hole, the Savage Beast in his Den, and the brutal Indian in his Thicket, and who have made us the Envy and the Terror of Europe. The Colonists have made our Merchants Princes, while themselves are, for the most Part, Farmers and Planters. They have employed our Hands, increased our People, consumed our Manufactures, improved our Navy, maintained our Poor, and doubled, or trebled our Riches. Our Exports to Pensylvania were,\nIn 1744, to all the Northern Colonies,\nIn 1744, to the West-India Islands,\nIs not this a stupendous Mart for British Manufactures? But if this was not getting [rich] fast enough by our Colonies, let us proceed a little farther.\nBy the Easiness of settling and maintaining a Family in America, it is found, that the People do, merely by natural Population, exclusive of Additions from Europe, from whence great Numbers are continually emigrating double their Numbers every twenty Years. If, therefore, in 1758, our Exports\n To the American Continent, were\n And to the Islands,\n Together,\nSupposing the Exports to the Islands not to increase, but to continue the same; by the mere Increase of the People on the Continent, our Exports to both Islands and Continent, might have been expected in 1778, only seven Years hence, to amount to \u00a34,543,469 7s. 7d. But the above Figures shew, that our Exports do much more than double themselves every twenty Years, and that the Demands of the Colonists, for our Manufactures, have grown as the Wealth and Luxury of the Colonists has increased. It is certain, that, in a short Time, the Colonies would have wanted more of our Luxuries and Manufactures, than all the working Hands in the Mother-Country could have furnished. Instead of which, in an accursed Hour comes, to use my Lord Chatham\u2019s Expression, \u201cA wretched Financier boasting, that he can bring into the Treasury a Pepper-Corn, at the Risque of Millions to the Nation.\u201d Let the Day of his Birth be a Darkness! For, what, in the Name of all that is voracious and insatiable, what would the Taxers of our Colonies have? Does not all the Wealth of these industrious People already centre in Britain? Would our Financiers have more than their All? Supposing the Colonists ever so willing to submit to Taxation without Representation, and that they could command a Sufficiency of Money for the Purpose, neither of which is their Case, what should we gain by having a Pittance from them in the Shape of Taxes? We should only have their All in two Ways, instead of one; a Part in the Commercial Way, and the Remainder in Payment of Taxes: But, if by wresting from them, unjustly, a pitiful Pittance in the Form of a Tax, while we may, with a Good-will, obtain Millions on Millions by fair Commerce; if, by such dirty Doings, we are to enrage them against us; if, by a few Cutters stationed to prevent their Trade on the Spanish Main, and, by making a few Places for our needy Court-Danglers, we are to force them into Resolutions against our Manufactures, and hasten them into working for themselves, hundreds of Years before the Time, how do we shew ourselves wiser than the Savages of Louisiana, who, to come at the Fruit, cut down the Tree?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0014", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Vernon, 16 January 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Vernon, Thomas\nDear Sir\nLondon, Jan. 16. 1770\nThe Bearer Mr. Bowman, intends for New York; and as he will be intirely a Stranger in Rhodeisland, I beg leave to recommend him to your Civilities as a young Gentleman of good Character, for whom I interest myself. Your Advice may be useful to him; and every Regard you shew him, will be acknowledg\u2019d as an Obligation confer\u2019d on, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nThos Vernon Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0015", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Whitehurst, 18 January 1770\nFrom: Whitehurst, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nDerby 18 Jan, 1770\nThe natural tendency of philosophical minds to promote useful knowledge, seems to render an apology to you quite needless for the favour I\u2019m going to request.\nI\u2019m inform\u2019d Sir, that the truely eminent Artist Mr. West is one of that Class of men who cultivates the Science he professes for the Sake of the Art only. A most laudable example indeed.\nA Young artist, who I humbly conceive has some merit, has expressd a strong desire of being a Student under Mr. West, but is destitute of a friend to interceed for him. His Name is Powell, a Sober worthy Youth, and Extremely Assiduous to attain a degree of Emenence. If you could with propriety name Mr. Powells inclination, to Mr. West, I verily believe, it woud give that Worthy Gentleman pleasure to see the progress he has made. But previous to your taking that Step, I presume it would be agreeable to you to see a Specimen of Mr. Powells performance. Shoud this proposal meet your approbation, Mr. Powell will wait on you when ever you are pleased to Address a line to him at Mr. Hurlstones in Cary Street, whose Son has the Honour of being a Studient at this time, and Can speak to his moral Character.\nMr. Tissington tells me you propose leaving England in the Spring, which gives me some Concern as well as my worthy friend. We purpose doing our Selves the pleasure to take leave of you in London, and shoud hope to be favourd with a line a few weeks before your departure.\nI hope Mrs. Stevenson is well, to whom please to present my Complements And that I hope she will spend some weeks with me when she comes down into Derbyshire who am Sir Your Most Obedient Servant\nJohn Whitehurst\nPS I hope you received a Hare by the derby Stage on Wednessday morning last. Pray Sir, what will be done about the duties imposed on the North Americans? I shoud Esteem it a Singular favour to know your Sentiments on that head.\nAddressed: To / Benj. Franklin Esqr / Mrs. Stevensons \u2003Craven Street / the Strand / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-22-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0016", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 22 January 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nDear Polly,\nCraven street Jan 22. \u201470\nI received your Favour of Saturday early this Morning, and am as usual much obliged by the kind Readiness with which you have done what I requested.\nYour good Mother has complain\u2019d more of her Head since you left us, than ever before. If she stoops or looks or bends her Neck downwards on any Occasion, it is with great Pain and Difficulty that she gets her Head up again. She has therefore borrowed a Breast and Neck Collar of Mrs. Wilkes, such as Misses wear, and now uses it to keep her Head up. Mr. Strahan has invited us all to dine there tomorrow, but she has excused herself. Will you come and go with me? If you cannot well do that, you will at least be with us on Friday, to go to Lady Strachan\u2019s.\nAs to my own Head, which you so kindly enquire after, its Swimming has gradually wore off, and to day for the first Time I felt nothing of it on getting out of Bed. But as this speedy Recovery is, (as I am fully persuaded,) owing to the extream Abstemiousness I have observed for some Days past at home, I am not without Apprehensions, that being to dine abroad this Day, to morrow and next Day, I may inadvertently bring it on again, if I do not think of my little Monitor and guardian Angel, and make use of the proper and very pertinent Clause she proposes, in my Grace. Here comes a Morning Visitor. Adieu. My best Respects to Mrs. Tickel. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\nEndorsed: Jan 22 \u201370", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0017", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: V, 25 January 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nIn my last Paper I shewed, from authentic and known Estimates, that, had not the Course of our Trade with the Colonies been interrupted by the Inventions of the Grenvillians, we were in the Way to have carried it, in the Space of a few Years, to such a Length, that the Mother-Country would have gained by it annually the amazing Sum of Five Millions; and that their Wants must soon have employed more manufacturing Hands than all Britain contains. Yet these People, who are of such Consequence to us, we shew ourselves indifferent how we treat. We put the whole People of America to Expence and Trouble, merely to put a little Money into the Pockets of a few Portugal Merchants. The Colonists must not import directly Wine, Oil, or Fruit from Portugal, but must have them, loaded with the Expences of a Voyage 3000 Miles round, by Way of England, which enhances every Article 30 per Cent. in War Time, empoverishes the Colonies, disables them from paying their Debts, and makes them the worse Customers to ourselves. We empty on them our Gaols, and fill their Country with our Rogues. Our restraining them from the Use of Slitting Mills, and Steel Furnaces, with the Design of preventing their manufacturing of Nails, Edge-Tools, &c. is copied from the tyrannical Politicks of the Philistines with the People of Israel. The Act for prohibiting the cutting of white Pines, invented on Pretence of preserving them for the Use of the Navy, has proved the Destruction of many noble Trees fit for Masts. For the Custom of the Log-men, when they go into the Woods to search for Trees for the Mills, is, to cut down as many as they can, in order to secure their Property in them. This occasions their destroying many more than they really want; and their sawing into Boards many, which, but for the injudicious Prohibition, they would have disposed of for Masts; by which they would have got more, and we should likewise have saved the ready Money we now send to Norway for Masts. It is now too late to regulate this Article in New-England, but not in Canada.\nAgain, how rigorous are our Regulations, which oblige them to bring us all their Products at our own Price, though they might find better Markets Abroad? How severe to prohibit their manufacturing a Variety of necessary Articles, or their purchasing them of other Nations, only that they may be obliged to have them of us at an advanced Price; for we can afford nothing at a moderate Price, loaded as we are with the yearly Interest of 135 Millions of Debt, incurred chiefly by warring in Germany; which Interest is to be paid by the Consumers of our Manufactures. Thus we make the Colonists sell as cheap, and buy as dear as we please. The Carthagenians obliged the People of Sardinia (V\u00e6 victis!) to buy all their Corn of them, and at the Price they set upon it. But we do not hear, that those tyrannical Conquerors forced the enslaved Sardinians to sell them all their Products at a Price of their own fixing. This Law we impose, not on a conquered People, but on our own Children, who have always shewn themselves dutiful, and have never complained of these Regulations, \u2019till we began to lay direct Taxes on them; direct Taxes, I say, because these Regulations are indirect Taxes, and severe ones, too, as we would think them, if we found our Trade hampered by a People beyond the Ocean, in the Manner we restrain that of our Colonists; which is, in many Instances, rigorous, useless, and impolitick.\nWhenever we find ourselves encumbered with a needy Court-Dangler, whom, on Account of Connections, we must not kick down Stairs, we kick him up into an American Government. Many of these have proved Men of arbitrary and rapacious Dispositions. They have not, as Kings, an Interest in the Countries they govern, on Account of Children who are to succeed them. They are generally Strangers. They come only to make Money as fast as they can. Their Situation enables them to be very vexatious and injurious. (See the Complaints of the House of Representatives of Massachusett\u2019s Bay, in their Petition to the King against Sir F.B.\u2014 Providence Gazette, No. 296.) Yet, we have endeavoured to make their Governors wholly independent on them, by obtaining for them a fixed Salary, extorted from the People, without Intervention of their Assemblies. An admirable Scheme for making their Assemblies useless, and for rendering the Governors indifferent about calling them, as having nothing to hope, and perhaps something to fear, from their meeting.\nThe Judges we give them, being appointed from hence, and holding their Commissions, not during good Behaviour, but during Pleasure, all the Weight is thrown into one of the Scales, if the Salaries are to be paid out of Duties raised upon the People, without their Approbation, or Disapprobation of the Behaviour of the Judges.\nThe Admiralty-Courts, whereby we allow Cognizance to be taken of all Offences against our Revenue-Acts, which deprives the People of the inestimable Advantage of being tried by Juries, are a heavy Grievance.\nIn reckoning up the Hardships we lay on our Colonists, the Difficulty consists not in finding Matter, but in the great Abundance of Matter, to range and dispose it in such Manner as to give some Idea of it that may be tolerably distinct. In the above-quoted Gazette I find some of them stated as follows:\n\u201cRaising a perpetual Revenue, without Consent of the People, or their Representatives, in violation of the sacred Rights of Representation.\n\u201cGeneral Warrants, under which any Officer, or Servant, in the Customs, may break open a Man\u2019s House, Closet, Chest, &c. at his Pleasure.\n\u201cEstablishing the arbitrary and oppressive Powers of Excise, by appointing Judges during Pleasure, to try all Revenue Causes without Jury.\n\u201cCompelling his Majesty\u2019s Subjects to Trial, in all Revenue Causes, out of their respective Colonies.\n\u201cA Secretary of State sending a Requisition to the Assembly at Boston, with Threats, tending to force their Determinations, which, by the Constitution, ought to be free.\n\u201cThreatening and punishing the American Assemblies for attempting to petition the King, though the Act of Settlement expressly secures this Right, unlimited to the Subject.\n\u201cRaising a Revenue by Prerogative [Articles ordered to be furnished the Troops] with arbitrary Impositions; another Violation of an express Article in the Act of Settlement.\n\u201cMisapplication of the permanent Revenue granted by several Assemblies in America for the Support of Government, and of the Revenue granted by Act of Parliament.\n\u201cEmpowering the Crown to seize, and send over to Britain, the American Subjects without any legal Indictment, or Bill found by a Jury.\n\u201cSuspending the Legislative Power of the Assembly of New York, so as to destroy that Freedom of Debate and Determination, which is the necessary, unalienable, and constitutional Right of such Assemblies.\n\u201cQuartering Soldiers by Violence in the Town of Boston, in Defiance of an Act of Parliament.\u201d\nThis is our Way of treating a People, who have been the Means of our gaining Millions.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0019", "content": "Title: A Conversation on Slavery, 26 January 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nTo the Printer of the Public Advertiser.\nSir,\nBroad-Street Buildings, Jan. 26, 1770.\nMany Reflections being of late thrown out against the Americans, and particularly against our worthy Lord-Mayor, on Account of their keeping Slaves in their Country, I send you the following Conversation on that Subject, which, for Substance, and much of the Expression, is, I assure you, a real one; having myself been present when it passed. If you think it suitable for your Paper, you will, by publishing it, oblige Your Friend,\nN. N.\nA Conversation between an Englishman, a Scotchman, and an American, on the Subject of Slavery.\nEnglishman. You Americans make a great Clamour upon every little imaginary Infringement of what you take to be your Liberties; and yet there are no People upon Earth such Enemies to Liberty, such absolute Tyrants, where you have the Opportunity, as you yourselves are.\nAmerican. How does that appear?\nEng. Read Granville Sharpe\u2019s Book upon Slavery: There it appears with a Witness.\nAmer. I have read it.\nEng. And pray what do you think of it?\nAmer. To speak my Opinion candidly, I think it in the Main a good Book. I applaud the Author\u2019s Zeal for Liberty in general. I am pleased with his Humanity. But his general Reflections on all Americans, as having no real Regard for Liberty; as having so little Dislike of Despotism and Tyranny, that they do not scruple to exercise them with unbounded Rigour over their miserable Slaves, and the like, I cannot approve of; nor of the Conclusion he draws, that therefore our Claim to the Enjoyment of Liberty for ourselves, is unjust. I think, that in all this, he is too severe upon the Americans, and passes over with too partial an Eye the Faults of his own Country. This seems to me not quite fair: and it is particularly injurious to us at this Time, to endeavour to render us odious, and to encourage those who would oppress us, by representing us as unworthy of the Liberty we are now contending for.\nEng. What Share has that Author\u2019s Country (England I mean) in the Enormities he complains of? And why should not his Reflections on the Americans be general?\nAmer. They ought not to be general, because the Foundation for them is not general. New England, the most populous of all the English Possessions in America, has very few Slaves; and those are chiefly in the capital Towns, not employed in the hardest Labour, but as Footmen or House-maids. The same may be said of the next populous Provinces, New-York, New Jersey, and Pensylvania. Even in Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas, where they are employed in Field-work, what Slaves there are belong chiefly to the old rich Inhabitants, near the navigable Waters, who are few compared with the numerous Families of Back-settlers, that have scarce any Slaves among them. In Truth, there is not, take North-America through, perhaps, one Family in a Hundred that has a Slave in it. Many Thousands there abhor the Slave Trade as much as Mr. Sharpe can do, conscientiously avoid being concerned with it, and do every Thing in their Power to abolish it. Supposing it then with that Gentleman, a Crime to keep a Slave, can it be right to stigmatize us all with that Crime? If one Man of a Hundred in England were dishonest, would it be right from thence to characterize the Nation, and say the English are Rogues and Thieves? But farther, of those who do keep Slaves, all are not Tyrants and Oppressors. Many treat their Slaves with great Humanity, and provide full as well for them in Sickness and in Health, as your poor labouring People in England are provided for. Your working Poor are not indeed absolutely Slaves; but there seems something a little like Slavery, where the Laws oblige them to work for their Masters so many Hours at such a Rate, and leave them no Liberty to demand or bargain for more, but imprison them in a Workhouse if they refuse to work on such Terms, and even imprison a humane Master if he thinks fit to pay them better; at the same Time confining the poor ingenious Artificer to this Island, and forbidding him to go abroad, though offered better Wages in foreign Countries. As to the Share England has in these Enormities of America, remember, Sir, that she began the Slave Trade; that her Merchants of London, Bristol, Liverpool and Glasgow, send their Ships to Africa for the Purpose of purchasing Slaves. If any unjust Methods are used to procure them; if Wars are fomented to obtain Prisoners; if free People are enticed on board, and then confined and brought away; if petty Princes are bribed to sell their Subjects, who indeed are already a Kind of Slaves, is America to have all the Blame of this Wickedness? You bring the Slaves to us, and tempt us to purchase them. I do not justify our falling into the Temptation. To be sure, if you have stolen Men to sell to us, and we buy them, you may urge against us the old and true saying, that the Receiver is as bad as the Thief. This Maxim was probably made for those who needed the Information, as being perhaps ignorant that receiving was in it\u2019s Nature as bad as stealing: But the Reverse of the Position was never thought necessary to be formed into a Maxim, nobody ever doubted that the Thief is as bad as the Receiver. This you have not only done and continue to do, but several Laws heretofore made in our Colonies, to discourage the Importation of Slaves, by laying a heavy Duty, payable by the Importer, have been disapproved and repealed by your Government here, as being prejudicial, forsooth, to the Interest of the African Company.\nEng. I never heard before of any such Laws made in America. But the severe Laws you have made, on Pretence of their being necessary for the Government of your Slaves (and even of your white Servants) as they stand quoted by Mr. Sharpe, give us no good Opinion of your general Humanity, or of your Respect for Liberty. These are not the Acts of a few private Persons; they are made by your Representatives in your Assemblies, and are therefore the Act of the whole.\nAmer. They are so; and possibly some of them made in Colonies where the Slaves greatly out-number the Whites, as in Barbadoes now, and in Virginia formerly, may be more severe than is necessary; being dictated perhaps by Fear and too strong an Opinion, that nothing but extream Severity could keep the Slaves in Obedience, and secure the Lives of their Masters. In other Colonies, where their Numbers are so small as to give no Apprehensions of that Kind, the Laws are milder, and the Slaves in every Respect, except in the Article of Liberty, are under the Protection of those Laws: A white Man is as liable to suffer Death for killing a Slave, though his own, as for any other Homicide. But it should be considered, with regard to these severe Laws, that in Proportion to the greater Ignorance or Wickedness of the People to be governed, Laws must be more severe: Experience every where teaches this. Perhaps you may imagine the Negroes to be a mild tempered, tractable Kind of People. Some of them indeed are so. But the Majority [are] of a plotting Disposition, dark, sullen, malicious, revengeful and cruel in the highest Degree. Your Merchants and Mariners, who bring them from Guinea, often find this to their Cost in the Insurrections of the Slaves on board the Ships upon the Coast, who kill all when they get the upper Hand. Those Insurrections are not suppressed or prevented but by what your People think a very necessary Severity, the shooting or hanging Numbers sometimes on the Voyage. Indeed many of them, being mischievous Villains in their own Country, are sold off by their Princes in the Way of Punishment by Exile and Slavery, as you here ship off your Convicts: And since your Government will not suffer a Colony by any Law of it\u2019s own to keep Slaves out of the Country, can you blame the making such Laws as are thought necessary to govern them while they are in it?\nEng. But your Laws for the Government of your white Servants are almost as severe as those for the Negroes.\nAmer. In some Colonies they are so, those particularly to which you send your Convicts. Honest hired Servants are treated as mildly in America every where as in England: But the Villains you transport and sell to us must be ruled with a Rod of Iron. We have made Laws in several Colonies to prevent their Importation: These have been immediately repealed here, as being contrary to an Act of Parliament. We do not thank you for forcing them upon us. We look upon it as an unexampled Barbarity in your Government to empty your Gaols into our Settlements; and we resent it as the highest of Insults. If mild Laws could govern such People, why don\u2019t you keep and govern them by your own mild Laws at home? If you think we treat them with unreasonable Severity, why are you so cruel as to send them to us? And pray let it be remembered, that these very Laws, the cruel Spirit of which you Englishmen are now pleased so to censure, were, when made, sent over hither, and submitted, as all Colony Laws must be, to the King in Council for Approbation, which Approbation they received, I suppose upon thorough Consideration and sage Advice. If they are nevertheless to be blamed, be so just as to take a Share of the Blame to yourselves.\nScotchman. You should not say we force the Convicts upon you. You know you may, if you please, refuse to buy them. If you were not of a tyrannical Disposition; if you did not like to have some under you, on whom you might exercise and gratify that Disposition; if you had really a true Sense of Liberty, about which you make such a Pother, you would purchase neither Slaves nor Convict Servants, you would not endure such a Thing as Slavery among you.\nAmer. It is true we may refuse to buy them, and prudent People do so. But there are still a Number of imprudent People, who are tempted by the Lowness of the Price, and the Length of the Time for which your Convicts are sold, to purchase them. We would prevent this Temptation. We would keep your British Man-Merchants, with their detestable Ware, from coming among us: But this you will not allow us to do. And therefore I say you force upon us the Convicts as well as the Slaves. But, Sir, as to your Observation, that if we had a real Love of Liberty, we should not suffer such a Thing as Slavery among us, I am a little surprised to hear this from you, a North Briton, in whose own Country, Scotland, Slavery still subsists, established by Law.\nScotchman: I suppose you mean the heretable Jurisdictions. There was not properly any Slavery in them: And, besides, they are now all taken away by Act of Parliament.\nAmer. No, Sir, I mean the Slavery in your Mines. All the Wretches that dig Coal for you, in those dark Caverns under Ground, unblessed by Sunshine, are absolute Slaves by your Law, and their Children after them, from the Time they first carry a Basket to the End of their Days. They are bought and sold with the Colliery, and have no more Liberty to leave it than our Negroes have to leave their Master\u2019s Plantation. If having black Faces, indeed, subjected Men to the Condition of Slavery, you might have some small Pretence for keeping the poor Colliers in that Condition: But remember, that under the Smut their Skin is white, that they are honest good People, and at the same Time are your own Countrymen!\nEng. I am glad you cannot reproach England with this; our Colliers are as free as any other Labourers.\nAmer. And do you therefore pretend that you have no such Thing as Slavery in England?\nEng. No such Thing most certainly.\nAmer. I fancy I could make it appear to you that you have, if we could first agree upon the Definition of a Slave. And if your Author\u2019s Position is true, that those who keep Slaves have therefore no Right to Liberty themselves you Englishmen will be found as destitute of such Rights as we Americans I imagine.\nEng. What is then your Definition of a Slave? Pray let us hear it, that we may see whether or no we can agree in it.\nAmer. A Slave, according to my Notion, is a human Creature, stolen, taken by Force, or bought of another or of himself, with Money; and who being so taken or bought, is compelled to serve the Taker, or Purchaser, during Pleasure or during Life. He may be sold again, or let for Hire, by his Master to another, and is then obliged to serve that other; he is one who is bound to obey, not only the Commands of his Master, but also the Commands of the lowest Servant of that Master, when set over him; who must come when he is called, go when he is bid, and stay where he is ordered, though to the farthest Part of the World, and in the most unwholesome Climate; who must wear such Cloaths as his Master thinks fit to give him, and no other, though different from the common Fashion, and contrived to be a distinguishing Badge of Servitude; and must be content with such Food or Subsistence as his Master thinks fit to order for him, or with such small Allowance in Money as shall be given him in Lieu of Victuals or Cloathing; who must never absent himself from his Master\u2019s Service without Leave; who is subject to severe Punishments for small Offences, to enormous Whippings, and even Death, for absconding from his Service, or for Disobedience to Orders. I imagine such a Man is a Slave to all Intents and Purposes.\nEng. I agree to your Definition. But surely, surely, you will not say there are any such Slaves in England?\nAmer. Yes, many Thousands, if an English Sailor or Soldier is well described in that Definition. The Sailor is often forced into Service, torn from all his natural Connections. The Soldier is generally bought in the first Place for a Guinea and a Crown at the Drum-Head: His Master may sell his Service, if he pleases, to any foreign Prince, or barter it for any Consideration by Treaty, and send him to shoot or be shot at in Germany or Portugal, in Guinea or the Indies. He is engaged for Life; and every other Circumstance of my Definition agrees with his Situation. In one Particular, indeed, English Slavery goes beyond that exercised in America.\nEng. What is that?\nAmer. We cannot command a Slave of ours to do an immoral or a wicked Action. We cannot oblige him, for Instance, to commit MURDER! If we should order it, he may refuse, and our Laws would justify him. But Soldiers must, on Pain of Death, obey the Orders they receive; though, like Herod\u2019s Troops, they should be commanded to slay all your Children under two Years old, cut the Throats of your Children in the Colonies, or shoot your Women and Children in St. George\u2019s Fields.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0020", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: VI, 29 January 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nI have shewn, that our Gains by our Colonies have been immensely great [and], but for the Grenvillian Taxation Scheme, would have soon come to be equal alone to the Whole of our necessary annual Expences of Government in Times of Peace. If so, how absurd are the Cavils of some among us, who argue, That we have been at great Expences for the Advantage of our Colonists; and that, consequently, it is very ungrateful in them to refuse to contribute to the general Exigencies of the State. It is an Insult on common Sense to affect an Appearance of Generosity in a Matter of obvious Interest. Is it Generosity that Prompts the Rustick to feed his Cow, which yields him Milk? Could we have been enriched by our Colonies, if we had not defended them from the common Enemy? Did we not know, that if we had left them a Prey to France, the very Accession of such a Dominion, with the additional Naval Force necessarily consequent, must have over-turned the British Empire, and unbalanced Europe? How absurd is it, then, to make a Merit of fighting our own Battles, and driving the Enemy from our Doors! Was it not the obvious Interest of both Mother-Country and Colonies to oppose the Attacks of France against whatever part of the Empire they were directed? Suppose the Inhabitants of Middlesex, and of Surrey, to raise a certain Sum of Money, and a certain Contingent of Men, respectively on Occasion of an Apprehension of a flat-bottomed Invasion, would the Middlesex Men have a Claim to the Thanks of the Inhabitants of Surrey, or the People of Surrey to those of the Middlesex Men? The Cause being common, neither one nor the other could, with Propriety, be said to have either conferred or received an Obligation. The Case with the Mother-Country, and Colonies, with Respect to the common Enemy, is the same; but with this material Difference, to the Disadvantage of the former in the present Dispute, that while we pretend to be ruined by the Defence of our Colonies, it is notorious, that the enormous Load of Debt, which sinks us almost to Perdition, is brought upon us by our romantick European Continental Connections; and, that we pretend to have borne alone the Burthen and Heat of the Day, while the Colonies have sat still, and, as if they had known their Throats to be Steel-proof, left us to defend them; whereas, the Truth is that the Colonists have never been wanting to their own Defence. New-England alone maintained, in the late War, at an Average of one Year with another, 15,000 Men, and lost, in the Course of the War, no less than 30,000. The Town of Boston paid, for several Years, Twelve Shillings in the Pound. The whole Contribution raised by New-England alone, amounted to almost Half a Million Sterling. Our Government has been so sensible of the Generosity of the Colonists on such Occasions, as to make them Remittances for reimbursing them some Part of their excessive Expences; yet they continue, to this Day, loaded with Debt. And, in the foregoing War, the taking of Louisbourg by the New-England Forces, was the only Feat that was done against the Enemy. In which Action the brave Waldo, and others, laid out, for the Good of their Country, more than they could afford; and, instead of being rewarded with Places or Pensions, as we every Day see one execrable Court-Tool or other, for doing a worthless Minister\u2019s dirty Drudgery, after spending many Years, and large Sums of Money, in endeavouring to obtain Reimbursement, were obliged to return home, disappointed and disgusted. This very Conquest, gained by New-England\u2019s Blood and Treasure, was all we had to offer the Enemy, in order to obtain a Peace on any Terms; so scandalously was that War conducted. And this Conquest was accordingly sacrificed to the Duke of Newcastle\u2019s blundering Management, who would probably have conducted the late War to the same disgraceful Issue, had not Mr. Pitt taken the Reins into his abler Hand. Let us not, then, for Shame\u2019s Sake, any longer pretend, that the Colonists have been sparing of their Men, or their Money, in the common Cause. Let us, on the contrary, ingenuously allow their Merit it\u2019s due Praise, and be modestly contented with their All in the Way of Commerce, without grasping at somewhat besides, in the Form of Taxes.\nOr, if it should still be said, \u201cOur Colonies have cost us so dear in defending them, that we are justified in loading them with Taxes for our Indemnification,\u201d let us carry on this Reasoning. Let it be considered, what Taxes we ought to lay on Portugal, whose Defence against Spain has cost us a large Expence, and has never yielded us an Advantage to be compared with that we have long been gaining (and, if G.G. had never been born, might have gone on gaining, no one knows how long, or to what Degree) by our Colonies; and whose Commerce we never had in exclusive Monopoly, as we have had that of our Colonies. Let us, in short, go roundly to work: Let us tax all Europe, excepting France. For it is at our Expence of Men and Money chiefly, that the Balance of Europe has been kept even, and that France has not established her favourite Scheme of universal Tyranny.\nWere there nothing to be said against a ministerial Scheme for taxing the unheard and unrepresented Colonies, besides the Disgrace which the Injustice of such a Proceeding would bring on the Government, and Nation, in the Sight of all Mankind, one would imagine the generous Heart of every true Englishman would revolt against the Proposal. But when it is remembered, that it is an old Artifice of the Enslavers of Kingdoms to begin with the more distant Parts, surely every free-born Subject on this Island ought to be alarmed at the late bold Attempt on the Liberties of our brave Fellow-Subjects in America, and to think, with Horror, of the bare Possibility of it\u2019s Success. For, should an encroaching Administration prevail in enslaving the Colonies, would they not thence be emboldened to subject the Mother-Country to their Iron Rod? To tax the Colonies, without giving them, in any Shape, the Power of assenting or dissenting in the Disposal of their own Property, is not using them better than it would be to tax the Mother-Country by Royal Edict, which is declared, I. William and Mary, to be the Subversion and Extirpation of the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, and is expressly provided against in the Bill of Rights, &c.\nI will conclude this Paper with the Words of the great Sidney\u2019s Discourse on Government, \u201cAsiatic Slaves usually pay such Tributes as are imposed on them. We own none but what we freely give, [none is] or can be imposed on us, unless by ourselves. We measure our Grants according to our Will, or the present Occasion, for our own Safety. The Happiness of those who enjoy the like Liberty, and the shameful Misery they lie under who have suffered themselves to be forced, or cheated out of it, may persuade, and the Justice of the Cause encourage us to think nothing too dear to be hazarded in Defence of it.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0021", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Robertson, 30 January 1770\nFrom: Robertson, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nCollege of Edinburgh Janry 30th 1770\nBy some unlucky accident I could find no person to take the charge of Dr. Haven\u2019s Diploma. I have therefore got my Brother to put it into a box which he was sending by the waggon to his correspondents Messrs. Poole & Buckenton Jewellers in Bartholemew Closs. I suppose it will be in London by the time you receive this letter, and if you take the trouble of sending for it to those Gentlemen, they will deliver it to your servant. Do me the justice to believe that I am, at all times, very happy in obeying your commands, for I am with great sincerity and respect Dear Sir your affectionate and most humble Servant\nWilliam Robertson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0023", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: VII, 1 February 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nWalpole, who declared in the House of Commons that he did not well understand foreign Affairs, who was as quick at smelling out where Money might be had as any Minister could well be imagined, and whose Difficulties in keeping his Place were such, that it was alledged he would have swept the Bottom of the Ocean for a Guinea, if he could: Even Walpole had Humanity enough to reject the Proposal often made to him by his hungry Hangers-on, of taxing the Colonies. He had Sense enough, though far from possessing the Talents which form an able Statesman, to know that all the Colonists could raise centered in Britain, and that the Mother Country could but have their All, tho\u2019 G.G. seems to think they have two Alls.\nThe Manner of doing Things is of great Consequence in national Concerns. Had the good old Way of Requisition been tried, and found ineffectual, there might then have been some Pretence for having Recourse to more rigorous Methods of Exaction. In better Times, and under wiser Administrations, the Colonists gave and granted, on Requisition, liberally, viz. in the Years 1756, 1757, 1758, 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762.\nGovernment must depend for it\u2019s Efficiency either on Force or Opinion. We have been taught by our Forefathers to look upon the British Government as free. What our Sons may call it is not yet certain. Free Government depends on Opinion, not on the brutal Force of a Standing Army. What then are we to think of a British Statesman who could find in his Heart to run the desperate Hazard of shaking and overturning that on which Government depends, for the Sake of obtaining by authoritative, not to say arbitrary, Means, what might have been had more abundantly, with a good Grace, in the good old Way, and nothing moved out of it\u2019s Place.\nIn the Year 1710 the Colony of New York omitted levying certain Monies granted by their Assembly. The Governor, incommoded in his Proceedings in Consequence of this Deficiency, sent to the Ministry a Representation of this Affair. They threatened the Colony with a Bill for taxing them in Parliament. This put the New York People to their Trumps; and they immediately proceeded to effectual Measures for raising the Money. The Bill was dropped, and the good old Way of Requisition resumed, which has been kept to ever since till the inauspicious Day that G. G. put forth his Decree, that \u201call the World should be stamped,\u201d not because the Colonists had refused to tax themselves, but because he would assert the ministerial Power of taxing them without their own Consent.\nI have shewn in some of my former Papers, that our Laws for regulating our Colonies, and their Commerce, have not always been framed according to the purest Principles of Wisdom, Justice, and Humanity. These Errors ought to convince us, that our Parliaments (what are P\u2014\u2014s but Assemblies of fallible Men?) are but incompetent Judges of the State and Abilities of our remote Fellow-Subjects and should teach our Ministers Modesty in their Opinions concerning the Expediency of loading them with Taxes modelled in this Country. The Truth is, the Colonists are not at present in a Condition for bearing any Taxes worth the laying on; tho\u2019 their Inability is not the Principal Argument against our taxing them. At the Time when the famous Stamp Act, of blessed Memory! was invented, the Colonies were said to be indebted to Britain to the Amount of no less than Four Millions, occasioned merely by Want of Ability to make Remittances. The Colonists are almost all Farmers, depending on the Produce of their Lands, contented till lately, and happy, but in no Condition to pay us Taxes, otherwise than by their enabling us to pay our Taxes out of the great Advantage we gain by them, as I have shewn in my former Papers. How poor in Cash must those Countries be where the Sheriffs, in raising the annual Levies, are often obliged to make Returns into the Treasury of Goods taken in Execution for Want of Cash, which Goods cannot be turned into Cash for Want of monied Purchasers! where Men of the best Credit cannot raise Money to pay Debts, inconsiderable, when compared with their Estates! where Creditors, when they sue to Execution, obtain Orders for Sale of Lands and Goods, and though they offer those Lands and Goods for almost nothing, they are often nothing the nearer being reimbursed, because there are no monied Men to purchase after repeated Advertisements of the Sales; and when Sales can be made, the Debtor is stripped, and the Creditor not paid, and they break one-another all round. The more of this certainly the worse for us; and this Distress has been aggravated by those very Ministers whose Taxation Schemes particularly required all Measures to be used which were likely to promote a Circulation of Cash. Thus the Colonists, at their best, can hardly be said to be equal to the Taxes laid on by their own Assemblies; accordingly several of them are plunged into Debts, out of which they know not when they shall be able to extricate themselves. To help them the backward Way, \u201cCome (the Grenvillians crying out) you shall pay us additional Taxes whether you can pay those laid on by your own Assemblies or not; and you shall give over your Trade to the Spanish Main. You shall make the full Tale of Bricks whether you can find Straw or Not.\u201d This System of Politics puts me in mind of Milton\u2019s Description of Chaos, where every Thing is inconsistent with, and contrary to every Thing.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0025", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, [4 February? 1770]\nFrom: Strahan, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nSunday Even. 9 o\u2019Clock [February 4, 1770?]\nI inclose this unfinished that I may have your Opinion whether it is, or is not, the thing. I can add or alter what you shall point out. Please to let me have it early in the Morning. I will call in the Afternoon and bring it with me finished, with what I can recollect of Politics, and of that Days Debate. Pray send also the other Paper for the Chronicle which we must have very early, or it will not be time enough. I am sorry I missed you in the House of Lords. I am Dear Sir Your most obedient Servant\nW.S.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0026", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: VIII, 5 February 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nLord Chatham, in his Speech on the Repeal of the Stamp-Act, said, That Debate was the most important that had come before the House since the Revolution. How differently that great Man, of whom, with all his Faults, we may well say, \u201cWe ne\u2019er shall look upon his like again,\u201d thought of this Matter, from our Grenvillianised Ministers, it is curious to observe. Whether he or they have judged, in the soundest Manner, must be left to public Decision. Was our Ministry in Want of Money for the necessary Uses of Government (I will not say for gratifying a Set of Court-Harpies) how much better had it been to raise a few Thousands (it was but a few we expected to raise by taxing our Colonies) by taxing Luxury and Vice among ourselves, than to think of plundering our brave Colonists, the Discoverers and Settlers of a new World, from whence, as from an inexhaustible Source of Wealth and Plenty, the Means of Power, Greatness, and Glory, inconceiveable to our Ancestors, have been pouring into this Kingdom for Ages past. How much wiser to reduce exorbitant Salaries, abate, or abolish extravagant Perquisites, annihilate enormous Pensions, and useless Places, reform an odious and dangerous standing Army, lay Taxes, new, or additional, on Carriages, Dogs, Livery Servants, Cards, Assembly and Play-House Tickets? How much wiser for the Heads of the Nation to drink honest Port, instead of French Wine, to keep to their Wives, or at least to debauch at a moderate Expence, than to enrage Three Millions of People, drive the national Commerce out of it\u2019s Channel, and endanger public Credit. We have shewn our Colonists, that we think almost any Thing of more Consequence than their Friendship. We have treated them in such a contemptuous Manner, as we might reasonably suppose would irritate them to the utmost Pitch. And now we stand aghast at their shewing the Spirit of Men, of free-born British Subjects; the Spirit, which if they had not shewn, we might well have called them Bastards, not Sons. For, what their Disposition, with Respect to the Mother-Country, was, before the Year 1763, is well known to the Public, and justly described, in the following Words, by a Gentleman, who has done great Honour, and important Service to his Country by his manly Defence of her Liberties.\n\u201cThe Disposition of the Americans was the best that could be. They submitted willingly to the Government of the Crown, and paid Obedience, in all their Courts, to Acts of Parliament. Numerous as the People are in the several old Provinces, they cost nothing in Forts, Garrisons, or Armies, to keep them in Subjection. They were governed by this Country at the Expence of a little Pen, Ink, and Paper. They were led by a Thread. They had not only a Respect, but an Affection, for Great Britain; for it\u2019s Laws, it\u2019s Customs, and Manners, and even a Fondness for it\u2019s Fashions, which very much increased the Trade with them. Natives of the Mother-Country were always treated with particular Regard. To be an Old-England-Man was of itself a Character of some Respect, and gave a Kind of Rank among them.\u201d [See Exam. of B. Franklin, Esq; before the House of Commons.]\nTheir sending constantly their Children home (for that was the affectionate Term they always used when speaking of England) for Education, was both a very convincing Proof of their Respect for the Principles and Manners of the Mother-Country, and was likewise a powerful Means of attaching them to us from Generation to Generation. For there is no stronger Attraction than to the Place where we pass our most innocent and happiest Days; nor are any Friendships stronger than those contracted at Places of Education. The Expence laid out among us by the Colonists on this Account, was likewise no inconsiderable Object. It is already lessened, and probably will be still farther reduced, and perhaps, together with our other Gains by them, may never more rise to their former Amount.\nHow malignant must, therefore, be the Spirit of those who labour to persuade us, that our Colonies have long been desirous of breaking off all Connection with us! Does any just Parent apprehend the Defection of his Child? A Philip, a Herod, a Solyman, may drive his Children to seek the Protection of Strangers: But it is not surely the natural Disposition of Englishmen to compel their remote Fellow-Subjects to wish themselves rather connected with other Nations, than with that Country, where their venerable Ancestors drew their first Breath. Wo to the fatal Machinations of those unnatural and churlish-hearted Men (unlike the noble Genius of this Land of Liberty) who, needlessly, wickedly and madly sowed the first Seeds of Discontent between Britain and her Colonies! But for them, Peace and Harmony would have reigned between the different Parts of this mighty Empire from Age to Age, to the unspeakable and inestimable Advantage of both. Those Men make a mighty Noise about the Importance of keeping up our Authority over the Colonies. They govern and regulate too much. Like some unthinking Parents, who are every Moment exerting their Authority, in obliging their Children to make Bows, and interrupting the Course of their innocent Amusements, attending constantly to their own Prerogative, but forgetting the Tenderness due to their Offspring. The true Art of governing the Colonies lies in a Nut-Shell. It is only letting them alone. So long as they find their Account in our Protection, they will desire, and deserve it. This our Experience confirms. So long as they find their Advantage, upon the Whole, in carrying on a Commerce with us, preferably to other Countries, they will continue it. Nay, unless we compel them to the contrary by our unnatural Treatment of them, they will shew a Prejudice in our Favour. Whenever they find Circumstances changed to the contrary, taxing and dragooning will only widen the Breach, and frustrate what ought to be the Intention of both Countries, viz. mutual Strength, and mutual Advantage.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0027", "content": "Title: On Governor Pownall\u2019s Departure from Massachusetts, 6\u20138 February 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nTo the Printer of the London Chronicle.\nSir,\nThe people of the Massachusetts Bay in America, are represented here, by their enemies, as factious, quarrelsome, averse to government, &c. As a proof of the contrary, and to shew, that when they have a Governor who does not seek to raise his own character at the expence of theirs; who does not in his official letters forever lessen their loyalty to magnify his own, and describe them as ungovernable to excuse his own inability or mismanagement; when they have a Governor who knows how to unite the service of the Crown with a just regard to the privileges and interests of the People; then they can live in harmony with him while he stays among them, treat him with respect and affection, and lament his leaving them as a public misfortune. I say, to demonstrate this, I send you the following last parting Addresses of the Council and General Assembly of the same Province to Sir Francis Bernard\u2019s immediate Predecessor, with his Answers, which I wish you to republish in your Chronicle. The world may thence judge, whether it is likely that so great a change could so suddenly happen in the temper and disposition of the inhabitants of a whole country; or whether when we see the departure of one Governor attended with benedictions, and that of another pursued with execrations, the difference is not more probably in the man than in the people.\nN. N.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0028", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Smith, 6 February 1770\nFrom: Smith, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nRespected Friend\nBurlington Febry 6. 1770\nI inclose thee printed Copies of the Acts pass\u2019d last Session of Assembly among which is the Act for striking \u00a3100,000 in Bills of Credit. I wish the Kings Assent may be obtaind to it before the breaking up of Parliament. I suppose a Copy of this Bill has long since been sent to the Board of Trade by our Governor. This is sent for thy own information.\nThe Committee of Correspondence woud be glad to hear from thee in answer to their Letter. I am very Respectfully Thy Friend\nJos Smith\nDoctr. Franklin\nEndorsed: Mr Smith \u2003Burlington \u2003Feb 6. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0029", "content": "Title: On Partial Repeal, 7 February 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nFor the Gazetteer.\nPermit me to make a few short remarks on what is said in your paper of Feb. 5, by one who signs himself A Merchant. He begins by observing, \u201cIt is very extraordinary to hear people crying out, \u2018we are all ruined for want of a trade to America; and if the late acts respecting it are not totally repealed, we must all starve or leave the country.\u2019\u201d Thus he acknowledges this general cry to be an existing present fact; and if it be nevertheless true, that \u201cThe trade of this country was never in a more flourishing state,\u201d as he roundly asserts, I must agree with him, that there being such a cry is, indeed, \u201cvery extraordinary.\u201d\nIf the working hands in the manufactories have been, as he says, for some time fully employed, let me ask him, may not that be partly owing to the public declarations of the Ministry, immediately after the late sessions of parliament, that early in the ensuing sessions the anti-commercial duties should be repealed? Has not this encouraged the employers to keep their hands at work, that they might have a stock of goods beforehand, to pour into America as soon as the trade should be opened? If they gave credit to those declarations, is it right not to disappoint them, by a total non-compliance, or an inefficient compliance by halves? Will such a conduct prevent a very grievous loss to all such deluded employers? Will it restore the lost business and affluent commissions of the merchants of London trading to that country? Is it certain, that the West Indian islands (at present a great market for our manufactures) will not another year accede to the North American agreements, either voluntarily with a view of recovering their rights, or of necessity, from the North Americans refusing otherwise to trade with and supply them.\nHaving informed us that the journeymen of all trades are now in full employ, he founds upon it this important advice: \u201cLet not this great kingdom give up that prerogative, which the most solemn determinations have confirmed its right to assert.\u201d Does not this writer know, that repealing a particular tax, is by no means giving up a right to tax where we have such a right? Does he not know, that the declaration of the Ministry was, that they would propose the repeal of the duties, as being anti-commercial, not as being contrary to the rights of America, nor in favour of the people there, or in compliance with any demand or request of their\u2019s? Is it then to be wondered at, if they should not be quite satisfied with an incompleat repeal, which was never intended to satisfy them? But what does he mean by solemn determinations confirming our rights? One would imagine the point had been litigated before some indifferent impartial Tribunal, which, after due hearing of the parties, had decided against America in favour of Britain. If one of the parties, without overhearing the other, has determined for itself that it is in the right, can it be supposed that the other will ever conceive itself bound by such determination? But he apprehends \u201cthe Americans will rise in their demands, in proportion as they find our government disposed to attend to their complaints, and that nothing less than giving up all right to tax the colonies, will ultimately satisfy them.\u201d And suppose we should give them this satisfaction, together with a clear, intelligible constitution, that we and they may know what we are henceforth to do and expect for and from each other; if thereby a good understanding is established between the two countries; if mutual commerce is restored; if by this commerce, and by their voluntary grants, we gain infinitely more from them with their good will, than we could have levied by force; and if the general strength of the nation is at the same time increased by our union, to the terror of our enemies; where will be the great damage of our relinquishing a right we can never exercise to advantage; and by which, in only attempting to exercise it, we have already lost more in one year, than we are likely to gain in fifty?\nThe Grenvillenians, who have done all this mischief, would terrify us (in case of a repeal) with the apprehensions of imaginary future demands from the Americans. If I am well informed, as I think I am, they desire no more than to be put into the situation they were in before these new-fangled projects took place; I mean with regard to the exercise of their rights. I do not believe they will insist, as some suppose, on our refunding the money we have extorted from them (as they call it) under colour of law; they know it is all consumed in the new officers salaries, and that there is no ripping of guts; and they may well fear it would put us into too great a passion. A collector on the King\u2019s highway, who had rifled the passengers in a stage coach, desirous to shew his great civility, returned to one a family seal, to another a dear friend\u2019s mourning ring, which encouraged a third to ask a watch that had been his grandmother\u2019s? \u201cZounds, says he, have you no conscience? presently you will all expect your money again! a pack of unreasonable dogs and b\u2014\u2014s; I have a great mind to blow your brains out.\u201d\nAnother Merchant", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0031", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Michael Collinson, [8 February 1770]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Collinson, Michael\nDear Sir\n[February 8, 1770]\nUnderstanding that it is intended to give the Publick, some Account of our dear departed Friend Mr. Peter Collinson, I cannot omit expressing my Approbation of the Design, as the Characters of good Men are exemplary, and often stimulate the well-disposed to an Imitation beneficial to Mankind, and honourable to themselves. And as you may be unacquainted with the following Instances of his Zeal and Usefulness in promoting Knowledge, which fell within my Observation, I take the Liberty of informing you, That in the year 1730, a subscription Library being set on foot in Philadelphia, he encouraged the same, by making several very valuable Presents to it, and procuring others from his Friends; And as the Library Company had a considerable Sum arising annualy to be laid out in Books, and needed a judicious Friend in London to transact the Business for them, he voluntarily and chearfully undertook that Service, and executed it for more than 30 years successively, assisting in the Choice of the Books, and taking the whole Care of Collecting and Shipping them, without ever charging or accepting any Consideration for his Trouble. The Success of this Library (greatly owing to his kind Countenance and good Advice) encouraged the erecting others in different Places, on the same Plan; and it is supposed there are now upwards of 30 subsisting in the several Colonies, which have contributed greatly to the Spreding of useful Knowledge in that part of the World, the Books he recommended being all of that kind, and the Catalogue of this first Library being much respected and followed by those Libraries that succeeded. During the same time he transmitted to the Directors the earliest Accounts of every new European Improvement in Agriculture and the Arts, and every philosophical Discovery: Among which, in 1745, he sent over an Account of the new German Experiments in Electricity, together with a Glass Tube, and some Directions for using it, so as to repeat those Experiments. This was the first Notice I had of this curious Subject, which I afterwards prosecuted with some Diligence, being encouraged by the friendly Reception he gave to the Letters I wrote to him upon it.\nPlease to accept this small Testimony of mine to his Memory for which I shall ever have the utmost Respect, and believe me, with sincere Esteem, &c Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nEndorsed: To Michael Collinson Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0032", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: IX, 12 February 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nThe Grenvillians labour to persuade us, that there is an Inconsistency in the Colonists refusing to submit to British Taxation, at the same Time that they acknowledge themselves obliged to obey the Laws of the Mother-Country. The Enemies of the Colonists must be very shallow Politicians, if they be really and sincerely at a Loss to understand, that, in a free Country, paying Taxes is, and always must be, giving a Part of their Property. But how can the Colonists be said to give what is taken from them by Force, and against their own Consent? In former Times, the Commons of England had no Legislative Power. The Kings called them together only that they might settle among themselves what they could afford to contribute for the Expences of Government. And when this was settled, they were dismissed. But does any Body, on that Account, doubt whether the People, in those Times, thought themselves obliged to obey the Laws? Our Fathers, therefore, saw a clear Difference between Legislation and Taxation, though our Grenvillians cannot, or rather will not. So lately as Queen Elizabeth\u2019s Time, that sagacious Princess used to boast, that she had seldom called Parliaments; which was saying, in other Words, that she had seldom called on her Subjects for Money. It was, in former Times, often mentioned in the Preambles of the Writs for calling of Parliaments, that it was proper that they, who were to raise the Money, should meet, and settle how much they could raise. Even in our Times, the King directs that Part of his Speech which relates to the raising of the Supplies, to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons; because the House of Commons are representatively the Persons who are to contribute the Money. A Money Bill must not originate in the House of Lords. It must not be amended, or undergo the least Alteration in the Upper House. The Lords can only pass, or reject it. And why all this Delicacy about Money-Bills, but because Property, in a free Country, is a very delicate Affair? The Peers, with all their High Honours and Privileges, and the Power of deciding all Suits about Property, finally, and without Appeal, are not permitted, by the Constitution, to intermeddle in Grants of Money, because it is supposed, that the Proportion of the Taxes, contributed by them, is inconsiderable, and because giving them Power in disposing of what is not, in any considerable Proportion, their Property, was, by the Wisdom of our Forefathers, thought unjust and unsafe.\nThus the Grenvillian Notion of a necessary Connexion between Subjection and Taxation, appears to strike at the very Root of that important Part of our Constitution, which secures to us the Possession of our Property; and is therefore to be abhorred and opposed by every free-born Englishman, who ought to be ready to die in Defence of Lord Chatham\u2019s truly constitutional Doctrine, That Taxation, without Representation, is Slavery.\nIf the Lords are not allowed to originate a Money-Bill, because they are to pay but a small Part of the Tax, on what Principle of Liberty or Property, do the Grenvillians argue, that the House of Commons of England may originate an American Money-Bill, of which they are to pay no Part, nay, which will serve to lessen the Burthen upon themselves? If the Lords may put a Negative upon a Money-Bill, merely because otherwise, they might alledge, they are taxed against their Will, ought not, by Parity of Reason, Three Millions of People (by whom we have been such Gainers, as I have shewn in former Papers) to have the Power of rejecting a Bill for taxing them, because otherwise they too may alledge, they are taxed against their Will?\nOur Kings, in their Speeches, at the Conclusions of Sessions, are wont to thank the Commons for raising Supplies. Why? Because the Supplies granted are out of their own, and their Constituents Property. When the Commons lay a Tax on America, whom is the King to thank, the House for giving what is neither their own Property, nor that of their Constituents? Or the Americans, for being deprived of their Property, without and against their Consent? Would not either of these be a Mockery unworthy of the King, or of the House?\nWith what View were the Colony-Assemblies originally instituted? What has been all along the Business of those Assemblies? Why are they called Assemblies of Representatives? Why have the People all along submitted to be taxed by them? Are they to meet hereafter only to settle the Assize of Bread, and the Rates of Labour by the Day? The Grenvillians say, We are but ill-represented in Parliament, where we are taxed. Is that a Reason why the Colonists must be taxed where they are not represented at all? The Colonists have all along laboured under the same Hardship as we in England. They are not represented in an adequate Manner in the Provincial Assemblies, in which they have always been taxed. Is this Grievance to be redressed by taking from them their inadequate Representation, and giving them, instead of it, no Representation?\nForty Shillings Freehold a Year in England, gives Representation in the Assembly which has the Power of Taxation. On Grenvillian Principles, Forty Thousand a Year give no Right to an American. His All may be voted away without his Knowledge. Yet the Grenvillians will tell him, he is a free British Subject, and enjoys every Privilege enjoyed by the Inhabitants of the Mother-Country. Whether this is not an Insult on Common-Sense, is submitted to the Judgment of the Reader.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0034", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Mickle, 15 February 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Mickle, William\nWilliam Mickle, the Scottish poet (1735\u201388), had abandoned his Edinburgh brewery in 1763 and moved to London to be a man of letters. In 1765 he took a position with the Clarendon Press in Oxford; while there he clearly met and became friendly with Ephraim Brown, the adopted son of Benjamin Franklin\u2019s brother Peter and the subject of this letter. Brown seems to have been constitutionally unable to save money, like several others of Franklin\u2019s young relatives; when he died after a long illness in the autumn of 1769, he left considerable debts. Mickle\u2019s attempt to get Franklin to help discharge them elicited the courteous refusal that follows.\nSir,\nLondon, Feb. 15. 1770\nI received yours of the 5th Instant, and in answer would acquaint you, that I have not, nor ever had, any Effects of Mr. Brown\u2019s in my Hands, out of which to pay any Debts that may be due from him. Nor have I ever been in any kind of Connection with him that should make it in the least incumbent on me to discharge any such Debts. During his long Illness he from time to time acquainted me with his Distresses and Wants, which I relieved by permitting him to draw on me, to the Amount of 26\u00bd Guineas in the whole, believing that if he recovered, he would in time repay me, as I esteemed him an honest well-disposed Man. But now that he is dead, I have not the least Expectation of ever receiving Sixpence of it, his Mother, the only Relation he has left, that I know of, being a very poor Woman. As to the particular Debt you mention, that to the Apothecary, I cannot think that you will be under any Necessity of paying it. No one would recommend an Apothecary to a Patient, if by so doing he became responsible for the Bills. Mr. Stevens can hardly be so unreasonable as to think of punishing you for your Friendship to him; and as he has receiv\u2019d a Guinea out of his Bill of \u00a3115s. 0d., I suppose the first Cost of his Medicines must be nearly paid, and that his Humanity will receive full Satisfaction for the rest, in the Reflection that by his kind Care and Attention, he made more comfortable some of the last Hours of a poor sick Stranger. I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Mickle", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0035", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Viny, 16 February 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Viny, Thomas\nDear Sir.\nLondon, Feb. 16. 1770\nI received your Favour of the 13th past, which I ought to have acknowledg\u2019d sooner, but much Business and some Indisposition have occasion\u2019d the Delay. I can easily conceive the Difficulty a Man in your Situation, with such Connections, and so well esteem\u2019d and belov\u2019d among them, must have in resolving to leave them with an Intention of Settling in a distant Country. And I do not wonder that your Regard for them should determine you to remain where you are. I was indeed of Opinion, from my Knowledge of that Country and of you, that if you should remove thither with your Family and Substance you would not only do extreamly well yourself, but have better Opportunities of establishing your Children in the World. Therefore I did not dissuade you when you appear\u2019d to have such an Inclination. But at the same time, tho\u2019 I own I should have a Pleasure in adding such worthy Inhabitants to my Country as you and Mrs. Viny, and should be very happy in having you there for my Neighbours; yet as your Removal would give Pain to your good Brother here, whom I love and to many others that love you, I cannot, without extreme Reluctance think of using any Arguments to persuade you. Let us then leave that Matter where we found it.\nPossibly, however, as you are likely to have many Children, you may hereafter judge it not amiss, when they are grown up, to plant one of them in America, where he may prepare an Asylum for the rest, should any great Calamity, which God avert, befal this Country. A Man I knew, who had a Number of Sons, us\u2019d to say, he chose to settle them at some Distance from each other, for he thought they throve better; remarking that Cabbages growing too near together, were not so likely to come to a Head. I shall be asleep before that time, otherwise he might expect and command my best Advice and Assistance. But as the Ancients who knew not how to write had a Method of transmitting Friendships to Posterity; the Guest who had been hospitably entertain\u2019d in a strange Country breaking a Stick with every one who did him a kindness; and the Producing such a Tally at any Time afterwards, by a Descendant of the Host, to a Son or Grandson of the Guest, was understood as a good Claim to special Regard besides the Common Rights of Hospitality: So if this Letter should happen to be preserv\u2019d, your Son may produce it to mine as an Evidence of the Good will that once subsisted between their Fathers, as an Acknowledgement of the Obligations you laid me under by your many Civilities when I was in your Country and a Claim to all the Returns due from me if I had been living. Pray make my best Respects acceptable to good Mrs. Viny, and give my Love to your Children. Be so good, too, as to remember me respectfully to your Sister and Brother-in-Law, to Mr. Stace and Family, and to Mr. Hancock; and believe me ever, with sincere Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant,\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0036", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: X, 19 February 1770\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nThe Grenvillians have endeavoured, by various Publications, in Pamphlets and News-papers, to support the Wisdom of taxing the Colonies, by sometimes alledging, that the British Trade with America is but an inconsiderable Object. It has never yet, they say, in any one Year, been worth to the Mother-Country quite Three Millions clear Gain. And what are Three Millions Gain to Britain? The Court has as much in her Gift; and there is not a Placeman, or a Pensioner, in the three Kingdoms, who will not tell you, he himself, and his Friends, have too little, and that the Three Millions a Year given away by the Court, are a mere Bagatelle, insufficient for producing the least Effect on the Minds, or in the Measures of the very honorable Persons who enjoy them, as appears manifestly from our [their] unbiassed and obstinate Adherence, on all Occasions, to the true Interest of their Country.\nOthers of that Party, taking up the Argument by a different Handle, labour to persuade us, that whatever may have been the Importance of our Commerce with our Colonies, it will not be at all affected by the late Revenue-Acts. It is true, those Gentlemen have not given us any Proofs of their possessing the Spirit of Prophecy. But this is no Reason why any Person, so disposed, may not be good-natured enough to give them Credit for what they pretend to. Others, indeed, of a less tractable Temper, may dispute the Matter with them, and argue, that though it were true, that hitherto our Commerce and Manufactures have felt no Diminution from the Grenvillian Measures, it does not, by any means follow, that the Case will not hereafter be found very fatally different. It is enough, they will alledge, to shew, that our offending the Colonists does naturally tend to alienate their Affections from us, and to force them upon striking into Tracks of Manufactures and Commerce very unfriendly to those of the Mother-Country.\nBut what will our Grenvillians find sufficient to invalidate the Reasonings of those, who bring Facts to prove, that the Revenue-Acts have already produced Effects very materially prejudicial to the British Navigation and Manufactures? Are not the Merchants judges of this Matter? Do not they feel a Stagnation of Trade, occasioned by the late fatal Measures? If all is going on as usual, what moves those grave and prudent Men to quit their Accounting-Houses, and Warehouses, and assemble together for the Purpose of drawing up Petitions to the Legislature for repealing the late Revenue-Acts? Do they not know, that such of them as have signed the Petition, will be examined upon the Allegations contained in it, and obliged to prove them? Do we see the Merchants of London engage themselves in such foolish Attempts as this would be, if they could not produce sufficient Reasons for the Request they make? At Bristol, when a Petition, concerning the Middlesex Election, was first proposed, some of the Merchants observed, that the Rupture with our Colonies was an Object of as great, if not greater, national Importance, than that which occasioned the numerous Petitions then preparing, and since presented; and they expressed a greater Inclination to sign a Petition for restoring Commerce, than on any other Subject. Are there not now Two Hundred Ships in the River, rotting for Want of Freights to America? Are not all the Commissions from thence conditional? \u201cNo Repeal; no British Goods.\u201d Are not the American Stores (Warehouses) full of British Goods, which they only keep for a short Time, with the express Design of returning them, if the late Revenue-Acts are not repealed? Have we not Ships come back loaded with the Goods they carried out? Is not the Exchange between America and England, which used to be from 170, to 175, now fallen to 162? What has produced this Effect, but the Decline of our Commerce with America? An Insurance of Tea, to the Value of \u00a36000 Sterling, from Holland to New-York, alone, has been made in London within these few Weeks. A great many Six Thousand Pounds will amount to the whole Value of our late gainful Trade to America. What will the Grenvillians say, if they should quickly hear of such commercial Projects as the following, for indemnifying America of the Sums we are to raise by our noble Taxation-Schemes, and punishing us for our ill Policy and Injustice? What will they say when they find, that Ships are actually fitted out from the Colonies (they cannot, I suppose hinder their fitting out Ships) for all Parts of the World; for China, by Cape Horn; for Instance, to sail under Prussian, or other Colours, with Cargoes of various Kinds, and to return loaded with Tea, and other East India Goods? A Master of a Vessel can go from America to France, can legally charter her from thence for Eustatia, and load her with every Species of Goods for the American Consumption. He can leave them at Eustatia \u2019till Winter, when it will be extremely easy to smuggle them into all Parts of North America in small Vessels. The whole Navy of England, if stationed ever so judiciously, cannot prevent smuggling on a Coast of 1500 Miles in Length. Such Steps as these will soon be taken by the Americans, if we obstinately go on with our unjust and oppressive Measures against them. And they will soon shew us, that they have it in their Power to carry Manufactures to much greater Lengths, and in a shorter Space of Time, than our Grenvillians would have us believe; of which more in my next Paper. There is no American Merchant, or Manufacturer, who does not already feel a considerable Diminution of Trade, in Consequence of the late Revenue-Acts. The fatal Innovation, which has given the Colonists such great and just Offence, is yet but recent. And it is a great while before a whole People come to act in concert on Occasion of unexpected Emergencies. It is likewise notorious, that several temporary Circumstances have partially contributed to prevent that Distress from coming upon our working Manufacturers, which otherwise they must, by this Time, have felt more severely than they do; as an unusual Trade to France, Spain, and Russia, and the Resolutions made by the Colonies to receive British Goods, and store them up, and of some Provinces to go on longer than others.\nIn short, it has been proved, by innumerable Writers, that taxing the Colonies, without Representation, is so unjust, that it ought not to be done, were it ever so prudent, and so impolitic, that it ought not to be done, were it ever so unexceptionably just. But if the Ministry be for the Measure, they will find Men to defend both it\u2019s Policy and it\u2019s Justice.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0037", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 20 February 1770\nFrom: Parker, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir\nNewyork Feb 20. 1770\nThe 2d of this Month I wrote you per Capt. Munds, who was then purposing to sail, but for some Reasons known only to the Owners, he is not yet sail\u2019d, tho\u2019 the Letter having been put in his Bag, I cannot get it back and he is expected to sail soon; probably this will come to hand first. In that I sent the first of each of the three Bills, I now send the second of viz. One from Quebec, for \u00a3200 Sterling drawn by J. Drummond, on Harly & Drummond, dated 5 Dec. 1769\u2014\u2014the two others from Rhode-Island, One for \u00a320 Sterling 60 Days sight dated Jamaica 20 June 1769 drawn by Alex. Findleter on Wm Cunningham, Esqr near Glasgow; the other for \u00a352 Sterling 90 Days sight, dated Newport Jan 9. 1770 drawn by Hays and Polock on Dav. Milligan of London. Mr. Vernon says they are the best he can get, I hope them safe to Hand and all acceptable.\nYours of the 10th December per this Packet I received. I have resigned the Custom-House Business, and have got my pay. For your Amusement I send you the Account of the Attorney. I have now done with them, but I cannot help thinking it hard, as well as absurd that the Officers must appoint such Attorney as the Commissioners please to direct and that Attorney have 5 per Cent, for receiving the Money, and paying it away, or rather only delivering it to Order. The Attornies of the Officers in England never had but 2\u00bd per Cent, and this Tool of the Board has 5\u2014\u2014whereas Mr. Hubbart would have received it for me for Nothing. This Man must suck the Blood of about 200 Poor Officers, and make double of what any of them can make: the King runs the Risk of the Money going to Boston, and every Officer in America, run the risk of it coming back to them. Such Absurdity is to me inconceivable. To England an Officer could sell his Bills to Advantage, but to Boston, only the Money itself must come generally. But Is done. I wonder a good deal what is become of Robinson; he has not even wrote to his Wife, she says.\nThe Affair of Mecom\u2019s Books, I mention\u2019d in mine per Munds, since which have proceeded to have them all sold at Auction. Inclosed is a Catalogue of the Auction: All in this Catalogue to No 103 were Mr. Bell\u2019s own, Mecom\u2019s begins at No 104 and continues to No 309, the last 10 Numbers are another\u2019s Parcel. The Sale is finished, but the Auctioneer has not settld the Account yet. By Act of Assembly, there is a Duty on Goods sold at Auction here, and I was the Auctioneer\u2019s Security for that Duty, which is first to be settled. As soon as we can get it done, I will take the Ballance and immediately purchase a Bill for it, and send it you, with the particular Account of Sales &c. which you will probably have by the next Packet if I am alive. I have thought I have done the best by such Auction but if it should be thought otherways by the Parties concerned, I shall be very sorry. My Reasons I give you in my Letter per Capt. Munds.\nMy Health is much as it was, I can walk about; but so emaciated and torn by the Gout, that all the Springs of Nature fail. I think I am drawing nigh to the Grave with a good deal of Rapidity. God only knows how soon my Course will be finished: I am desirous to resign my Will to his. All our best Respects await you and Mr. Foxcroft, whilst I am your most obliged Servant\nJames Parker\nAddressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London / per Halifax Packet / Capt. Boulderson\nEndorsed: Parker \u2003Feb. 20 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0038", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Noble Wimberly Jones, 21 February 1770\nFrom: Jones, Noble Wimberly\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nIn the Commons House of Assembly Savannah in Georgia\nSir\n21st Febry 1770\nI am directed by the House of Assembly to desire you will please to purchase for the use of the House a Mace to be made of Silver and double gilt to cost a Sum not exceeding \u00a3100 Sterling also two Gowns [in margin: 5 foot 8 inches, 5 foot 10 inches, size of persons] such as you think would be proper for the Speaker and Clerk of an American Assembly. So soon as I can be acquainted by you what the whole expence will amount to I shall take Care to have it immediately remitted, as there is a Vote of the House to provide a Sum for that purpose, I have only at present further to inform you that the Ordinance for your Reappointment as Agent has passed both Houses of Assembly. As to other matters I shall reserve myself till another Opportunity and am in the mean time with great respect Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant\nNoble Wimberly Jones Speaker\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr\nEndorsed: [N. W.] Jones Speaker of Georgia. Mace and Gowns Feb. 21. 1770.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0039", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joshua Babcock, 26 February 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Babcock, Joshua\nDear Sir,\nLondon, Feb. 26. 1770\nIt is a long time since I have had the Pleasure of a Line from you; indeed I have not deserv\u2019d it; for I am a Debtor on Account of several of your Favours that remain unanswer\u2019d. The Truth is, I have too much Writing to do. It confines me so much, that I can scarcely find time for sufficient Bodily Exercise to keep me in Health. Hence I grow more and more averse to Writing; and sometimes almost wish I had never learnt to write. The Consequence is, that when I have many Letters to answer, I take the Liberty of postponing those to Friends on whose Goodness in excusing me I can most rely. I never fail, however, of enquiring after you and yours of every one I meet with that can give me Information, and I was glad to hear by your Son, that you continue well and prosperous.\nI wish I could send you an Account by this Opportunity of the Redress of all our Grievances by Parliament. But tho\u2019 some here are sanguine enough to expect it this Session, I cannot say I think they have much Foundation for their Hopes. We have lately lost out of the Cabinet almost every Man that was in the least favourably dispos\u2019d towards America; and it will be strange if our Relief should come spontaneously from our Adversaries.\nBe so good as to make my Respects acceptable to Mrs. Babcock, remember me affectionately to the Colonel, and believe me ever, with great Esteem, Yours sincerely\nB Franklin\nJoshua Babcock Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0040", "content": "Title: Ordinance of Georgia Reappointing Benjamin Franklin as Agent, 27 February 1770\nFrom: Jones, Noble Wimberly,Habersham, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n[February 27, 1770]\nWhereas leave was Given by the late house of Assembly to bring in an Ordinance for reappointing Benjamin Franklin Esquire to be agent for Soliciting the affairs of this Province in Great Britain And Whereas the Dissolution of the said Assembly immediatly following prevented the said Ordinance from going through its regular forms And Whereas the said Benjamin Franklin notwithstanding the Want of Such an Appointment hath Continued to Transact the Business of this Province in Great Britain, Be it therefore Ordained And it is hereby Ordained by his Excellency James Wright Esquire Captain General and Governor in Chief of his Majestys Province of Georgia by and with the Advice and Consent of the Honourable Council and Commons house of Assembly of the said Province in General Assembly met and by the Authority of the same that the said Benjamin Franklin be and he is hereby declared Nominated and Appointed Agent to represent sollicit and Transact the affairs of this Province in Great Britain.\nAnd be it further Ordained that the said Benjamin Franklin shall be and he is hereby fully Authorized and empowered to follow and pursue all such instructions as he shall from time to time receive from the General Assembly of this Province or from the Committee herein after appointed to Correspond with him.\nAnd be it further Ordained That the Honourable James Habersham, Noble Jones, James Edward Powell, Lewis Johnson and Clement Martin Esquires, The Honourable Noble Wimberly Jones Esquire John Mullryne John Milledge Archibald Bullock, William Ewen, Charles Odingsall, Philip Box, William Young, and Richard Cunningham Crooke Esquires untill others shall be Appointed or any Seven of them two of Which to be of the Council Provided Nevertheless that after being Summoned in Consequence of an Order from any of the Committee by the Clerk or other person appointed by them for that purpose to meet the Committee they shall refuse or Neglect to attend then any Seven of the persons before named shall be and they are hereby Nominated and appointed a Committee to Correspond with the said Benjamin Franklin and give him such orders and Instructions from time to time as they shall Judge to be for the service of this Province.\nAnd be it further Ordained That there shall be Allowed and paid unto the said Benjamin Franklin for his Agency the sum of One hundred pounds Sterling money of Great Britain over and above his reasonable Charges and disbursements on his Application to the several Offices and Boards in Negociating the affairs of this Province.\nAnd be it further Ordained That the said Benjamin Franklin shall be and Continue Agent for this Province untill the first day of June in the year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven hundred and Seventy\nBy Order of the Commons house of Assembly\nN W Jones Speaker\nBy Order of the upper house of Assembly\nJames Habersham President\nCouncil Chamber 27th February 1770 \u2003Assented to\nJa Wright", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0041-0004", "content": "Title: From Daniel Roberdeau to Benjamin Franklin, 27 February 1770\nFrom: Roberdeau, Daniel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Feby. 27th. 1770\nAfter writing the rough draft of a Letter to you this day at very considerable length, I was informed by a friend that it was highly probable that you would return by next June, which occasioned me to accomodate that Letter to that Circumstance and to direct it to you or Dr. John Fothergill refering him in a private Letter to the same. I among the Croud of your friends shall be very glad of an Opportunity most cordially to wellcome you to our shore, when you can be spared from attending on the important Businesses you are imployed in, but from motives I confess entirely selfish I cannot but hope that your Continuance in London may be a little longer for I hope to avail myself of your friendship in an Affair, the subject of the above cited Letter, to which please to be refered. I know no Gentleman on whose integrity as well as abilities I have greater reliance, I also am no stranger to your condescending disposition, therefore in an Affair of the highest Importance to my temporal Interest I hope to obtain your pardon in seeking for your friendship in a strange land. Was my business merely merchantile or was it lucrative I need not have troubled you, but although I flatter myself it will not be attended with much trouble, it requires some attention and more address and adroitness than to be committed into every hands. If this should happily meet with you and you condescend to undertake for me, my utmost wish would be satisfied and while I live I will thank you and my Children after me I am with unfeigned Regard Dear Sir Your Affectionate and obedient humble Servant\nPS Joseph Reed Esqr. the bearer has orders to deliver the above mentioned letter to you if in London, and he probably may be of further service if you should require it of his profession.\nDoctor Benja. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0041-0005", "content": "Title: From Daniel Roberdeau to Benjamin Franklin, John Fothergill, and Charles Pearce, 27 February 1770\nFrom: Roberdeau, Daniel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin,Fothergill, John,Pearce, Charles\nDear Sirs\nPhilada. March 20th. [i.e., February 27] 1770\nPlease to be refered to what I wrote you the 27th. Ulto, on considering the possibility of your not obtaining \u00a36,500 Sterl. for my Estate the Sum by which you were then limited, and as I would not have my purpose mared by failing of the above sum, and in Case you cannot obtain an intermediate Sum I even consent to take Six Thousand pounds Sterl. which I have no doubt you will obtain, and for which this is your Authority. I am with high Regard, but great haste, which I hope you\u2019ll excuse Dear Sir Your most obedient and obliged humble Servant\nDoctor Benja. Franklin\nDoctor John Fothergill and\nCharles Pearce Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0041-0006", "content": "Title: From Daniel Roberdeau to Benjamin Franklin, John Fothergill, and Charles Pearce, 27 February 1770\nFrom: Roberdeau, Daniel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin,Fothergill, John,Pearce, Charles\nDear Sirs\nPhilada. April 30th. [i.e., February 27] 1770\nIf by this time you have not succeeded in [the sale of my Plantation,] according to what I wrote you the 27th. Feby. and 20th. March, as [I am anxious to] transfer my Property from the West-Indies to the more eligible Situa[tion of my] own residence, and as a last effort, although I have little doubt that by [the time] this gets to your hands, that you will have obtained at least \u00a36,000 sterling my last Limitation, yet as you and I have taken such pains I would not for some hundreds that our Labour should prove fruitless, therefore you have now my Authority to make such an abatement of Price, as that I shall receive clear of all Charges in negotiating and paying, Five thousand five hundred Pounds Sterl., which is the last offer I shall make. I am with high sense of the obligation you have laid me under Dear Sirs Your much obliged and obedient humble Servant\nDaniel Roberdeau\nDoctor Benja. Franklin Doctor John Fothergill and Charles Pearce Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0042", "content": "Title: The Colonist\u2019s Advocate: XI, [2 March 1770]\nFrom: Colonist\u2019s Advocate\nTo: \nThe Genuineness of the following Extract from a North American Letter may be depended on. The Strain of it will shew, whether it is written by one most attached to the Ministry or to the People, and consequently whether the Information it contains is to be taken strictly, or with Allowances. One Thing I know, (though I suppose our wise Grenvillians will give little Attention to it) that the following, and many other Letters from America, agree but too well with what is now the common Talk of those native Americans occasionally resident here, who have long in vain opposed the Revenue Acts. \u201cIt is Time (they say) for us to be quiet. As Well-wishers to America, we ought to rejoice at Measures which will put our Countrymen upon what must in the End enrich and aggrandize them, though to the heavy Loss of the Mother Country, who sets the Colony Trade at Defiance. If the Colonists must pay Duties to the arbitrary Pleasure of an Assembly, in which they are not represented, it is Time they should think of what otherwise would not have come into their Minds for many Ages. It is Time they should apply to Manufactures, by which they may enable themselves to pay the Mother Country\u2019s Taxes, and lessen the Demand for her Tax-loaded Manufactures.\u201d Thus the Friends of America now talk; and this it seems our Government\u2019s noble Firmness will bring it to: Accordingly our British Manufacturers, thrown out of Employment at home, are removing to America, and carrying with them their various Arts, which have made us the Glory of all Lands, and our Goods are daily coming back unpacked, on our Merchants\u2019 Hands to the Ruin of our Country. No Matter: The Ministry have found Half a Dozen new Places for a few of their unprovided Friends. But I had almost forgot the Letter. Here it follows:\n\u201cAs to Politics, I can write nothing new. The mutinous, seditious Spirit seems to have subsided, but a determined Resolution has taken Place to forbear Importation, and it seems to be supported with an Unanimity and Steadiness that exceeds their Expectations, and unless something satisfactory is soon done, I am persuaded all commercial Connection and Dependance on the Mother Country will be lost in a few Years, and political Connection, it is not likely, will long survive it. It would surprize you to see the Difference in American Manufactures. Mr.\u2014\u2014 has lately had a Suit of Cloaths made off of his own Sheep, spun and wove in his own House; a good Piece of Cloth. It is Half the Breadth of Broad Cloth, and stands him in 4s. 6d. Sterling per Yard every Thing reckoned in; so that the Notion of the Impossibility of American Manufactures from their Expensiveness does not hold good.\u201d\nSuppose this Spirit of manufacturing to spread through all America, and, in Consequence, their Want of our Commodities to lessen annually, till, in a few Years hence, our Colony Trade be annihilated, instead of being (as I have in one of my former Papers shewn it most probably would) doubled, that is amounting to Three or Four Millions clear annual Gain to the Mother Country; I say, supposing this to prove, as is reasonably to be expected, the Effect of our late wise and just Treatment of our American Brethren; I ask, whether the Annals of Government round this Globe can furnish an Instance of so prodigious a Loss voluntarily incurred by a Nation, for the sake of so small an Advantage in Prospect as Eight Thousand Pounds to come annually into the Treasury, and Bread for five Men to collect that pitiful Pittance?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0044", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Perkins, 12 March 1770\nFrom: Perkins, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir.\nBoston March 12th. 1770\nWhen I imagin myself possess\u2019d of any new Thought I think it, in the first place, due to your Inspection and accordingly have inclos\u2019d my Conjectures on the Caudae Cometive; to gether with the small Tract on Epidemic Colds.\nI confess there is something unnatural in phylosophic Speculations at a Time when the Nation is involv\u2019d in such Disorder and Confusion; and in accosting you with them in the midst of your weighty Employments, the businesses of State; in which you are so much needed; but Gratitude for very many Favours would not suffer me to be any longer Silent: They are too many for me to enumerate; the many former ones, and the latter of the Thermometer; Your Effigies; and Collection of Papers; together with the honour you have done some of my Thoughts; Of all which I retain the most gratefull Sense. Sincerely wishing you all that may render Life most happy, and desireable, I am Sir Your most obliged, most obedient and Humble Servant\nJohn Perkins\nDr: Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0045", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Perkins, 12 March 1770\nFrom: Perkins, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBoston March 12 1770\nJust as I was about inclosing my papers it came in my head to mention to you a notion I have sometimes had that Pit-Coal is a vegitable production as of Grass or other Herbage of which the rich and fat Soil of our fresh Marshes is form\u2019d. We know that these are constantly filling up by the Annual Supplys of this kind so that perhaps many places that were formerly Boggs or Marshes are now uplands over which Travelers pass without imagining they were ever otherwise.\nWhat gave occasion to these Thoughts at first was the accounts the Irish at their first coming among us many years Since, gave of their Boggs. They assure me that on drying the Substance of them they make tollerable Fewel and the better as the lower they digg it. The bottom parts dry blackest and yield a Sulphureous Smoke nearly approaching that of Pit-Coal.\nI should like to visit the Coal-Mines to see the Nature and Circumstances of them Or to gain by Conversation with those who are well acquainted with them some further insight concerning these Subterraneous Stores. I am Sir, as ever, Your most humble Servant\nJno Perkins\nEndorsed: Dr Perkins. \u2003March 12, 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0046", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 15 March 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Mecom, Jane\nDear Sister,\nLondon, 15 March, 1770.\nI received your kind little letter of January 3d from Philadelphia. I am glad your visit thither proves agreeable to you. Since your family is so much reduced, I do not see why you might not as well continue there, if you like the place equally with Boston. It would be a pleasure to me to have you near me; but your own discretion must govern you. I propose, God willing, to return this summer. With true regard, I am ever Your affectionate brother,\nB. Franklin.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0047", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwalader Evans, 17 March 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Evans, Cadwalader\nDear Friend\nLondon, Mar. 17. 1770\nI received your Favour of Nov. 27. and thank you for the Information it contained relating to the Society. Mr. Ewing has transmitted to me Copies of the Observations of the Transits of Venus and Mercury which were made in Pensilvania. Those you sent me, made by Messrs. Biddle & Bayley, will, with the others, be printed, I suppose, in the next Volume of the Transactions of the Royal Society here.\nOur Friends James and Wharton, your quondam Patients, seem in pretty good Health here at present. Mr. Wharton had got a Habit of Complaining that he was not well in almost every Company; and, as is always the Case, he everywhere found somebody who would officiously prescribe to him, and he too readily made Trial of their Prescriptions; so that he was forever physicking and never better. I have persuaded him to keep his Ails to himself, and he passes now for a well Man.\nI am glad the Silk Books were agreable to you, and likely to be useful. With great and sincere Esteem, I am, my dear Friend, Yours very affectionately\nB Franklin\nDr. Cadwalader Evans\nAddressed: To / Dr Cadr. Evans / at / Philadelphia / per Capt Falconer\nEndorsed: March 17th. 1770.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0050", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 17 March 1770\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nPhiladelphia March 17, 1770.\nThe last Letter I had the Pleasure of receiving from you, was dated April 14, 1767, since which I have wrote you twice, but have not been favoured with an Answer to either of those Letters. In that Letter you acknowledged the Utility of settling our Accounts, and promised to forward the Paper of Remarks you made, on looking over the Settlement by Mr. Parker, on your Behalf, with me, by the next Opportunity; but, tho\u2019 it is now very near three Years since, I have not yet received it, no Doubt owing to the continual Hurry you are in. For my own Part, I am not yet sensible of any Mistakes, or Omissions, other than what have been already taken Notice of, but still ready to rectify what is wrong in the Accounts, and to add whatever may have been omitted.\nWhen you left Philadelphia, you thought you would return Time enough before our Contract should end, to settle the Affairs of the Partnership yourself, and tho\u2019 it has been now expired above four Years, you are not yet returned, and may still be longer necessarily detained in England on the Business of the Province. And as we are now both growing old fast, and one, or both, may be taken off before the Settlement is accomplished, which may prove most inconvenient to our Families; I think nothing further need be said to urge you to comply with my Request, in sending your Remarks, with Orders for Mr. Parker to finish the Affair in the Manner you may imagine is right.\nIn my Letter to you, of January 27, 1767, I sent you a State of our Accounts from February 1, 1766, to that Date; which State you will be pleased to take no Notice of, farther than the Balance of \u00a3993 11s. 6d., thought to be due to me from you, by Mr. Parker\u2019s Settlement; as, in the Room of that, I have now sent you an exact Account of all the Money received for our Partnership, from February 1, 1766, to February 16, 1770. Likewise an Account of all the Monies received by Mrs. Franklin from me, from February 1, 1766, to March 16, 1770, for which I have her Receipts. All which have been most carefully taken [as] by the Books will appear, viz.\nFor the Gazette, from February 1, 1766, to February 16, 1770 \u2013 \u2013 \u2013\nFor Public Work, received June 18, 1767, of Samuel Preston Moore Esqr.\nBy Cash received for Work done, as credited in the Leidger, in the above mentioned Time\nAccount of Money received by Mrs. Franklin.\nNovember 25,\nDecember 27,\nJanuary 18, 1768,\nSeptember 1,\n To Sundries out of the Shop \u2013 \u2013 \u2013 \u2013 \u2013\nAs you mentioned in one of your Letters, some Time ago, no Doubt you have a large Sum of Money owing you from our Customers, which I should be very glad to be instrumental in recovering, both on your Account and my own, because wherever you lose, I must also be a Sufferer, and yet I cannot devise how to get it, or the greatest Part of it, in, the People lie so scattered, the Sums, most of them so small, many of the People dead, others left the Country, and a great Number of them pretend to have paid Posts, &c. on our Account. And as to impowering People to receive for us, we have succeeded so poorly in that Way, that I don\u2019t know but it will be better to trust it with the Multitude, than to let it get into the Hands of a few Individuals, we might appoint to collect for us, as Fifty or One Hundred Pounds might be a Temptation to be roguish, when Thirty, Forty or Fifty Shillings will not. It is true, there are certainly a Number of very honest Men in the different Quarters of the Country, but then such Men have generally Business enough of their own to mind, and would hardly care to be troubled with ours.\nJohn Jones, one of our Posts, who, you may remember, was impowered to collect for us in the Lower Counties, has never yet finished his Collection, as he pretends, and puts off coming to a Settlement from Time to Time. Chapman, the Post for the Eastern Shore, Maryland, I believe paid all the Money he received for us, which amounted to but little more than One Hundred Pounds. And about Twelve Months before our Partnership ended, Mr. William Goodwin, of Baltimore County, Maryland, was recommended to me as a very honest Man, and would gather in our Gazette Money on the Western Shore; upon which I got the Accounts made out, to the Amount of about Eight Hundred Pounds, and sent them to him, and tho\u2019 I believe he was most faithful, and, at the same Time, very industrious, yet all he was able to collect for us in two Years, neated only \u00a353 2s. 8d., which he paid, and delivered up the Accounts, after having gone through a good Deal of Fatigue. Thus, Sir, you see what a bad Prospect we have of getting in our News Money, or any tolerable Proportion of it.\nI should be glad to hear from you immediately on the Receipt of this, and that you would let me know when you think I may have the Pleasure of seeing you here.\nMy Wife, who has now been in a poor State of Health for these fourteen Years, is still but poorly, tho\u2019 rather better than she has been for some Years past, owing, we imagine, to the great Benefit she received from the Bristol Bath, last Summer. My eldest Son, Billy, is now turned of Eighteen, is learning the Printing Business with me, promises pretty well, and, in all Probability, will be a very stout Man, being now very little short of six Feet high. My Daughter Debby, tho\u2019 but just turned of Fifteen, is well grown too, being something taller than her Mother; she was seized with the Palsy in one Side last Summer, which frightened us a good Deal; but we sent her to the Bristol Bath, where, by the Blessing of God, she recovered, and is now very hearty. And David, the youngest, past Fourteen, is still at the Academy, is but small as to Heighth, but well set. They all, with their Mother, desire to be remembered in the most affectionate Manner to Mr. Franklin. I hope you will excuse my taking up any of your Time about them.\nYour own Family are all well. I saw Mrs. Franklin this Day. Mrs. Bache, and her Child (a fine Boy) are at Burlington, both well, as is Mr. Bache. If you have any Thing in the News Way, should be much obliged to you for it; and to hear from you frequently, will be most agreeable to me. In the mean Time, you may believe me to be, Dear Sir, Yours most affectionately,\nDavid Hall.\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / At Mrs. Stevenson\u2019s in Craven-Street / London / Via Liverpool / By the Speedwell / Capt Le Cocq / Q.D.C.\nEndorsed: Letter from D Hall to B.F. dated March 17th 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0053", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Gilpin, 18 March 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Gilpin, Thomas\nSir\nLondon March 18. 1770\nI receiv\u2019d your Favour by the Hand of Mr. Abel James. An Accident happen\u2019d to it in his Chest by the Breaking of a Bottle of some Liquid that obliterated part of it. I see however that it contains some good Remarks on the Advantages of Canals for internal Navigation in our Country, to which I heartily wish Success. What you tell me of the Practicability of navigating down Sasquehanah pl[eases] me extremely, as hitherto I had understood that to be impossible.\nI wrote to you last Summer that I purpose to show your Machine to the Society of Arts. Since their Meeting I have till now been otherwise too busy to attend to such Things: but I lately pack\u2019d it in its Box and sent it to their Store and am next Week to meet a Commitee of theirs to explain it to them. Many ingenious Men [have] seen it at my House and were much pleas\u2019d with it. What they chiefly admire is not the Construction of the Sails but the Application of a single Crank to three separate Pumps.\nI suppose you may not have had an Opportunity of knowing that the Manner of fixing your Sails, tho truly invented by you, has before been thought of by others. I did myself about 25 years ago make a little Model for W. Masters who had thoughts of executing it in large for Use. It was in all respects the same, except the Cord and Spring to each Sail which are in yours, and which I think may be a great Improvement; and except that I plac\u2019d my Sails upright on their Ends; which I mention now for your Consideration whether the Force or Purchase is not thereby greater, no Part of it being so near the Center of Motion as when they lie on their Sides, and fall inwards; but of this I would not be positive. In a second Model I plac\u2019d six Sails instead of four, for which there is good room when so plac\u2019d upright, and I thought the Motion might thereby be more equable. A Friend of mine in Maryland, Mr. H Jones, to whom I had communicated this horizontal Windmill wrote a Paper about it which he printed, and with some Alterations erected a large one on his Land intending to apply it to the grinding of Corn; he nam\u2019d it the Elephant from its suppos\u2019d Strength: and when used in a Current of Water, which he also propos\u2019d, would then have it call\u2019d the Whale; but before his Elephant was finish\u2019d a great Storm shatter\u2019d it to Pieces, and he never repair\u2019d it. My Son has now a Dr[aft?] of those Sails of mine done by Lewis Evans, in an 8vo manuscript Volume of Inventions collected by him. There is both a Plan of the Arms and Sails in their several Positions, and an upright View of them as applied to a travelling Carriage, which he fancied might be moved by them. My Son will readily shew it to you if you desire to see it.\nHorizontal Windmills are not any where in general Use, except, as I have heard, in Poland. The Form there, is this. The Sails are all fix\u2019d (in such a Position with regard to the Axis as the Radii of a Circle are to its Center) and upright Boards are fix\u2019d all round them so as to throw the Wind to most Advantage against the Sails, let it come which way it will.\nA the Axis. a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, the Sails fix\u2019d to the Arms. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, the standing Boards to throw the Wind against the Sails.\nI have seen but two horizontal Windmills in all my Travels. The first was at Rhodeisland, where the Sails were in the Form of the Foresail and Mainsail of a Sloop, four little Masts with such Sails were fix\u2019d upright on the four Ends of a horizontal Cross; the Sails fill\u2019d and jib\u2019d successively as the Cross went round: It was over a Turner\u2019s Work Shop and the Application was to drive a large Lathe for turning heavy Mortars of Lignum Vitae. The other is now here at Knightsbridge near London, on the Top of a House for manufacturing painted Oil Cloths, and is used for grinding the Colours. The horizontal Wheel is in an octagon Tower with a Roof, but open all round the Sides; the Vanes are fix\u2019d as in the Polish Mill; but to make it go, there are moveable Shutters, sufficient when properly plac\u2019d to prevent the Wind acting on the coming Side of the Sails, and by leaving half the Tower open suffer it to act on the going side. This needs Attention and Care to shift the Shutters as the Wind changes and therefore seems not so good as the Polish Mill; nor is either of them so good as yours.\nThe Advantages of a Horizontal Windmill seem to me to be that the Building need not be so high as for the vertical one, therefore not so strong, therefore not so expensive; and it is always ready to receive the Wind from any Quarter, without the Trouble and Machinery necessary to bring the others about to face the Wind. But probably the others have the Advantage in some other respects which has continued them in general Use: their Force perhaps is greater.\nI shall be glad to see your Contrivances for stopping or regulating its Motion. I dare say they are very ingenious. I once saw a very simple and as I thought it a very clever Method of regulating a Motion where the Power was applied unequally. It was this. From the Top of the upright Axis is hung two moveable Arms, with a Weight at the End of each. When the Axis began to turn, the Weights naturally receded farther from the Center rising higher at the same time; the greater the Force applied, the larger Circle they describ\u2019d; and as the Force abated they sunk and describ\u2019d smaller Circles in Proportion. By this Means the Excess of the Force applied was spent in raising the Balls and occasioning them to describe a greater Circle, whereby they pass\u2019d thro\u2019 more Space in the same Time, instead of its occasioning more Revolutions of the Axis in the same Time: thus those Revolutions continued to be equable. And this applied to your Windmill, by lengthening the Axis upwards to give room for hanging the Weights might I imagine occasion an equality of Motion always regulating itself, tho\u2019 the Wind should be squally and unequal.\nIt must give you Pleasure to see the Contrivance of horizontal Wind mills become generally useful, and therefore you will excuse my mentioning a Manner of constructing them that almost every Farmer may execute without the help of any Workman, and which, or something like it, I have had an imperfect Account of as used in China.\n Pumps in your ingenious Manner, tho\u2019 very proper for Mines, &c. when skilful Persons could readily be had to repair them, might neither suit the Purse nor be so easily kept in order by the common Countryman, and so the Use of them would not generally obtain for the Purpose of Watering Lands. Suppose then that in an open Field by the Side of a Brook or Pond, one of those Windmills is to be fix\u2019d in the cheapest and easiest Manner to raise Water: A short Stake drove into the Ground might receive the lower Point of the Axis, its upper End might be supported by Cords made of Leatherwood Bark carried out on all Sides and fasten\u2019d to Pins drove into the Earth: If the Arms are to be six it might be cut three square above and below where the Arms are applied to it, which might be of Saplins, the Buts a little flatted next to the Axis, and bound on; their small Ends being out every way to make the Circumference of the Circle. The Sails might be of Reed or Rush Mats extended on slight Frames and hung above and below by bits of Rope or Cord. An open Trough of plain Boards laid slanting up from the Water, and a Number of little square Boards nearly fitting that Trough, fix\u2019d at proper Distances to a small Rope in the Manner of a Chain Pump, and kept going by the Motion of the Axis, might bring the Water continually from the lower End of the Trough to the upper, and there discharge it into the Channel made to carry it away. If one Set of these Vanes does not raise it high enough, as they are cheap and easily made a second or third, or any Number might be used in different Parts of the Field one taking the Water from the Level where the other leaves it. Any Man with Hands might mend such a Machine when out of order. And in the Season of the Year when they would not be wanted to Work, they might easily be taken to pieces, and the Parts carried in under Shelter to preserve them from the Weather. This Idea I submit to your Consideration, and am with much Esteem, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\n A very bad Drawing, but may help a little to explain my meaning.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0055", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Charles Thomson], 18 March 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Thomson, Charles\nThis well-publicized letter arrived in America in May, at the height of the controversy over whether to relax or maintain the nonimportation agreements now that Parliament had repealed most, but not all, of the Townshend duties. An extract containing virtually the entire letter was sent to Boston and promptly printed and reprinted there, while Thomson was using the original to good purpose in Philadelphia. On May 15 Galloway laid before the Assembly his letter from Franklin of March 21, printed below, and it too had great effect on rallying the waverers to stand fast. Although the rally was short-lived, Franklin was credited with it on one side of the Atlantic and blamed for it on the other; in Britain his intervention brought on him, as might be expected, the accusation of betraying his position as an officer of the crown.\nDear Sir\nLondon March 18th. 1770\nYour very judicious Letter of Novemr. 26th. being communicated by me to some Member of Parliament, was handed about among them, so that it was sometime before I got it again into my Hands. It had due Weight with several, and was of considerable Use. You will see that I printed it at length in the London Chronicle with the Merchants\u2019 Letter. When the American Affairs came to be debated in the House of Commons, the Majority, notwithstanding all the Weight of ministerial Influence, was only 62 for continuing the whole last Act; and would not have been so large, nay, I think the Repeal would have been carried, but that the Ministry were persuaded by Governor Bernard and some lying Letters said to be from Boston, that the Associations not to import were all breaking to Pieces, that America was in the greatest Distress for Want of the Goods, that we could not possibly subsist any longer without them, and must of course submit to any Terms Parliament should think fit to impose upon us. This with the idle Notion of the Dignity and Sovereignty of Parliament, which they are so fond of, and imagine will be endanger\u2019d by any farther Concessions, prevailed I know with many to vote with the Ministry, who otherwise, on Account of the Commerce, wish to see the Difference accommodated. But though both the Duke of Grafton and Lord North were and are in my Opinion rather inclined to satisfy us, yet the Bedford Party are so violent against us, and so prevalent in the Council, that more moderate Measures could not take Place. This Party never speak of us but with evident Malice; Rebels and Traitors are the best Names they can afford us, and I believe they only wish for a colourable Pretence and Occasion of ordering the Souldiers to make a Massacre among us.\nOn the other Hand the Rockingham and Shelburne People, with Lord Chatham\u2019s Friends, are disposed to favour us if they were again in Power, which at present they are not like to be; tho\u2019 they, too, would be for keeping up the Claim of parliamentary Sovereignty, but without exercising it in any Mode of Taxation. Besides these, we have for sincere Friends and Wellwishers the Body of Dissenters, generally, throughout England, with many others, not to mention Ireland and all the rest of Europe, who from various Motives join in applauding the Spirit of Liberty, with which we have claimed and insisted on our Privileges, and wish us Success, but whose Suffrage cannot have much Weight in our Affairs.\nThe Merchants here were at length prevailed on to present a Petition, but they moved slowly, and some of them I thought reluctantly; perhaps from a Despair of Success, the City not being much in favour with the Court at present. The manufacturing Towns absolutely refused to move at all; some pretending to be offended with our attempting to manufacture for ourselves; others saying that they had Employment enough, and that our Trade was of little Importance to them, whether we continued or refused it. Those who began a little to feel the Effects of our forbearing to purchase, were persuaded to be quiet by the ministerial People; who gave out that certain Advices were receiv\u2019d of our beginning to break our Agreements; of our Attempts to manufacture proving all abortive and ruining the Undertakers; of our Distress for Want of Goods, and Dissentions among ourselves, which promised the total Defeat of all such Kind of Combinations, and the Prevention of them for the future, if the Government were not urged imprudently to repeal the Duties. But now that it appears from late and authentic Accounts, that Agreements continue in full Force, that a Ship is actually return\u2019d from Boston to Bristol with Nails and Glass, (Articles that were thought of the utmost Necessity,) and that the Ships that were waiting here for the Determination of Parliament, are actually returning to North America in thier Ballast; the Tone of the Manufacturers begins to change, and there is no doubt, that if we are steady and persevere in our Resolutions, these People will soon begin a Clamor that much Pains has hitherto been used to stifle.\nIn short, it appears to me, that if we do not now persist in this Measure till it has had its full Effect, it can never again be used on any future Occasion with the least prospect of Success, and that if we do persist another year, we shall never afterwards have occasion to use it. With sincere regards I am, Dear Sir, Your obedient Servant,\nB. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0056", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Nairne, 19 March 1770\nFrom: Nairne, Edward\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir:\nCornhill March 19. 1770\nWhen You did me the pleasure of calling on me last week, I mention\u2019d to You that I had been trying to freeze water in which different quantities of Sea Salt had been dissolv\u2019d, You then said You wish\u2019d I had tasted the Ice, for it was thought to be fresh; At that time I had not tasted it, but since have tried the following Experiment; I took two ounces (averdupoise) of common Sea Salt and dissolv\u2019d it in three pints and a half wine measure of Thames water, which I think is the proportion of Salt in Sea water according to Mr. Canton. I then put some of this salted water in a wide Stone dish about the depth of an inch and set it out on the leads, in hopes it woud be froze by morning, the next morning it was froze about the thickness of \u00bd an inch. I then took out the Ice and put it in a seive and wash\u2019d it in a large Cistern of Thames Water, and afterwards let the water drain from it. Then I put the Ice in a Bason and kept it in a warm Room till it was dissolvd, and on tasting the dissolvd Ice I found it was so fresh, that if I had not put the Salt to the water my Self I Shoud not have suspected there had ever been a grain of Salt mixd with the water. I have sent You three Vials, in that markd A, is the dissolv\u2019d Ice. In the Vial B is some of the same salted water that was not set out to freeze. In the Vial C is some of the water that was left in the dish that I took the Ice out of, (which appears to the taste to be considerably salter than that in the Vial B). I have tried the experiment twice and find the result exactly the same, the Thermometer out of doors between 7 and 8 o Clock Yesterday and this morning which were the times I washd the Ice was at 25 degrees of Farenheits. If You think this Experiment not conclusive Your objections would greatly oblidge Your most Obedient Humble Servant\nEdwd. Nairne\nP.S. The Salted water has been filtrated but the dissolvd Ice has not been filtrated.\nTo Dr. Franklin\nAddressed: To / Dr: Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0058", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 27 March 1770\nFrom: New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBurlington March 27th. 1770.\nIn our last we inform\u2019d you of a Bill, that pass\u2019d the House and Council for amending the practice of the Law which the Governor did not then think proper to assent to, and directed you not to solicit the Royal Assent to a Bill pass\u2019d and sent over in 1765; In this Session a Bill has been agreed upon by the whole Legislature, Intitled \u201cAn Act to provide a more effectual remedy against excessive Costs in the recovery of Debts &c\u201d. As this Bill will, we expect be opposed, perhaps by some holding offices, not so much that it will abridge the Fees of the office, altho\u2019 it will be made the pretence, but will affect them as practising Attorneys, We request you will use your utmost Interest in preventing such opposition proving effectual, for which purpose we have by the direction of the House, given you the earliest intelligence. We are very anxious to hear the resolutions of Parliament upon the Acts laying Duties &ca. And the determinations of his Majesty\u2019s Ministers upon the Laws, we recommended to you in our last, and are, Sir, Your very Humble Servants\nHendk. Fisher\nCortd: Skinner\nEbenez Miller\nAaron Leaming\nAbrm. Hewlings\nJos. Smith\nDr. Franklin.\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Agent for the Colony of New Jersey, / London.\nEndorsed: Committee of N Jersey Ass[embly] March 27. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0059", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Joseph Smith?], 12 April 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Smith, Joseph\nYesterday I attended the Board of Trade and the Objections to the Bergen Act were repeated by my Lord Hillsborough, viz. that it related to private Property; in a Course of Trial at Law, which was stopt by the Act. I alledg\u2019d that it was only a supplementary Act for compleating a Business directed by a former Act and partly executed, which former Act had received the Royal Approbation. His Lordship answered, that in the former there was the Consent of all Parties; but to this Act, one Side not only did not consent, but had opposed and entred a Caveat against it, notwithstanding which it had been passed. I mentioned that the Opposer had approv\u2019d and solicited the former Act, and this was only to finish, &c. To which it was answered, that in this the Commissioners were totally changed, it was a new Sett. On the whole I endeavoured to clear the Legislature from any Suspicion of Injustice or Partiality, they having had only the Publick Peace in View, &c &c. But it seem\u2019d determin\u2019d to report the Act as unfit for his Majesty\u2019s Approbation.\nThe Paper-money Act then came on, when I was told that an Act of the same kind pass\u2019d by Governor Colden in New York had been considered by His Majesty\u2019s Law Servants who had reported it repugnant to the Act of Parliament inasmuch as it made the Bills a legal Tender to the Treasurer in Discharge of Publick Debts, whereas the Statute says they shall be a legal Tender in no Case whatever. I urg\u2019d that it was impossible to suppose that the Parliament intended to leave the Governments at Liberty to refuse their own Bills; that this Act of New Jersey only oblig\u2019d the Loan-Offices that issued the Bills to receive them again when tender in Discharge of the Mortgages on which they had been issued, &c. On which I was cut short with this, That the Board could not judge of the Intention of an Act of Parliament but by its Words, and if a Colony Act was against the Words of an Act of Parliament, that was sufficient to obstruct its being allowed. However, I was told, that it was their Lordship\u2019s Purpose to report the Matter specially, viz. That this Act of New Jersey contain\u2019d a Clause similar to that in the Act of New York, on Account of which the latter had been repealed; and so submit it to his Majesty. Thus ended that Matter.\nMr. Charles, I understand, is urged by Lord Dunmore, to petition the Parliament to explain that Act. He has been unwilling to do it without express Orders from his Province, as our Business in the Confirmation of Laws is constitutionally with the Crown only; and applying to Parliament to obtain Leave of the King to pass Colony Acts, would be a Novelty, and possibly be hereafter attended with disagreable Consequences: And the Ministry, who procured the Act, were the properest to procure its Explanation. I think he was right. He has however, as I understand, lately received such Orders, and will now petition, in order if he succeeds, to obtain an Allowance of the Act passed by Sir Henry Moore, previous to that by Governor Colden. Should this be done, the Removing of the Objection with regard to that Act will operate in our favour likewise; and if done before ours is actually repealed, we may still obtain the Royal Assent. But I have little Expectation of it, as I know that Paper Currency in general are much against the Grain here.\nI [mov\u2019d] for their Lordship\u2019s favourable Reporting two former Laws, that for Septennial Assemblies and that for giving Representatives to the Counties of Morris Cumberland and Sussex, which they were pleased to say should be taken into speedy Consideration. I mention\u2019d too the Desire of Assembly, that the Act for amending the Practice of the Law might not as yet be pass\u2019d upon, as they had in Contemplation the forming one that might be better adapted to the purpose of which Notice was taken. And I shall continue my best Attention to these Affairs of your Province on all Occasion.\nMr. Jackson is now appointed Counsellor to the Board of Trade. All Colony Acts are submitted to the Examination of that Officer; and as he well understands our Affairs, and is a Friend to America, I hope we shall not hereafter be pestered with ignorant frivolous Objections to our Laws, as heretofore has sometimes been the Case.\nBF.\nI send you inclosed Govr Pownall\u2019s Speech in Parliament, when he mov\u2019d for the total Repeal of the last Duty Act; only 20 were printed. Also his State of the Case of America as to the Military Power there.\nEndorsed: Letter from Dr. Franklin April 12.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0060", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 14 April 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Cooper, Samuel\nDear Sir,\nLondon, April 14. 1770\nI suppose Govr. Pownall acquaints you with what has pass\u2019d this Session relating to our American Affairs: All Europe is attentive to the Dispute between Britain and the Colonies; and I own I have a Satisfaction in seeing that our Part is taken every where; because I am persuaded that that Circumstance will not be without its Effect here in our Favour. At the same time the malignant Pleasure other Powers take in British Divisions, may convince us on both sides of the Necessity of our Uniting. In France they have translated and printed the principal Pieces that have been written on the American Side of the Question; and as French is the political Language of Europe, it has communicated an Acquaintance with our Affairs very extensively. Mr. Beaumont, a famous Advocate of Paris, the Defender of the Family of Calas, wrote the Reflexions d\u2019un Etranger desinteress\u00e9, which I send you. The Manuscript is an original Letter from a Gentleman (of Note I am told) as far off as the Austrian Silesia, who, being concern\u2019d for us, wrote it to the Parliament, directing it to the late Speaker. The Speaker read only the first Side, was offended at the Freedom and Impertinence (as he call\u2019d it) and return\u2019d the Letter to the Office refusing to pay the Postage. Accept it as a Curiosity. I send you also a late Edition of Molineux\u2019s Case of Ireland, with a new Preface shrewdly written. Our Part is warmly taken by the Irish in general, there being in many Points a Similarity in our Cases. My Respects to Mr. Bowdoin, and believe me ever, Dear Sir, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\nRevd. Dr. Cooper", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0061", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Timothy Folger, 14 April 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Folger, Timothy\nDear Kinsman\nLondon, April 14. 1770\nEnclos\u2019d with this, I send you a Map of the Island of St. John\u2019s made from actual Survey, with a particular Map of one of the Shares, which the Owner desires to have settled, and will give you any Terms you please. In haste, I am, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\nCapt. Folger\nEndorsed: Dr. Benjn. Franklin\u2019s letter to Timothy Folger", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0062", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 20 April 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\nMy dear Child\nLondon, April 20. 1770\nThis will be delivered to you by Miss Farquarson and Miss Smith, the one bred a Miliner, the other a Mantuamaker, who, by the Advice and Consent of their Friends, go to Philadelphia, with an Intention of following their respective Businesses there. They are Persons of good Character, and very well recommended to me; therefore I recommend them warmly to you and my dear Daughter, desiring you would show them all Civility as Strangers, and afford them your best Advice and Countenance in the Prosecution of their Design, which will greatly oblige Your affectionate Husband\nB Franklin\nMrs. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0064", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Hopkinson, 23 April 1770\nFrom: Hopkinson, Francis\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy dear Sir\nPhila. April 23d. 1770\nMy Lord North being at the Head of Affairs and having show\u2019d an Inclination in my Favour upon an Application made in my Behalf by Mrs. Johnson makes me flatter myself that, something or other may possibly be obtain\u2019d for my Benefit. To this purpose I have wrote to the Bishop of Worcester, and as he is in the Country during the Summer Season have told him that you will be so kind as to let him know by a Line if any proper Opening should offer. When a Person is asking a Favour they may as well put in for a great Matter as a small One. I have therefore thought that if Beckford should compleat what he has been so long about and really and truly die, an immediate and close Application by my Friends for the Collectorship of this Port might possibly meet with Success. If you are not pre-engaged in this Matter may I presume so far upon your Friendship as to Request that you would keep a watchful Eye upon that Post, and if it lies in your Way give me your Interest. I am more than half inclin\u2019d to take a Trip Over to England so as to return in the Fall either to push my Fortune in this Way or to settle a more enlarg\u2019d Plan of Trade. With Compliments to my good Friends Mrs. Stevenson and Daughter I am obliged for want of Time to conclude more hastily than I intended with Assuring you that I am at all Events Your sincere and affectionate Friend\nF. Hopkinson\nAddressed: To / Dr Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Packet\nEndorsed: F. Hopkinson April 23. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0065", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 23\u201324 April 1770\nFrom: Parker, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir\nNew York, April 23[\u201324]. 1770\nYours of Feb 10. by the Harriot Packet, I just received. She and the Lord Hide Packet came both in at Once. My last to you was the 8th March, by Capt. Munds, who had lain here a long While: Since that having received some Money from Boston and Bills being low here, only 65, I laid it out in a Bill for \u00a3150 Sterling drawn by Wats and McEvers, on Harley and Drummond, the first of which I now send you; Also another Bill I just received from Quebec for \u00a3100 Sterling J Drummond, on Nesbit, Drummond and Franks, Esqrs in London, the first of which I send you. The 2d of each I shall send per the Harriot. I also send the 2d of a Bill for \u00a3250 Sterling the first of which was sent by Capt. Munds. I hope them all safe to your Hands. Of this last Bill for \u00a3250, Sterling which cost 67\u00bd (\u00a3135 this Money) is on Account of B. Mecom\u2019s Books sold at Auction the Remainder Post-Office Money. The Auctioneer was obliged to repair to Philadelphia before we had finally settled, and he promised to be here again shortly, otherways that Account should have been sent you, tho\u2019 there will be little more coming any Way. Holt and I were beginning to make some Settlement, but we are in Trouble other ways, and I so poorly that little Progress has yet been made. I have Hopes we shall proceed, tho\u2019 I fear I shall get but little. I think he does not get a-head any Thing; and I less.\nAgreeable to your Request, I wrote to Quebec, for the Papers that have your Examination in, and this is the first Opportunity I have had to send them since I received them. I hope them safe to your Hand, and that they will be agreeable. Is it consistent to have some Post-Horns sent us\u2014\u2014the Posts are out of them? None to be got here.\nI have now a melancholly Tale to tell: Lewis Jones, the young Man who was assigned to you from London, and by you assigned to me, having served out his Time with me, left me directly after. He first got to work with the Robinson\u2019s. After that he got to Mr. Gaine\u2019s, where he work\u2019d something more than one Year, got a Wife among the poorer sort, but never came near me after he first left me\u2014\u2014perhaps from a Fraca I had with him a little before his Time was out on this Occasion. At the Time my Son went for England, there was a Company of Players here. Gaine did all their Work, and printed their Tickets: soon after my Son was gone, one of the Actors found a Number of Counterfeit Play Tickets, as they were done with the same Flowers as the true ones, he applied to Gaine about them. Lewis Jones had been that Night at the Play with one of those Tickets given him by one of Gaine\u2019s Hands: they impeach\u2019d Lewis, and Lewis said he had got them of my Son, who had been then 10 Days absent. The injured Player then came to me, but after canvassing the Matter with him, I demenstrated, to him that the Counterfeits were done with the same Flowers and Types that the true Ones were done; and that they could not be possibly done in my House, as I had not the same Flowers\u2014\u2014tho\u2019 Gaine was so base, as to suppose they might be done at my House. Altho \u2018my Son was bad enough, yet I thought it unmanly Usage, and afterwards putting it close to Lewis, he cleared Sammy, and own\u2019d he had them of Gaine\u2019s Lad. Lewis was soon after free, and he came no more near me. About 3 Weeks ago, he was apprehended and taken up, for Uttering Counterfeit Jersey Bills. What the Evidence is I know not, but tis said several Bills he has pass\u2019d away is return\u2019d on him, and I was told, that Saturday last, three Bills of Indictment were found against him on which he has been arraign\u2019d, and this Afternoon I hear he is to have his Trial, when its generally thought he will be convicted, and I know of no Instance of that Sort in this Colony ever being pardoned.\nSo far Monday P M.\nTuesday April 24.\nLast Night Lewis Jones was tried on two of the Indictments: about 9 o\u2019clock at Night, his Friends came to me, pleading for me to assist him with a Character, &c. I had not been out of my Room for 8 Days, and I could scarce crawl. I went, and the Court indulged him by Waiting till I came. I related how he came to this Country, and spoke all I could in his Favour, and the Judge gave as favourable a Charge as a Man could do, on which the Jury acquitted him, on those two Indictments; but there is still another to come on this Day, which I hear has a more unfavourable Aspect. If, he should be found guilty, I think he will certainly be hang\u2019d. I have done all I can, out of Regard for his Parents, who I know must pungently feel the Grief it must occasion to them. If his Trial is over before this Letter is sealed I will acquaint you of his Fortune: as it is probable none else will yet write his Friends about it. Printers ought to be doubly on their Guard with respect to counterfeit Bills, as the Probability of Truth is much against them. As to Lewis, he never was any Advantage to me, but as my Son informed me, his Father was peculiarly kind to him in London. I should be ungrateful if I did not do my Possibles in Favour of his unhappy Son; and wish my Ability was such as would enable me to do more. With this I must close at present, and am with Respects Your most obliged Servant\nJames Parker.\nPS. Lewis is acquitted.\nAddressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London / per Lord Hide Packet / Capt. Goddard.\nEndorsed: J. Parker April 23. 1770 about Lewis Jones.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0066", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 25 April 1770\nFrom: Parker, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir\nNewyork Wednesday Night April 25, 1770\nSome Hours after I had sent my Letter to the Office to go with this Packet, Mr. Colden\u2019s young Man brought me the inclosed Bill of Exchange for \u00a350 Sterling which he offered me as he had just bought it @ 62\u00bd\u2014\u2014and it being 2\u00bd per Cent. cheaper than any to be got, I took it drawn this Day, Henry Thompson on Messrs. Pearson & Baillie of Liverpool\u2014\u2014on which I instantly wrote this, as the Mail closes in an Hour.\nLewis was just now here, he came to thank me for the Assistance I had given him, to help him escape &c. He intreated I would not write the News to his Father\u2014\u2014he promises Amendment of Life, so I submit to you not to acquaint his Friends with it. He may thank your Name for the Judge\u2019s favourable Opinion of him, from Your most obliged Servant\nJames Parker.\nAddressed: To / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Lord Hide Packet", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0067", "content": "Title: Circular to American Postmasters, 26 April 1770: r\u00e9sum\u00e9\nFrom: \nTo: \n[General Post Office, North America, April 26, 1770. An unsigned circular letter, by order of the Deputy Postmaster General, enclosing the table of postal rates established by act of Parliament and instructions for handling foreign mail, and enjoining the recipients to observe them.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0069", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 2 May 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jones, Noble Wimberly\nSir,\nLondon, May 2. 1770\nYour Favour of Feb. 21. was duly delivered to me by Mr. Preston. I immediately bespoke the Mace agreable to your Orders, and was assured it should be work\u2019d upon with Diligence, so that I hope to have it ready to send with the Gowns by a Ship that I understand goes directly to Georgia sometime next Month. By the Estimation of the Jeweller who undertook it, the Cost will not exceed \u00a380. What the Gowns will amount to, I have not yet learnt; but suppose \u00a3100 will be more than sufficient for the whole.\nI esteem myself highly honour\u2019d by your Government, in being appointed, as you inform me, a second time their Agent. I shall rejoice in any Opportunity of rendring effectual Service to the Province. I beg you will present my thankful Acknowledgements to the several Branches of your Legislature, and assure them of my faithful Endeavours in the Execution of any Commands I may receive from them. With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nN. W. Jones Esquire, Speaker of the honble. Commons House of Assembly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0070", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Rogers, 4 May 1770\nFrom: Rogers, Robert\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDuring the French and Indian War Robert Rogers and his Rangers had become a byword on both sides of the Atlantic. They had raised more havoc and killed more of the enemy, Franklin wrote in 1759, than all the British regulars had. After the war Rogers fell on bad times. In the autumn of 1764 Franklin, it is said, offered to recommend him to the government; Rogers accepted the offer and came to London to seek advancement. In 1765 he secured the command of Michilimackinac, and returned to take up his new post. While there he wrote a long report, dated May 27, 1767, in which he surveyed the resources of the region for lucrative trade with the Indians and concluded that Michilimackinac should be made into a separate government. In 1768 he was arrested at the fort, court-martialed in Montreal for treasonable dealings with the French, and acquitted. He returned to London in the following year, harried by his creditors, and bombarded the government with petitions and memorials for a variety of projects, among them the old plan for a province of Michilimackinac. Franklin was only one of the many friends and acquaintances whom he tried to enlist in his campaign. There is no indication that he succeeded; two years later he was committed to the Fleet Prison for debt.\nSir\n4th of May 1770\nThe following is an Estimate and account of the Peltry and Firr Trade in the District of Michilimakinac made from many Years carefull Observation whilst I commanded in that Country.\nAs I have another Copy desire you will make any Use of this that you think proper. I am Sir with the Greatest Respect Your most Obedient Humble Servant\nRobert Rogers\nTo Doctr. Frankland", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0071", "content": "Title: Agreement to Admit the Ohio Company as Co-Purchasers with the Grand Ohio Company, 7 May 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nAs soon as word got about that the Grand Ohio Company had asked in January for a grant of twenty million acres, rival claimants to western lands became intensely active in London. The Mississippi Company, represented by Arthur Lee, had a claim that overlapped that of the new company; the agent for Virginia urged that nothing be done until that province could be heard from; the Pennsylvania proprietors asked for full information because their interests might be affected. None of these moves turned out to be dangerous to Franklin and his fellow promoters, but another threat acquired at least some nuisance value. The Ohio Company of Virginia had been allotted a half-million acres in the area in question by the provincial council, and was attempting to get the grant confirmed; its London agent, George Mercer, had protested to the Board of Trade as early as December 18, 1769, against permitting the new company to encroach. The Board seems to have turned a deaf ear, as it had to Mercer\u2019s earlier importunings. In the spring, discouraged about his prospects, he decided to merge his company with the Grand Ohio on the best terms he could, and those he obtained are set forth in the agreement below. They apparently satisfied him, for on the following day he withdrew his protest to the Board of Trade.\nWe the Committee of the Purchasers of a Tract of Country for a New Province on the Ohio in America do hereby admit the Ohio Company as a Co-Purchaser with us for Two Shares* of the said Purchase in consideration of the Engagement of their Agent Col. Mercer to withdraw the application of the said Company for a Separate Grant within the limits of the said Purchase. Witness our hands this 7th day May 1770\nThomas WalpoleT. PownallB. FranklinSaml Wharton\n* The whole being divided into seventy-two equall Shares\u2014by the words \u201ctwo shares\u201d above is understood two Seventy Second parts of the Tract so as above Purchased.\nThomas WalpoleT. PownallB. FranklinSaml Wharton", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0074", "content": "Title: Ordinance of Georgia Reappointing Benjamin Franklin as Agent, 10 May 1770\nFrom: Jones, Noble Wimberly,Habersham, John\nTo: \n[May 10, 1770. The ordinance appoints Franklin for a year from June 1, 1770. Except for the difference of dates the wording is virtually identical with that of the ordinance printed above, February 27, which renewed the appointment until June 1, 1770. The same clerks attested the passage of the act through the Commons House and the Upper House, on May 1\u20133, 1770, and on May 21 Thomas Moodie again certified that this was a true copy. The same group of fourteen men was named as the Assembly\u2019s Committee of Correspondence, except that John Graham and James Read replaced Lewis Johnson and Clement Martin. The ordinance was signed as before by Jones, Habersham, and Wright.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0075", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 10\u201314 May 1770\nFrom: Parker, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir\nNYork, May 10. 1770\nThis only covers the 2d of each of three Setts of Bills of Exchange, the first of which I sent per Lord Hide Packet, Capt. Goddard, the 23d and 25th of last Month, not having any new Acquisitions or Receipts since: One is for \u00a3150 Sterling Wats & McEvers on Harley and Drummond\u2014\u2014Another for \u00a3100 Sterling from Quebec, Colin Drummond on Nesbit, Drummond & Franks; and the other for \u00a350 Sterling H. Thompson on Pearson & Bailie of Liverpool. This last was sent me by Mr. Colden just as the last Packet was going, and cost but 62\u00bd\u2014\u2014All upon the Post-Office Account. I believe Bills might be had of private Drawers in general for 62\u00bd\u2014\u2014but good and publick ones are 65 yet. Money indeed grows very scarce here. The Duke Packet, Capt. Goodridge arrived here the 3d Instant I had not a Word from you; I hope you are well, Suppose she is to sail the Beginning of June. Its now eight Months since I have been able to walk well, and I dont know if I ever shall again be able, so that it was Time I quitted the Land-Waiter\u2019s Place, when I could scarce crawl. I wish I could get into some warmer Climate in my Old Age; but as \u2019tis not likely I can hold long, it is little Matter where I be\u2014\u2014a few Days more, it will be all over with me. I shall try to do my Duty while here, and leave the rest to Providence.\nIn my last I acquainted you with Lewis Jones\u2019 Affair. He being happily got clear, came to thank me, and intreated me not to acquaint his Father. Indeed, I never wrote at all to his Father; and in a Day or two after, finding it would not either be safe or beneficial to him to stay here; he solicited Help to go off: I contributed as much as I could, towards getting him a Passage to So. Carolina, where he will get Employ, and if he behaves well think he may retrieve some of his bad Fortune. My Son told me Mr. Jones had been kind to him in London. I think I have paid that Debt in part at least.\nMay 14. PS. Having represented to Mr. Colden, that as Bills were low now, I should be glad to take Advantage of it, to send all I could; for that if Importation took place again, it was thought they would infallibly rise; he this Day sent me \u00a3300 this Mony, with which and some Money I had already, I immediately purchased a Bill of \u00a3200, Sterling which cost but 62\u00bd, being the lowest they have been known for many years, drawn by Wats & McEvers, on Harley & Drummond, dated this Day, the first of which I inclose you, and the 2d shall send the first Opportunity.\nMr. Bell the Auctioneer not returned yet from Philadelphia. The Amount of the Whole of the Sales of B. Mecom\u2019s Books came to \u00a3175 this Money, but the Commissions, Duty, Rent of a Room, &c. not yet settled, so cannot tell what more will be coming, if any. All our best Respects await you, and Mr. Foxcroft, wishing you Health and Happiness, I am Your most obliged Servant\nJames Parker\nAddressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London per the Harriot Packet / Capt Lee\nEndorsed: J. Pa[rker] May 10. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0076", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 11 May 1770\nFrom: Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nSavann[ah in Georgia, 11 May 1770]\nAs we expect a Ship is now at Cockspur Road at the entrance of this River bound for England and as we hope to get this on board we embrace the Opportunity of acquainting you that two Ordinances have been passed by the General Assembly, one reappointing you Agent for this Province passed the 27th. Febry last ending the first June next and another passed yesterday for another year ending the 1st. June 1771. We have not a moments time (the Boat waiting to Carry this on board) to say any thing on Publick Business of which we have several Matters in Charge and will be prepared to go by a Ship now here that will sail in all [likelihood?] this Month with Copies of the Ordinances properly authenticated. There is \u00a3100 provided for you [this] present year and inclosed you have our Governor\u2019s Certificate for one hundred Pounds Sterling (for payment of which you will apply to John Campbell Esqr. his Majestys Agent for this Province) for your Service from June 1768 to 1st. June 1769.\nWe are Sir &ca.\nJ Habersham\nNoble Jones\nJ: E Powell\nN W Jones\nWm Ewen\nPhilip Box\nRd Cunym. Crooke\nTo Benjamin Franklin Esqr. \u2003Agent for the Province of Georgia in London.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0078", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 17 May 1770\nFrom: Gilpin, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nEsteemed Friend\nBy letters received here yesterday by Falconer, Sparks and Friend the inclination of altering the non importation agreement is discouraged tho I still think some regulations will be made on the 5th of June and if wisely done I believe it will be for the best for then it may be confidently expected that the colonies will abide by the measures they have adopted and do without one half the manufactures of Great Britain the consequence of which will be that considerable capital employed in trade will be converted to manufactures of our own as indeed has been the case already in many instances and when once these are established they will not be easily destroyed but will daily decrease the demand for foreign articles, invite the artists of England to settle among us and confirm the self-dependance and prosperity of the colonies.\nCertain it is that by the adoption of a wise and paternal conduct towards us Great Britain may eminently accelerate her own prosperity and unite it with those of her colonies so that both may proceed in a happy union she as the affectionate parent and we as dutiful children: that there are many intemperate persons on both sides there is no question and it is undeniable that there are some here who would prefer offensive measures; altho\u2019 it seems to me that every law imposed upon us by Great Britain may be rendered nugatory and the repeal of it compelled by firm defensive conduct without distressing ourselves or losing our valuable trade and in this too we should not weaken the cause by giving grounds to believe that we are actuated by ambition or revenge or afford our enemies an opportunity to triumph in our adopting measures so high that we might be compelled to rescind or be beaten from them and especially from our non importation agreement. I remain respectfully Thy sincere friend\nT. Gilpin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0079", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 23 May 1770\nFrom: Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nSavannah in Georgia 23d May 1770\nThe 11th. Instant we wrote you a Short Line by the Britannia Captain Deane of which you have now a Copy inclosed principally to acquaint you of your being reappointed by the General Assembly Agent to sollicit the Affairs of this Province in Great Britain for the Present year ending the first day of next month and also of your being reappointed for the ensuing year ending the first day of June 1771 and with this you will receive authenticated Copies of the two ordinances empowering you to Act in that Capacity and at the same time We enclosed you our Governors Certificate payable by the Kings Agent for this Province (John Campbell Esqr.) for one Hundred pounds Sterling for your allowance as Agent ending the first of June last and you have now a second Certificate and as soon as the Publick Treasurer can invest the like Sum provided for you in the last Tax Act in a Bill payable in England it will be transmitted.\nPerhaps it may be necessary to make an Apology for an Intermission in our Correspondence with you as a Committee which however you will be pleased to believe did not arise from the least doubt of your Intention or Abilities to serve us but from Circumstances arising from the Dissolution of the late Assembly which are now subsided.\nYou will see by a Copy of the Resolutions of the Commons House of Assembly enclosed to which the Upper House agreed the Matters we have in Charge to recommend to your Sollicitation and to that end We have sent you a Copy of an Act for the better ordering and Governing Negroes and other Slaves &ca to which the Governor has Assented but with a suspending Clause till his Majestys pleasure is known thereupon agreable to an Instruction to him for that purpose. You will please to refer to the Committees Letter of the 19th. May 1768 in which they informed you that an Act similar to this had been disallowed by his Majesty but that the Reasons for such disallowance was not communicated to the Governor, and therefore we were at a loss to know how to frame another that might be unexceptionable and at the same time answer our local Circumstances; since which we have understood that the Council to the Board of Trade reported that slaves should be made real Estate, and go with the Lands they were employed upon. In a young and extensive Country like this, Where Property must necessarily be frequently Aliened and new Settlements daily made, many cogent Reasons might be urged against such a Measure but as we are informed our Governor has fully given his Reasons to remove this Objection which have been approved of, We need not add thereupon and have only to remark that in our unavoidable Situation this Law is of the utmost Importance and without it we cannot well subsist and as the greatest Care has been taken to frame it on the most humane Principles that the Nature of such a Law can admit we can make no doubt but it will meet with his Majestys Royal and speedy Approbation which you will please to lose no time in solliciting.\nThe next matter under Consideration is the Address of the Commons House to the Governor requesting him to issue Writs for the electing a Representative for each of the Four new Southern Parishes of St. David St. Patrick St. Thomas and St. Mary lying between the Rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary. These were part of the Lands ceded by Spain to his Majesty by the last Treaty of Peace and were annexed by his Royal Proclamation to this Province but as the Governor did not think himself authorized to add to the number of Representatives without an Instruction from the Crown for that purpose in which Opinion his Majestys Council concurred tho\u2019 you will see by his Answer to the said Address of which you have now a Copy that he thought it right and just that every Parish should be represented as also did the Council, and therefore We are perswaded he has stated or will state the Matter to Government and We have no doubt but he will receive orders to issue Writs accordingly and it may be proper to acquaint you that in the last Tax Act these four Parishes are expressly exempted from paying any because not Represented, and as all Taxation should be equal and not partial we cannot conceive that there can be any Objection to obtain the Redress requested.\nWe are now to acquaint you that the Commons and Upper Houses of Assembly have passed a Bill intitled an Act to amend an Act intitled an Act to ascertain the manner and Form of electing Members to represent the Inhabitants of this Province in the Commons House of Assembly of which the Governor said he would Consider being framed as we understand contrary to a Royal Instruction and afterwards both Houses presented an Address to him rquesting him to use his utmost Endeavours to obtain an Instruction from his Majesty permitting him to assent to a Law of the same Tenor and purport, a Copy of which with his Answer a Copy of the Bill not assented to and of the Law it was intended to amend passed the 9th. of June 1761 are herewith transmitted that by comparing them you may be the better furnished with the Reasons that induced the Assembly to pass the Amendment Bill, which among others was to make the Qualifications of the Electors and Elected more equal and better adapted to our local Circumstances. In the subsisting Law you will observe that a person possessed of fifty Acres of Land tho\u2019 in some Instances not worth five Pounds is qualified to Vote when another Person not having 50 Acres of Land tho\u2019 possessed of Town Lots and Buildings to the Value of a thousand fold more cannot an Impropriety which we think will appear at first View to require an Amendment and the same reasoning must hold good as to the Qualification of the Elected, as it is no difficult matter for a Person wanting to be a Representative to get five hundred Acres of Barren or Lands of little Value to qualify him for that purpose tho\u2019 perhaps in every other respect he is very improper to Act in that Capacity. The method of balloting for Representatives has been found very Salutary in other Provinces on this Continent particularly in South Carolina and has prevented undue and improper Influence of designing Men who have got themselves Elected too often, not to serve, but to distress Government and carry on their own private and selfish Views. We are apprehensive that the Clause for limiting the Duration of the Assembly for three Years in the proposed Bill may meet with Objections tho\u2019 the same Clause is in the Election Law in South Carolina and has never that we know of been attended with the least Inconvenience to the Public Good and you know that in Pensylvania some of the Northern Provinces and some of the West India Islands the Assemblys are chosen annualy. In this Climate where the Inhabitants are so often subject to change their Situation three Years is a long time to attend, and even this Term has been found extremely inconvenient to many who tho\u2019 well disposed and qualifyed to serve their Country have declined Acting and if the Duration should remain undetermined by Law we may and shall be deprived of the Service of some of the most usefull Members of the Community. We do not urge this Matter from the Conduct of our present Governor whom we have no reason to believe would keep the Assembly sitting longer than three Years and perhaps the same Reasons operate with him as We have offered and would his Instructions admit of his Assenting to the proposed Bill We are of Opinion he would not object to it.\nThe Committee have another matter in Charge of which they write to you in a seperate Letter. We need not say that any expence you may find necessary in the execution of the Business recommended to you by the Committee will be reimbursed you with thanks. We are Sir Your most Obedient Servants", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0081", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Humphry Marshall, 28 May 1770\nFrom: Marshall, Humphry\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nEsteemed Friend\nChester County Pensilvania the 28thof the 5th mo 1770\nI Recieved thy favour of the 18th. of the 3d mo. Last In Which thou informs me that \u201cThe Nation Seems Besotted With the Fancy that We Cannot Possily Do Without them, and must of Course Comply at Last.\u201d I am almost ready to Doubt that our merchants Will not hold out Long Enough tho\u2019 there Seems Spirit and Resolution Enough in Some of them to Do it. But there is Somany Weaklings and Such that have had no other Way to Get a livelyhood and So loath to turn their hands to any other Employments that its Hard to Judge What Will Be the Event. But I may Inform thee that there appears a Spirrit of Industry among the People Both in our Province maryland, and Virginia I having Lately Been through Part of Both of them Provinces, and had an oppertunity of Conversing With the People, on that Subject. Our people Seems to make a great Noise about raising Silk how it will turn out I Know not. But I think not very Well this Season because We have had a severe frost So late this Spring as to kill the first Shooting of the Budds of our Mulberry. I am Greatly obliged to thee for thy Complying With my request to thee Concerning the Getting and Sending me a Small reflecting Telescope Which I have Received in Good order With the other Instruments, for [which] I Look on my Self much Indebted to thee and highly Favoured and Gratefully acknowledge the Kindness, and if it Should Ever be in my Power to oblidge thee as much I hope I Shall Do it With Pleasure. Thou Will its Possible Reccieve Later accounts than mine by the Same Vessells by my Living Distant from the City hath not an opportunity to Write So late [as] the people Who Live in the City. The inhabitants in the City at this time Seems to Be resolute to not import till the Whole affairs of Duties is taken off. I hope they Will Continue in their Resolutions. I Like wise hope that although the Duties Should be all taken of that there Will Be Such a Spirit of resentment Raised in the people of America against Being Brought under Slavery to a British Ministry, that Would impose Burdens on them; that they Won\u2019t Easily forget it But remember to be Industrious to Manifacture Every article that they Conveniently Can that is Necessary for their own Consumption; By the Latest accounts We have yet from your Side there Seems to be Great Confusion amongst the Great ones in England it\u2019s well if matters Settles [down?] Without Some Blood being Shed on the one Side or the other. Thy Real Well Wisher in Haste\nHump. Marshall\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin / in London / per Favour of / Capn. Sparkes\nEndorsed: May 28. 1770 \u2003Humphry Marshal", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-31-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0082", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 31 May 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nDear Polly\nThursday May 31. 70\nI receiv\u2019d your Letter early this Morning, and as I am so engag\u2019d that I cannot see you when you come to-day, I write this Line just to say, That I am sure you are a much better Judge in this Affair of your own than I can possibly be; in that Confidence it was that I forbore giving my Advice when you mention\u2019d it to me, and not from any Disapprobation. My Concern (equal to any Father\u2019s) for your Happiness, makes me write this, lest having more Regard for my Opinion than you ought, and imagining it against the Proposal because I did not immediately advise accepting it, you should let that weigh any thing in your Deliberations. I assure you that no Objection has occur\u2019d to me; his Person you see, his Temper and his Understanding you can judge of, his Character for any thing I have ever heard is unblemished; his Profession, with that Skill in it he is suppos\u2019d to have, will be sufficient to support a Family; and therefore considering the Fortune you have in your Hands, (tho\u2019 any future Expectation from your Aunt should be disappointed) I do not see but that the Agreement may be a rational one on both sides. I see your Delicacy; and your Humility too; for you fancy that if you do not prove a great Fortune you will not be belov\u2019d; but I am sure that were I in his Situation in every respect, knowing you so well as I do, and esteeming you so highly, I should think you a Fortune sufficient for me without a Shilling. Having thus more explicitly than before, given my Opinion, I leave the rest to your sound Judgment, of which no one has a greater Share; and shall not be too inquisitive after your particular Reasons, your Doubts, your Fears, &c. For I shall be confident whether you accept or refuse, that you do right. I only wish you may do what will most contribute to your Happiness, and of course to mine; being ever, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately\nBF.\nDon\u2019t be angry with me for supposing your Determination not quite so fix\u2019d as you fancy it.\nEndorsed: May 31\u201370", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0083", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sarah Bache, [May 1770]\nFrom: Bache, Sarah Franklin\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonored Sir\nPhiladelphia. May [1770]\nI am much obliged to you for asking Sir John Pringles opinion about Franklin, it has made me easier, but if it please God to spare him to us, intend having him Inoculated again when he has done cutting Teeth. I take the earliest opportunity of telling my dear Papa I have altered my intention of going to Jamaica, it never was Mr. Baches design to setle there. All the Uneasiness I sufered during his absence made me get a promise of him that we should never more seperate; and that he would take me to Jamaica with him, when his Business called him, and if we had gone it would have been with a full hope of having it in our power to return to Phila. to live in a few years. Mr. Bache never urged me in the least to go, but as he had made the promise, would not go back from it, and left it entirely in my own choice whether to go or stay; your last letter has ditermined me; no Sir, Your Child will not give you pain. She will stay, and prove to you through life what She realy is Your Dutiful and Afectionate Daughter\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr.\nEndorsed: Daughter Bache \u2003May 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0084", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 1 June 1770\nFrom: Gilpin, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nThis extract and three others that follow, from letters by Gilpin of June 8, July 19, and November 15, may or may not have been to Franklin. The extracts hitherto printed in this and the preceding volume are described in the memoir from which they come, written by Thomas Gilpin, Jr. and found among his papers, as addressed to Franklin. These four are not. A fifth included among them, of September 28, was clearly addressed to someone else, because it covered the same ground as Gilpin\u2019s letter to Franklin of that date printed below; hence Gilpin had at least two correspondents in England. Because the author of the memoir did not bother to distinguish them, no editor can distinguish now. We therefore print the four extracts on the chance that they belong within the rubric of the Franklin Papers.\nJune 1st 1770\nSince the repeal was announced and the public sentiment respecting it had time to mature itself the partiality in repealing the several other duties and leaving that on Tea seems to be considered as the effect of weakness in the ministry and an act of ill grace which can answer no end except to confirm the jealousy of their principles and the opinion of their weakness and ill intentions: the measure will drive the Americans into manufactures and frugality, a repugnance to foreign articles and to independence. If the minister was hired to hasten these measures he could do it by no means so effectually as by these he has adopted and in contending for a battle of form he will lose every thing of substance: in despite of the pretended right and laws they have founded on it, we save more by it in one year than the ministry could collect in three: we save in luxury and the gratification of our desires for which we paid a large tax to England without complaint\u2014\u2014at present the exchange with England is extremely reduced, produce at a very reasonable price, and the country free from luxury; in this situation it must grow rich and tho\u2019 a few individuals will suffer there is not the least disposition to give up the non-importation agreement. Some would have been glad if a few more articles of general necessity had been permitted as has been done in Maryland, but they seem bent not to relax in the system which has been agreed on.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0086", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Smith, Wright & Gray, 5 June 1770: r\u00e9sum\u00e9\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Smith, Wright & Gray\n[Craven Street, June 5, 1770. Encloses three bills: Watts & McEvers on Harley & Drummond for \u00a3150, Colin Drummond on Nesbit, Drummond & Franks for \u00a3100, and Henry Thompson on Pearson & Baillie for \u00a350, and asks for a receipt by bearer for \u00a3300. Again requests the protest of the bill on Cunningham.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0087", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Sr., 6 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Williams, Jonathan Sr.\nDear Cousin,\nLondon, June 6. 1770\nYour Favour of Jan. 8 came duly to hand, but I have been so much engag\u2019d during the Sitting of Parliament, that I could not correspond regularly with all my Friends, and have of course trespass\u2019d most with those on whose Good Nature and Indulgence I could most rely. I am however asham\u2019d of being so long silent. It is but the other Day that I enquired after the Fate of your Tickets, when I receiv\u2019d the enclos\u2019d Answer, whereby you will see that the whole Cost has not been lost. I only wish\u2019d to see three O\u2019s more following the Sum. I have not any farther Orders from you, but think to take at a Venture two Tickets more on your Account. If you disapprove, and chuse to rest where you are, signify it by a Line before the Drawing, directed to Messrs. Smith, Wright & Gray; who may then dispose of the Tickets.\nI am glad to hear the old Gentleman, your Father-in-Law is still alive and happy. Please to remember me to him respectfully. Probably he can recollect but little of me, as it is a good deal more than half a Century since he has seen me: but I remember him well, a lively, active, handsome young Man, with a fine full flowing Head of Hair. I suppose he must now be near Fourscore.\nIf I could have given you any Intimation of the Intentions of Government with regard to America that might be depended on, you should have had them in good time for Use in the Views of Trade you hint at. But there have been this last Winter such Changes of Men and of Minds, and such continual Expectations of more and other Changes, that nothing was certain; and I believe that to this Day the Ministry are not all of a Mind, nor determin\u2019d what are the next Steps proper to be taken with us. Some are said to be for severe, others for lenient Measures; others for leaving Things as they now are, in confidence that we shall soon be tired of our Non-Importation Agreements, Manufacturing Schemes, and Self-denying Frugalities, submit to the Duties, and return by degrees to our dear Luxuries and Idleness, with our old Course of Commercial Extravagance, Folly and Good Humour. Which of these Opinions will prevail and be acted on, \u2019tis impossible yet to say. I only know that generally the Dispute is thought a dangerous one; and that many wish to see it well compromis\u2019d in time, lest by a Continuance of mutual Provocation the Breach should become past healing.\nI am much oblig\u2019d to you and Cousin Hubbard for your Kindness to my Friend Hughes, of which he acquainted me, with many Expressions of Gratitude for your Civilities. He would have been very happy in that Station, and in your Acquaintance so nigh him: but he is now remov\u2019d to Carolina. My Love to your good Wife and Children, and believe me ever Your affectionate Uncle\nB Franklin\nMr. Jona. Williams\nAddressed: To / Mr Jonathan Williams / Mercht / Boston / B Free Franklin\nEndorsed: June 6, 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0089", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 7 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jones, Noble Wimberly\nSir\nLondon, June 7. 1770\nI wrote to you sometime since that I had receiv\u2019d your Orders to procure a Mace and Gowns suitable for your Assembly, and that I hoped to have them ready to go by this Ship. The Gowns are accordingly ready; but the Silversmith has not kept his Time. So I think it best to send the Whole together, which I shall do by the first Opportunity after the Mace is finished. Inclos\u2019d I send the Silversmith\u2019s Note of the Cost of one he lately made. I suppose his Bill for this will not differ very widely. The Gowns cost \u00a319 4s. 9d. With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nP.S. With this I send you Copies of two Speeches made by a Member of Parliament who is a Friend of America, in the last Session. On the last, some Expectations were given by the Ministry that the Troops should be withdrawn. The Duty on Tea still remains.\nN. W. Jones, Esqr\nEndorsed: Dr. Franklin \u20037th. June 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0090", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 8 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Cooper, Samuel\nThis letter contains Franklin\u2019s first extant response to the Boston Massacre. He mentions it in closing, almost in passing, but news of it certainly underlay his discussion of the larger issue of a standing army in America. That discussion led him on to the argument, more carefully worked out than ever before, that for a century past Parliament had usurped an authority over the empire which it did not rightfully possess, because the mother country and the colonies were in fact separate states with coequal legislatures, and were held together only by their loyalty to a common sovereign. Each colony was in a contractual relationship with the crown, expressed in the solemn compact of its charter, and Parliament had no right to alter that compact or impinge on the autonomy that it guaranteed.\nThis idea of a compact was thoroughly familiar to the colonists and, even though it was largely a fiction, had long played an implicit or explicit role in the development of their thinking about government. They held themselves to be Englishmen who, because they lived outside the realm, were exempt from many of the obligations of those within the realm (such as obedience to the game laws, to church courts, and above all to Parliament) and yet possessed all the rights of Englishmen at home. To the latter, understandably enough, this concept was incomprehensible and intolerable: a people whom they often referred to as their subjects was claiming all their rights and repudiating many of their obligations. The compact theory therefore held no hope of resolving the quarrel, but merely increased misunderstanding on both sides. Yet the theory had great future importance for both. It contained the seeds, for the United States, of divisible sovereignty and balanced government, and for Britain of the Commonwealth of Nations.\nDid Franklin believe that this constitutional concept could be applied in practice to the empire of 1770? He did not commit himself, but two points about his argument are worth noting. The first related to Britain: he clearly recognized that his view of the constitution would be anathema to Lords and Commons. The second related to Massachusetts: although he emphasized that loyalty to the King was the colonists\u2019 best protection against a corrupt and hostile Parliament, he failed to point out (though he may have implied) that such loyalty was scarcely consonant with the Bostonians\u2019 attitude toward the King\u2019s agents. These points do not suggest that his logic of empire was a mere polemical exercise; they do, perhaps, suggest that he was too much of a realist to expect his logic to prevail on either side of the Atlantic.\nDear Sir,\nLondon, June 8. 1770\nI received duly your Favour of March 28. With this I send you two Speeches in Parliament on our Affairs by a Member that you know. The Repeal of the whole late Act would undoubtedly have been a prudent Measure, and I have reason to believe that Lord North was for it, but some of the other Ministers could not be brought to agree to it. So the Duty on Tea, with that obnoxious Preamble, remains to continue the Dispute. But I think the next Session will hardly pass over without repealing them; for the Parliament must finally comply with the Sense of the Nation. As to the Standing Army kept up among us in time of Peace, without the Consent of our Assemblies, I am clearly of Opinion that it is not agreable to the Constitution. Should the King by the Aid of his Parliaments in Ireland and the Colonies, raise an Army and bring it into England, quartering it here in time of Peace without the Consent of the Parliament of Great Britain, I am persuaded he would soon be told that he had no Right so to do, and the Nation would ring with Clamours against it. I own that I see no Difference in the Cases. And while we continue so many distinct and separate States, our having the same Head or Sovereign, the King, will not justify such an Invasion of the separate Right of each State to be consulted on the Establishment of whatever Force is proposed to be kept up within its Limits, and to give or refuse its Consent as shall appear most for the Public Good of that State. That the Colonies originally were constituted distinct States, and intended to be continued such, is clear to me from a thorough Consideration of their original Charters, and the whole Conduct of the Crown and Nation towards them until the Restoration. Since that Period, the Parliament here has usurp\u2019d an Authority of making Laws for them, which before it had not. We have for some time submitted to that Usurpation, partly thro\u2019 Ignorance and Inattention, and partly from our Weakness and Inability to contend. I hope when our Rights are better understood here, we shall, by a prudent and proper Conduct be able to obtain from the Equity of this Nation a Restoration of them. And in the mean time I could wish that such Expressions as, The supreme Authority of Parliament; The Subordinacy of our Assemblies to the Parliament and the like (which in Reality mean nothing if our Assemblies with the King have a true Legislative Authority) I say, I could wish that such Expressions were no more seen in our publick Pieces. They are too strong for Compliment, and tend to confirm a Claim [of] Subjects in one Part of the King\u2019s Dominions to be Sovereigns over their Fellow-Subjects in another Part of his Dominions; when [in] truth they have no such Right, and their Claim is founded only on Usurpation, the several States having equal Rights and Liberties, and being only connected, as England and Scotland were before the Union, by having one common Sovereign, the King. This kind of Doctrine the Lords and Commons here would deem little less than Treason against what they think their Share of the Sovereignty over the Colonies. To me those Bodies seem to have been long encroaching on the Rights of their and our Sovereign, assuming too much of his Authority, and betraying his Interests. By our Constitutions he is, with [his] Plantation Parliaments, the sole Legislator of his American Subjects, and in that Capacity is and ought to be free to exercise his own Judgment unrestrain\u2019d and unlimited by his Parliament here. And our Parliaments have Right to grant him Aids without the Consent of this Parliament, a Circumstance which, by the [way] begins to give it some Jealousy. Let us therefore hold fast [our] Loyalty to our King (who has the best Disposition towards us, and has a Family-Interest in our Prosperity) as that steady Loyalty is the most probable Means of securing us from the arbitrary Power of a corrupt Parliament, that does not like us, and conceives itself to have an Interest in keeping us down and fleecing us. If they should urge the Inconvenience of an Empire\u2019s being divided into so many separate States, and from thence conclude that we are not so divided; I would answer, that an Inconvenience proves nothing but itself. England and Scotland were once separate States, under the same King. The Inconvenience found in their being separate States, did not prove that the Parliament of England had a Right to govern Scotland. A formal Union was thought necessary, and England was an hundred Years soliciting it, before she could bring it about. If Great Britain now thinks such an Union necessary with us, let her propose her Terms, and we may consider of them. Were the general Sentiments of this Nation to be consulted in the Case, I should hope the Terms, whether practicable or not, would at least be equitable: for I think that except among those with whom the Spirit of Toryism prevails, the popular Inclination here is, to wish us well, and that we may preserve our Liberties.\nI unbosom my self thus to you in Confidence of your Prudence, and wishing to have your Sentiments on the Subject in Return.\nMr. Pownall, I suppose, will acquaint you with the Event of his Motions, and therefore I say nothing more of them, than that he appears very sincere in his Endeavours to serve us; on which Account I some time since republish\u2019d with Pleasure the parting Addresses to him of your Assembly, with some previous Remarks, to his Honour as well as in Justification of our People.\nI hope that before this time those detestable Murderers have quitted your Province, and that the Spirit of Industry and Frugality continues and increases. With sincerest Esteem and Affection, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nP.S. Just before the last Session of Parliament commenced a Friend of mine, who had Connections with some of the Ministry, wrote me a Letter purposely to draw from me my Sentiments in Writing on the then State of Affairs. I wrote a pretty free Answer, which I know was immediately communicated and a good deal handed about among them. For your private Amusement I send you Copies. I wish you may be able to read them, as they are very badly written by a very blundering Clerk. BF\nRevd. Dr Cooper.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0091", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Franklin, 8 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Samuel\nLoving Cousin,\nLondon, 8 June, 1770.\nI received your kind letter of the 23d of March. I was happy to find that neither you, nor any of your family, were in the way of those murderers. I hope that before this time the town is quite freed from such dangerous and mischievous inmates.\nI rejoice to hear that you and your good wife and children continue in health. My love to them. I still enjoy a considerable share of that blessing, thanks to God, and hope once more to see Boston and my friends there before I die. I left it first in 1723. I made a visit there in 1733; another in 1743; another in 1753; another in 1763. Perhaps if I live to 1773, I may then call again and take my leave.\nOur relation, Sally Franklin, is still with me here, is a very good girl, and grown up almost a woman. She sends her love to you and yours. I am, with sincere regard, Your affectionate cousin,\nB. Franklin.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0092", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 8 June 1770: extract\nFrom: Gilpin, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nAs the late repeal of the acts in England more fully developes itself the singularity of its not taking effect till December next makes it appear the more as if the ministry had adopted a system of traps and decoys. But they have alarmed the game and it will require considerable time if it ever is accomplished to forget the snares; the disposition now seems to be to adhere to the non-importation agreement untill all the acts are repealed and such repeal actually commences. The people will never be reunited while England shall attempt to impose any laws in the making of which they have no voice.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0094", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 11 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Galloway, Joseph\nDear Sir,\nLondon, June 11. 1770\nI wrote to you per Capt. Falconer, and since by the April Packet. None went from hence in May, there being no Boat on this side. It is now long since I have received any of your Favours. I think the last was dated Nov. 8. 1769. I suppose your Indisposition, with too much Business, has prevented your Writing. I am glad to hear from our Friend Dr. Evans, that you think of affording your self more Leisure.\nThe Parliament is up without repealing the Tea Duty: but it is generally given out and understood that it will be done next Winter. Lord North, I have reason to believe, was for doing it now; but was over-rul\u2019d. A general Act is talk\u2019d of, revising all the Acts for regulating Trade in America, wherein every thing that gives just Cause of Offence to the Colonists may be omitted, and the Tea with its odious Preamble may be dropt, without hurting the Honour of Parliament, which it seems was apprehended if it had been repeal\u2019d this Year. But it is by no means certain yet that such an Act will take place. The Act intended at the Beginning of the Session, and alluded to in the King\u2019s Speech, for punishing the Combinations of Merchants not to import, &c. was never brought forward. I flatter myself I may have had some Share in discouraging it, by representing the Difficulties and even Impracticabilities of carrying such an Act into Execution in the Colonies, showing that Government here would by such a Measure only expose its own Weakness and Imprudence in a fresh Instance, and produce an Effect contrary to that intended, rendering the Agreements more general and more firmly adhered to, by souring still farther the Minds of the People. Towards the Conclusion of the Session Govr. Pownal made another Speech and Motion relating to the military Power kept up in America, a Copy of which I send you inclos\u2019d. It is a curious Question, how far it is agreable to the British Constitution, for the King who is Sovereign over different States, to march the Troops he has rais\u2019d by Authority of Parliament in one of the States, into another State, and quarter them there in time of Peace, without the Consent of the Parliament of that other State. Should it be concluded that he may do this, what Security has Great Britain, that a future King, when the Colonies shall become more powerful, may not raise Armies there, transport them hither, and quarter them here without Consent of Parliament, perhaps to the Prejudice of their Liberties, and even with a View of subverting them? The House got over Mr. Pownal\u2019s Motion, by a Declaration of the Ministry that the several Matters contain\u2019d in it were already under Consideration of his Majesty\u2019s Law Servants, and that every thing would be done conformable to the Law and the Constitution; that the Troops would not be return\u2019d to Boston, unless call\u2019d for by the Civil Power, &c. I inclose also a Paper he gave me sometime before, proposing a Case to be tried in America; but perhaps that will become unnecessary. On the whole, there seems a general Disposition in the Nation (a particular Faction excepted) to be upon good Terms with the Colonies, and to leave us in the Enjoyment of all our Rights. It is universally thought that no future Impositions on America will ever be attempted here; only it is not to be expected that Parliament should formally renounce its Claim; that, they say, would be inconsistent with its Dignity, &c. And yet I think all this is not quite to be relied on. There is a Malice against us in some powerful People, that discovers itself in all their Expressions when they speak of us; And Incidents may yet arise on either Side of the Water that may give them Advantage, and prevent those healing Measures that all good Men wish to take place.\nI hear that a Paper-money Bill was in hand during your last Session, but fail\u2019d. Had it pass\u2019d, it would have been repeal\u2019d here, if the Bills were made a Tender even to the Loan-Office in Discharge of the Mortgages. Poor R. Charles, our former Agent, was put upon an Application to Parliament for an Act permitting the Assembly of New York to make their Bills such a Tender. In the Progress of his Bill it was so alter\u2019d, as to make him apprehend it would be of no Use to the Province, at the same time it was to be consider\u2019d as a kind of private Bill, of which he was to pay the Expence and Fees, amounting (as he told me) to near \u00a3200, and he fear\u2019d that would not be approv\u2019d of: In a word he was so bewilder\u2019d and distress\u2019d with the Affair, that he finally put an End to his Perplexities\u2014by a Razor! The Objection to such a Tender was frivolous; for it was certainly never the Intention of the Act of Parliament to forbid the Government\u2019s being oblig\u2019d to take its own Notes. If the Words were so ambiguous or so general as to create a Doubt, such Doubt should have been remov\u2019d by an Explanatory Clause in a Publick Act. But this, tho\u2019 urged by me and others to several Members, could not be attended to; it must be a particular Favour to each Province that should apply for it, acknowledging by such Application the Authority of Parliament over our Legislatures: But perhaps a principal Motive was (at least with some) to make more special Acts for the sake of more Fees.\nMr. Jackson being now appointed Council to the Board of Trade,\n *This Office having been vacant near two Years, is the Reason that many Colony Acts have lain so long here, not pass\u2019d upon; it being that Officer\u2019s Business to peruse them all and Report his Opinion of them in Law Points. Be pleased to communicate this Letter, with my sincere Respects, to the Committee. Your Votes and Laws are rarely sent me.\n thinks his continuing in the Agency of any Province will be judg\u2019d incompatible with that Office, and therefore declines serving us any longer in that Station, but professes a Continuance of his Good-Will to us, and Readiness to assist your Agent with his best Advice on all Occasions. He presses me very much to continue here another Winter, alledging that it may be of great Use, and giving Reasons, that I cannot repeat.\nI send you herewith the Remainder of the Votes; and am, with best Wishes for your Health and Prosperity, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0095", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 11 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hall, David\nDear Mr. Hall,\nLondon, June 11. 1770\nI received your kind Letter of March 17. The continual Employment of my Time here in other Affairs, together with the Expectation I have had every Year of Returning, have prevented my considering the Accounts between us so as to compleat the Settlement, which indeed can be much better done when we are together with Mr. Parker, who may be able in a Word to explain things that would require much Writing. I hope it will not now be long before we meet, as I am determin\u2019d to see Philadelphia, God willing, next Spring at farthest, if not sooner. I rejoice to hear of the Welfare of your Family, to which I wish all Prosperity. With the greatest Esteem and Regard, I am ever, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia / via New York / Per Packet / B Free FRANKLIN / June 11, 1770.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0096", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 11 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence\nGentlemen,\nLondon, June 11. 1770\nI received your Letter of March 27. acquainting me that a Bill had been agreed upon by the whole Legislature, to provide a more effectual Remedy against excessive Costs in the Recovery of Debts, &c. Mr. Morgann, Secretary of your Province had called upon me just before that Letter came to hand, mentioned his being informed that an Act was likely to pass intended to lessen the Profits of his Office, in which case his Deputy could not afford to remit him so much as heretofore and that he should be oblig\u2019d to enter a Caveat against its receiving the King\u2019s Approbation; to which I could then say nothing, as I knew not the Nature of the Act but from his Information. But assoon as I receiv\u2019d your Letter, apprehending that the Application of a Patent Officer here against an Act of any Assembly, might have too much Weight, I thought it best, if possible, to take off his Opposition in time; and to that End got a Friend of his to represent to him; that the Act would really be of little or no Prejudice to him; that as the Province increased, the Business and Profits of his Office would be continually augmenting; that the Fees of Practising Attorneys, against which the Act was chiefly levelled, had long been complain\u2019d of as a grievous Oppression on the People; that those Gentlemen were the Persons who would principally be affected by it, and that probably the Insinuations to him against it had come from that Quarter; that any Opposition to it from him would appear in an exceeding ungracious Light in the Province, give great Offence to the General Assembly there, who might have it in their Power sometime or other to hurt or help his Office more than any thing in this Act could amount to; and therefore I wish\u2019d, in Friendship to him, that he would take no Step against it. On which he sent me a very obliging Answer, that he would not oppose it. So I hope we shall find no great Difficulty in getting it approved.\nI am sorry to acquaint you that the Paper-money Act is disapprov\u2019d by the King. The Objection to it was, its making the Bills a legal Tender in Payment of the Mortgages and Interest to the Loan-Officers, which is said to be contrary to the Act of Parliament, that forbids their being made a legal Tender in any Case whatever. As your Loan-Officers can have no Interest in refusing the Bills, and there is not the least Likelyhood that they will ever refuse them, and it would be a Breach of their Bonds for the due Execution of their Office; I would submit it to your Consideration whether such a Clause might not in a future Act be omitted, whereby the Objection would be taken away, and then perhaps the Act might be allowed. Mr. Charles, Agent for New York, was put upon Applying to Parliament for an Act giving Leave to his Province to make their Bills a Tender to their own Treasurer, the Act of Parliament notwithstanding. Those who had the Direction would not agree to put into some Publick Act an Explanatory Clause to set that Matter right; which I thought the best way, as all acknowledged that it was a mere Mistake; but it must be done by a kind of private Act, and a particular one for each Province that should petition, for which I could see no reason but to increase Fees, which for each Act would be near \u00a3200. So Mr. Charles went in alone in his Application, his Bill was altered in the House not much to his Liking; and apprehending his Conduct might be blamed, the poor Gentleman grew delirious thro\u2019 want of Sleep, and unhappily put an End to his own Life. The Secaucus Law is also repealed; but the others have received his Majesty\u2019s Royal Assent. The original Repeals, &c. as I am assured by the Secretary, will be sent to the Governor by to-morrow\u2019s Mail, and I shall send you Copies from the Council Office by the next.\nBefore this reaches you, you will see by the Public Papers that all the Duties in the last Revenue Act are repealed, except that on Tea. It is generally thought, that will follow next Session, but it is not certain. There seems however a Disposition to be on good Terms with us, saving the Dignity of Parliament. With great Esteem and Respect, I have the Honour of being, Gentlemen Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nCortland Skinner, Hendrick Fisher, Ebenezer Miller, Aaron Leaming, Abraham Hewlings, and Joseph Smith Esqrs. Commee. of Correspondence\nEndorsed: Benjamin Franklin \u20031770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0097", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 13\u201315 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Deborah\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy Dear Child\nthis afternoon I heard Capt. Friend is to Saile to morrow and I Cold not let him go with oute a line or two to let you know that I am much as I have bin for sume time. I have not heard that Sister is a rived as yit but it gives me much trubel. My King bird is verey well att this time all thow he has bin verey ill with a Sever Cold proseded from a verey Cold spell of Cold wather and a long Spell of Esterly raine but the wather is much better and we air all well. Billey has bin and is att this time he is verey fond of the Child and thinkes he is like Frankey Folger. I thoute so two and had the pickter broute down to look and everey bodey thinkes as much as thow it had bin drawn for him. When we Show it to the Child and tell him he is his littel unkill he will pat it and kiss it and Clape his hand to it and everey morning he Gowes and Clapes to his Grandadey but I wonte say aney more now. Mr. Parker has bin heare and is gon to mareyland he is verey un well in dead So ill I wold not let him go a lone So Gorge is gon with him he is gon 5 Days. I Shold tell you that he billey is gon over Schuelkill after Some buisnes for Sum Gentel man in Ingland but that is all I know of it. I expeckte him to night. My love to all friends. I donte write a boute aney bodey but my Selef I conclud youre a feckshonet wife\nD Franklin\nBut if to morrow will pordues aney Thing I will write a line or two more.\nJune the 15 Billey Came back and Stayed one night and Dined with us yesterday and Mr. Parker came back yisterday is verey ill. I Sente for Dr. Bond and desires to due what he Can and I will Due all I Can for him. The Aprill packit I had a letter dated 10 I Shall write by that. The in closed is what B Franklin wrote to me from Burlinton Mr. Odel was his Secketarey. Not any new of Sister I am yours\nD F.\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven Street / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0098", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Ewing, 14 June 1770\nFrom: Ewing, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nPhilada. June 14th 1770\nI received your very agreeable Letter, in which you acknowledge the Receipt of our Observations of the Transit of Venus. I herewith send you a few Copies of them as they are printed in our Transactions; and I suppose in a more perfect Form than that in which they were sent before, as that was done in an Hurry and I have not a Copy of what I sent. If what you received before is not printed in the Philosophical Transactions, please to request Mr. Maskelyne to insert them as they are here, unless he should think it better to abridge or alter them, as to their Dress or Form, which he has full Liberty to do, as he is much better acquainted with Publications of this Kind than I can be supposed to be.\nI mentioned to our Society your Proposal to purchase the Transactions of the learned Societies in Europe, and they have taken the Matter under their Consideration. They approved of your Reasoning on the Subject, when I read it to them, and Nothing will prevent their coming into the Resolution if their Poverty does not.\nI hope before this Time that Mr. Maskelyne has given you an Estimate of the Expence and Apparatus necessary for erecting an Observatory here, where we are blessed with so happy a Serenity of Air for astronomical Observations. I have not yet mentioned this Matter to our Society, but wait untill I hear farther from you, and would still chuse, that when it is proposed it should come from you and the Astronomer Royal, to whose Judgments our Society pay the greatest Respect in these Matters.\nPlease to accept of my hearty thanks for the Perusal of your last Volume of the Phil. Transactions. I shall deliver it safely to Mrs. Franklin. When the Observations of the Transit of Venus come to Hand from the East Indies the North of Europe or from South America, I shall be much obliged to you for a Copy of them, as I am anxious to know how they correspond with ours. I am Sir your most obedient and very humble Servant\nJohn Ewing\nPlease to deliver one of the Copies with my Compliments to the Astronomer Royal the Revd. Mr. Maskelyne\nTo Benjamin Franklin Esqr. L.LD.\nEndorsed: Mr Ewing June 14. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0099", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 21 June 1770\nFrom: Galloway, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Friend\nPhilada. June 21. 1770\nA number of new Engagements occasioned by the Death of Mr. Growdon, which detained me in the Country for the most part of several Months, prevented my acknowledging the Receipt of your Favors of Jany. 11. Mar. 21. and April 10th. I am much obliged to you for the State of American Affairs on your Side the Water, containd in yours of Mar. 21. The M[inistr]y are much Mistaken in imagining that there ever will be an Union either of Affections or Interest between G. Britain and America untill Justice is done to the latter and there is a full Restoration of its Liberties. The People here are resolved to adhere to their former Non Importation Agreement. The People of Boston and Maryland are of the same Opinion untill the Duty on Tea is taken off. The Yorkers and Rhode Islanders seem to be divided among them selves, but I think they will soon concur to support the Cause of Liberty.\nI am greatly Surprized at the Conduct of Administration in Relation to the New York and New Jersey Paper Money Bills. The Reason assigned for their Rejections are really rediculous\u2014\u2014And can be accounted for on no other Ground, than that they are determined, the Americans shall not have any Paper Medium at all. Is not every Promisor in a Promisary Note obliged to receive his Note, every Banker to take his Bill and every Drawer of a Bill of Exchange to take it back if not paid, and yet I never understood that such Notes or Bills were ever deem\u2019d Legal Tender? When I Lend to or deposit with another \u00a3100 he gives me Paper, or a Promisory Note for Repayment. Is he not Obliged to receive his Paper and deliver me my deposit? Such is the Case of a Bank Bill, and Inland Bill of Exchange as well as foreign, and the same is the Case with Respect to American Paper Money. A Farmer Pledges his Land with the Government and takes Paper\u2014\u2014when he comes to redeem his Pledge ought he not to return the Paper, and ought not the Government to be obliged to receive [it] in Discharge of the Land? To say that the Statute [is] intended to prevent this is to say it is Prohibitory of all Paper Money in America. But How is their Conduct on this Occasion to be reconciled with what has passed heretofore? Several of our late Laws for the support of Government and the Act for Payment of the Debts of the House of Employment were liable to the same Objection, and yet they have been laid before the King in Council and passed unrepealed.\nI am much pleased with your Information that Mr. Jackson is appointed Council to the Board of Trade. From his good Disposition towards America, his Knowledge of our Affairs and his great Candor and Integrity we have good Reason to hope our Laws will not be rejected on frivolous Pretences and Partial Policy.\nNothing occured in our Winter or Spring Sittings worth communicating, or engaged as I have been, I shoud have wrote to you on what Passed. Several Matters of Consequence was agitated, but faild, some in the House Some with the Governor\u2014\u2014particularly a Loan Office Bill which he rejected, (tho the Disposition of the Money was to have been by Act of Assembly) because we would not give him, in a Manner the sole Nomination of the Trustees. But this I do not now regret, since I have been informed of the Temper the Ministry are in with respect to American Currency. I am, Dear Friend, with great sincerity Yours most Affectionately\nJ. Galloway\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / Deputy Post Master General / of North America in / Craven Street / London\nEndorsed: Mr Galloway \u2003June 21. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-22-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0100", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Michael] Francklin, 22 June 1770\nFrom: Francklin, Michael\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDuke Street York Buildings 22 June 1770.\nLieut. Governor Francklin presents his best Compliments to Doctor Franklin and has sent him a Book Mr. Frances the Minister of France sent to his Lodgings, which he apprehends was designed by Mr. Le Roy for the Doctor.\nMr. Francklin hopes he shall be excused for not sending it sooner as he has been out of town and otherwise extremely employed lately.\nAddressed: To / Doctor Franklin / Craven Street", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0101", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 26 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Galloway, Joseph\nDear Sir,\nLondon, June 26. 1770.\nSince mine of the 11th. Instant per Packet, I am favoured with yours of May 16. vi\u00e2 Bristol, acquainting me with what was like to be the Determination of our Merchants relating to Importation, for which I am much oblig\u2019d to you. I hope if in any thing they vary their Agreement, it will be only to make it more uniform with the other Colonies, and in itself more tenable with less Inconvenience, and of course more durable. A Report had been industriously propagated here immediately on the Arrival of the May Packet, that the Agreement was dissolved or broken through at Philadelphia, and that immense Orders were sent hither from thence; on which certain People exulted greatly; and ventured to say with Assurance that New York and Boston would soon follow. But this Intelligence from you and others by the Chalkley, together with the actual Return of the Goods by Scot from Boston, begins to change their Countenance.\nI am greatly obliged by your Endeavours to prevent the Publishing of those indiscrete Letters. I must be more prudent, and for the future shall write with reserve on publick Matters, except to yourself.\nNothing material has occurr\u2019d here since my last, except the Death of Mr. Beckford, who is a Loss to the general Interest of America, as he had really a considerable Weight, particularly with Lord Chatham. Party Heats are at present a little abated: But many think the Fire is only smothered, and will break out again before the Meeting of Parliament.\nI wish you would write a Line or two to Mr. Strahan, who often enquires of me concerning your Welfare, and wonders he does not hear from you in Answer to some Letter of his. With the greatest Esteem, I am, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately\nB Franklin\nJos. Galloway Esqr\nEndorsed: Saile and Wallace Monday\n Story and Meredith Tuesday\n Cox and Garrigues Wednesday\n Lowden[?] and Wharton Freyday\n Middeltown and Moreland", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0102", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Rhoads, 26 June 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Rhoads, Samuel\nDear Friend,\nLondon, June 26. 1770\nIt is a long time since I had the Pleasure of hearing from you directly. Mrs. Franklin has indeed now and then acquainted me of your Welfare, which I am always glad to hear of. It is, I fear, partly, if not altogether, my Fault that our Correspondence has not been regularly continued. One thing only I am sure of; that it has been from no want of Regard on either side, but rather from too much Business and Avocations of various kinds, and my having little of Importance to communicate.\nOne of our good Citizens, Mr. Hillegas, anxious for the future Safety of our Town, wrote to me some time since, desiring I would enquire concerning the Covering of Houses here with Copper. I sent him the best Information I could then obtain; but have since receiv\u2019d the enclos\u2019d from an ingenious Friend, Mr. Wooller, who is what they call here a Civil Engineer. I should be glad you would peruse it, think of the matter a little, and give me your Sentiments of it. When you have done with the Paper, please to give it to Mr. Hillegas. I am told by Lord Despencer, who has covered a long Piazza or Gallery with Copper, that the Expence is charged in this Account too high; for his cost but 1/10 per foot, all Charges included. I suppose his Copper must have been thinner. And indeed it is so strong a Metal, that I think it may well be used very thin.\nIt appears to me of great Importance to build our Dwelling-Houses, if we can, in a Manner more secure from Danger by Fire. We scarce ever hear of a Fire in Paris. When I was there, I took particular Notice of the Construction of their Houses; and I did not see how one of them could well be burnt. The Roofs are Slate or Tile; the Walls are Stone; the Rooms generally lin\u2019d with Stucco or Plaister instead of Wainscot; the Floors of Stucco, or of sixsquare Tiles painted brown; or of Flag Stones or Marble; if any Floor were of Wood, it was Oak Wood, which is not so inflammable as Pine. Carpets prevent the Coldness of Stone or Brick Floors offending the Feet in Winter. And the Noise of Treading on such Floors overhead is less inconvenient than that on Boards. The Stairs too, at Paris, are either Stone, or Brick with only a Wooden Edge or Corner for the Step; so that on the Whole, tho\u2019 the Parisians commonly burn Wood in their Chimneys, a more dangerous kind of Fuel than that used here, yet their Houses escape extreamly well, as there is little in a Room that can be consumed by Fire, ex[cept] the Furniture. Whereas [in] London, perhaps scarce a Year passes in which half a Million of Property and many Lives are not lost by this destructive Element. Of late indeed they begin here to leave off Wainscotting their Rooms, and instead of it cover the Walls with Stucco, often form\u2019d into Pannels like Wainscot, which, being painted, is very strong and warm. Stone Staircases too, with Iron Rails, grow more and more into Fashion here. But Stone Steps cannot in some Circumstances be fixed; and there methinks Oak is safer than Pine; and I assure you that in many genteel Houses here, both old and new, the Stairs and Floors are Oak, and look extreamly well. Perhaps solid Oak for the Steps would be still safer than Boards; and two Steps might be cut diagonally out of one Piece. Excuse my talking to you on a Subject with which you must be so much better acquainted than I am. It is partly to make out a Letter for renewing our Correspondence, and partly in hope that by turning your Attention to the Point, some Methods of greater Security in our future Building may be thought of and promoted by you, whose Judgment I know has deservedly great Weight with our Fellow-Citizens. For tho\u2019 our Town has not hitherto suffered very greatly by Fire, yet I am apprehensive, that some time or other, by a Concurrence of unlucky Circumstances, such as dry Weather, hard Frost, and high Winds, a Fire then happening may suddenly spread far and wide over our Cedar Roofs, and do us immense Mischief.\nIf you favour me with a Line, let me know how good Mrs. Rhoads does, and every one of your Children; and how it fares with my dear old Friend Mrs. Paschal. With sincere Esteem, I am, Yours most affectionately,\nB Franklin\nMr. Rhoads.\nAddressed: To / Samuel Rhoads, Esqr / Philadelphia / vi\u00e2 N York / per Packet / B Free Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0103", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 6 July 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jones, Noble Wimberly\nSir,\nLondon, July 6. 1770\nI have now sent you the Mace and Gowns you ordered. They are in two Boxes marked NWJ. No. 1, 2. and directed for you. I have put them into the Care of Mr. Crouch of your Province, who promises to ship them with his own Things. The Gowns are exactly such as are commonly used by the Speaker and Clerks here: It is only when the House goes up to wait on the King in the House of Lords, that the Speaker wears a Gown with Gold Loops. The Mace is allow\u2019d to be an admirable Piece of Workmanship. I supposed the Impression of your great Seal to be the Arms of your Province, and therefore ordered that to be put on one of the Sides; [but] if there be any other, or if you would have any Inscription engrav\u2019d on the Mace, there is a vacant Place to receive it. I wish them safe to hand, and hope they will please. Inclos\u2019d I send the Bills. Be pleased to present my best Respects to the Assembly, and assure them of my most faithful Services. With great Esteem I have the Honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nHonble. N. W. Jones, EsqrCopyVerte\nEndorsed: Dr. B. Franklin \u20036th. July 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0104", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Parker, 7 July 1770\nFrom: Parker, Samuel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nJames Parker has occupied so many pages of these volumes that his departure from the scene deserves an obituary. His friendship with Franklin extended over almost three decades, during which their careers were in some respects strikingly parallel. Both were runaways in their youth; both helped to establish a number of newspapers on the eastern seaboard; both were postmasters and comptrollers of the Post Office; both were instrumental in the development of public libraries. But it was printing that brought them together in partnership in 1742, and it was as a printer that Parker made his principal reputation. He is said to have been better at his trade than Franklin and certainly did more for it, because he trained a number of young men who later established themselves throughout the colonies.\nHis letters in his last years, when he was in wretched health, are often tedious to a degree. They give the impression of a long-winded, fussy, and self-pitying mediocrity. But Parker had his troubles (the worst of them with the son who wrote the letter that follows) and bore up under them with considerable stoicism. He saw death coming long before it came, yet continued until the last moment to discharge his obligations with diligence and punctuality; for he was above all conscientious\u2014a faithful servant, as his widow rightly called him. If he was not an endearing man, let alone a great one, he did exemplify most of the small virtues that Poor Richard had extolled.\nHonoured Sir,\nNew York, July 7, 1770.\nI have just Time to let you know that my poor Father departed this Life on Monday the 2d. Instant; his Disorder was the nervous Fever, he died in Burlington. I suppose Mr. Foxcroft has the immediate Care of the Affairs he left concerning the Post Office. My Mother joins in best Respects, I am Your obedient humble Servant\nSaml F. Parker\nAddressed: For / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr / Craven Street / London / Via Packet\nEndorsed: S. Parker July 7. 1770. His Father\u2019s Death", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-31-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0105", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [before 10 July 1770]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nDear Polly\nWednesday P M. [before July 10, 1770]\nI send you a few of your Translations. I did not put your Name as the Translator, (which I at first intended) because I apprehended it might look like Vanity, in you, and as I shall otherwise make it known, I think the omitting it, will look like Modesty. Mr. H. is here, requesting me to speak to Mrs. Tickell, which I have promis\u2019d to do on Friday morning. Adieu, Your affectionate Friend\nB Franklin\n100 are printed, to give to our Friends. Send for as many of them as you please.\nAddressed: To / Miss Stevenson / at Mrs Tickell\u2019s / Kensington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0106", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from a Committee of the Town of Boston, 13 July 1770\nFrom: Committee of the Town of Boston\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nThe Bostonians had long suspected that they were being traduced in England by false reports of what was happening in the town. After the Massacre the suspicion grew. On March 16 a Captain Robson sailed for London with dispatches from Lieutenant Colonel William Dalrymple, commander of the troops, and with Captain Preston\u2019s account of his part in the shooting; on the same ship went John Robinson, the member of the Board of Customs Commissioners who six months before had assaulted James Otis. The Bostonians responded to the threat of Robson\u2019s documents and Robinson\u2019s tongue by drawing up their own narrative of events, backed by depositions, and hiring a sloop to carry this material at once to friends in England, Franklin among them. On April 28 the London Public Advertiser printed some of the material that Dalrymple had sent, including a doctored version of Preston\u2019s account. This version created a furor in London; it was promptly sent back across the Atlantic, and appeared on June 25 as a supplement of the Boston-Gazette. Apprehension was further increased in Boston on July 3, when John Hancock\u2019s brigantine Lydia sailed for England with dispatches from the Board of Customs Commissioners, immured in Castle William. The response to these developments was quick. Samuel Adams drafted the letter below, to Franklin and others in England; it was presented to and approved by a town meeting on July 13, and dispatched the following day.\nSir\nBoston July 13th: 1770\nIt affords very great Satisfaction to the Town of Boston to find that the Narrative of the horrid Massacre perpetrated here on the 5th: of March last which was transmitted to London, has had the desired effect; by establishing truth in the Minds of honest Men, and in some Measure preventing the Odium being cast on the Inhabitants, as the Aggressors in it. We were very apprehensive that all attempts would be made to gain this Advantage against us: and as there is [no re]ason to think that the Malice of our Enemies is in the least degree abated, it has been thought necessary that our friends on your side the Water, should have a true State of the Circumstances of the Town, and of every thing which has Materially occured, since the removal of the Troops to the Castle. For this purpose we are appointed a Committee: But the time will not admit of our writing so fully by this Conveyance, as we intend by the next, in the mean time we intreat your further friendship for the Town, in your Endeavours to get the Judgment of the Public Suspended, upon any representation that may have been made by the Commissioners of the Customs and others, until the Town can have the Opportunity of knowing what is alleged against it, and of answering for itself. We must confess that we are astonished to hear that the Parliament had come to a determination, to admit Garbled extracts from such Letters as may be received from America by Administration and to Conceal the Names of the Persons who may be the Writers of them. This will certainly give great Encouragement to Persons of wicked Intentions to Abuse the Nations and injure the Colonies in the grossest manner with Impunity, or even without detection. For a Confirmation hereof we need to recur no further back than a few Months, when undoubtedly the Accounts and Letters carried by Mr. Robson would have been attended with very Unhappy if not fatal effects, had not this Town been so attentive as to have Contradicted those false Accounts by the depositions of many credible persons under Oath. But it cannot be supposed that a Community will be so Attentive but upon the most Alarming Events: In general Individuals are following their private concerns; while it is to be feared, the restless Adversaries are forming the most dangerous Plans for the Ruin of the Reputation of the People, in order to build their own Greatness on the Distruction of their liberties. This Game they have been long playing; and tho\u2019 in some few instances they have had a loosing hand yet they have commonly Managed with such Art, that they have so far succeeded in their Malicious designs as to involve the Nation and the Colonies in Confusion and distress. This it is presumed they never could have accomplished had not those very letters been kept from the View of the Public, with a design perhaps to conceal the falshood of them the discovery of which would have prevented their having any mischievous Effects. This is the Game which we have reason to believe they are now playing: With so much Secrecy as may render it impossible for us fully to detect them on this Side the Water; How deplorable then must be our Condition, if Ample Credit is to be given to their Testimonies against us, by the Government at home, and if the Names of our Accusers are to be kept a profound Secret, and the World is to See only such parts or parcells of their Representations as Persons, who perhaps may be interested in their favor, shall think proper to hold up. Such a Conduct, if allowed, seems to put it into the Power of a Combination of a few designing Men to deceive a Nation to it\u2019s Ruin. The Measures which have been taken in Consequence of Intelligence Managed with such Secrecy, have already to a very great degree lessened that Mutual Confidence which had ever Subsisted between the Mother Country and the Colonies, and must in the Natural Course of things totally alienate their Affections towards each other and consequently weaken, and in the End destroy the power of the Empire. It is in this extended View of things that our Minds are affected. It is from those Apprehensions that we earnestly wish that all Communication between the two Countries of a public Nature may be unvailed before the public: with the Names of the persons who are concerned therein, then and not till then will American affairs be under the direction of honest Men, who are never affraid or Ashamed of the light. And as we have abundent Reason to be jealous that the most mischievous and virulent Accounts have been very lately sent to Administration from Castle William, where the Commissioners have again retreated for no reason that we can conceive but after their former manner to misrepresent and injure this Town and Province, we earnestly intreat that you would use your utmost influence to have an Order passed that the whole of the packetts sent by the Commissioners of the Customs and others under the Care of one Mr. Bacon late an Officer of the Customs in Virginia, who took his passage the last Week in the Brigantine Lydia Joseph Wood Commander may be laid before his Majesty in Council. If the Writers of those Letters shall appear to be innocent, no harm can possibly arise from such a Measure; if otherwise, it may be the Means of exploring the true Cause of the National and Collonial Malady, and of affording an easy remedy, and therefore the Measure must be justified and applauded by all the World.\nWe have observed in the English Papers, the most notorious falsehoods published with an apparent design to give the World a prejudice against this Town, as the Aggressors in the unhappy Transaction of the 5th: of March, but no account has been more repugnant to the truth, than a paper printed in the public Advertiser of the 28th: of April which is called The Case of Capt. Preston. As a Committee of this Town We thought ourselves bound in faithfulness to wait on Capt. Preston to enquire of him whether he was the Author. He frankly told us that he had drawn a state of his Case, but that it had passed thro different hands and was altered at different times, and finally the Publication in the Advertiser was varient from that which he sent home as his own. We then desired him to let us know whether several parts which we might point to him and to which we took exception were his own, but he declined Satisfying us herein, saying that the Alterations were made by Persons who he supposed might Aim at Serving him, though he feared they might have a Contrary effect, and that his discrimenating to us the parts of it which were his own from those which had been altered by others might displease his friends at a time when he might stand in need of their essential Service, this was the Substance of the Conversation between us, whereupon we retired and wrote to Capt. Preston a Letter the Copy of which is now inclosed.\nThe next day not receiving an Answer from Capt. Preston at the time we proposed, we sent him a Message desiring to be informed whether we might expect his Answer to which he replyed by a Verbal Message as Ours was that he had nothing further to add to what he had said to us the day before, as you\u2019l please to observe by the inclosed Certificate.\nAs therefore Capt: Preston has utterly declined to make good the Charges against the Town in the Paper called his case or to let us know to whom we may apply as the Author or Authors of those parts which he might have disclaimed, and especially as the whole of his Case thus Stated directly Militates not only with his own Letter published under his hand in the Boston Gazette, but with the depositions of others annexed to our Narrative which were taken, not behind the Curtain as some may have been, but openly and fairly, after notifying the Parties interested, and before Magistrates to whose Credit the Governor of the Province has given his full Attestation under the Province Seal, we cannot think that the Papers called the case of Capt. Thomas Preston, or any other Paper of the like import can be deemed in the opinion of the sensible and impartial part of Mankind as sufficient, in the least degree to prejudice the Character of the Town. It is therefore altogether needless for us to point out the many falsehoods contained in this Paper; nor indeed would there be time for it at present for the reason above mentioned. We cannot however omit taking Notice of the Artifice made use of by those who drew up the Statement in insinuating that it was the design of the People to plunder the Kings Chest; and for the more easily effecting that to Murder the Centinel posted at the Custom House where the money was lodged. This intelligence is said to have been brought to Capt. Preston by a Townsman, who assured him that he heard the Mob declare they would Murder the Centinel. The Townsman probably was one Greenwood a Servant to the Commissioners whose deposition Number 96 is inserted among others in the Narrative of the Town and of whom it is observed in a Marginal Note that \u201cThrough the whole of his examination he was so inconsistent, and so frequently Contradicted himself, that all present were Convinced that no Credit ought to be given to his deposition, for which reason it would not have been inserted had it not been known that a deposition was taken relating to this affair, from this Greenwood by Justice Murray and carried home by Mr. Robinson,\u201d and further \u201cthis deponent is the only person, out of a great Number of Witnesses examined, who heard any thing mentioned of the Custom house\u201d. Whether this part of the Case of Capt: Preston was inserted by himself or some other person we are not told: It is very much to be questioned whether the information was given by any other than Greenwood himself, and the Sort of Character which he bears is so well known to the Commissioners and their Connections some of whom probably assisted Capt: Preston in Stating his Case, as to have made them ashamed if they regarded the truth, to have given the least credit to what he said. Whoever may have helped them to this intelligence, we will venture to say, that it never has been and never can be supported by the Testimony of any Man of a tolerable reputation. We shall only observe upon this occasion, how inveterate our Enemies here are, who, rather than omit what they might think a lucky opportunity of Slandering the Town, have wrought up a Narrative not only unsupported by, but contrary to the clearest evidence of facts and have even prevailed upon an unhappy Man under pretence of friendship to him, to adopt it as his own: Though they must have known with a common share of understanding, that it\u2019s being published to the world as his own, must have injured him, under his present circumstances, in the most tender point, and so shocked was Capt: Preston himself, at its appearing in the light on this side the Water, that he was immediately apprehensive so glaring a falsehood would raise the indignation of a people to such a pitch as to prompt them to some Attempts that would be dangerous to him, and he accordingly applyed to Mr. Sheriff Greenleaf for special protection on that Account. But the Sheriff assuring him there was no such disposition appearing among the People (which is an undoubted truth) Capt. Prestons fears at length Subsided: And he still remains in safe Custody, to be tried by the Superior Court of Judicature at the next term in August; unless the Judges shall think proper further to postpone the Trial, as they have done for one whole term, since he was indicted by the Grand Jury.\nBefore we conclude it may not be improper to observe that the removal of the troops was in the Slowest order, insomuch that eleven days were spent in Carrying the two Regiments to Castle Island, which had before landed in the Town in less than forty eight hours; Yet in all this time, while the Number of the Troops was daily lessening, not the least disorder was made by the inhabitants, tho\u2019 filled with a just indignation and horror at the blood of their fellow Citizens so inhumanely Spilt! And since their removal the Common Soldiers, have frequently and even daily come up to the Town for necessary provisions, and some of the officers, as well as several of the families of the Soldiers have resided in the Town and done business therein without the least Molestation. Yet so hardy have our Enemies been as to report in London that the enraged populace had hanged up Capt: Preston.\nThe strange and irreconcileable conduct of the Commissioners of the Customs since the 5th: of March, their applying for leave to retire to the Castle so early as the tenth, and spending their time in making excursions into the Country \u2019till the 20th: of June following, together with other material Circumstances, are the Subject of our present enquiry; the result of which you will be made acquainted with by the next Conveyance. In the mean time we remain with strict truth, Sir Your much Obliged and most Obedient Servants\nThomas Cushing\nWm: Phillips\nR Dana\nW Molineux\nSaml Adams\nEbenezer Storer\nJohn Hancock\nWm Greenleaf\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr\nEndorsed: Comtee of Boston about abuse of the Town in England 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0108", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from W. Masters, 17 July 1770\nFrom: Masters, W.\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nPhiladelphia July 17th: 1770\nYour kind reply to what I formerly wrote you in favour of Thos: Truck a Soldier in the trane, together with his and Father in law\u2019s perpetual entreaties that I would once more befriend them by writing to you; emboldens me to remind you off your Promise of Endeavouring to procure his discharge; which would be a completion of Earthly Happiness to a poor yet Honest Family, and a favour conferr\u2019d on your humble Servant\nW Masters\nAddressed: To / Doct: / Benjamine Franklin / London / per Capt: / Scott", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0109", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson Hewson, 18 July 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nDear Polly,\nLondon, July 18. 1770\nYours of the 15th. informing me of your agreable Journey and safe Arrival at Hexham gave me great Pleasure, and would make your good Mother happy if I knew how to convey it to her; but \u2019tis such an out-of-the-way Place she is gone to, and the Name so out of my Head, that the Good News must wait her Return. Enclos\u2019d I send you a Letter which came before she went, and, supposing it from my Daughter Bache, she would have me open and read it to her, so you see if there had been any Intrigue between the Gentleman and you, how all would have been discovered. Your Mother went away on Friday last, taking with her Sally and Temple, trusting me alone with Nanny, who indeed has hitherto made no Attempt upon my Virtue. Neither Dolly nor Barwell, nor any any other good Female Soul of your Friends or mine have been nigh me, nor offered me the least Consolation by Letter in my present lonesome State. I hear the Post-man\u2019s Bell, so can only add my affectionate Respects to Mr. Hewson, and best Wishes of perpetual Happiness for you both. I am, as ever, my dear good Girl, Your affectionate Friend\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0110", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 19 July 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\nMy dear Child,\nLondon, July 19. 1770\nThis will be delivered to you by our ingenious Countryman Mr. Benbridge, who has so greatly improv\u2019d himself in Italy as a Portrait Painter, that the Connoisseurs in that Art here think few or none excel him. I hope he will meet with due Encouragement in his own Country, and that we shall not lose him as we have lost Mr. West: For if Mr. Benbridge did not from Affection chuse to return and settle in Pensilvania, he certainly might live extreamly well in England by his Profession.\nI have just received Letters from you and Mr. Bache and Sally, which I shall answer fully per next Opportunity, having now only time to add my Love to you and them, and to your dear little Boy. I am, as ever, Your affectionate Husband\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / per favour of / Mr Benbridge", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0111", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 19 July 1770: extract\nFrom: Gilpin, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSince my last New York has relaxed from the non-importation agreement but this and the other provinces stand fixed although we have an account here from a vessel spoken in going to Boston that the Tea duty has been taken off.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0112", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Abel James, 19 July 1770\nFrom: James, Abel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Friend\nLondon 19 July 1770\nI take the Liberty to repeat my Request to thee that Thou wilt lay before James West Esqr. the Inclos\u2019d Paper, hoping that, that worthy Gentleman will give Orders to the Executor of Peter Razor deceased to let me dispose of the Trunk of Cloaths as he desir\u2019d me to do by the within mention\u2019d Paper, which I got proved before I left Philada. The other Trunk referr\u2019d to was never deliver\u2019d to me, but this is in my Custody, and I can [torn] our Friend West that Peter Razor repeatedly requested [torn] his mind fulfill\u2019d therein. Thy Attention hereto will [torn] Addition to the many Benevolent Actions of thy Life, [torn] him that is with perfect Esteem Thy Affectionate Friend\nAbel James", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0115", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Le Despencer, 26 July 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Le Despencer, Francis Dashwood, Baron\nMy Lord,\nCravenstreet, July 26. 1770\nI heartily wish your Lordship would urge the Plan of Reconciliation between the two Countries, which you did me the Honour to mention to me this Morning. I am persuaded that so far as the Consent of America is requisite, it must succeed. I am sure I should do everything in my Power there to promote it.\nI beg leave to lay before your Lordship, and to request you would be so good as to peruse the enclos\u2019d original Letters to me from Gen. Bouquet, who commanded the British Troops in Pensilvania in 1764, when I was one of the Commissioners of the Board of Treasury there. He was then on an Expedition against the Indians in the Ohio Country. Your Lordship will in these Letters see the effectual Use I made from time to time of my Influence in America, for his Majesty\u2019s Service. Gen. Bouquet in that Expedition fought and defeated the Indians, and compell\u2019d them to sue for Peace. He afterwards own\u2019d great Obligations to me for the Assistance I procur\u2019d him from our Province.\nI have Enemies, as every public Man always has. They would be glad to see me depriv\u2019d of my Office; and there are others who would like to have it. I do not pretend to slight it. Three Hundred Pounds less would make a very serious Difference in my annual Income. But as I rose to that Office gradually thro\u2019 a long Service of now almost Forty Years, have by my Industry and Management greatly improv\u2019d it, and have ever acted in it with Fidelity to the Satisfaction of all my Superiors, I hope my political Opinions, or my Dislike of the late Measures with America (which I own I think very injudicious) exprest in my Letters to that Country; or the Advice I gave to adhere to their Resolutions till the whole Act was repealed, without extending their Demands any farther, will not be thought a good Reason for turning me out. I shall, however, always retain a grateful Sense of your Lordship\u2019s Good-will and many Civilities towards me, and remain as ever, with the greatest Respect, Your Lordship\u2019s most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nP.S. There are Letters also in the Secretary of State\u2019s Office, from Gen. Braddock to the then Sir Thos. Robinson, expressing his great Obligations to me for the Services I rendered him.\nLord Le Despencer\nEndorsed: Doctor Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0116", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Dorothea Blunt, 26 July 1770\nFrom: Blunt, Dorothea\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nBromley July 26 [1770]\nBe assur\u2019d that I feel very kindly to you for the favour I receiv\u2019d this Morning. It was not more than I wanted, tho much more than I expected\u2014\u2014not because more than you would have given sooner if the state of my Mind had been known to you, but because you gave me unask\u2019d the strongest proof of a tender and disinterested friendship, which tho I had no foundation for such fear, yet I did fear wou\u2019d gradualy decay whenever it shou\u2019d cease to be supported by our Polly. She taught you to esteem me which for her sake and mine you soon learnt to do. She has now another employment, or the same thing to do for others. Most joyfully therefore shall I assume one so pleasing as that will be to me of paying more attention to you than I have hitherto paid tho not more than I have always been prompted from affection to pay. Yes indeed My Dear Sir I do feel and think exactly as you think and feel\u2014\u2014that what Mrs. Hewson will gain, you and I must lose. My friendship was strong enough to enable me to suppress my feelings at a time I felt most, and therefore tho my spirits sink when I reflect upon our friends absence, no more to return the same to you, and me, she once was, yet when I likewise reflect that it may be for her good, I submit, nay I do more\u2014\u2014I am thankful. I have also heard from her that she is happy in her new Relations. I am sure I wish her all possible happiness, and therefore, that part of it she already possesses, from these new Connections. Yet I will own to you that when I first read it something rose within too much like Jealousy, but which till I could examine was by self love call\u2019d injury and therefore poor Dol at first thought herself so. It is probable I may see you before you see this as I have a half promise from Mr. Brown of a place in his Chaise tomorrow, but as next to a Woman, Man is the most variable creature that never changes its appearance, nor wou\u2019d be suppos\u2019d capable of changing, I write this least so common a thing shou\u2019d come to pass. With the love that I at this time, and which I shall at all times feel for you you must be content, as I have none of those amiable persons with me that you remember\u2019d in your letter being perhaps the only inhabitant in this Mansion, at this Moment as I know the family to be far from hence, and I hear the servants out of doors. The Dr. is in London, Mrs. H: at Hackney, My Sister at Sir Charles\u2019s and the rest dispers\u2019d various ways. Thus circumstanc\u2019d, I shou\u2019d have been gloomy if by Conferring a favour you had not given me the most agreable employment I cou\u2019d have desir\u2019d, of returning it in part, by assuring you that I am your much pleased and oblig\u2019d Friend &c\nD. Blunt\nI desire to be remember\u2019d to S: Franklin\u2014\u2014and Mrs. S: tho I take for granted she is not at home.\nUpon a recollection of what I have written and how I have written, I feel asham\u2019d, as I have neither tried to amuse, nor to amend those faults, you lov\u2019d me well enough to wish me to amend; and which I do hope to repeat no more.\nAddressed: Doctor Franklin / Craven Street / Charing Cross", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0118", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Parker, 12 August 1770\nFrom: Parker, Mary\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nNew York August 12th 1770\nIt is with inexpressable Grief that I am Obliged to give you an Account of my Dear Mr. Parkers Death. He kept his house the Greatest part of the Winter with the gout and an inflamation in his Legg. The 4 June as soon as he could git Abroad, his Anxiety to doe his duty as Comptroller Carried him Down to New Town; On his return he fell ill at Bristol; was Carried over to Burlington, and Died there 2d. July of a nervous fevor. Presently after his Death Mr. Thomas Foxcroft came here, and took with him all the Comptrollers Books of the post office, and I at the same time paid him \u00a319 3s. 8\u00bdd. I received, on the post office Acct in Mr. Parkers absence. How his Acct. Stands with the Post Master\u2019s General as I have not the Books nor a Copy of his General Account I am at present an utter Stranger to. It gives me great uneasiness that Mr. Parkers friends blames me much for parting with the Books out of my hands (to Mr. Foxcroft or any other person) which is now the reason that I cannot Answer that part of your Letter relating the \u00a3135 5s., \u00a31 2s. 7d., and \u00a348 10\u00bdd. The Bill in yours with protest a Copy of which have sent Mr. Vernon; his answer as soon as git shall Acquaint you. Mr. Parkers friends think I have done injustice to myself and family and that the Profits of the Office ought to be for the benefit of his heirs, untill a Comptroller was appointed as he was a faithful Servant, but this must be left to you who I am assured will do what is right; be it as it will I shall be Satisfied if you think I have done what will please you. I have this day wrote Mr. Foxcroft to send me the books by my Daughter. I am afraid Mr. Parker has not left me and his family in so good a Situation as we Expected. However I must be Content. Inclosed the Copy of a Recet, for a bill Gov. Franklin took out of Mr. Parkers pocket after his Death. I am after my Prayers for your Prosperity, with Great Gratitude for your friendship to Mr. Parker your assured and faithfull Humble Servant\nMary Parker\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr:\nAddressed: Benjamin Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0119", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 16 August 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Deborah\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy Dear Child\nAugust the 16 1770\nyisterday I reseved yours of June the 10. I am verey Sorrey to thinke I shold not have it in my power to atend on you. When will it be in your power to Cume home? How I long to see you but I wold not say one word that wold give you one momentes trubel. I will then tell you that as to my helthe I am as well as I ever expeckte to be and I thinke better then I ever did [expect] I Shold be. I have recoverd flesh and look more then I did for a yeair but my memerey but I muste expeckte when I am a verey old women. If your haveing the Goute is of Servis to you I wonte say one word only I wish I was near aneuef to rube it with a lite hand. As to Naney I am Sorrey shee has Such hard lucke what buisnes and name had her husband. Tell her I am glad shee is with good mrs. Stephen son I supouse shee was verey happey when shee lived with her. I hope shee will be verey obligeing to her. Now I am to tell you a boute my King bird he has bin verey ill indead we thought we shold lues him so bad he was that he was so much altred in a boute 30 ouers was surprised that we thoute he was so altred that we never flattered he Cold recoverd. His father and mother was Sadley distresed but it plesed god to bles what was dun to him and mended as faste. Mr. Bache was a going to Jamaco. Billey Come to town and in vited them up to his house so I was verey glad as thay Cold ride everey day. But I shold tell you mr. Banton sente him a Carraig to take him oute and as soon as mrs. Masters knew he was un well shee sente twise a day to take him oute. His dadey stayed tell he was pronounesd oute of dainger. In a boute two weeks after mr. Bache was gon his unkill Come down and took him and his mother and maid up and he is perfecktely recovered. I wold give much for you to see him if he was not our one [own] I wold say that I never saw a finer Child. When his maid is a takein him oute he is stoped by everey bodey to aske who he is and is much admired by everey bodey. Maney ses he is like you and sume his father. He is a manly child a fine temper one thing I forget wather I told you he is a graite admierer of Singing and musick. His father wold play on your instruyment I wold hold him and when he wold plaid a softe or tender tune he wold be in anentexey and bow doune and the tears wold flow doune his cheeks as wold his dadey and Joyne his with his kis and blsse him and Cole him his angel. When his father and mother wold [sing] a Song in the Padlocke he woud Joyne with them and sing with them. Tell mrs. Stephenson I did thinke to write to her and tell her what a fine child he is a fine skin a charming pair of fine eyes it was a dispute wather he wold have blew or Black but I think thay air Black. When he was borne his hair was verey darke but it is fair. His unkill has shaifed his head and dipes him in the river everey day and [he] behaves like a Jentelman. His maid is a strong woman for a gorle cold not a tend him. His dadey had a Negrow Boy for a house servent but when his master was a going desired him to leve him with his master as he love him so he was lefte so he was invited to go up as it was thoute it is easy [?] to a tend him when he walkes. I never knew a finer Nurse then Salley makes and a verey good mother. He was [torn] to have aney you mers [humors] tell he was sick and one day he freted and showed Sum you m[ers. His] mother set him on her lape and told him he had as much good senes as aney of his [torn] but he semed displesed she laid him over her knee and whiped him and then told him [what] for and looked at him. In an instant he smiled on her and held oute his mouthe and kised her and be haved himselef charminly his dayey [daddy] by and I was all. Sume time after shee asked if shee did doe well yis sed Mr. Bache and mother for we sed not one word nor did we say one word to him. I donte remember he ever showed aney tember or aney pashon he semes to give pleshuer to all a round. While he was ill what is inseydent to Children he was his Gumes so Sweld the Dr. lansed one tuthe out senes he has cute 4 more and is so pleased with them that he is a showing of them. While I write I long to see him I donte know what to due a boute it.\nYou see I never say aney thing a boute aney bodey but my selef and our one [own] children but I will tell you that a boute two weeks a go our friend mr. Rhodes Come and took me down to his plase and I spente the day. We talked much of you. I told him that you had sente me one of your Books he sed he wished he Cold get one but he never saw one asked me if I knew if thay air to be sold. I sed I did not know. The nexte day I sente it to him. He and his kind good wife and his Dafter desired to be rememberd to you in a porticker manner. I sume times [see] our good old friend mr. Wharton Sener and he desier me to menshon me to you his son Franklin is a fine Lad indead. Nansey Clifton came in shee desired me to give her love to you but thinkes you donte remember her. I promised so I wrote and my poor mrs. Sumain come in and did desier me to desier you if you Cold let her Dafter know shee had reseved her letter. Thay air in a miserabel Staite he has loste all Senes and wants every nesesarey seven years loste to him selef shee is not a bove halef so big as shee was when you yoused to Cole her a threed paper. I am verey busey att this time a geting our wood for the whinter and am ofen hinderd by the men. I have yousd to due it my selef of Laite but it is a mersey I Can get it I am thankfull for it now. I have looked over this letter and I wold write it over a gen but the poste will go befor I Cold due it. My beste Compley mentes to Mr. and Mrs. Strahan to Mr. and Mrs. Weeste tell his pickter has bin att our house. Kiss him for me due my bete regardes to all that remember. I was glad to hear of Mr. Orrey dus Sir John make you a visit sume times? I did reseve a letter from him but I did not write to him a gen. I supose Sister has wrote to you shee wished me not to write tell I shold hear from her so I have not had leve as yit. I nead not tell you as you muste see in the papers we have loste our friend mr. Parker. Mrs. Parker and her children and we correyspend senes his death. My beste Love to our good Miss Polley Stephenson. We ofen talke of her. I will write by a shipe I hear is to saile from N yorke. God bles you is the desier of your afeckshonet wife\nD Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0120", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Bard, 18 August 1770\nFrom: Bard, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nAltho the reluctance I have to ask favours of my Friends, Especially when there is too great a probability of its not being convenient, or in their power, to grant them; greatly discourages me in the request I am about to make. Yet while there is the most distant prospect of Success, I can not but hope your Friendship will Excuse me, as a Parent, in Ventureing to recommend to you, my Son Samuel, as a Successor to the late Mr. Parker, in the office he held in the post office. I hope Dr. Franklin will not attribute it to my Partial affection, when I tell him his Acknowledg\u2019d Character in this place \u2014his Integrity and merit render him worthy of such a Trust\u2014and if it should not be Inconvenient, or Interfere with any other Views you may have; it will be adding an obligation, to the many Instances I have received of your Friendship and good will; which we shall ever remember with the warmest Gratitude and Affection. I am Dear Sir your most obliged and most Humble Servant\nJohn Bard\nAddressed: To / Doctr. Benjn. Franklin L.L.D. / Craven Street / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0122", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwalader Evans, 27 August 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Evans, Cadwalader\nDear Doctor\nLondon, Aug. 27, 1770.\nI am favoured with yours of June 10. With this I send you our last Volume of Philosophical Transactions, wherein you will see printed the Observations of Messrs. Biddle and Bayley on the Transit, as well as those of Messrs. Mason and Dixon relating to the Longitude of Places. When you and your Friends have perus\u2019d it, please to deliver it to Mrs. Franklin to be put among my Books.\nThanks for the Books on the Silk Affair. It will give me great pleasure to see that Business brought to Perfection among us. The Subscription is a noble One, and does great Honour to our Public Spirit. If you should not procure from Georgia, as you expected, one that understands the Reeling, I believe I can procure you such a Hand from Italy, a great Silk Merchant here having offered me his Assistance for that purpose if wanted.\nI am happy beyond Expression to see the Virtue and Firmness of our Country with regard to the Non-importation. It does us great Honour. And New York is in great Disgrace with all the Friends of Liberty in the Kingdom, who are, I assure you, no contemptible Number, who applaud the stand we have made, wish us Success. I am, my dear friend, Yours most affectionately,\nB. Franklin.\nDr. Cad. Evans.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0123", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Ewing, 27 August 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Ewing, John\nReverend Sir,\nLondon, Augt. 27. 1770.\nI received your Favour of June 14. with several Copies of your Observations of the Transit of Venus, for which I thank you. I have sent one of them to Mr. Maskelyne as you desired, with an Extract from your Letter, and another to Paris. I have not yet obtain\u2019d from him the Estimate he promis\u2019d me, but hope to have it soon; tho\u2019 by what I hear from others I begin to fear the Expence will be thought too heavy for us. I shall send the new Volume of the Transactions to Mrs. Franklin, where you will find what Observations have been received and published here. I am, very respectfully, Reverend Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr Ewing\nAddressed: To / The Revd. Mr Ewing / at / Philadelphia / per Capt. Osborne", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0124", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Sr., 27 August 1770\nFrom: Williams, Jonathan Sr.\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir\nBoston Augt 27th. 1770\nMy Son Josiah is determined to go to London and I Belive Will Sail in about a month. I wish he might be accomidated at Good Mrs. Stevensons if agreeable if this Cant be please to direct the unfortinate Stranger to Some Other Good place. I Shall Send his Brother to take Care off him, it may apper to you Very extrodnary for us to Consent to Such a Step but the Happiness of his whol Life Seemes to Depend on his Going to England and Some of the best Gentlemen in town adviz\u2019d to it. He has for a long time been Very anxious to Se the Famus Mr. Stanley Who he thinks Can Serve him in the Siance of Musick in which he has made Some Proficance and is Very fond of Excelling, but Dispares allmost of all Instruction but this Great Blind man Who he Says can give him more Light in this matter then any man living that Can See.\nWe have no Business nor likley to have owing to the unhappy differance between Great Britain and her Collines Which will consequenthaly prove the total Ruin of thousands.\nAunt Mecom is well Settled in the Old place tho almost a N House; we flatter ourselves that you Will on your Return Call at Boston if So I Shall take it kind if you make my [House] your Home, I am Sinesible you are much engag\u2019d in Public Concerns and I dont mean by Writing to you to give you too much Concern or troble with my Sons tho I Shall esteem it a great favour if you take notice of them if Only as Strangers in London. Your advice may not only Save my money but them from Ruin in [in the margin: Plas to turn over] Such a place as London is tho thay are Good Lads and I belive have Some Merit Otherwise I Should not have trustd them.\nWe Want a Governor and all most every Body Wishes Doctor Franklin might Come as well as your Dutifull Nephew and Humble Servant\nJona Williams\nEndorsed: Jona Williams \u2003Aug. 27. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0125", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Alexander, 3 September 1770\nFrom: Alexander, Robert\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nSince my return to Scotland, I have been some days in the Country by which means I did not receive your Letter before yesterday. I return you a Thousand Thanks for the Trouble you have taken about the Harpsichord, the one you describe at 33 Guineas is precisely what is wanted and therefore you will please give orders to have it immediately packt up and Sent down, after putting it in the best order and I desire you will give Mr. Barron who has assisted you whatever you think he deserves. Both my Brothers desire to be remembr\u2019d to you in the kindest manner and with my best Compliments to Mrs. Stevenson and your other Friends I remain Dear Sir, Your most humble and most obedient Servant\nRobert Alexander\n[In the margin:] There are every Week Ships going from London to Leith.\nAddressed: To / Dr Ben. Franklin / Craven Street / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0126", "content": "Title: Extract of a Letter, [before 6 September 1770]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \n[Before September 6, 1770]\nMr. Wilkes seems to be enjoying the solid Advantages of his Popularity with little Noise. The Boston Affair is a general Subject of Conversation, but, like every other American Concern, is so enveloped with Prejudices and Misrepresentations, that the still Voice of Truth and Candour is not heard. They are Rebels\u2014\u2014Aggressors, with a long &c. of ministerial Epithets. I am sorry to find an Observation made concerning Corsica, verified in England. Every Englishman considers himself as King of America, and peculiarly interested in our Subjection; it gratifies his Pride, and he is at the same Time free from any Apprehensions of suffering himself. As to Relief from the Wisdom and Tenderness of Administration, Hope itself is gone, even with our most sanguine Friends. We have no other Resource but in our own Virtue and Resolution, which our Enemies allow will prevail, if we can but persevere.\nYou desired me to write you, whether your Non-importation was really felt, and if not, to what it is owing? I have made the best Enquiry, and find it has had little Effect on the Manufacturers, who, like stupid Animals, must smart before they will move. The Russian War has had some Effect\u2014\u2014Germany, and even France, it is said, take off very considerable. That the Ministry play into each others Hands, to serve their own arbitrary Purposes in each Kingdom, so as to relax the former Systems of Politics and Commerce, seems too forced a Conjecture\u2014\u2014but that Merchants are encouraged by the Promises of Ministry, even to Indemnification, is universally believed; and the Owner of the Malt-ship, sent back from Philadelphia, now makes no Secret of the Intention of his Voyage. Unjust and tyrannical Notions of Colony Government, seem too much to prevail, even among the Sons of Liberty.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0127", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Hopkinson, 6 September 1770\nFrom: Hopkinson, Mary\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nphilada Septr 6 1770\nMy Son Thomas will have the Honor to deliver this to you; shall I beg you will condescend to advise and instruct a young Man; although honest and open hearted, yet intirely unacquainted with the world and the Dispositions of those whome it is his Interest to please. Any other Man in your place and Station I could not ask such a Favor of engaged, as you are, in such a multiplicity of Business and that for your country. But I know I write to a Gentleman who is capable of carrying on the greatest affairs and yet can attend to the most minute, whenever called upon by friendship or charity. You will answer both by this Condescension, and will add one more obligation to the many my family have receivd from you. Mr. Warrin has been so good as to invite him to lodge at his House, his Goodness to my other Son, and this new favor I Shall never forget, it calls for my utmost Gratitude and my sincere prayer is, that it may be returned to him by the Father of the fatherless in Blessings Seventy fold. And do you think, Sir I can seperate in my heart the obligations I am under to you as the Instrument in the Hand of God in making me acquainted with such kind Relations. I canot\u2014\u2014but shall with great Gratitude ever think my Self your obliged humble Servant\nMary Hopkinson\nDr Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0128", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Borthwick, 8 September 1770\nFrom: Borthwick, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nNew York, 8 Septemr. 1770.\nI used the Freedom to write you a few Lines at two times from Philadelphia.\nI have been here for sometime in the high part of the Town and continue to grow better.\nI had the pleasure of seeing the Governor his Lady, Mrs. Beache and the young Dr. at Burlington, as I passed, in good health, stayed a few days with Mr. Laurence the Mayor with whom I went and saw Judge Reids Iron Works by which he is no danger of growing too rich. Mr. Beache is at Jamaica.\nI say nothing of the Transactions here, O homines ad servitudem paratos.\nAs I hope to be well soon, and am determined to remain on this Continent, I must not remain idle, and I now presume on your Goodness to make this Application to you as I apprehend it may be in your power to procure something for me, if Mr. Alexander is in London I hope he will assist. I had wrote for recommendations to Lord D\u2014re but there\u2019s no news of him, and I am told nothing can be done with him without m\u2014\u2014y, not in my Power to give. I desire not your immediate Answer, that you may think of it at your Leisure. I shall return to Philadelphia in a few days\u2014\u2014the other day a Gentleman here made me a present of a Manuscript entitled \u201cAn Examination into the Value of Canada and Guadaloupe with an impartial Account of the latter in answer to a late Pamphlet entitled \u2018The Interest of Great Britain\u2019s considerd with regard to her Colonies\u2019 in a Letter to a Gentleman in England.\u201d He says he believes it was not publishd as it contains some curious particulars. I will in a Subsequent Letter send you what he says about Cayenne by which you\u2019ll recollect if you have ever seen it. It is dated \u201cNew York 5 January 1761\u201d and contains 86 pages besides an Appendix, and was said to be wrote by one Mr. Kennedy alias Scott. For the meaning of the word alias see P\u2014y Johnson\u2019s Dictionary 1st Edition. I was at Mr. Levisey\u2019s some day\u2019s and had the pleasure of reading your Lucubrations. I forgot to tell you in a former Letter that the Old Duke of Wharton has a Duplicate of the Plan of Philadelphia the same with the one I gave you.I remain with Esteem [torn] Your most Obedient\nJohn Borthwick\nDirect for me to the care of Mr. Joseph Wharton ju Philadelphia.\nAddressed: To / Doctor Benjn. / Franklyn / to the care of / Mr. Strahan Printer / in / London. per Paquet.\nEndorsed: Mr Borthwick", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0129", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Fitzmaurice, 10 September 1770\nFrom: Fitzmaurice, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nKnighton House. Isle Wight. Septr. 10. 1770.\nI promised Dr. Hawkesworth that I w\u2019d by this post acquaint you how eagerly we expect your arrival here, we were in hopes that possibly you might have arrived yesterday with Sir Chas. Knowles who means to make a stay of some days here. I flatter myself that you and he will meet yet; he purposes to make a very curious Experiment upon the force and direction of the Winds upon one of our highest neighbouring Downs. Dr. H. and myself have declared that if you dont come soon we will Libel you in the public Advertiser, you don\u2019t know what inferences may be drawn from many of your Experiments which appear so inoffensive at the same time that they are so usefull. In short we shall pour down a sort of Thunder and lightening upon you that you are little conversant with, that is we will abuse you plentifully, tho\u2019 in the mean time he joins his best respects to you with those of, Dear Sir, Your very faithfull and Obedient Humble Servant\nThoms. Fitzmaurice", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0130", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, [21] September 1770: extract\nFrom: Gilpin, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nPhiladelphia Sepr. [21,] 1770.\nThe silk business is in a fair way and I am convinced will be of consequence if attended to\u2014\u2014there are also numbers of minor manufactures which would succeed if parliament would but lay on a few more duties, or as I may say bounties here, for such is the effect of their duties; it is nothing but the easy terms upon which we obtain all sorts of manufactures from abroad and the more free and relaxed life it affords that hinders our manufacturers from starting up and making a rapid progress. I should be glad to see the unanimity of the two countries restored and Great Britain succeed in her manufactures as we in ours and in our agriculture but no restrictions; at a meeting of the merchants here last night it was agreed to give notice to the other provinces of an intention to make some alterations in our own non-importation agreement so as to admit the importation of some articles which we cannot at present do without, and increase the restrictions upon others in order that it may not be said we cannot hold out until a change of ministry or policy takes place.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-22-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0131", "content": "Title: The Cravenstreet Gazette, 22\u201326 September 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThis famous blend of parody and nonsense reveals, under its genial persiflage, more about the details of Franklin\u2019s daily life in London than anything else in his papers. The setting of the Gazette can only be deduced from its contents. Mrs. Stevenson and Sally Franklin had left to visit relatives or friends in Rochester about whom nothing is known, except that their hostess\u2014a widow, because she is referred to as the Duchess Dowager\u2014invited the Craven Street household to join them there. Before Franklin\u2019s landlady left, she had apparently arranged for Polly and her new husband, William Hewson, to move into the house and take care of him in her absence. For his own entertainment and that of his circle, he wrote this account of the results. His audience could doubtless identify the members of the household more confidently than his editors can, but we are inclined to think that there were only four: Franklin, the maid Nanny, and the two Hewsons. Polly in that case was Cook, Lady Chamberlain of the Household, Lady of the Bedchamber, and first Ministress, while her husband was Groom Porter and first Minister.\n The Cravenstreet Gazette. No 113\nSaturday, Sept. 22. 1770\nThis Morning Queen Margaret, accompanied by her first Maid of Honour, Miss Franklin, set out for Rochester. Immediately on their Departure, the whole Street was in Tears\u2014\u2014from a heavy Shower of Rain.\nIt is whispered that the new Family Administration which took place on her Majesty\u2019s Departure, promises, like all other new Administrations, to govern much better than the old one.\nWe hear that the great Person (so called from his enormous Size) of a certain Family in a certain Street, is grievously affected at the late Changes, and could hardly be comforted this Morning, tho\u2019 the new Ministry promised him a roasted Shoulder of Mutton, and Potatoes, for his Dinner.\nIt is said, that the same great Person intended to pay his Respects to another great Personage this Day, at St. James\u2019s, it being Coronation-Day; hoping thereby a little to amuse his Grief; but was prevented by an Accident, Queen Margaret, or her Maid of Honour having carried off the Key of the Drawers, so that the Lady of the Bedchamber could not come at a laced Shirt for his Highness. Great Clamours were made on this Occasion against her Majesty.\nOther Accounts say, that the Shirts were afterwards found, tho\u2019 too late, in another Place. And some suspect, that the Wanting a Shirt from those Drawers was only a ministerial Pretence to excuse Picking the Locks, that the new Administration might have every thing at Command.\nWe hear that the Lady Chamberlain of the Household went to Market this Morning by her own self, gave the Butcher whatever he ask\u2019d for the Mutton, and had no Dispute with the Potatoe Woman\u2014\u2014to their great Amazement\u2014\u2014at the Change of Times!\nIt is confidently asserted, that this Afternoon, the Weather being wet, the great Person a little chilly, and no body at home to find fault with the Expence of Fuel, he was indulg\u2019d with a Fire in his Chamber. It seems the Design is, to make him contented, by Degrees, with the Absence of the Queen.\nA Project has been under Consideration of Government, to take the Opportunity of her Majesty\u2019s Absence, for doing a Thing she was always averse to, viz. Fixing a new Lock on the Street Door, or getting a Key made to the old one; it being found extreamly inconvenient, that one or other of the Great Officers of State, should, whenever the Maid goes out for a Ha\u2019pworth of Sand or a Pint of Porter, be obliged to attend the Door to let her in again. But Opinion, being divided, which of the two Expedients to adopt, the Project is for the present laid aside.\nWe have good Authority to assure our Readers, that a Cabinet Council was held this Afternoon at Tea; the Subject of which was a Proposal for the Reformation of Manners, and a more strict Observation of the Lord\u2019s Day. The Result was, an unanimous Resolution that no Meat should be dress\u2019d to-morrow; whereby the Cook and the first Minister will both be at Liberty to go to Church, the one having nothing to do, and the other no Roast to rule. It seems the cold Shoulder of Mutton, and the Applepye, were thought sufficient for Sunday\u2019s Dinner. All pious People applaud this Measure, and \u2019tis thought the new Ministry will soon become popular.\nWe hear that Mr. Wilkes was at a certain House in Craven Street this Day, and enquired after the absent Queen. His good Lady and the Children were well.\nThe Report that Mr. Wilkes the Patriot made the above Visit, is without Foundation, it being his Brother the Courtier.\nSunday, Sept. 23.\nIt is now found by sad Experience, that good Resolutions are easier made than executed. Not\u00adwithstanding yesterday\u2019s solemn Order of Council, no body went to Church to day. It seems the great Person\u2019s broad-built-bulk lay so long abed, that Breakfast was not over \u2019till it was too late to dress. At least this is the Excuse. In fine, it seems a vain thing to hope Reformation from the Example of our great Folks. The Cook and the Minister, however, both took Advantage of the Order so far, as to save themselves all Trouble, and the Clause of cold Dinner was enforc\u2019d, tho\u2019 the going to Church was dispens\u2019d with; just as the common working People observe the Commandment; the seventh Day thou shalt rest, they think a sacred Injunction; but the other Six Days shalt thou labour is deem\u2019d a mere Piece of Advice which they may practice when they want Bread and are out of Credit at the Alehouse, and may neglect whenever they have Money in their Pockets. It must nevertheless be said in justice to our Court, that whatever Inclination they had to Gaming, no Cards were brought out to Day. Lord and Lady Hewson walk\u2019d after Dinner to Kensington to pay their Duty to the Dowager, and Dr. Fatsides made 469 Turns in his Dining Room as the exact Distance of a Visit to the lovely Lady Barwell, whom he did not find at home, so there was no Struggle for and against a Kiss, and he sat down to dream in the Easy Chair that he had it without any Trouble.\nMonday, Sept. 24.\nWe are credibly informed, that the great Person dined this Day with the Club at the Cat-and-Bagpipes in the City, on cold Round of boil\u2019d Beef. This, it seems, he was under some Necessity of Doing (tho\u2019 he rather dislikes Beef) because truly the Ministers were to be all abroad somewhere to dine on hot roast Venison. It is thought that if the Queen had been at home, he would not have been so slighted. And tho\u2019 he shows outwardly no Marks of Dissatisfaction, it is suspected that he begins to wish for her Majesty\u2019s Return.\nIt is currently reported, that poor Nanny had nothing for Dinner in the Kitchen, for herself and Puss, but the Scrapings of the Bones of Saturday\u2019s Mutton.\nThis Evening there was high Play at the Groom Porter\u2019s in Cravenstreet House. The Great Person lost Money. It is supposed the Ministers, as is usually supposed of all Ministers, shared the Emoluments among them.\nTuesday, Sept. 25.\nThis Morning the good Lord Hutton call\u2019d at Cravenstreet House, and enquired very respectfully and affectionately concerning the Welfare of the absent Queen. He then imparted to the big Man a Piece of Intelligence important to them both, which he had just received from Lady Hawkesworth, viz. That [the] amiable and excellent Companion Miss Dorothea Blount had made a Vow to marry absolutely him of the two, whose Wife should first depart this Life. It is impossible to express with Words the various Agitations of Mind appearing in both their Faces on this Occasion. Vanity at the Preference given them to the rest of Mankind; Affection to their present Wives; Fear of losing them; Hope, (if they must lose them) to obtain the propos\u2019d Comfort; Jealousy of each other, in case both Wives should die together; &c. &c. &c. all working at the same time, jumbled their Features into inexplicable Confusion. They parted at length with Professions and outward Appearances indeed of ever-during Friendship; but it was shrewdly suspected that each of them sincerely wished Health and long Life to the other\u2019s Wife; and that however long either of those Friends might like to live himself, the other would be very well pleas\u2019d to survive him.\nIt is remark\u2019d that the Skies have wept every Day in Cravenstreet the Absence of the Queen.\nThe Publick may be assured, that this Morning a certain great Person was ask\u2019d very complaisantly by the Mistress of the Houshold, if he would chuse to have the Blade Bone of Saturday\u2019s Mutton that had been kept for his Dinner to Day, broil\u2019d or cold? He answer\u2019d gravely, If there is any Flesh on it, it may be broil\u2019d; if not, it may as well be cold. Orders were accordingly given for broiling it. But when it came to Table, there was indeed so very little Flesh, or rather none at all (Puss having din\u2019d on it yesterday after Nanny) that if our new Administration had been as good Oeconomists as they would be thought, the Expence of Broiling might well have been sav\u2019d to the Publick, and carried to the Sinking Fund. It is assured the great Person bears all with infinite Patience. But the Nation is astonish\u2019d at the insolent Presumption that dares treat so much Mildness in so cruel a manner.\nA terrible Accident had like to have happened this Afternoon at Tea. The Boiler was set too near the End of the little square Table. The first Ministress was sitting at one End of the Table to administer the Tea; the great Person was about to sit down at the other End where the Boiler stood. By a sudden Motion, the Lady gave the Table a Tilt. Had it gone over, the great Person must have been scalded; perhaps to Death. Various are the Surmises and Observations on this Occasion. The Godly say, it would have been a just Judgment on him, for preventing by his Laziness, the Family\u2019s going to Church last Sunday. The Opposition do not stick to insinuate that there was a Design to scald him, prevented only by his quick Catching the Table. The Friends of the Ministry give out, that he carelessly jogg\u2019d the Table himself, and would have been inevitably scalded had not the Ministress sav\u2019d him. It is hard for the Publick to come at the Truth in these Cases.\nAt six o\u2019Clock this Afternoon News came by the Post, that her Majesty arrived safely at Rochester on Saturday Night. The Bells immediately rang\u2014\u2014for Candles, to illuminate the Parlour; the Court went into Cribbidge, and the Evening concluded with every other Demonstration of Joy.\nIt is reported that all the principal Officers of the State, have received an Invitation from the Dutchess Dowager of Rochester to go down thither on Saturday next. But it is not yet known whether the great Affairs they have on their Hands will permit them to make this Excursion.\nWe hear that from the Time of her Majesty\u2019s leaving Craven Street House to this Day, no Care is taken to file the Newspapers; but they lie about in every Room, in every Window, and on every Chair, just where the Doctor lays them when he has read them. It is impossible Government can long go on in such Hands.\nTo the Publisher of the Craven Street Gazette.\nSir,\nI make no doubt of the Truth of what the Papers tell us, that a certain great Person has been half-starved on the bare Blade-bone, of a Sheep (I cannot call it of Mutton because none was on it) by a Set of the most careless, thoughtless, inconsiderate, corrupt, ignorant, blundering, foolish, crafty, and Knavish Ministers, that ever got into a House and pretended to govern a Family and provide a Dinner. Alas, for the poor Old England of Craven Street! If these nefarious Wretches continue in Power another Week, the Nation will be ruined\u2014\u2014Undone!\u2014\u2014totally undone, if the Queen does not return; or (which is better) turn them all out and appoint me and my Friends to succeed them. I am a great Admirer of your useful and impartial Paper; and therefore request you will insert this without fail; from Your humble Servant\nIndignation.\nTo the Publisher of the Craven Street Gazette.\nSir,\nYour Correspondent Indignation has made a fine Story in your Paper against our excellent Cravenstreet Ministry, as if they meant to starve his Highness, giving him only a bare Blade Bone for his Dinner, while they riot upon roast Venison, &c. The Wickedness of Writers in this Age is truly amazing! I believe we never had since the Foundation of our State, a more faithful, upright, worthy, careful, considerate, incorrupt, discreet, wise, prudent and beneficent Ministry than the present. But if even the Angel Gabriel would condescend to be our Minister and provide our Dinners, he could scarcely escape Newspaper Defamation from a Gang of hungry ever-restless, discontented and malicious Scribblers. It is, Sir, a piece of Justice you owe our righteous Administration to undeceive the Publick on this [Occasion], by assuring them [of] the Fact, which is, that there was provided, and actually smoaking on the Table under his Royal Nose at the same Instant, as fine a Piece of Ribbs of Beef, roasted, as ever Knife was put into; with Potatoes, Horse radish, pickled Walnuts, &c. which Beef his Highness might have eaten of, if so he had pleased to do; and which he forbore to do, merely from a whimsical Opinion (with Respect be it spoken) that Beef doth not with him perspire well, but makes his Back itch, to his no small Vexation, now that he hath lost the little Chinese Ivory Hand [at] the End of a Stick, commonly called a Scratchback, presented to him by her Majesty. This is the Truth; and if your boasted Impartiality is real, you will not hesitate a Moment to insert this Letter in your very next Paper. I am, tho\u2019 a little angry with you at present. Yours as you behave\nA Hater OF Scandal.\nJunius and Cinna came to Hand too late for this Days Paper, but shall have Place in our next.\nMarriages.\nNone since our last; but Puss begins to go a Courting.\n Deaths.\nIn the back Closet, and elsewhere, many poor Mice.\n Stocks.\nBiscuit very low.\nBuckwheat and Indian meal, both sour.\nTea, lowering daily in the Canister.\nPostscript. Wednesday Sept. 26.\nThose in the Secret of Affairs do not scruple to assert soundly, that our present First Ministress is very notable, having this day been at Market, bought excellent Mutton Chops, and Apples 4 a penny, made a very fine Applepye with her own Hands, and mended two pair of Breeches.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0133", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jane Mecom, 25 September 1770\nFrom: Mecom, Jane\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nBoston Sept 25 [1770]\nI have trobled my Ever Dear Brother [with] several Leters Since I have had the P[leasure of] won from Him but cannot omit Ading won more by my well Respected and much Esteemed Kinsmen whome wee all Part from with Regrett Notwithstanding we hope Ther Future Benifit and saif return will be occasion of Joy to all there Friends.\nJosiah says He fears nothing He Shall have to Incounter so much as your Disaprobation of His Sceme. He Expects you will advise Him to Return in the first Ship, yet He cant conquer His Inclineation. I tell Him you have seen so much of the Follies of Human Nature and So L[ittle] Els in the comon Run of man kind, that you will know Beter how to Pitty and Advice him.\n[There is?] a Rumer Hear that you have mett with some [harsh?] Treetment and I cant Help being conserned about [you tho\u2019 you?] forbad me, I Fansey by this time you have [found there?] are more wicked folks in the world than [you thou]ght there was; and that thay are capeble of Doing [you hu]rt. I Pray God to Preserve your Usefull Life among them and that Every Good man may not be Distroyed from of the Face of the Earth.\nI am Desiered by a Lady of my Acquaintanc to send you the Pamphlit Discribed by this note and says if I will send for two she will make me a Present of won. She is won I should [be] Glad to oblige and think it may be Agreable to me to have won. [I] beg the favour of you to send a Cople if to be had. Cousen Josiah will be Able to Inform you Every thing that Conserns me that will be Agreable to you to know that I need not make my Leter more Lengthy and only [to] add that I am with much fear about your wellfare Your Ever Affectionat Sister\nJ [Ane Mecom]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0134", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 27 September 1770\nFrom: Galloway, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Friend\nPhilada. Septr. 27. 1770\nIn the Midst of Hurry, I take up my Pen to write you a few Lines. Our Sup. Court and Assembly Sitting and our Election approaching leaves me scarcly a Moments Lieusure.\nAs to our Election, we are all in Confusion; The White Oaks and Mechanicks or many of them have left the old Ticket and tis feared will go over to the Presbyterians, and yet I believe the Proprietary Party will not Stir. Under these Circumstances what will be the Event as to my Self is uncertain. Thus much indeed I have always found certain\u2014\u2014a great deal of Abuse and Calumny instead of grateful Returns for the most faithful Services. So much of them have fallen to my Share, since your Departure, that was it not for my Connections in Politics, Nothing woud induce me to serve the Public.\nI have it from many, and those on whom I can depend, that General G\u2014\u2014ge has sent to the Ministry a Copy of your Letter to Ch. Thomson: This has truely given me much Concern and uneasiness as I fear the Consequences not only on your private Account but on that of the Publicks. Pray be cautious in future what you write to that Man, who is void of Principle or Virtue. I have found him so on more Occasions than one, and I am confident you will also should you continue your free Correspondence.\nI will write to you fully by C. Falkner and to Mr. Strahan. My Time now will only admit me to assure you that I shall always remain with great Truth and Sincerity yours most Affectionately\nJ. Galloway\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / in Craven Street / London / per Michael McGraw", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0135", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 28 September 1770\nFrom: Gilpin, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nEsteemed friend\nPhilada. Septm 28th 1770\nThis will Convey to thee an account of this Places Breaking through the non importation agreement which happened on the 20th by a Large Majority of the Votes of the Subscribers about 5 to 1. I am Sorry it has So happend but it is only what Might have beene Expected from the first and what I Realy Did Expect and thiarefore Wold not Meddle in it for I always thought it a Verry great Risque wheather the acts wold be Repealed Whilst those Interested on this Side Cold be kept in any Degree of quietude. It is a hard thing for So maney to Sacrifise their Living one year after another at So high a Rate and Maney of those who were averse to a partial Importation at first and Realey prevented it from being Came into near 6 months before the generall non importation Commenced, are now most forward to Relax. Every one is at Libertey now to Import any goods Exept tea or any article as may be Taxed for the use of Raising a Revenue. Those who have held out obstanate against a Disolution are trying now to forme a new plan Similar to that of Maryland but I think it is too Late they have Delayed too Long and have beene too obstinate. On the 5th of june it was Contended for by the other but was oposed by the old Committee and by availing them Selves of Some Letters thine in particular for which I was Sorry, and by Some other Stratigems they prevented an alteration then which was Realey the Right time to have Done it. I have always Compared our Proceedings Like young giddey Q[uick?] furnished troops going against a Strong fortifyed City wheare as Wee aught to have gone with the greatest Caution and well Supleyd. If wee had decliard against all Dutey goods Superfluitys and Such as wee Cold Manufacture at a tolerable Rate, then the Marchant wold have had Some thing to do the artificer Incouradged, wee have Payed no Duteys, and the acts Rendered a Real Advantage to the Couloneys. This Might with Justice [have] beene Contended for and wold have beene Observed. This was Contended for but over Ruled and now I am a fraid little or no order will be observed. Wee began wrong. Wee had the Mode from the Northward but town Meetings are not the thing nor the noyse of a promiscus assembly the way to Digest good politicks by. Although I think the Ministry and parliment is Very Impolitick and wrong in attempting to Tax us without a Representation, yet I think it is highly Proveble that america ought to Contribute but the mode is the thing to fix who Shall be Judges. Aplying to So many provances will always be attended with Intricaceys and great Delay it will be harder for Each to Degist a Measure than all in one. A Representation in parlimint wee are afraid of wee think they will Corrupt our Members and over Rule them. I think a better way wold be to propose a Committee of Each to meete Some whare and a Eaquill number of [in?] Each or for England to Borrow of america and pay Interest to her owne People Instead of forignors and the paying this Interest will be a Real Advantage to hir as it will be Done in the Labour of Manufacturors and tend to keep the nation full of people which is hir Stranth. Thiase are Trantiant thoughts I have had which please to Excuse my troubling thee with and believe me to be thy friend\nThomas Gilpin\nAddressed: To / Doctr / Benjamin Franklin / agent for Pensylvania / in London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0138", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jacques Barbeu-Dubourg, 2 October 1770: extract\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Barbeu-Dubourg, Jacques\nLondon, October 2, 1770.\nI see with pleasure that we think pretty much alike on the subjects of English America. We of the colonies have never insisted that we ought to be exempt from contributing to the common expences necessary to support the prosperity of the empire. We only assert, that having parliaments of our own, and not having representatives in that of Great Britain, our parliaments are the only judges of what we can and what we ought to contribute in this case; and that the English parliament has no right to take our money without our consent. In fact, the British empire is not a single state; it comprehends many; and though the parliament of Great Britain has arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, it has no more right to do so, than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same king, but not the same legislatures.\nThe dispute between the two countries has already lost England many millions sterling, which it has lost in its commerce, and America has in this respect been a proportionable gainer. This commerce consisted principally of superfluities; objects of luxury and fashion, which we can well do without; and the resolution we have formed of importing no more till our grievances are redressed, has enabled many of our infant manufactures to take root: and it will not be easy to make our people abandon them in future, even should a connection more cordial than ever succeed the present troubles. I have indeed, no doubt that the parliament of England will finally abandon its present pretensions, and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of our rights and privileges.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0139", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Pierre du Pont de Nemours, 2 October 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Du Pont de Nemours, Pierre-Samuel\nDear Sir,\nLondon, Oct. 2. 1770\nI received with great Pleasure the Assurances of your kind Remembrance of me, and the Continuance of your Goodwill towards me, in your Letter by M. le Comte Chreptowitz. I should have been happy to have rendred him every Civility and Mark of Respect in my Power (as the Friend of those I so much respect and honour) if he had given me the Opportunity: But he did not let me see him.\nAccept my sincere Acknowledgements and Thanks for the valuable Present you made me of your excellent Work on the Commerce of the India Company, which I have perused with much Pleasure and Instruction. It bears throughout the Stamp of your Masterly Hand, in Method, Perspicuity, and Force of Argument. The honourable Mention you have made in it of your Friend is extremely obliging. I was already too much in your Debt for Favours of that kind.\nI purpose returning to America in the ensuing Summer, if our Disputes should be adjusted, as I hope they will be in the next Session of Parliament. Would to God I could take with me Messrs. Dupont, Dubourg, and some other French Friends with their good Ladies! I might then, by mixing them with my Friends in Philadelphia, form a little happy Society that would prevent my ever wishing again to visit Europe. With great and sincere Esteem and Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nM. Dupont", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0140", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jean-Baptiste LeRoy, 2 October 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste\nDear Sir,\nLondon, Octob. 2. 1770\nI always think it too much to put you to the Expence of Postage for any Letters of mine; and one so seldom meets with private Hands that one can trouble with a Letter, that our Correspondence must suffer long Interruptions.\nYour last Favour was dated July 4. recommending to me, and to Sir John Pringle, your Friend the Baron Darcy; to whom we should have gladly render\u2019d any Civilities in our Power here; if we could have seen him. He very obligingly brought or sent to my House your Letter, with the Book and Pump Machine; but I was abroad, and no Note was left of his Lodging. As Dr. Matty had before at the Coffeehouse mention\u2019d to me his Arrival, I went immediately to the Museum, two Miles from my House, to enquire for him of the Doctor, who could give me no Satisfaction. He had seen him, but knew not where he lodged. After enquiring at some other Places, I went to Sir John Pringle\u2019s, who had not seen him or heard of his being in London, but suppos\u2019d we might learn where to find him at the French Ambassador\u2019s. Sir John undertook to make that Enquiry, went accordingly, and was told by M. Francois, that Baron Darcy had indeed been there, and had left a Letter, but no Note of his Lodging, and had not call\u2019d since, so that he could not tell where he might be found. Perhaps my Writing all this may seem too particular; but it is to assure you, that we should have shown all possible Regard to your Recommendation if the Gentleman had put it in our Power.\nWe are both exceedingly mortify\u2019d at the Disappointment of our Expectations of seeing you here in London. But still hope, that if it is too late this Year, you will not fail to give us that Pleasure early in the next. The Affairs of America keep me still here as you supposed, and I do not now think of going home till May or June 71. Sir John and I have made no long Excursion together this Summer. If we had, I think we should have taken Paris in our way, as you French People above all the rest of Mankind have the Art of making Strangers happy, and we are never more so than when among you.\nI am much obliged to you for sending me the Chandelier \u00e0 Pompe; and also for the Book of Abb\u00e9 Galliani. Your Brother\u2019s excellent Work contains a great deal of curious Information; my Thanks and best Wishes attend him.\nThe late Comet had something singular in its Appearance. I long to receive your Ideas of those wonderful Bodies, which you promis\u2019d some time since to favour me with. I find many Difficulties in attempting to explain their Phenomena.\nCapt. Frey did me the Favour the other Day to take a Packet for you, which had been made up Six Weeks, waiting for an Opportunity to send it. It contains some of our American Observations of the Transit of Venus. I had sent you some others before, which I hope you received, tho\u2019 they had not come to hand when you wrote to me in May last.\nI am happy to think that the Translation of my Book will have the Advantage of your Inspection: For as your Language is now almost universal, and will make me more known than any other, I wish to appear in it under as few Disadvantages as possible; and by what little I perused of the Manuscript, I had reason to fear that my Meaning was not always clearly taken by the Translator. I am ashamed to request that you should be at so much Trouble; but your thorough Examination and Correction of the whole, would oblige me infinitely.\nSir John Pringle has charged me, that whenever I write to you, I should, with mine, join his Respects and best Wishes for your Health and Prosperity. With the sincerest Esteem and Affection, I am, my dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nM. Le Roy\nAddressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Roy / aux Galeries du Louvre / \u00e0 Paris.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0142", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 3 October 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\nMy dear Child,\nLondon, Oct. 3. 1770\nI received your kind Letter of Aug. 16. which gave me a great deal of Satisfaction. I am glad your little Grandson recovered so soon of his Illness, as I see you are quite in Love with him, and your Happiness wrapt up in his; since your whole long Letter is made up of the History of his pretty Actions. It was very prudently done of you not to interfere when his Mother thought fit to correct him; which pleases me the more, as I feared, from your Fondness of him, that he would be too much humoured, and perhaps spoiled. There is a Story of two little Boys in the Street; one was crying bitterly; the other came to him to ask what was the Matter? I have been, says he, for a pennyworth of Vinegar, and I have broke the Glass and spilt the Vinegar, and my Mother will whip me. No, she won\u2019t whip you says the other. Indeed she will, says he. What, says the other, have you then got ne\u2019er a Grandmother?\nI am sorry I did not send one of my Books to Mr. Rhodes, since he was desirous of seeing it. My Love to him, and to all enquiring Friends. Mrs. West was here to day, and desired me to mention her Love to you. Mr. Strahan and Family are all well, always enquire how you all do, and send their Love. Mrs Stevenson is at present in the Country. But Polly sends her Love to you and Mrs Bache and the young Gentleman. My Love to all. I am, a[s ever,] Your affectionate Husband\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / vi\u00e2 New York / per Packet / B Free Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0143", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Parker, 6 October 1770\nFrom: Parker, Mary\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nN York October 6th 1770\nSince writing the foregoing My Daughter is returned from Philadelphia without the Comptrollers Books: Mr. Foxcroft Intends to bring them himself; when he does shall Answer yours as particularly as I can. I received yours with a protested bill of Mr. Vernon. Your Letter and bill I (by the Next post) sent to Mr. Foxcroft; who I suppose (and make no Doubt) will do what is needful therein. When my Daughter left Philadelphia Mrs. Franklin and Mrs. Bache were very well. So is the Governor and his Lady; he is now at Amboy to Meet the Assembly.\nAs Soon as Mr. Foxcroft returns my Books Shall Draw out and Send you a General Account of the Post Office Affairs, also an Account of the Different Post Masters in as particular a Manner as I am able from the books; with your own Account as it Stands in Mr. Parkers books.\nInclosed is a Small Account Due me, shall take it as a favour youl git Some one to receive for me. After my best wishes and prayers for your health and Happiness, give me leave to Subscribe myself with Gratitude your Most faithful and Obliged Humble Servant\nMary Parker\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr.\nAddressed: Benjn. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0144", "content": "Title: Thomas Coombe, Jr., to His Father, 8 October 1770: extract\nFrom: Coombe, Thomas, Jr.\nTo: Coombe, Thomas, Sr.\nLondon Ocr: 8th 1770\nI dined with Dr. Franklin the Day before yesterday, when he desired to be kindly remembered to you. My Affection for the good old Dr. increases every Time I visit him, which I do very frequently. An Anecdote just occurs which will make you smile. Calling to\u2019ther Day to ask Dr. Franklin \u201chow he did,\u201d I found him sitting, with only a single Cap on\u2014the Day was cold\u2014and the Dr. usually wore a double one. Upon this, I undertook to remonstrate, and received for Answer, that \u201chis Head grew warm\u201d. I said that \u201cDr. F was never accounted hot-headed.\u201d \u201cAye (says he) but Nature seems to think so, for she is taking all the Hair off my Head.\u201d An hundred other such Things come from him in an Evening. He told me some time ago, that Christians did not debate about the Essentials, but about \u201cthe Paper and Packthread of Religion.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0145", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Noble Wimberly Jones, 9 October 1770\nFrom: Jones, Noble Wimberly\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\n9th. October 1770\nYour very kind favours I duly received and should have answered them respectively, only that I waited in expectation of transmitting the sum then supposed necessary, trust however to your goodness to excuse the omission being at that time disappointed; your unparralell\u2019d kindness in so readily complying with the request (through me) of the Assembly demands as it heartily has our most sincere and best thanks. By Mr. Crouch I receiv\u2019d agreable to your last The Mace which is in the Oppinion of all that has seen it extreemly neat and Ellegant the Gouns also quite compleat and in very good order. You will herewith Sir, receive in part recompence of these kind offices two setts of Bills of Exchange vizt. one on Mssrs. Greenwood & Higginson \u00a3100 and the other on John Campbell Esquire Kings Agent for this Province \u00a320 which doubt not will be respectively honourd. Please to accept my best thanks for the Pamphlets and Speeches &c. you favour\u2019d us with, the subject on which they are Wrote cannot but render them very pleasing and agreable to an American Mind.\nPermit me Sir to assure you that the Assembly esteem themselves extra happy in being represented by a gentleman of your known Integrety, whose sentiments coincide with theirs and every true American, and every branch of the Legislature express their highest approbation of your past conduct and greatfully accept the continuance you kindly offer of those faithful endeavours to serve the Province for the future.\nThat you may long enjoy health and prosperity to receive the warmest acknowledgements of a greatful Assembly of Georgia is the very sincere Wish of Dear Sir Your Most Obliged and Obedient humble Servant\nN W Jones\nTo Benjamin Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0146", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 10 October 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jones, Noble Wimberly\nSir,\nLondon, Oct. 10. 1770\nThe within is a Copy of mine that went with the Gowns and Mace, which I hope got safe to hand. One of the Bills, (that for the Mace) contain\u2019d, by the Silversmith\u2019s Mistake, an Article of Buckles that should not have been in it. The true Amount of that Bill,\n on Account of your Province, is only\nThat for the Gowns was\nA War with Spain is just now talk\u2019d of here as inevitable. And a Disposition to accommodate amicably all Differences with the Colonies begins to shew itself more strongly among Persons in Power. The American Agents will not fail, as it is both their Duty and Interest, to cultivate as much as possible that Disposition. With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant,\nB Franklin\nHonble. N. W. Jones, Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0147", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 10 October 1770\nFrom: Galloway, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Octr. 10. 1770\nThis will be deliver\u2019d to you by Mr. William White for whose Parents, as well as himself, I have a particular Regard. His Arrant to London is with Design to finish his Studies in Divinity, and to obtain Orders in the Church. If great Goodness and Rectitude of Heart, improved by a virtuous and liberal Education, and free from the Vices and Licentiousness too frequently the Attendants on unguarded Youth, render a young Gentleman fit for the great and important Duties of Religion, I have good Reason to beleive, the Object of this Letter will not prove an inferiour Ornament to the Sacred Profession. Under this Opinion of him, permit me, to recommend him to your Advice Assistance and Friendship. I will not offer an Apology on this Occasion, as I well know the Pleasure you recieve in lending your Aid to Mankind in general, but to Youth in particular, in their laudable Pursuits, will more than compensate for any Pains you may be at in performing the benevolent Office. I am with much Esteem your most obedient humble Servant\nJos. Galloway\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / Deputy Post Master General of / North America in / Craven Street / London / per Favor / Mr. White\nEndorsed: White", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0148", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 11 October 1770: Four Letters of Introduction\nFrom: Franklin, Deborah\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nIn early October, 1770, four young men left Philadelphia together for London, two to study law and two to seek ordination in the Church of England. All were family friends of the Franklins, and for each Deborah wrote a note of introduction to her husband. The notes were written on the same day, and we have arranged them in the alphabetical order of the bearer\u2019s last name. She fully realized what a remarkable group it was (\u201cI donte remember such a wortheyer Cargo never wente from this plase\u201d), and she was confident that Franklin would appreciate its arrival.\nMy Dear child\nOcktober the 11 1770\nthe bairer of this is the Son of Dr. Phinis Bond his only Son and a worthey young man. He is a going to Studey the Law he desired a line to you I beleve you have Such a number of worthey young Jentelmen as ever wente to gather. I hope to give you pleshuer to See such a number of fine youthes from your one [own] countrey which will be an Honour to their parentes and Countrey. I am my Dear child your Afeckshonet wife\nD Franklin\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven Street / London / per favor of / Mr Bond\nMy Dear Child\nocktober the 11 1770\nthe bairer of this is Mr. T Hopkinson Son of your old friend and a young man as is as good as lives he asked a line to you from me his mother and he dranke tee on Satter day laste. I supose he has letters to you from his friends to you he will tell you a boute your Grand son as he is a quinted with him. I am your Afeckshonet wife\nD Franklin\nMr Hopkison\nEndorsed: Hopkinson Recommendations of White, Bond, Hopkinson and Rush\nMy Dear Child\nOcktober the 11 1770\nthe bairer of this is Dr. Rushes Brother a young [man] of a good Carreckter live with Mr. Dickison severel years is Coled a hones young man heard his friends desierd I wold write to you. I have told I Cold not write as I am not Capabel of writin a boute my selef I Cold not deney him and his relashons and severel young nabors is a going in Capt. Folkner. I am your afeckshonet wife\n D Franklin\nMr Rush\nEndorsed: Rush\nMy Dear Child\nocktober the 11 1770\nthe bairer of this is Mr. White the only Son of our Nabor White. I beleve he is as worthey a young Jentelman as ever wente over to Ingland he desired a line to you tell good Mrs. Stephen Son I donte remember such a wortheyer Cargo never wente from this plase I hope thay will be a credit to us I am your Afeckshonet wife\nD Franklin\nMr. White\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven Street / London / per favor of / Mr White\nEndorsed: White", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0149", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Fitzmaurice, 12 October 1770\nFrom: Fitzmaurice, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nIsle Wight Octr. 12. 1770\nYou must do Doctor Hawkesworth and me the Justice to believe that we were very much mortified at being deprived of the pleasure which we were happy in the thought of enjoying from your Company here. What has added to our mortification has been the being deprived of that satisfaction which God forbid but that we sho\u2019d enjoy with the rest of our fellow Creatures, of abusing you as plentifully as we were disposed to suppose there might have been room for doing, this pious intention the politeness and sincerity of your excuse obliges us to lay aside. But, for the next Summer the Doctor and I propose to carry a similar engagement with you into execution in a manner that may possibly prove more successfull.\nSir Chas. Knowles, who left us about a fortnight ago, has been obliged, from some un-foreseen inconvenient circumstances to postpone the trial of his Experiment and likewise to adopt a different Situation for the purpose from that which he originally intended, instead of making it in this neighbourhood he has been induced to prefer other Downs on the opposite side of the Water which being nearer to Portsmouth will prove, it seems, in many respects more Convenient. The object of his intended Experiment is to ascertain with precision the force and direction of the Wind. It w\u2019d be difficult for me to describe the nature of a Machine which having never seen I can not say that I understand as well as I c\u2019d wish. When I mentioned your desire to Sir Chas., he seemed not less desirous of describing his Ideas to you himself than he is of carrying those Ideas into execution, so that Dr. Hawkesworth and myself have each of us promised that we w\u2019d bring you together the first Opportunity.\nAs to the aspersion thrown upon the Doctor\u2019s Maggy, the best Characters he sees are not free from reproach, and comforts himself that the Accident may one day or other bring his Maggy into the first Company. He sets out from hence, much to my concern, on Sunday next, but desires me to present his best respects to you \u2019till such time as he has an Opportunity of presenting them in person.\nThe War like preparations in this part of the World seem to grow fainter and fainter daily, so that I am not without hopes but that in profound peace I may have an Opportunity, after Xmas of assuring you in person myself of the truth and Esteem with which I have the pleasure of subscribing myself, Dear Sir, Most faithfully and Sincerely Yours &c\nThoms. Fitzmaurice", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0152", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bache, 14 October 1770\nFrom: Bache, Richard\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nPhilada. 14th: October 1770.\nI did myself the pleasure of writing you a few Lines the other day per packet. Mr. Thomas Hopkinson has strongly sollicited to be the Bearer of a few Lines, and tho\u2019 I am conscious that any Introduction of him from me to you, will have but little Weight, yet I cannot help complying with his Request. I must at the same time trouble you with the inclosed Letter for my Mother, which you will be pleased to forward per first post. I am with due Respect Dear Sir Your Affectionate Son\nRichd Bache\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / London. / per favor Mr. / Thos: Hopkinson.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0153", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 14 October 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Deborah\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n[My Dea]r Child\nOcktober the 14 1770\nI have bin so much taken up of Laite I Cold write only a line or two which I desired Billey to in close in his letter to you, to tell you that when he and mrs. Franklin is in town I am much taken up; the laste I got Mr. Beach to excues me to you for we had Several friends in the house and this day I am told Folkner Sailes on Satter day. So I muste write when I Can as to aney thing of publick Affairs I leve to your friends to give you an acounte. This is to tell you Mr. Beach and Salley is gon to Burlinton to See Mrs. Franklin as Shee did not go to Amboy and I thinke Shee will cume down to the Roses. Yisterday came the a Counte of the Death of our verey kind Friend Mr. White Feld it hurte me indeaid you will See all a bought him in the Papers and in the Same paper Came the a Counte of the Deth of John Mecum. Hough is our Sister Mecum but Shee is much Suported and Shee has a dubel Shair of Sperrites I am a fraid Shee is angarey with me but I Cante tell for what Shee thinkes I donte thinke quite as Shee dus but I love her and will as long as I live. I did reseve a letter by two Ladeys by the way of Scotland it was a wrong time I fair as everey bodey has laid all finery is laid on sid I did all in my power but that is but Small. I have Seen our friend Rhodes he is much plesed with your writing to him his wife and Dafter much plesed as did our old friend mrs. Paskel Shee cumes to See as Shee is verey fond of your Grand Son the day he was Crisond he was taken in to her house as did his unkill and ante and Pason Petters and mrs. paskel rememberd that Salley was carreyed to her house the firste time [s]he wente oute.\nOur Dear mrs. Grasce is in town Shee and mrs. Suel and her Dafter mrs. Hunte. Shee loves you as well as ever. Shee is a fine woman in dead and has a fine Son her mother and Shee Lay in att the Same time I wente to See them all thow I donte visit more. I Send you a barrel of Cranbarey I Cold not get aney thing eles it is two airley in the Seson but I Shall have an opertunety Soon I hope. I hear mr. Bambridg is Cume to his Fathers house near Frankford. I give you Joy in the marraige of all your friends marraigis be So kind as to tell our Dear Polley if I Cold Write I wold Say much and to our good mrs. Stephenson I give her as much Joy as Shee wish or deseyer and our Kinswoman I wishe her all hapeynes mrs. Franklin knows the Captin but I Cante Say aney thing more only I hope them all hapeynes. I Cante Say aney thing more of our [Gran]dson then he is sound [torn] teeth and has maney readey to a peer he walkes Strong [torn] not with oute [torn] for he is verey prudent and will hold by everey bodey. He has charmin fine eyes and a fine littel mouth in [torn] Lovelay. Laste evening Mr. Bache and Salley retarnd from B[urling]ton. Mrs. Franklin is well thay thoute Shee wold a Cume down to the rosses but shee did not as shee desires to Cume down and Stay Sume time as Soon as the Assemby rises att amboy. I had Miss Parker att our House for 6 weeks her mother is to Cume and live att Woodbridg Jenkey as you onse told me is hansumer then my Dafter and as I Sed then Shee was hansumer the [than] two dafters Such as mine. Shee is a fine Gorle in dead. Senes I wrote the a bove I Saw Mr. Banbridg he did not Stay as he had Severel letter to deliver he looks verey well he lefte a letter for Billey and mr. Suell was in the room I gave it to him to take Cair of it to Send it to him. Capt. Folkiner ofred to due aney kind ofis but I told him I did not desier to give him aney trubel. Franklin had bin to See him and mrs. Folkener and we talked of a hobbey Horse but it is as you plees. It wantes but a verey few day of 6 years Senes you lefte home and then you thought it wold be but Seven munthes. Be plesd to tell Mr. Whorton I did Send the in closed I Sente to his House I have Seen Mrs. Moungomorey Senes Shee arived her edest Son deyed her Husbands Corpes is brot and bureyed in this plase I told you Shee had Sente me a worke bag from Lisbon Billey did fawl in Love with it and I presented it to his wife I hope it was well. I had Sum thing eles but it is Sliped my mind and I am to write to Sister Macum as I have dun a Small Caske of Poke melos and muste Send them a way today and write to her. I did not write a boute mr. Foxcrofte as I remember Senes he went and as he is to be hear Soon I say aney thing a boute him only that he has a verey a greabel Ladey and he may be verey happey. Salley will write So I donte say aney thing of her or Mr. Beach only that thay air well and our Dear King bird. Mr. Hall has bin un well I wente to See him yisterday he Ses he is better agen. Cusin Molley is in a bad Staite of helth and look verey poorly as yousal. Capt. Sparkes loste his wife laste week our frand Rhodes is gon to N york to be thair a while with her as her mother is not a bell to go so he and his dafter hannah is gon all my old friend air well I cante menshon them by name [torn] Person is a going with this vesill Shee desired a line to you but I fair [torn] write Shee has bin in London ones you was thair my beste Compley m[ents to] all our friends as those menshoned [torn] I muste [torn] this has bin writ in Severel day and now I Can tell your Son has a temted to walke a lone but he is verey Caushou[s] and is verey Cairfull he has be gon to tolke he has a Swet voyse he Ses babey and Coles his maid mamah and his mother he Coles mamah the boy Bob and is quit fond of his father thay whip top and play marbels and Sing and maney other Such things. Salley has desired me to Send to you for a Doz. pair of the beste of fine white threed Stocking and large mens for her to present to a portickler friend of hers. I told her to write her Selef but Shee insiste on me to due it for her now I muste due her the Caireckter as to Say Shee has bin one of the best mother I ever Saw Shee wonte Spile her Son Shee ones has whiped his ones and twise he has bin behind the dore and is Sadley afraid and dus what he is bid. I thing you wold be much plesd Billey is verey much plesd with them boath and mrs. Franklin verey hapey with them all So and Ses Sister is the best mother. Thay [are] to Cume and Stay with us a time and then thay muste go and Stay att Burlinton but you will Cume and See hough thay all So hapey with this one Child.\nI observe what you Say a boute the 6 tees you tell me of. Mr. Beach is in my mes he drinke Sage and Balms laste evening I reseved a letter from Sister Jeney I was a littel Jeles which proseded from two much love Shee tells me that our Cusin Polley Ingersole was deliverd of a Ded Son after be in Ill for days. Polley marreyed a Weste Indey man his name is Jarvis an elderly man. Sister did not like him but he was thought rich.\nI shall write to her next week this is Sonday afternoon and I a lone this evening I Send it of [off] my love to good Mrs. Stephenson and as I have Sed be fore everey bodey. I hope your Dear arme is well. As to the hurte I had with Sliping down Dr. Shippins Stairs is worse and dus everey falls and I Sufer pain. My Dear child I hope you will not Stay longer then this fall I muste Conclud your Afeckshonet wife\nD Franklin\nMy beste Compleymente to Sir John Pringal for his regard to my kingbird and my Selef.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0155", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Israel Pemberton, 17 October 1770: r\u00e9sum\u00e9\nFrom: Pemberton, Israel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n[Oct. 17, 1770. Is going on a long journey and wants Franklin to pay the balance due from five years\u2019 ground rent of property in Pewter Platter Alley. The total rent was \u00a3101 5s., of which Franklin had paid \u00a360 in 1769, leaving \u00a341 5s. due.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0156", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 19 October 1770\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir,\nPhiladelphia, October 19, 1770.\nIn Pursuance of the Directions of the House of Assembly to the Committee of Correspondence, we inclose you their Resolves, appointing us that Committee, and you the Agent to solicit and transact the Affairs of this Province in Great-Britain for the ensuing Year.\nUpon considering the Instructions given by preceding Assemblies, the present House find them so full, as well on the important Matters which relate to the general Rights and Liberties of America, as those which concern this Province, that they think it unnecessary to repeat them; and, as nothing new has occured, they content themselves at present with recommending them to your serious Attention.\nThe Experience they have had of your Abilities and Fidelity, leaves them no Room to doubt that you will at all Times exert your utmost Endeavours to obtain Redress of every Aggrievance which in any wise affects the Rights and Liberties of the Colonies, and to promote the Welfare of this Province. We are, with great Regard, Your assured Friends and very humble Servants,\nJoseph Galloway, Speaker.Thomas Livezey,Joseph Fox,Samuel Rhoads,Joseph Watson,Isaac Pearson.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-22-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0157", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Harvard College, 22 October 1770\nFrom: Harvard College\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nThat the Thanks of this Board be given to Dr. Franklin for his repeated good Services to this College, and particularly in his Care of a valuable achromatic Telescope lately received thro\u2019 his hands: and that Professor Winthrop Transmitt this Vote to Dr. Franklin.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0158", "content": "Title: Resolution of the Massachusetts House of Representatives Appointing Benjamin Franklin as Agent, 24 October 1770\nFrom: Cushing, Thomas\nTo: \nThis resolution marks the beginning of Franklin\u2019s most troubled agency. The root of trouble was the inability of the two chambers of the General Court, the Council and the House of Representatives, to agree on a single agent. For years, in consequence, each had its own, William Bollan for the Council and Dennys DeBerdt for the House, and the latter\u2019s position was questionable: Lord Hillsborough had already expressed doubt of his status, on the ground that the House had appointed him only to oppose the Stamp Act. When he died in the summer of 1770 a single provincial agent, named by an act of the legislature and the governor as Franklin had been named in Georgia, was as remote a prospect as ever. Some members of the House saw no point in having an agent at all, to lobby fruitlessly against the measures of an obdurate Parliament. The majority wished to continue, but was divided over who the agent should be. The faction led by James Otis and Samuel Adams, after rejecting several candidates as too moderate, came up finally with the name of Arthur Lee. He was a Virginia-born and Scottish-trained physician, then studying law in London, who had first achieved prominence by his letters to the press against the Stamp Act, and in the fall of 1769 had begun a series of articles in London papers, signed Junius Americanus, which were effective propaganda against the Townshend Acts.\nFranklin was also in the running, and the contest narrowed to one between him and Lee, the two chief American propagandists in London. Some attacked Franklin for having too many agencies already, others for being the father of a colonial governor and hence too friendly to officialdom. But his reputation was enhanced by his recent answers to Strahan\u2019s queries, which were circulated by Samuel Cooper; and Franklin was eventually chosen by a considerable majority. As a sop to the opposition, however, Lee was named as his alternate to serve in the event of his absence or death. This subordination bitterly antagonized the younger man, who was soon accusing Franklin of being Hillsborough\u2019s tool. The action of the House, in short, first yoked together two colleagues who were not designed for that yoke. They bore it for a decade, as agents first for Massachusetts and then for the infant United States, and it sorely galled them both.\n In the House of Representatives Octo. 24th: 1770.\n Wednesday, 3 o\u2019Clock. P.M.\nThe House according to Order proceeded in the Choice of an Agent, and upon sorting and counting the Votes it appeared that Dr. Benjamin Franklin was chose by a majority.\nIt was then moved, and thereupon Resolved, That Dr. Benjamin Franklin be, and hereby is appointed and authorized (on behalf of this House) to appear before his Majesty in Council, in the several Houses of Parliament, and at any other Board whatever in Great Britain, there to plead and defend as the Exigency of the Case, and the Service of the Province may require, for the Space of one Year, agreable to such Directions or Instructions as from Time to Time he may receive from the House, (or from such Committee as may be by them authorized and appointed for that Purpose,) entirely relying on his Vigilance and the Exertion of his utmost Endeavors, to support the constitutional Rights of this House, and of the Province, and to guard against, and (as far as in him lies) to obviate whatever may have a Tendency to prejudice the same.\nThomas Cushing Speaker\nEndorsed: Dr Franklin\u2019s appointment as Agent to the House of Representatives Massachustes. 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0159", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 26 October 1770\nFrom: Priestley, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nLeeds 26th. Octr. 1770\nI think myself happy in an opportunity of giving you a species of pleasure, which I know is peculiarly grateful to you as the father of modern electricity, by transmitting to you an account of some very curious and valuable improvements in your favourite science. The author of them is Mr. Henly, in the Borough, who has favour\u2019d me with the communication of them, and has given me leave to request, that you would present them to the Royal Society.\nIn my history of Electricity, and elswhere, I have mention\u2019d a good Electrometer, as one of the greatest desiderata among practical electricians, to measure both the precise degree of the electrification of any body and also the exact quantity of a charge before explosion with respect to the size of the electrified body or the jar or battery with which it is connected; as well as to ascertain the moment of time, in which the electricity of a jar changes, when, without making an explosion, it is discharg\u2019d by giving it a quantity of the contrary electricity. All these purposes are answer\u2019d, in the most complete manner, by an electrometer of this Gentleman\u2019s contrivance, a drawing of which I send you along with the following description.\nThe whole instrument is made of Ivory or wood. (a) is an exceeding light rod, with a pith ball at the extremity, made to turn upon the center of a semicircle (b), and so as always to keep pretty near the limb of it, which is graduated: (c) is the stem that supports it, and may either be fixed to the prime conductor or be let into the brass knob of a Jar or Battery, or set in a stand, to support itself.\nThe moment that this little apparatus is electrified, the rod (a) is repelled by the stem (c) and, consequently, begins to move along the graduated edge of the semicircle (b); so as to mark with the utmost exactness, the degree in which the prime conductor etc. is electrified, or the height to which the charge of any Jar or battery is advanced; and as the materials of which this little instrument is made are very imperfect conductors, it will continue in contact with any electrified body, or charged Jar, without dissipating any of the electricity.\nIf it should be found, by trial in the dark, that any part of this instrument contributes to the dissipation of the electric matter, (which when the electrification was very strong, I once observ\u2019d mine to do) it should be baked a little which will presently prevent it. If it is baked too much it will not receive electricity readily enough; and then the motion of the index will not correspond with sufficient exactness, to the degree in which the body to which it is connected is electrified; but this inconvenience is easily remedied by moistening the stem and the index; for the semicircle cannot be too dry.\nI find by experience, that this electrometer answers all the purposes I have mentioned with the greatest ease and exactness. I am now sure of the force of any explosion before a discharge of a Jar or battery, which I had no better method of guessing at before, than by presenting to them a pair of Mr. Canton\u2019s balls, and observing their divergency at a given distance. But the degree of divergency was still to be guessed at by the eye, and the balls can only be applied occasionally; whereas this Instrument, being constantly fixed to the prime conductor or the battery, shews without any trouble, the whole progress of the charge; and, remaining in the same situation, the force of different explosions may be ascertained with the utmost exactness before the discharge.\nConsidering the admirable simplicity, as well as the great usefulness of this instrument, it is something surprising that the Construction should not have occurred to some electrician before this time. Nollet\u2019s and Mr. Waits\u2019s invention of threads, projecting shadows upon a graduated board, resembled this apparatus of Mr. Henly\u2019s, but was a poor and awkward contrivance in comparison with it; nor was Richmans gnomon, tho\u2019 a nearer approach to this construction, at all comparable to it; and the ingenious author of it had no knowledge of either of those methods when he hit upon this.\nI have made a receptacle for this instrument in my prime conductor, and I have also a pedestal in which I can fix it; and by means of which I can very conveniently place it on the wires of a battery.\nIn either of those situations it answers almost every purpose of an electrometer, without removing it from its place.\nI doubt not that you and all other electricians will join with me in returning our hearty thanks to Mr. Henly for this excellent and useful instrument.\nMany of the effects of my battery, in breaking of glass, and tearing the surfaces of bodies, Mr. Henly performs by a single Jar, only increasing the weight with which the bodies are pressed, while the explosion is made to pass close under them.\nBy this means he raises exceeding great weights and shatters strong pieces of glass into Thousands of the smallest fragments. He even reduces thick plate glass by this means to an impalpable powder. But what is most remarkable is that when the pieces of glass are thick, and strong enough to resist the shock, they are mark\u2019d by the explosion with the most lively and beautiful colours, generally covering the space of about an inch in length, and half an inch in breadth.\nIn some of the pieces which he was so obliging as to send me, these colours lie all intermixed and confused; but in others I observe them to be disposed in prismatic order, in lines parallel to the course of the explosion, and in some (as No. 1) I have counted three or four distinct returns of the same colour.\nHe has lately inform\u2019d me, that, since he sent me this piece, he has struck these prismatic colours into another mass of glass, in a still more vivid and beautiful manner, the colours shooting into one another. This effect, he says, was produced by making a second explosion, without moving any of the apparatus after the first.\nWhen the glass in which these colours are fixed is examined, it is evident that the surface is shattered into thin plates, and that these give the colours, the thickness of them varying regularly, as they recede from the path of the explosion.\nIn the middle of some of these coloured spots (as in No 2) some of these thin plates, or scales, are struck off, I suppose by the force of the explosion; and with the edge of a knife they are all easily scraped away, when the surface of the glass is left without its polish (as in No. 3).\nThe piece of glass on which I have marked these Numbers, as well as that on which he has struck the colours in a still more beautiful manner, Mr. Henly will present to the Royal Society, for the inspection of the members.\nBesides these improvements, Mr. Henly has likewise, in a very ingenious manner, diversified several of the more entertaining experiments in electricity, particularly in his imitation of the effects of Earthquakes by the lateral force of explosions; and he has also hit upon several curious facts, that, unknown to him, had been observed before by others. The following particular however I believe is new, Exciting a stick of sealing wax, and using a piece of Tin foil for the rubber, he found that it wou\u2019d electrify positively, as well as glass rubbed with silk and Amalgama.\nWishing we had more such fellow labourers as Mr. Henly, I am Dear Sir your oblig\u2019d Humble Servant\nJ Priestley\nTo Doctor Franklin\nAn Account of a new Electrometer contrived by Mr. William Henly and of several electrical experiments made by him, in a letter from Dr. Priestly F.R.S. to Dr. Franklin F.R.S.\nEndorsed: Read May 28. 1772", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0160", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Winthrop, 26 October 1770\nFrom: Winthrop, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nCambr., Octr 26. 1770.\nI received your favors of June 6 and July 9 at the same time. I am very glad to find your admirable invention of Lightning Rods is coming into fashion in England, and cannot but think your circulating particular directions for making them, by the magazines will greatly promote the use of them. I have on all occasions encouraged them in this country, and have the satisfaction to find, that it has not been without effect. A little piece I inserted in our news papers last summer induced the people of Waltham (a town a few miles from hence), to fix rods upon their steeple, which had just before been much shattered and set on fire by lightning. They are now becoming pretty common among us, and numbers of people seem convinced of their efficacy.\nI received the Transactions for 1768, but was disappointed in not finding the Print which I had requested, with them. I hope you will soon meet with a good opportunity to send it. The Achromatic Telescope is come safely. It is very elegant and I believe, by the trials I have hitherto made of it, a very good one. I have the honor to transmit to you the thanks of the Corporation for the repeated instances of your kindness to the College. I suppose Mr. Hubard has or will direct the payment out of moneys in the hands of Mr. Mauduit. The Galilean glasses did arrive from Philadelphia the end of May last, accompanied with a very polite Letter from Mr. Galloway dated in August preceding. I am directed to thank Mr. Ellicott for them, which I shall do by this conveyance if possible.\nI thank you very kindly for the care of my papers and in forwarding Mr. Maskelyne\u2019s obliging Letter and the Nautical Almanac for 1770 to me. I am greatly obliged to that Gentleman for his favorable acceptance of my dissertations and for the valuable present of that Almanac, which I find a most useful performance; and shall be very glad of that for 1771, if he has sent it to you, as you intimate he talked of doing. I will do my self the honor to write Mr. Maskelyne, when I have any observations that seem worth laying before him.\nI look on my self as under singular obligation for your friendship in communicating my paper on the aberration to the Rev. Mr. Price, before you ventured it in public. It gives me pleasure to find my self supported by so judicious a person. I have with satisfaction perused his paper on that subject, which you inclosed to me; but that I may not swell your Letter shall throw what I have to say upon it into a separate paper; which if you think worth while, may be sent to Mr. Price.\nUpon this occasion Sir give me leave to mention to you, that a year or two ago I was informed by some Gentlemen of our Corporation, that you had intimated a desire to Mr. Nathaniel Rogers when in London, that Mr. Price should have a Doctorate from the College. The Gentlemen appeared ready to fall in with your proposal; but hearing nothing further from you upon it, nothing has been done in the affair. I know, Gentlemen here have the highest opinion of Mr. Price\u2019s merit: I know too, they will be glad upon all opportunities to express the sense they have of their obligations to you. If you should think proper to signify a desire of this kind, I cannot think the affair would meet with any difficulty. At least I would do all in my power to promote it.\nI congratulate my Countrymen on the judicious choice our Representatives made yesterday of Dr. Franklin for their agent in this Time of difficulty. I have no doubt every thing will be done that is possible to be done, to avert the cruel blow aimed at our Charter rights by those implacable enemies to this Province and to the general cause of Liberty. I am with the most entire esteem and respect Dear Sir Your most obliged and most humble Servant\nJohn Winthrop\nP.S. I send by the Bearer of this 52s. sterling for the Volume of Transactions for 1769.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-31-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0161", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 31 October 1770\nFrom: Cushing, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir.\nProvince of the Massachusetts Bay Oct: 31: 1770\nIn pursuance of the directions of the House of Representatives of this His Majesty\u2019s Province, I have the pleasure to Inform you that they have made choice of you as their Agent in Great Britain for the purposes mentioned in the Vote which I now transmit you. I am directed also to acquaint you that the House will write you more fully by the next Conveyance and will then furnish you with such Instructions or directions as may be necessary, entirely confiding in your Ability Fidelity and Zeal in Execution of the Trust Committed to you. I am with great Esteem Your most humble Servant\nThomas Cushing Speaker\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr\nEndorsed: T. Cushing to Dr. B. Franklin anouncing his appointment to the agency of Massachusetts 1770", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0162", "content": "Title: An Expostulation, 3 November 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nFor the Public Advertiser\nAn American, to those Englishmen who virulently write and talk against his Countrymen, sends this Expostulation:\nIf it be true, as some of you say it is, that our Non-Importation Agreements are not observed, but that we clandestinely import and consume as much British Goods as ever, why are you so angry with us, and why do you propose compelling us to trade with you by Force?\nIf, as others of you say, we do indeed generally forbear importing at present, but must soon from Necessity be obliged to break our Agreements, can\u2019t you have a little Patience?\nCan you Englishmen think your abusing us in all the British Papers as Rebels, Knaves, Fools, Traitors, &c. &c. will put us into a better Humour, make us more inclined to come to your Shop, buy your Superfluities, and follow your Fashions?\nAre you absolutely certain that there are no possible Means whereby we may supply ourselves with Conveniences and Necessaries without importing them from Britain?\nIf through the high Price of Labour, Manufactures are, as you assert, impracticable in America, cannot you be quiet, and let us convince ourselves of our own Folly by Experience, since that will make our future Commercial Connexions with you still stronger, and discourage future Attempts when perhaps become more practicable? Is it mere Good-will to us, and Fear of our hurting ourselves by such Attempts, that you take such Pains to prove they cannot succeed? Or is it to convince Government that we may be used very ill, without the least Danger of Prejudice to your Trade and Manufactures?\n If those Colonies, that entered into the Non-Importation Agreement, have done it, as some of you assert, because they are in bad Circumstances, deep in Debt to your Merchants, and on the Verge of Bankruptcy, can their refusing to take more of your Goods, and get deeper into your Debt, be so heinous a Crime as to provoke your calling down upon them National Vengeance?\nIf the Colonists are indeed generally such bad Paymasters; if your Factors and Agents among them find such infinite Difficulties in getting in your Debts; if the People of America are such a set of Hypocrites, Knaves and Cheats as you represent them to be, why, in the Name of Common-sense, are you so desirous of continuing the Commerce with them? Why in such Rage at their refusing it? Why in such Raptures when you heard that a few in New York had broken through the Agreement?\nIf the American Trade is of so little Consequence to this Nation, as others of you tell us, that your Merchants and Manufacturers do not miss it, that additional Demands from other Countries more than supply the Loss of it, and that it is not therefore of the smallest Importance whether the Americans are pleased or displeased with any Treatment they may receive from Britain, would you then punish them for doing you no Injury? If the Trade be only advantageous to them, cannot you leave them (like froward Children that quarrel with their Bread and Butter) to punish themselves by going without it?\nOn the other Hand, if our Commerce and Friendship are of some Advantage to you, while you are exasperating this Country against the Colonies by Misrepresentations and Falsehoods, if you are at the same Time by your Abuses so exasperating that Country against this, as that they will from Resentment exert themselves more earnestly to give Encouragement, and finally should succeed in every Manufacture, as they have already in several, will your Country then think that you have been doing it Service?\nDon\u2019t you suppose it possible that civil Dissentions may encourage foreign Insults? Can you conceive the least Use in destroying all mutual Regard and Affection between Britain and America? Can you imagine a more diabolical Employment than that of fomenting Mischief, sowing the Seeds of Civil War, provoking a Prince against his Subjects, Fathers against their Children, and promoting deadly Feuds between different Branches of the same Family?\nDo you think it impossible that England may ever need Assistance from the Colonies? Do you think it quite out of the Course of human Affairs that Britons should ever have Occasion to seek an Asylum in America? Would it not be more comfortable to you and your Children to find there Liberty and Friends, than Slavery and Enemies?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0163", "content": "Title: The Rise and Present State of Our Misunderstanding, 6\u20138 November 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nTo the Printer of the London Chronicle,\nSir,\nMuch abuse has lately been thrown out against the Colonies, by the Writers for the American part of our Administration. Our Fellow Subjects there are continually represented as Rebels to their Sovereign, and inimical to the British nation; in order to create a dislike of them here, that the harsh measures which have been taken, and are intended against them, may not be blamed by the People of England. Therefore to prevent our being led into mistakes in so important a business, it is fit that a full and particular account of the rise and present state of our misunderstanding with the Colonies should be laid before the Public. This, from the opportunities I have had, and the pains I have taken to inform myself, I think I am enabled to do, and I hope I shall do it with truth and candor.\nThe fact then is, that there is not nor has been any rebellion in America. If the rescue of a seizure by Smugglers, or the drubbing an Informer or low Custom-house Officer, were rebellion, England, Scotland, and Ireland, might be said to be in rebellion almost every week in the year; and instances of that kind are much fewer in America than here. The Americans were ever attached to the House of Hanover, and honour their present gracious Sovereign sincerely. This is therefore a groundless calumny. Nor have they any enmity to Britain: they love and honour the name of Englishman; they were fond of English manners, fashions, and manufactures; they had no desire of breaking the connection between the two countries, but wished a perpetual intercourse of good offices, commerce, and friendship. They are always willing to give aids to the Crown in proportion to their abilities: They think, however, and have always thought, that they themselves have alone the right of granting their own money, by their own Representatives in Assembly met, and that the Parliament of Britain hath no right to raise a revenue from them without their consent.\nThe Parliament hath, nevertheless, of late made several attempts to raise such a revenue among them.\nHeretofore, whenever the Colonies thought themselves aggrieved by British government, they applied for redress by humble petition; and it was usual to receive and consider their petitions, and give them a reasonable answer.\nThey proceeded in the same manner on the late occasions. They sent over petitions after petitions to the House of Commons, and some to the House of Lords. These were scarce any of them received. Some (offered while the acts were under consideration) were refused on this reason, that it was against an order of the House to receive petitions against money bills; others, because they contained expressions that called the right of Parliament in question; and therefore, it was said, no Member dared to present them. Finding the petitions of separate Colonies were not attended to, they thought to give them more weight by petitioning jointly. To this end a congress of Committees from all the Assemblies was held at New York, when petitions to the King and both Houses of Parliament were agreed to and sent hither. But these could not be received, or were rejected, on the pretence that the congress was an illegal assembly which had no right to petition. Lastly, on occasion of the Duty Act, the Assemblies proposed by a correspondence with each other to obtain attention, by sending at the same time similar petitions. These were intended to the King their Sovereign, requesting his gracious influence with his Parliament to procure them redress. But this they were told by the American Minister was a Flagitious attempt! All the Governors were by him directed to prevent it, or to dissolve the Assemblies that persisted in it; and several of them were accordingly dissolved. And of those petitions that nevertheless came hither and were presented, it is said that no notice was ever taken, or any answer given to them.\nBy this management the ancient well contrived channel of communication between the head and members of this great Empire, thro\u2019 which the notice of grievances could be received that remedies might be applied, hath been cut off. How wisely, the Publick will judge. History of a similar conduct in the Ministry of Spain with regard to the Low Countries, makes one doubt a little the prudence (in any Government how great soever) of discouraging Petitions, and treating Petitioners (how mean soever) with contempt.\nInstead of preventing complaints by removing the causes, it has been thought best that Soldiers should be sent to silence them.\nThe Soldiers have behaved in such a manner as to occasion more complaints.\nThey took possession of the publick building in which the Assembly or Parliament of New England usually convenes, obliged the Members to pass through lanes of men in arms to get to their Chamber, disturbing them in their debates by drumming and piping in and round the House, and pointed the cannon against the doors, treating the Province and People with every indignity and insult, proper to provoke their resentment, and produce some rash action that might justify making a massacre among them. And they have fired upon and murdered several of the inhabitants.\nThe Americans, upon the treatment their Petitions had repeatedly received, determined to petition no more: But said to one another, \u201cWe are too remote from Britain to have our complaints regarded by the Parliament there, especially as we have no share in their Election, nor any Representatives among them. They will not hear us, but perhaps they will hear their own people, their Merchants and Manufacturers, who are maintained and enriched in some degree by the commerce with our country. Let us agree to with-hold that commerce till our grievances are redressed. This will afford those people a foundation for petitioning, and they will be attended to as they were on a former occasion, and meet with success.\u201d This reasoning and expectation were the sole foundation of the Non-Importation agreements in America, and not any enmity to Britain.\nIn this expectation it seems they were mistaken. The Merchants trading to North America not well liking the Ministry, unwilling to solicit or be obliged to them for any thing, and hoping soon to see a change for others more to their mind, were backward in petitioning the Parliament. And when they did petition, the City being out of favour at Court, their Petition was very little attended to, and produced no effect. To prevent the Manufacturers from taking any part in the affair, they have been artfully amused with assurances that the Colonies could not long subsist without the trade, that manufactures among themselves were impossible, that they might depend there would be an extraordinary demand for goods as soon as the total want of conveniencies should compel the Americans to resume the commerce; and therefore they would do well to be quiet, mind their business, and get a great stock of goods beforehand to be ready for that demand, when the advanced price would make them ample amends for the delay.\nIn the mean time the Merchants in America have reaped great advantages. They have sold off most of the old goods that lay upon their hands; they have got in most of their debts from the people, and have in a great measure discharged their debt to England, that bore a heavy interest; this they have done at an advantage of near 20 per cent. in most of the Colonies, by the lowness of exchange, occasioned by the non-importation; and this nation has lost near that proportion (if I am rightly informed) on all the money drawn for these by British Agents, to pay and provide for the troops and ships of war, and to discharge other expences of contingent service. This loss must amount to a very great sum, besides the loss in commerce.\nMany of these Merchants in America, however, having nearly compleated these points, and seeing the main end of their agreement, (the total abolition of the duties) not likely to be so soon obtained as they expected, begin to grow uneasy under the delay, and are rather desirous of altering the agreement made against general importation, and reducing it to the exclusion of those commercial articles only, on which the duties are, or shall be imposed. But the generality of the people in America, the artizans in the towns, and the farmers throughout the country, finding the non-importation advantageous to them all; to the artisans, as it occasions fuller employment, and encourages the beginners that introduce new arts; and to the farmers, as it prevents much useless expence in their families, and thereby enables them more expeditiously to improve their plantations to the raising a greater produce, at the same time that it is a spur to domestic industry, in such manufactures as though not fine, are now become fashionable and reputable, and from their superior strength are much more serviceable than the flimsy fineries that used to be made for them in Britain; and all feeling the advantage of having had money returned into the country for its produce, from Spain, Portugal, Italy, (and even from England since the balance of trade has turned against her) instead of those British superfluities for which all that cash was formerly remitted, or ordered into England. I say, the generality of the people in America, pleased with this situation of things, and relishing the sweets of it, have now taken the lead in a great degree, out of the hands of the Merchants, and in town and county meetings are entering into solemn resolutions not to purchase or consume British commodities, if they are imported, till the acts they esteem injurious to their privileges are repealed: and that if any Merchants do import before that time, they will mark them as enemies to their country, and never deal with them when the trade shall be opened. This is now become a restraint upon the Merchants. A party, however, of those at New-York, have broken through the agreement, and ordered goods; and the Merchants here, who had long lain idle, being rejoiced at this opening, have sent them over immense quantities, expecting a quick sale and speedy returns. But the event is yet very uncertain. The trade of New-York was chiefly with East New Jersey and Connecticut, their two neighbouring Colonies, and these have resolved to have no farther dealings with that city. Several counties, too, of the Province of New-York, and the greatest part of the inhabitants of the city itself, have protested against the infraction of the agreement, and determined not to buy or use the goods when they arrive. So that the exporters begin now to apprehend that their sanguine hopes will be disappointed. And as Rhode Island has returned to the agreement, some think it not unlikely that New-York may do the same.\nWhat remedy, if any, the wisdom of Parliament shall think fit to apply to these disorders, a little time will shew. Mean while, I cannot but think that those writers, who busily employ their talents in endeavouring to exasperate this nation against the Colonies, are doing it a very ill office: For their virulent writings being dispersed among the inhabitants of the Plantations (who read all our papers and pamphlets, and imagine them of greater estimation here than they really are) do in some degree irritate the Colonists against a country which treats them, as they imagine, think so injuriously: And on our side, as nothing is likely to be well done that is done in anger; as customers are not naturally brought back to a shop by unkind usage; as the Americans are growing, and soon will be, a great people, and their friendship or enmity become daily of more and more consequence; as their fisheries, their coasting trade, their West-Indian and European Trades, greatly increase the numbers of English seamen, and thereby augment our naval power; as their joint operations with our\u2019s in time of war must make the whole national effort more weighty and more effectual; as enmities between countries, fostered and promoted till they have taken root, are scarce ever to be eradicated; and, when those countries are under the same Prince, such enmities are of the most mischievous consequence, encouraging foreign enemies, weakening the whole empire, and tending to its dissolution; therefore I cannot but wish, that no steps may be taken against the Colonists, tending to abridge their privileges, alter their charters, or inflict punishments on them, at the instance of angry Governors, discarded Agents, or rash indiscreet Officers of the Customs, who, having quarrelled with them, are their enemies, and are daily irritating Government here against them, by misrepresentations of their actions, and aggravations of their faults, with much malice: I hope the great principle of common justice, that no man should be condemned unheard, will not by us be violated in the case of a whole people; and that lenient measures will be adopted as most likely to heal the wound effectually: For harsh treatment may increase the inflammation, make the cure less practicable, and in time bring on the necessity of an amputation; death indeed to the severed limb, weakness and lameness to the mutilated body.\nN.N.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0164", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 6 November 1770\nFrom: Cooper, Samuel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nMy State of Health, and Excursions upon that Account into the Country must be my Excuse for not taking an earlier Notice of your very obliging Packet of 8th June, for which I return you my particular Thanks. Your Letter and Replies to Mr. Strahan\u2019s Questions gave me great Pleasure, tho the closing and prophetic Part coming from one so capable of discerning amidst the Uncertainties of Futurity which may probably take Place, could not but impress me with melancholy Ideas. Some of them have since been realised, but may Heav\u2019n forbid a further Fulfillment. In this Wish I doubt not of your own hearty Concurrence; for I do not take you to be of the Turn of Swift\u2019s Physicians of whom he some where says,\nThey rather chuse that I should die,\nThan their Predictions prove a Lie;\nand yet I am afraid I shall not soon see you thoroly refuted by Events. So many hope to find their own Interest in Misrepresentations, so many seem willing to be deceiv\u2019d, and so much Art is employ\u2019d to make Whatever is tho\u2019t convenient appear just and true, that the happy Day for establishing the Prosperity of Britain, by composing the Troubles, and securing to her the united affections of America seems to be at too great a Distance. We ought not however to be discourag\u2019d from employing the most likely Means to promote so desireable an End. Such a Means I esteem the choice which our House of Representatives have made of you to be their Agent\u2014\u2014Your Letter came most seasonably for this. I communicated it with great Caution knowing the Delicacy the Times require: I allow\u2019d however some of the leading Members of the House; in Confidence to read your Sentiments. They exprest the highest Satisfaction. And tho it was objected that you were Agent for other Provinces, and we ought to enlarge the Number of our Friends, and that you and your Son the Governor, held Places of Importance under the Crown, and tho the House from various Causes had been much divided respecting an Agent, yet such was their Opinion of your Abilities and Integrity, that a Majority readily confided the Affairs of the Province at this critical Season to your Care. I am this Moment told the Vessel is just upon sailing. I must break off. You see the Hurry of this Script\u2014\u2014but it is to a Friend. I shall write more fully soon. Your very respectful and obliged Humble Servant\nSaml Cooper\nDr FranklinCopy to Dr Franklin\nEndorsed: To Dr Franklin \u20036. Novr \u201370.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0165", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Massachusetts House of Representatives, 6 November 1770\nFrom: Massachusetts House of Representatives\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nThese instructions introduced Franklin to the boiling cauldron of resentment in Massachusetts. Anger was directed at more than the troops in Boston\u2014at what the colonists took to be the helplessness of the civil authority before the military, the secret and false reports sent home, the subordination of the legislature to an executive controlled by undisclosed instructions from London, the arbitrary power of the admiralty courts and the threat to the whole legal system of the province. These grievances, whatever their reality, combined to create among the leaders in Boston a mood that already foreshadowed rebellion. Through Samuel Cooper, Franklin had urged them to put their faith in the crown, for he was not yet ready to abandon hope of redress from the throne. They were. Such hope seemed to them mere romanticism; they made no distinction between royal and ministerial policy, which they regarded as a threat to their property and their rights. Although they had chosen as their new agent a moderate who still preached restraint, their own sense of restraint was wearing extremely thin.\n Sir,\nProvince of the Massachusetts Bay Novembr. 6th, 1770\nThe House of Representatives of this his Majesty\u2019s Province, having made Choice of you to appear for them at the Court of Great Britain, as there may be Occasion, it is necessary that you be well informed of the State and Circumstances of the Province, and the Grievances it labours under, the Redress of which will require your utmost Attention and Application.\nYou are sensible that the British Parliament has of late years thought proper to raise a Revenue in America without our Consent, by divers Laws made expressly for that Purpose: and to dispose of the Monies raised, for the Administration of Justice and the Defence of the Colonies: The Reasons and Grounds of our Complaint against these Acts, are so well known and understood by you, that it is needless for us to mention them at this Time.\nThe Measures which have been taken by the American Assemblies, to obtain the Repeal of these Acts, though altogether consistent with the Constitution, and clearly within the Bounds of the Subjects Rights, have been nevertheless disgustful to Administration at home; to whom we have been constantly represented, by Servants of the Crown, and others on this Side the Water, in the most disagreable and odious Light.\nWhether this Province has been considered as having a Lead among the other Colonies, which they have never asserted; or whether it is because Governor Bernard, the Commissioners of the Customs, and others who have discovered themselves peculiarly inimical to the Colonies, have had their Residence here, Certain it is that the Resentment of Government at home has been particularly pointed against this Province. For it is notorious, that we have been charged with taking inflammatory measures tending to create unwarrantable Combinations, to excite an unjustifiable Opposition to the constitutional Authority of Parliament, and revive unhappy Divisions among the Colonies, and we have frequently been censured as disobedient to Government, for Parts of Conduct taken by us, in no wise dissimular to those which have been taken by other Colonies, without the least Censure or Observation.\nWhile Administration appeared to have conceived undue Prejudices against us, our Enemies here, have not failed to take every Measure to increase those Prejudices: and particularly by representing to the King\u2019s Ministers that a Spirit of Faction had so greatly and universally prevailed among us, as that Government could not be supported, and it was unsafe for the Officers of the Crown to live in the Province and execute their Trust, without the Protection of a military Force. Such a Force they at length obtained; the Consequence of which was a Scene of Confusion and Distress for the Space of seventeen Months, which ended in the Blood and Slaughter of his Majesty\u2019s good Subjects.\nIt was peculiarly mortifying to us, to see the whole System of civil Authority in the Province yeilding to this most dangerous Power: And at the very Time, when the Interposition of the civil Magistrate was of the most pressing necessity, to check the wanton and bloody Career of the Military, the Lieutenant Governor himself declared, as Governor Bernard had before, that \u201che had no Authority over the King\u2019s Troops in the Province;\u201d and his Majesty\u2019s Representative in Council became an humble supplicant for their Removal out of the Town of Boston! What would be the Feelings of the Subjects in Great Britain, if contrary to their Bill of Rights, and indeed to every Principle of civil Government; Soldiers were posted even in their Capital, without the Consent of their Parliament? And yet the Subjects of the same Prince in America, who are intitled to the same Freedom, are compelled to submit to as great a military Power as Administration shall be pleased to order, to be posted among them in a time of profound Peace, without the Consent of their Assemblies. And this military Power is allowed to trample upon the Law of the Land, the common Security, without Restraint. Such an Instance of absolute, uncontrouled military Tyranny must needs be alarming to those, who have before in some Measure enjoy\u2019d, and are still intitled to the Blessings of a free civil Government, having never forfeited the Character of loyal Subjects.\nAfter the fatal Tragedy of the 5th. of March last, the Regiments under the Command of Lt. Colonel Dalrymple were removed from the Town of Boston, to the Barracks on Castle Island, in Consequence of a Petition of the Town to the Lt. Governor, and his Prayer to the Colonel. Since which in Pursuance of Instruction to the Lt. Governor the Garrison there in the Pay of the Province has been withdrawn, and a Garrison of his majesty\u2019s Regular Troops placed in their Stead: and by the inclosed Affidavits [in the margin: Capt. Phillips and Mr. Hall\u2019s] it appears, that merely in Obedience to Instructions the Lieutenant Governor has made an absolute Surrender of that Fortress to Colonel Dalrymple: and altho\u2019 the Surrender was made by him ostensively as Lieutenant Governor, yet even the Shew that was made of the Authority of the Governor, served only to make the Surrender the more solemn and effectual; the Governor by Charter has the Right of committing the Custody and Government of the Fortress to such Person or Persons as to him shall seem meet; But he has given up this Right to Colonel Dalrymple, by vesting him with the Power of garrisoning the Fortress with such Person or Persons as to him shall seem meet; and so far forth he has in an Instance of the greatest Importance, divested himself of the Government of this Province.\nWe cannot help observing upon this Occasion, that the Instructions which have of late been given to the Governor, some of them at least, have directly militated, as in the present Instance, with the Charter of the Province; and these Instructions are not always adapted to promote his Majesty\u2019s Service, or the Good of the People within this Province, but often appear to be solely calculated to further and execute the Measures and enforce the Laws of a different State; by which Means his Majesty\u2019s Colonies may be entirely subjected to the absolute Will of his other Subjects in Great Britain, for which there can be no Pretence of Right, but what is founded in meer Force.\nBy Virtue of such positive Instructions, the General Assembly of the Province has been removed from its ancient, established and only convenient Seat in Boston, and is still obliged to hold its Sessions at Harvard-College in Cambridge, to the great Inconvenience of the Members, and Injury of the People, as well as Detriment of that Seminary of Learning, without any Reason that can be assigned but Will and Pleasure. And thus the Prerogative of the King, which is a Trust reposed in him, to be improved only for the Welfare of his Subjects, is perverted to their manifest Injury.\nAnd what is still more grievous is, that the Governor of the Province is absolutely inhibited, as we are told, from laying before the Assembly any Instructions which he receives, even such as carry in them the evident Marks of his Majesty\u2019s Displeasure; by which means the House of Representatives cannot have it in their Power to obtain here that precise knowledge of the Ground of our Sovereign\u2019s Displeasure, which they are in Reason and Justice entitled to; nor can the ministry be made responsible for any Measures they may advise to in order to introduce and establish an illegal and arbitrary Government over his Majesty\u2019s Subjects in the Colonies.\nWe have an Instance of this Kind now before us; the Lieutenant Governor of the Province having in his Speech at the Opening of this Session given a dark Hint of something intended against the Province: and when the House of Representatives earnestly desired him to explain it, that they might have a clear understanding of what was intended therein, he declared, as he had before done in other like Cases, that he was not at Liberty to make publick or to communicate to them by Speech or Message an Order of his Majesty in Council, which he had received, altho\u2019 in Consequence therof the State of the Province was to be laid before Parliament. And yet, extraordinary as it may appear, he at the same Time, by a message declared, that although he was not at Liberty to lay the Order before the House, he was very ready to give all the Information in his Power, to any Committee they might think proper to appoint of the Facts and Grounds upon which it was founded, so far as should be consistent with his Instructions.\nBy such Conduct in the Ministry it appears, that we again may be accused and censured by Parliament, as we have heretofore been, and perhaps suffer the greatest Injury without knowing our Accusers, or the Matters that may be alledged against us.\nAt the same Time, by an Order of Parliament that the names of Persons giving Intelligence to Ministry which may at any time be laid before Parliament, shall be made secret even to the Members themselves, the greatest Encouragement is given to Persons inimical to the Province, to send home false Relations of Speeches and Proceedings, in publick Assemblies and elsewhere, containing injurious Charges upon Individuals as well as publick Bodies; Some of which have been transmitted home under the Seal of the Province, without the least notice given to those Bodies, or to any but the few in the Secret, to attend and cross examine such Witnesses. And thus even the Parliament itself may be misled into Measures, highly injurious and destructive to the Province, by the Calumny and Detraction of those, who are not and cannot be known, and whose Falsehoods, therefore cannot be detected. So wretched is the State of this Province, not only to be subjected to absolute Instructions given to the Governor to be the Rule of his Administration, whereby some of the most essential Clauses of our Charter vesting in him Powers to be exercised for the Good of the People are totally rescinded, which is in reality a State of Despotism; but also to a Standing Army, which being uncontrouled by any Authority in the Province, must soon tear up the very Foundation of civil Government.\nMoreover we have the highest Reason for Complaint that since the late parliamentary Regulations of the Colonies, the Jurisdiction of the Court of Admiralty has been extended to so enormous a Length, as itself to threaten the very Being of the Constitution. By the Statute of 4 Geo. 3: Chap. 15. all Forfeitures and Penalties inflicted by this or any other Act, relating to the Trade and Revenue of the British Colonies and Plantations in America which shall be incurred there, may be prosecuted, sued for and recovered in any Courts of Admiralty in the said Colonies. Thus a single Judge, independent of the People, and in a civil Law Court, is to try these extraordinary Forfeitures and Penalties without a Jury; whereas the same Statute provides, that all Penalties and Forfeitures which shall be incurred in Great Britain, shall be prosecuted, sued for and recovered in any of his majesty\u2019s Courts of Record in Westminster or in the Court of Exchequer in Scotland respectively. Here is the most unreasonable and unjust Distinction made between the Subjects in Britain and America, as tho\u2019 it were designed to exclude us from the least Share in that Clause of Magna Charta, which has for many Centuries been the noblest Bulwark of the English Liberties, and which cannot be too often repeated. \u201cNo Freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned, or deprived of his Freehold or Liberties or free Customs, or be outlaw\u2019d or exiled or any otherwise destroyed nor will we pass upon him nor condemn him but by the Judgment of his Peers or the Law of the Land.\u201d\nThese are some of the insupportable Grievances which this Province has long been labouring under, and which still remain altogether unredressed: For although they have been set forth in the clearest Manner by humble Petitions to the Throne, yet such an Ascendancy over us have the Officers of the Crown here in the Minds of Administration that our Complaints are scarcely heard, our very Petitions are deemed factious, and instead of obtaining any Relief, our Oppressions have been more aggravated, and we have Reason to apprehend will still be increased.\nFor by the best Intelligence from England we are under strong Apprehensions, that by Virtue of an Act of Parliament of 7. Geo. 3. which empowers his Majesty to appropriate a Part of the Revenue raised in America, for the support of Government and the Administration of Justice in such Colonies where he shall judge it necessary, Administration is determined to bestow large Salaries upon the Attorney General, Judges and Governor of this Province; whereby they will be made not only altogether independent upon the People, but wholly dependent upon the Ministry for their Support. These Appointments will be justly obnoxious to the other Colonies, and tend to beget and keep up a perpetual Discontent among them. For they will deem it unjust as well as unnecessary to be obliged to bear a Part of the Support of Government in this Province, when it is now as it always has been amply and honorably supported by the People here. And the making those Officers thus independent will be to introduce into this Province an arbitrary Administration in the State, and even in the Courts of Law: especially if Designs are also meditating to make other very important Alterations in our Charter, by appointing the Council from home, whereby the Executive will be rendered absolute and the Legislative totally ineffectual to any valuable Purpose. The Assembly is in all Reason sufficiently dependent already upon the Crown: One Branch annually for its Being as it is subject to the negative of the Governor and both Branches for every Grant and Appropriation of their money, and also for their whole Defence and Security as he is Captain General and has by Charter the sole military Command within the Province: All civil Officers are either nominated and appointed by him with the Advice and Consent of his Majesty\u2019s Council, or if elected they are subject to his negative. And our Laws after being consented to by his Majesty\u2019s Governor, are by the first Opportunity from the making thereof to be transmitted to his Majesty for his Approbation or Disallowance. Three years they are subject to the Revision of the Crown Lawyers in Britain, who may always be Strangers to our internal Polity, and sometimes disaffected to us; and at any Time within the three years, his Majesty in his Privy Council may if he thinks proper reject them, and then they become utterly void. Surely the Parliament cannot even wish for greater Checks both upon the Legislative and Executive of a Colony, unless we are to be considered as Bastards and not Sons; a Step further will reduce us to an absolute Subjection. If Administration is resolved to continue such Measures of Severity, the Colonies will in time consider the Mother State as utterly regardless of their Welfare: Repeated Acts of Unkindness on one Side, may by Degrees abate the Warmth of Affection on the other, and a total alienation may succeed to that happy Union, Harmony and Confidence which had before always subsisted, and we sincerely wish may always subsist. If Great Britain instead of treating us as their Fellow Subjects, shall aim at making us their Vassals and Slaves, the Consequence will be, that altho\u2019 our Merchants have receded from their non importation Agreement, yet the Body of the People will vigorously endeavor to become independent on the Mother Country for their Supplies, and sooner than she may be aware of it, may manufacture for themselves. The Colonies like healthy young Sons, have hitherto been chearfully building up the Parent State, and how far Great Britain will be affected, if they should be rendred even barely useless to her, is an Object which we conceive is at this very Juncture worth the Attention of a British Parliament.\nInclosed are the Proceedings of his Majesty\u2019s Council of this Province upon an Affidavit of Mr. Secretary Oliver, which this House apprehend has a Tendency to make a very undue Impression on the Minds of his Majesty\u2019s ministers and others respecting the Temper and Disposition of the People, previous to the tragical Transaction of the Town of Boston on the 5th. of March last. You are therefore desired, so to improve them as to prevent such unhappy Consequences from taking Effect.\nYour own Acquaintance with this Province, and your well known warm attachment to it, will lead you to exert all your Powers in its Defence: And as the Council have made choice of Mr. Bolland for their Agent, you will no doubt confer with him, and concert such measures as will promote our common Interest. Your Abilities we greatly confide in; but if you shall think it for the Advantage of the Province to consult with and employ Council learned in the Law, the Importance of your Agency, will be a Motive sufficient for us to acquiesce in such Expence on that Account, as your own Judgment shall dictate to you to be necessary. In the name and by order of the House I am with respect your most humble Servant\nThomas Cushing Spkr.\nPS. The House have made Choice of Dr. Lee as their Agent in case of your Death or Absence from Great Britain.\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr\nEndorsed: No. 1. 1770 Agent To Dr Francklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0166", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 7\u20139 November 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Mecom, Jane\nDear Sister,\nI received your kind Letter of July 6. and was glad to hear (since you chose to return) that you were got so well home. I hope the Hurt you receiv\u2019d will be attended with no bad Consequences. My Arm, that had given me no Uneasiness for several Years, has lately began again to pain me, from a slight Strain, and I am now afraid will continue to do so as long as I live, since it has not mended for some Months past. But as I grow old, being now near 65, it is a Comfort that nothing can pain me long. You had not I hope, any Offence at Philadelphia, that induc\u2019d you to leave it so soon. I must stay here this Winter but hope to be in that dear Place pretty early in the next Summer, being quite uneasy under so long a Banishment from my Country and my Family. I have been for a great part of my Day engag\u2019d abroad in the Bustle of Publick Business: It is time now, that I should return home, spend the Evening with my Friends, and be ready to go chearfully to Bed. My Respects to Dr. Cooper, Love to Cousin Jenny, and believe me ever, Your affectionate Brother\nB Franklin\nI condole with you on the Death of my dear old Friend Mr. Whitefield which I have just heard of.\n Since writing the above I have received yours of Sept. 29. by our Kinsmen, who are safe arrived, and lodge with Mrs. Stevenson. We shall endeavour to make their Residence here as agreable to them as possible. Be in no Concern about any Abuses I receive here in the Newspapers. \u2019Tis the Fashion to roast one another, and I sometimes take a little of that Diversion myself. I inclose you a Newspaper or two which you may show to Dr. Cooper: but if you think you see any thing of mine there, don\u2019t let it be publish\u2019d as such; for I am obnoxious enough here already on Account of some Letters I wrote to Philada. I will endeavour to get the Books you desire, but suppose it will be difficult.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0167", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Foxcroft, 10 November 1770: r\u00e9sum\u00e9\nFrom: Foxcroft, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n[Philadelphia, Nov. 10, 1770. Encloses a bill of exchange from the Quebec post office for \u00a350 and will send the duplicate by Capt. Osborne.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0168", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 15 November 1770\nFrom: Cooper, Samuel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nI wrote you the 6. Inst. acknowledging the Receit. of your very obliging Packet of June 8th. and mentioning the Use I have made of your Letter &c among some of the leading Men in our H. of Represent. in whom I could confide. They agreed with me that your Principles were incontestible, your reasoning clear and conclusive, and supported by History and Fact. The King has an undoubted Right to absolve any of his Subjects from their Allegiance to himself; certainly then from their Subjection to Parliament, which was evidently done by our Charters. The Security for every reasonable Advantage we can afford our Fellow Subjects in Britain is, that their Sovereign is our\u2019s: That living with them as the superior state he may be suppos\u2019d to have a Predilection for them; that the Consent of a Governor appointed by himself, and removeable at his Pleasure is necessary to constitute a Law; That even these Laws, for I particularly refer to the Massachusetts, the chief Object of Jealousy, and Malice are subject to the Royal Controll by the Advice of a British Council: that the Governor has a Negative upon the Council, not only a Branch of the Legislative, but of that Authority and Influence in other Respects which Negative creates a greater Dependence than the Choice of the Council by the Representatives in Conjunction with themselves: that the Governor has the Appointment of all officers civil and military, (the Advice and consent of the Council having long been reduc\u2019d to a mear Shadow) which creates naturally a great Interest in the lower House, and among the Body of the People in Favor of Prerogative: To all which may be added the natural affection of an infant Colony to the Parent State, unless subdu\u2019d by hard Usage, and the natural Authority deriv\u2019d upon the former by the latter. Whoever takes a View of these Advantages collectively and in all their Extent, as they have in Fact been found to operate, must be convinc\u2019d that had Things been left exactly as they stood before the Stamp Act Britain would have been far from having any just Reason to complain of the Independence of our Constitution. We had indeed scarce any Thing left on the Side of Privilige but the Granting of our own Monies for the Support of Government and the furnishing necessary military Aids to the Crown. This Palladium seems about to leave us; for after all the Complaints made of our Obstinacy and Ungovernableness we are daily paying Taxes not granted by us, but exacted from us for both these Purposes; so that we are in a worse Situation than our fellow Subjects in Ireland\u2014\u2014We have an Army quarter\u2019d among us independent of any Supplies to be freely given by us; We have Pensioners not indebted for what they receive to any Grant of our own Parliaments; and this may soon become the Case of our governor, and principal Civil officers: for already Lord Dunmore has a Warrant upon the American for \u00a32000 sterling per Annum, commencing from the Date of his Commission in January last. I doubt not of your best Endeavors to obtain a Redress of so capital a Grievance, and of all others which we have just reason to complain of. The House I am told have addrest a long Letter to you, in which I suppose they will be enumerated. I send you this by a safe hand, Mr. Isaac Smith, a young Gentleman of good Sense, and literary accomplishments; who goes abroad for the Improvement of his Mind, and the enlarging his Observations. With great Esteem, and the warmest Attachment, I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nS. Cooper\nDr Franklin.Copy to Dr Franklin.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0169", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 15 November 1770: extract\nFrom: Gilpin, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nNovember 15th [1770]\nPolitics are now rather at a low ebb: nor do I expect they will revive; it will take some time to restore the public agitation and eradicate the remembrance of what has passed: the cause of injury is yet fresh and like a man that has been prompted to delirium time must be allowed to restore quietude and heal the pain of exertions that have been made. I think the late blunderers here deserve thanks from your side the water as nothing could have been more effectual to weaken the measures and destroy the unanimity which prevailed. A scene of intemperate violence has been too much used instead of the cool unyielding firmness which the state of affairs demanded. We have had summonses by ballots, town meetings, hasty resolutions made and then repealed, proclamations and measures carried by clapping, stamping hissing, hallooing &c; in fact too much of that violence which however it denotes the public feeling is inimical to the adoption of those cool measures which the state of the country and the injuries it was exposed to required.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0171", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 21 November 1770\nFrom: Priestley, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nLeeds 21 Novr 1770.\nI took the liberty to trouble you with a line the last post, and being but just able to finish my letter in time, I recollect a mistake in the catalogue of books wanted, which I beg you would rectify as follows,\nVitelliones Optica best edition 1572\nKepler\u2019s Paralipomena in Vitellionem\nI also very much want De la Hire\u2019s diffirens Accidents de la vue. But I should think it might be got without a public advertisement. I have already collected from that writer as much as will make a considerable section. I cannot well do without Du Hamel\u2019s History of the French Academy, and tho\u2019 it is inserted among books I have got, it is only in the library at Manchester, and I cannot, without great loss of time, and expence, go and study there. Many other books I foolishly inserted in the catalogue of those I had access to, which are only there, particularly the Petersburg Memoirs which I must absolutely purchase, tho they will cost me, I believe, above \u00a320. I shall give Johnson orders for them this post. I have not yet got Boyle\u2019s Works, and I find a tract of his on colours quoted, but I believe it relates to the chymical production of colours. However it is within my subject, but Johnson, tho he has had my order for Shaw\u2019s Boyle several months, has not yet been able to get it.\nI have just dispatched the discoveries of Newton and his Contemporaries, and from his time to the present have such a number of Memoirs, dissertations, tracts, and books on the subject of Light and colours to read, compare, and digest, as, I think, would make any person not practised in the business of arrangement, absolutely despair: Till I had actually taken a list of them, I did not think there had been a tenth or a twentieth part so much upon the subject. And other subjects, I see, will be much times more embarassing than this.\nIf you be obliged to advertise for the books I think it would be better not to mention my name, but only say A Person being employed &. I am, with the greatest respect Dear Sir your friend and Servant\nJ Priestley", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0172", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Bartram, 24 November 1770\nFrom: Bartram, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy dear worthy friend\nNovember the 24th 1770\nI have thy Kind letter of August the 26th before me which Comforted me as comming from my dear intimate ould friend. The pamphlet and espetially the picture of my dear Peter was very acceptable, and now I am furnished with four of our worthies Lineus, Franklin Edwards and Collinson (but I want Dr. Fothergill,) to adorn my new stove and lodging room which I have made very Convenient for thair reception alltho I am no picture Enthusiast. Yet I love to looke at the representation of men of inocency integrety ingenuity and Humanity. I can hear nothing this year whether the King continueth his bounty to me or not: William Young Blusters stoutly and publishes it in the news and perticular advertisements all over the countrey that he is Botanist to thair Majesties the King and Queen of Great Britain.\nI have sent according to thy desire a small Box of seeds with a list of them in the Box which I have Consighned to James Freeman who hath two Boxes to dispose of for me. He lives in the same house where our dear Peter formerly lived. This comes with great love and respect from thy Sincear friend\nJohn Bartram\nPray my dear friend squeese out a few lines as often as Convenience will alow to comfort thy ould friend in his new stove room.\nAddressed: To / Mr Benjamin Franklin / London / per Mary & Elizabeth / Capt. Sparks\nEndorsed: Red Lion Grace Church Street 39", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0174", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Life, 30 November 1770\nFrom: Life, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMr. Life presents his Complements to Dr. Franklin and acquaints him that the Georgia Acts are referred to Mr. Jackson, that Mr. Life has told Mr. Jacksons Clerk that Mr. Life wishes to have an Attendance on Mr. Jackson before he makes his Report, that Mr. Life ever since he received the Papers, has been very busy in some Conveyancy that must be executed by some officers in the Navy, who are going abroad, but hopes to be more at leisure in a Week or Ten Days, and will in the meantime wait on Mr. Jackson and get an Appointment for an Attendance on him and acquaint Dr. Franklin of it.\nAddressed: To / Dr. Franklin at Mrs / Stevensons in / Craven Street", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0175", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, [November 1770]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n[November, 1770]\nThis is just to let you know I am well, but so busy that I cannot now write more than to acknowledge the Receipt of your kind Letter of Oct. 14. with Sally\u2019s and Mr. Bache\u2019s, which I shall answer per next Opportunity. Thanks for the Cranberrys. I am as ever Your affectionate Husband\nB Franklin\nEndorsed: D Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0176", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Smith, 8 December 1770\nFrom: Smith, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nRespected Friend\nBurlington December 8. 1770\nThy several favours of the 19th of March 10th. and 12th. April and 11th of June have been duly received and communicated to the Committee of Correspondence and by them laid before the House of Assembly at a late sessions at Amboy where they gave very general satisfaction.\nIn answer to that part of thy Letter of 19th March respecting Sherwoods Accounts I may inform thee it has been determin\u2019d by the House not to allow him the Ballance he mentions to be due to him, it was apprehended there was a considerable Ballance in his hands before his Accounts appear\u2019d, which it was said were extravagant the services considered.\nIn thy Letter of 12 April thee mentions having mov\u2019d \u201cfor their Lordships favourable Report on the Act for Septennial Assemblys and that for giving Representatives to the Countys of Morris Cumberland and Sussex which they were pleas\u2019d to say should be taken into speedy Consideration.\u201d and in thy next that of 11 June after mentioning the Repeal of the Paper Money Bill and the Secaucus Law thee says \u201cbut the others have received his Majestys Royal Assent.\u201d from which it was imagin\u2019d by some that the two former Acts were allow\u2019d of by the King, but the Governor not recieving any intelligence of it made it doubtful, the Committee of Correspondence would be glad to be inform\u2019d respecting this matter in thy next. No particular Business of the Province that I know of make it at this time necessary for any Directions from the Committee of Correspondence respecting thy Conduct as Agent, the Laws pass\u2019d at the late Session together with the Votes of the House I shall send thee as soon as they are printed when if any Directions should be necessary the Committee of Correspondence will without doubt give them.\nI am much Obliged to thee for Gov. Pownal\u2019s Speech &ca. thee was so kind as to send and am Very Respectfully Thy Friend\nJos: Smith\nBenjan. Franklin Esqr.\nEndorsed: New Jersey Jos. Smith Dec. 8. 1770 Recd Feb. 5. 1771 via Bristol", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0177", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Gale, 10 December 1770\nFrom: Gale, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonored and Dear Sir\nKillingworth 10th Decr 1770\nYour Favor per Mr. Bayard, dated 10th Aprill Last, Inclosing a Gold Medal granted me by the Society of Arts, for an Improvement on the Drill plow, I duely receivd, the 10th July, the receipt of which, (with my gratefull returns of Thanks for Your Care in transmitting the same) I should before this time have Acknowledged, but have been prevented by frequent Interruptions of Health, which (through divine Goodness) is again in great Measure Confirm\u2019d.\nI am likewise duely sensible of my Obligations to return my most gratefull Acknowledgments to the Society, for the Honour they have been pleas\u2019d to Confer upon me, and Sincerely Wish, my Abilities were Equal to my most Ardent desire, to promote the Laudible designs for which they Incorporated, a Neglect of which, is not from an Insensibility of my Obligations, but from my being Unacquainted, to whom they may with propriety be directed.\nI Was Apprized of the Death of Dr. Templeman by the Publick Papers, but never could Learn (although I Carefully Attended to know,) who was elected by the Society to Succeed him. Neither has it been in my power to get sight of any of the late Books of Premiums by which I could attain that Knowledge, which is the only reason I do not at this time make proper Acknowledgments, for which neglect when known, I hope they will be kind enough to Excuse.\nMy Last was from Dr. Templeman, Dated 17 July 1766, requesting a Model of our Drill plough, and a specimen of Sarsaparilla, the Growth of this Colony, both which I transmitted, together with a Model of a Hand Drill, for planting Cabbages and Turnips at a Certain Distance in the Same Line, which was presented to the Society by the Mechanic, who was the principal Contriver of the several Movements of our Drill, for throwing Manure Into the Same Channels with the Wheat, for its first Nourishment and Growth, but Remaind wholly Unacquainted, whether they had ever receivd them, or whether any of them had met with the Approbation of the Society, Untill the Receipt of Your Letter Inclosing the Medal.\nI likewise at the Same time Sent a Specimen of White Iron Oar, and should have been Glad to have known Mr. Horns Sentiments of its Quality. Conclude it is the Only one known of the Kind In America.\nAs I well know You take pleasure in the Prosperity of the Colonies, which if properly Encouraged will add a Certain Lusture to the Throne, Afford Commerce to the Merchants, and Employment to the Manufacturers of Great Brittain, I can with Pleasure Acquaint You, That several Gentlemen in this Colony, are Engagd to promote the Culture of Mulberry Trees, in Nurseries from the Seed, in Order for to Set forward the Culture of Silk. But as You are well Acquainted with this Country, and know its Poverty, And that nothing will Stimulate the lower Class of People, but a prospect of Immediate profits, by which their Families may be Cloathed and fed, and that frequently those who have Affluent Fortunes, and Can Afford to Expend Mony, without Immediate returns of profit, are prevented carrying such things into Execution, either from Inattention to the Importance of such an Undertaking, or diverted by their several peculiar Amusements, and that many who have a Turn of mind that way, are discouraged by the Tedious process of raising the Trees from the seed, who would Gladly purchase them if to be sold, fit to be transplanted into Feilds for Growth and Immediately set about the Culture of Silk, wherefore I have frequently thought, had the Society given a Premium for the Cultivation of Mulberry Trees, In Nursiries from the Seed, fit to be Transplanted\u2014\u2014Another Premium for the Trees when Transplanted Into Feilds, Well secured by Fence, it would have had a more Extensive and Effectual Influence, as when the Trees are once Transplanted, and Afford Nourishment for the Culture of Silk, their own Interest to Improve them for that purpose would be a Sufficient Stimulus for that End.\nIn this Colony the Culture of All kind of trees in Nurseries from the Seed, is very much left to Youth Under Age, Apprentices &c, in order to make a private purse to themselves, and on that Account much Neglected by the Farmer; if there is any thing In this Suggestion I make no doubt of Your Influence to promote it. I may not Add least I take up too much of your Time but that I am with great Truth and Regard Sir Your Most Oblidged and Most Humble Servant\nBenja Gale\nTo Dr. B Franklin F.R.S.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0178", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Noble Wimberly Jones, 13 December 1770\nFrom: Jones, Noble Wimberly\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nSavannah 13 Decr 1770\nBy Capt. Thomas Hall I did myself the pleasure of writing you and then inclosed two Bils of Exchange in part to recompence your kindness and discharge the ammount of the Mace and Gouns for which you have Sir the sincere and greatful thanks of the Assembly. I inclose the second of each of the Bills of same tenor and date which wish safe. I have now the pleasure to acquaint that an Ordinance Reappointing you Agent for another year lies for a Third reading to morrow morning, and that on all occasions the highest approbation of your conduct is apparant. We have no news that can recollect worth Notice beg leave therefore to conclude and subscribe myself Sir Your Very Sincere and Obedient Servant\nN W Jones\nTo Benj. Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0180", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Crowley, 17 December 1770\nFrom: Crowley, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nWorthy Friend\nGr[ace] Ch[urch] Street: 17 dec 1770\nOn Wednesday last when I scribled a few Lines to accompany the Return of one of the Pamphlets which you was kind enough to Lend me I was then about mounting my Horse, then waiting for me, in Company with a Friend, to Ride about twenty Miles to attend the Funeral of an Intimate Friend, who died suddenly a few Days before; I had not then lookd into the other, now Returnd; The Merit of This appears to me very different from that first so Returnd; I find Many of J Otis sentiments exactly simalar to my Own. I never saw his Performance before, but I like it in general so well I think it highly Deserves another Edition; and If any should Ensue I will take off a dozen, or two, of them, to give away: I am not a little affected in the Considerations a Man of so just sentiments should have met with so much oppression; and That the observation made by Solomon, apropos, has been so unhappily Verifyd in him; I do heartily wish the fix\u2019d Recovery of his Health. And have sent one of the Pamphlets on Representation to a Friend at Boston to deliver to him mine own also to accompany. I am very respectfully Your sincere well wishing Friend\nThos Crowley\nEndorsed: To Dr. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0182", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Price: On the Effect of the Aberration of Light on the Time of a Transit of Venus, [before 20 December 1770]\nFrom: Price, Richard\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\n[Before December 20, 1770.]\nI Cannot doubt but that the observation made by your ingenious friend in the paper you sent me is right. The aberration of Venus must, I think, affect the phases of a transit, by retarding them, and not by accelerating them. This retardation is 55\u00bd\u2033; for that is the time nearly which Venus, during a transit, takes to move over 3\u2033.7. This, however, is by no means the whole retardation of a transit occasioned by aberration. There is a retardation arising from the aberration of the Sun, as well as from that of Venus. The aberration of the Sun, it is well known, lessens its longitude about 20\u2033. and the aberration of Venus, agreeably to your friend\u2019s demonstration, increases its longitude at the time of a transit 3\u2033.7. Venus, therefore, and the Sun, at the instant of the true beginning of a transit, must be separated from one another by aberration 23\u2033.7; and, since Venus then moves nearly at the rate of 4\u2032 in a hour, it will move over 23\u2033.7 in 5\u2032:55\u2033. And consequently, from the instant of the real beginning of a transit, 5\u2032:55\u2033 must elapse before it can begin apparently.\nIt may, I know, be objected here, that the aberration of the Sun ought not to be taken into consideration, because the calculations from the solar tables give the apparent places of the Sun, or its longitude with the effect of abberation included, and therefore always about 20\u2033 too little. But from this observation a conclusion will follow very different from that which the objection supposes. The retardation I have mentioned is properly the time that the calculated phases of a transit of Venus will precede the apparent phases, supposing the tables from which the calculation is made to give the true places of the Sun.\nIf they give the apparent places of the Sun, this retardation, instead of being lessened, will be considerably increased. In order to prove this, I must desire it may be remembered, that in deducing by trigonometrical operations the geocentric places of a planet from the heliocentric, the Earth is supposed to be in that point of the ecliptic which is exactly opposite to, or 180\u00b0 from the place of the sun, and that this supposition is just only when the sun\u2019s true place is taken. In reality, the Earth is always about 20\u2033 more forward in its orbit than the point opposite to the Sun\u2019s apparent place; and in consequence of this it will happen, that in calculating a transit of Venus from tables which give the Sun\u2019s apparent places, a greater difference will arise between the calculated and the observed times than if the tables had given the Sun\u2019s true places.\nFor, let S be the Sun, T the Earth, V Venus. Were there no aberration of light, the Sun would be always seen in its true place, or in the direction TS. But, in reality, in consequence of aberration, it will be seen 20\u2033 less advanced in the ecliptic, or in the direction Ts, supposing STs to be an angle of 20\u2033. Now a calculation from tables giving the true places of the Sun, would fix the moment of a conjunction, to the time that Venus gets to TS; but this, though the time of the true conjunction, would not be the time of the observed conjunction; for the Sun being then really seen in the direction Ts, Venus, after getting to TS, must move 20\u2033, or from a to c, before the apparent conjunction can take place.\nBut if the calculations are made from the apparent places of the Sun, the conjunction will be fixt to the time Venus gets to t S, or a line drawn through S parallel to s T, for in this case t will be the point of the ecliptic opposite to the apparent place of the Sun, and the longitude of the sun seen from t will be 20\u2033 less than its true longitude, and therefore the same with its apparent longitude. But the Earth being then really at T, Venus will, at the calculated time of a conjunction, be observed at a distance from the Sun equal to the angle L T s. This angle, supposing V T 277, and V S 723, may be easily found to be 72\u2033.2. Add to this 3\u2033.7, the proper aberration of Venus at the time of a transit, removing it more towards E, and the whole visible distance of Venus from the Sun\u2019s center at the calculated moment of a conjunction, will be 75\u2033.9, over which it will move in 19 minutes of time. And this, consequently, will be the retardation of the phases of a transit of Venus occasioned by aberration, on the supposition, that in calculating, the Sun\u2019s apparent, and not his true place is taken.\nI believe these observations have not been attended to by astronomers; and therefore I am the more desirous of communicating them to you. I am, Dear Sir, with much respect, your obliged humble servant,\nRichard Price.\nP.S. In a former letter which I sent you, I gave, by mistake, the error occasioned by aberration less than I have now given it. The discovery of this mistake I owe to the kind assistance and correction with which Mr. Maskelyne, the astronomer royal, has been pleased to favor me.\nI have, for the sake of more distinctness and clearness, supposed Venus to move in the plane of the ecliptic. Some differences will arise from the inclination of the path of Venus to the ecliptic, and also from taking the aberration of the Sun, and the proportion of Venus\u2019s distance from the Earth to her distance from the Sun, exactly as they really are at the time of a transit. Thus, at the time of the last transit of Venus, supposing light to come from the Sun to the Earth in 8\u2032. 2, the aberration of the Sun was 19\u2033.8. The distance of Venus from the Earth was to its distance from the Sun as 290 to 726, and therefore the retardation 18\u2032:16\u2033.\nMr. Canton has observed, that in the Con. des Temp, Mr. De la Lande makes the effect of aberration at the inferior conjunction of Venus and Mercury to be an augmentation of their longitudes. Indeed, Mr. Bliss himself observes this; and yet, through an oversight, makes the effect as to time to be an acceleration. Vid. Phil. Trans. Vol. LII. p. 249.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0184", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Tissington, 29 December 1770\nFrom: Tissington, Anthony\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nAlfreton 29th. Decr 1770.\nBy this Letter my Wife sends best Compliments to you and Mrs. Stevenson, and by this days Carrier (Clarks Wagon which will be at the Ax in Aldermanbury next Saturday) a Turkey which she hopes will come to hand Sweet and good.\nIn July I left you in London; in August went into Scotland; in September into South Wales to Swansey; have been upon the move most of the time since; so that I am but Just set down, to my Books and papers; so soon as I shall have put them in some order, I hope to return to my more pleasing Studies, and not give you peace by so long a Silence again\u2014provided I am permitted to live at home this winter, which is not quite certain.\nI am glad to see by the papers, that your affairs in America do well; and that you settle with the Ministry, and not with the Parliament, who, I think have nothing to do with you; therefore shou\u2019d repeal all the Acts they have made.\nThis rambling, has set me as well in health as ever in my life but my Wife has had a bad summer; has had much of the Gravell, and has pass\u2019d three large Stones, by which she is now pretty well and intends to take Chittick\u2019s Medicine as directed by Blackrie.\nWe shall be glad of a line, to tell us how you and Mrs. Stevenson are in health, and also your friends in North america when you heard; hope this will find you very well, and Join in best wishes and the Compliments of the Season to you and I am Dear Sir Yours most affectionately\nAnth Tissington\nI have gather\u2019d some Materials in my rambles, for a philosophical paper to you when I get time to put them together.\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven Street Strand / London\nEndorsed: Mr Tissington \u2003Dec. 29.70", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0185", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 30 December 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Cooper, Samuel\nThe letter below belongs with those above to Cooper of June 8 and to Cushing of December 24, for in each Franklin discusses a different aspect of the constitution as he sees it. In the earliest he stresses the colonists\u2019 recourse of petitioning their sovereign for protection against an arbitrary and corrupt Parliament. In the second he argues that Parliament has no right to alter the sovereign\u2019s relationship with a colony by amending its charter. In this letter he insists that the King\u2019s surrogate, the governor, should be dependent on the colonial assembly and not on the dictates of Whitehall, and that the only way to re-establish that dependence is to persist in nonimportation. Thus each of the letters develops, in Franklin\u2019s pragmatic way, a constitutional point; and the points are interrelated parts of his concept of the empire as a group of autonomous states with a common sovereign.\nDear Sir,\nLondon, Decem 30. 1770.\nI duly received your several Favours of July 12, Nov. 6. and 15. and am glad that my little Communications afforded you any Pleasure. I join with you most cordially in Wishes of a perfect happy Union between Great Britain and the Colonies: This is only to be expected from Principles of Justice and Equity on both sides, which we must endeavour to cultivate. I think there is now a Disposition here to treat us more equitably, and I hope it will increase and prevail.\nI esteem the Appointment to the Agency of your Province, unexpected and unsolicited by me, as one of the greatest Honours, for which I must think myself indebted to your Friendship: I wish I may be able to do my Country effectual Service; nothing could make me more happy: I shall however use my most faithful Endeavours. I had, before I heard of this Appointment, openly oppos\u2019d the Project of abridging our Charter Privileges, which some of our Adversaries were extreamly busy in; designing to do it by an Act of Parliament; a Bill for the purpose being, as I have heard, actually drawn ready to be brought in. I boldly and openly asserted that Parliament had no such Power; and that an Attempt of that kind, would, by alarming all America, raise a new Flame there, and tend more to loosen the Connections now subsisting, than any Step that had yet been taken. I do not know that the Freedom I used in declaring and publishing these Sentiments had much Effect; I rather think the Apprehension of an approaching War, inclin\u2019d Government to milder Measures, and to hearken less to the mad Projects of our Adversaries. So it is, however, that the Scheme has been laid aside, and will, I think, hardly be resum\u2019d, tho\u2019 the Expectation of War is much lessened.\nIt makes me happy to learn that my Ideas on a certain Subject, appeared just to you and your Friends. I have now in hand a Piece (intended for the Publick at a convenient Time) which I hope will satisfy many others even on this side the Water, that every Lady of Genoa is not a Queen of Corsica. Just at this Juncture here, perhaps \u2019tis more prudent to be quiet, to stir no new Questions, to let Heats abate; and when Minds are cooler Reason may be better heard. I think I shall send my Manuscript to America for the Perusal and Correction of my Friends, and for their Advice on the Expediency of its being published, before I venture it into the World. You I hope will give me leave to trouble you with it, as it seems to me a Question of great Importance to us all.\nYou have given, in a little Compass, so full and comprehensive a View of the Circumstances on which is founded the Security Britain has for all reasonable Advantages from us, tho\u2019 things were put into the same State in which they were before the Stamp Act that I cannot refrain communicating an Extract of your Letter, where I think it may be of Use; and I think I shall publish it.\nThere is no doubt of an Intention here to make all our Governors independent of the People for their Support, as fast as the American Duties will bear the Expence. In this Point I think all Parties are against us: And nothing appears to them more unreasonable than that we should wish to have our Governors under such Influence, when the King himself, as they say is always made independent of the Parliament here in that respect, by a fixed Civil List Revenue. I have endeavoured to show the Injustice of Taxing the Colonies (who have always supported their own Government) for the Support of other Governments in which they have no Interest; and the great Difference between a Prince, whose Welfare and that of his Family is intimately connected with the Prosperity of the Nation, and a Governor who comes from another Country to make Money, and intends to return to the Place from whence he came, where he will not hear the Complaints and Curses of those he has oppress\u2019d and plunder\u2019d, nor his Children be less respected or fare the worse for the Malfeasance of their Father. But it is so sweet a thing to have the Giving of Places of great and sure Profit to Friends and Favourites; and the Prospect of doing it out of other Revenues than those of this Nation, at which Parliament is therefore less likely to take Umbrage, is so tempting, that I think scarce any thing said or to be said here will avail much towards discouraging the Project. There is indeed one Thing (if that is in our Power) the Refraining absolutely from the Use of all Commodities subject to the Duty. The Deficiency of the Revenue to pay the Salaries, and those to be made good by the Treasury here, might possibly put some Check to the Career. And if the Assemblies should at the same time decline giving any more annual Supports, and leave all Governors to their Appointments out of the Revenue, giving bountifully to a good Governor at the End of his Administration, and leaving bad ones to be rewarded by their Masters; perhaps by this means some of that Influence with Governors might be retained, which induces them to treat the People with Equity and Moderation. But if our People will, by consuming such Commodities, purchase and pay for their Fetters, who that sees them so shackled will think they deserve either Redress or Pity? Methinks that in Drinking Tea, a true American, reflecting that by every Cup he contributed to the Salaries, Pensions and Rewards of the Enemies and Persecutors of his Country, would be half choak\u2019d at the Thought, and find no Quantity of Sugar sufficient to make the nauseous Draught go down.\nI hope your Health is restored, and that your valuable Life will be long continued, for the Benefit of your Friends, Family and Country. With sincere and great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your affectionate and most obedient Servant\nB Franklin\nRevd Dr Cooper,", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0186", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 30 December 1770\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Mecom, Jane\nDear Sister\nLondon Dec. 30. 1770\nThis Ship staying longer than was expected, gives me an Opportunity of writing to you which I thought I must have miss\u2019d when I desir\u2019d Cousin William[s] to excuse me to you. I received your kind Letter of Sept. 25 by the young Gentlemen, who, by their discreet Behaviour have recommended themselves very much to me and many of my Acquaintance. Josiah has attained his Heart\u2019s Desire of being under the Tuition of Mr. Stanley, who, tho, he had long left off Teaching, kindly undertook at my Request to instruct him, and is much pleased with his Quickness of Apprehension and the Progress he makes; and Jonathan appears a very valuable young Man, sober, regular, and inclin\u2019d to Industry and Frugality, which are promising Signs of Success in Business: I am very happy in their Company.\nAs to the Rumour you mention (which was, as Josiah tells me, that I had been depriv\u2019d of my Place in the Post Office on Account of a letter I wrote to Philadelphia) it might have this Foundation, that some of the Ministry had been displeas\u2019d at my Writing such Letters, and there were really some Thoughts among them of shewing that Displeasure in that manner. But I had some Friends too, who unrequested by me advis\u2019d the contrary. And my Enemies were forc\u2019d to content themselves with abusing me plentifully in the Newspapers, and endeavouring to provoke me to resign. In this they are not likely to succeed, I being deficient in that Christian Virtue of Resignation. If they would have my Office, they must take it\u2014\u2014I have heard of some great Man, whose Rule it was with regard to Offices, Never to ask for them, and never to refuse them: To which I have always added in my own Practice, Never to resign them. As I told my Friends, I rose to that office thro\u2019 a long Course of Service in the inferior Degrees of it: Before my time, thro\u2019 bad Management, it never produced the Salary annex\u2019d to it; and when I receivd it, no Salary was to be allow\u2019d if the office did not produce it. During the first four Years it was so far from defraying itself, that it became \u00a3950 Sterling in debt to me and my Collegue. I had been chiefly instrumental in bringing it to its present flourishing State, and therefore thought I had some kind of Right to it. I had hitherto executed the Duties of it faithfully, and to the perfect Satisfaction of my Superiors, which I thought was all that should be expected of me on that Account. As to the Letters complain\u2019d of, it was true I did write them, and they were written in Compliance with another Duty, that to my Country. A Duty quite Distinct from that of Postmaster. My Conduct in this respect was exactly similar with that I held on a similar Occasion but a few Years ago, when the then Ministry were ready to hug me for the Assistance I afforded them in repealing a former Revenue Act. My Sentiments were still the same, that no such Acts should be made here for America; or, if made should as soon as possible be repealed; and I thought it should not be expected of me, to change my Political Opinions every time his Majesty thought fit to change his Ministers. This was my Language on the Occasion; and I have lately heard, that tho I was thought much to blame, it being understood that every Man who holds an Office should act with the Ministry whether agreable or not to his own Judgment, yet in consideration of the goodness of my private Character (as they are pleas\u2019d to compliment me) the office was not to be taken from me. Possibly they may still change their Minds, and remove me; but no Apprehension of that sort, will, I trust, make the least Alteration in my Political Conduct. My rule in which I have always found Satisfaction, is, Never to turn asside in Publick Affairs thro\u2019 Views of private Interest; but to go strait forward in doing what appears to me right at the time, leaving the Consequences with Providence. What in my younger Days enabled me more easily to walk upright, was, that I had a Trade; and that I could live upon a little; and thence (never having had views of making a Fortune) I was free from Avarice, and contented with the plentiful Supplies my business afforded me. And now it is still more easy for me to preserve my Freedom and Integrity, when I consider, that I am almost at the End of my Journey, and therefore need less to complete the Expence of it; and that what I now possess thro\u2019 the Blessing of God may with tolerable Oeconomy, be sufficient for me (great Misfortunes excepted) tho\u2019 I should add nothing more to it by any Office or Employment whatsoever.\nI send you by this Opportunity the 2 Books you wrote for. They cost 3s. a piece. When I was first in London, about 45 Years since, I knew a person who had an Opinion something like your Author\u2019s \u2014\u2014Her Name was Ilive, a Printer\u2019s Widow. She dy\u2019d soon after I left England, and by her Will oblig\u2019d her son to deliver publickly in Salter\u2019s Hall a Solemn Discourse, the purport of which was to prove, that this World is the true Hell or Place of Punishment for the Spirits who had transgress\u2019d in a better State, and were sent here to suffer for their sins in Animals of all Sorts. It is long since I saw the Discourse, which was printed. I think a good deal of Scripture was cited in it, and that the Supposition was, that tho\u2019 we now remember\u2019d nothing of such pre-existent State; yet after Death we might recollect it, and remember the Punishments we had suffer\u2019d, so as to be the better for them; and others who had not yet offended, might now behold and be warn\u2019d by our Sufferings. In fact we see here that every lower Animal has its Enemy with proper Inclinations, Faculties and Weapons, to terrify, wound and destroy it; and that Men, who are uppermost, are Devils to one another; So that on the establish\u2019d Doctrine of the Goodness and Justice of the great Creator, this apparent State of general and systematical Mischief, seem\u2019d to demand some such Supposition as Mrs. Ilives, to account for it consistent with the Honour of the Diety. But our reasoning Powers when employ\u2019d about what may have been before our Existence here, or shall be after it, cannot go far for want of History and Facts: Revelation only can give us the necessary Information, and that (in the first of these Points especially) has been very sparingly afforded us.\nI hope you continue to correspond with your Friends at Philadelphia, or else I shall think there has been some Miff between you; which indeed, to confess the Truth, I was a little afraid, from some Instances of others, might possibly happen, and that prevented my ever urging you to make such a visit especially as I think there is rather an overquantity of Touchwood in your Constitution. My Love to your Children, and believe me ever, Your affectionate Brother\nB Franklin\nLet none of my Letters go out of your Hands.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0187", "content": "Title: Note on Marginalia in Another Letter, an Anonymous Pamphlet, [1770?]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nMS notations appear on pp. 139\u201340 of a copy in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania of Another Letter to Mr. Almon, in Matter of Libel (London, 1770). The author is discussing the American claim that Parliament has no jurisdiction over the colonial assemblies because they are constitutionally coequal with it. Franklin\u2019s comments were largely obliterated when the copy was cropped in rebinding, and most of them cannot be even conjecturally reconstructed. The few that can be suggest that he was adding little to what he said in other marginalia.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0188", "content": "Title: Marginalia in An Inquiry, an Anonymous Pamphlet, [1770]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThis anonymous and, today, very rare pamphlet was once tentatively ascribed to Franklin. Even if he had not annotated a copy, the ascription would be absurd. The writer, whoever he may have been, was patently an Englishman, and one with more goodwill than logical acumen. He was deeply imbued with the concept of natural rights, but quite incapable of reconciling that concept with the hard realities of the British Empire at the time he wrote. At moments he seemed to understand the position of the colonists, and to recognize the inequity as well as uselessness of attempting to coerce them; at other moments his outrage at their rowdy protests made him almost a Grenvillean, and he breathed dire threats about where their defiance would lead them. His shift from one attitude to the other bewilders the modern reader, and makes the pamphlet a study in inconsistency. That is its value. It illuminates the dilemma of thoughtful, well-intentioned, and not overly intelligent Englishmen, of the sort who were numerous in the House of Commons and the offices of Whitehall, and who made British policy in the decade of wobble that converted a quarrel into a revolution.\nFranklin waded into the author\u2019s arguments and in the process developed his own. His marginalia have almost the immediacy of a dialogue, in which he responds occasionally with approval, more often with criticism, and at moments with angry defiance. Sometimes he reiterates a point that he has often made before, such as that the British and Americans are fellow subjects of the King, and harps on it repetitively; but he also elaborates it by arguing that there is no union between the parts of the empire except royal sovereignty. He gives careful consideration to the idea of an imperial parliament, with representatives from the colonies, and insists that the practical difficulties are less than the author believes; yet he makes clear his preference for leaving the constitution as it is. His championship of colonial rights leads him to the startling position that Americans, because of their risks and expenses in settling the wilderness, are entitled to more than the King\u2019s other subjects. He dismisses contemptuously the threat to keep the colonies in line by returning Canada to France, and gives a new twist to the common assertion that the ousting of the French has encouraged American intransigence: it has encouraged the British, he says, to treat America as they have, and as they would never have dared to do if the French were still on the frontiers. His marginalia, in short, are a disorganized but illuminating compendium of his views on the large questions that the pamphlet raises.\nThe date of his comments is particularly important for the development of those ideas. By a rare stroke of luck he dated one remark 1770, and it may reasonably be assumed that the others were made at the same time. They contain a single reference to what is clearly the year 1768\u201369, but none to anything later. Hence we are assigning them all, with more confidence than usual, to 1770. The method of reproduction is the same as that with similar marginalia in Volume XVI. The printed original is paraphrased and drastically condensed in the right-hand column, with direct quotation only of words or passages that Franklin specifically noted. All emphases in this column are his: what he underlined once is italicized, what he underlined twice is capitalized. Gaps to accommodate the marginalia do not indicate any break in the paraphrase. Franklin\u2019s comments are printed verbatim in the left-hand column, where the emphases are again his and are similarly reproduced.\n I hope the Author will be on his Guard upon this point, and not suffer his Interest to run away with his Judgment.Already the Colonies seem to be condemn\u2019d by this impartial Writer!\nThe dispute with the colonies has gone beyond the point where charters and statutes are the relevant issues; the question now is what policy ought to underlie legislation. Although we live in a scientific age, \u201cwhere our interest is concerned, we meet with such a narrowness both of thinking and acting upon every occasion, as is far from distinguishing us from the most barbarous period of antiquity. \u2026\u201d Otherwise Britain would behave quite differently, and her colonies would be \u201cmore obliging and dutiful.\u201d\nThis essay will pursue three lines of inquiry: Should the colonies have the same political advantages and privileges as the mother country? Does the British constitution make this possible? If it does not, should it be changed?\n Right and Just. Certainly. \n We are inclined to view colonies as existing for our wealth and aggrandisement, but this view is mistaken. The existence of an empire increases the power of the whole, not of one part at the expense of the others. If the parts are governed, \u201cfrom no reasonable, or \u2026 from the most unjust motives, with a partiality, \u2026 divisions and murmurings, if not actual rebellions, are evidently unavoidable.\u201d The larger such an empire is, the weaker it is.\nJust Reasoning. The King should look to this.\n Hence all parts demand equal attention, or, if anything, the most distant demand the most. Abuses creep into all government, and flourish best in the remote provinces, which are always first to revolt against ill usage.\n Very true.Injustice is always Folly.\n It is \u201cwholly the effect of the illiberal notions, and partial views of government, \u2026 that the trade and manufactures of different provinces are laid under the restraints we often see them. And, in short, from the same unhappy source, spring most of the inequitable laws and inhibitions, to which colonies and the more remote parts of an empire are frequently subjected.\u201d Sound policy dictates the minimum of regulation; trade and commerce should be permitted to thrive wherever they can most advantageously. Britain rejects this argument, and commits \u201cthe folly and injustice of not treating all the parts and provinces of an empire, with the exactest impartiality.\u201d\n Does the British constitution permit impartiality? Among classical empires Rome was the most liberal, but the inhabitants of its provinces did not and could not enjoy all the privileges of Roman citizenship; if they had the state would have been reduced to anarchy. \u201cSupreme power must not, cannot reside equally every where throughout an empire.\u201d This is true despite the fact that authority in a free state derives from and resides in the people.\nWriters on this Subject often confuse themselves with the Idea that all the King\u2019s Dominions make one State, which they do not nor ever did since the Conquest. Our Kings have ever had Dominions not subject to the English Parliament; as first the Province of France, of which Jersey and Guernsey remain, always governed by their own Laws; appealing to the King in Council only, and not to our Courts or to the House of Lords. Scotland was in the same Situation before the Union: It had the same King, but a separate Parliament; and the Parliament of England had no Jurisdiction over it. Ireland the same in truth, tho\u2019 the British Parliament has usurp\u2019d a Dominion over it. The Colonies were originally settled on the Idea of such extrinsic Dominions of the King, and of the King only. Hanover is now such a Dominion.\n The laws by which they are governed derive from them through their representatives, and are as binding upon the executive as upon them. A free government extends throughout the whole empire, but out of its many parts\nBut different States may have different Assemblies of Representatives. As is the Case.\n\u201cone only supreme assembly of representatives, for making laws, can regularly be formed.\u201d If there are many assemblies, one is supreme and the powers of the rest abridged; otherwise there\nThis is the only clear Idea of their real present Condition. Their only Bond of Union is King.\nwould be \u201cmany different governments perfectly independent of one another.\u201d These truths are self-evident.\nWithin Great Britain, if you please, but no farther.\n Because Britain has \u201cexactly the kind of government I have been here speaking of,\u201d the American assemblies cannot have an authority equal to that of Parliament \u201cwithout actually dismembering the British empire\u201d; for government implies subordination as well as union. All its constituent parts, however, have a right to participate in regulating the affairs of the whole.\nIt would not be dismembring of it, if it never was united, as in truth it never yet has been. Breaking the present Union between England and Scotland would be dismembring the Empire; But no such Union has yet been formed between Britain and the Colonies.\nTrue, But why do you use the Expression, Our Dominions? Are the King\u2019s Subjects in England Sovereign over his Subjects in America? No. The King is the Sovereign of all.\n Hence, although the British Parliament may legislate for Britain, \u201cit cannot with the same propriety exercise the like power with respect to America, while those parts of our dominions are not fairly represented in it.\u201d Neither can the colonies legislate independently without \u201cdeclaring\nThey are such.\n The Parliament of Britain has no Right to repeal an American Law that the King has assented to.\nthemselves independent states\u201d; their legislation must be subject to amendment or reversal by \u201cthe parliament of Great Britain.\u201d While their power is thus limited by an authority in which\nThey would not indeed [be], if that were the Case.\nthey have no part, however, they are not a free people. They are subject to regulation outside their control, \u201cwhich is the very definition of slavery\u201d; their rights and liberties therefore remain precarious.\nHere appears the Excellency of the Invention of Colony Government, by separate independent Legislatures. By this means the remotest Parts of a great Empire, may be as well governed as the Center; Misrule, Oppresions of Proconsuls, and Discontents and Rebellions thence arising prevented. By this Means the Power of a King may be extended without Inconvenience Over Territories of any Dimensions how great soever. America was thus happily governed in all its different and remote Settlements, by the Crown and their own Assemblies till the new Politicks took place, of governing it by our Parliament, which have not succeeded and never will.\n The freer a constitution is in its nature, the less widely it applies. \u201cWhere divers remote and distant countries are united under one government, an equal and fair representation becomes almost impracticable, or, at best, extremely inconvenient.\u201d\nWater, so far from being an Obstruction, is a Means of facilitating such Assemblies from distant Countries. A Voyage of 3000 Miles by Sea, is more safely performed than a Journey of 1000 by Land.\n The difficulty is compounded when the parts of a state are divided by the ocean. Convening a parliament from provinces widely separated by land would be much more feasible than convening one from Britain and America. Yet such an Anglo-American parliament is the only way to make government equal for all: our system requires general and impartial representation, and America has none. This fact reveals \u201cthe stubbornness and inflexibility \u2026 of the genius of our constitution,\u201d\nIt is in my Opinion. by no means impracticable, to bring Representatives conveniently from America to Britain: But I think the present Mode of letting them govern themselves by their own Assemblies much preferable. They will always be better governed; and the Parliament has Business enough here with its own internal Concerns.\nwhich in itself is the best in the world.\nThey have it already. All the Difficulties have arisen from the British Parliament\u2019s Attempting to deprive them of it.\n The next question is whether, if the nature of the constitution precludes giving the Americans their full privileges as Englishmen, \u201cthey should not be allowed such a form of government, as will best secure them their just rights and natural liberties?\u201d\nRight.\nCertainly\nVery just. Only that the arbitrary Government of a single Person is more eligible than the arbitrary Government of a Body of Men. A single Man may be afraid or asham\u2019d of doing Injustice. A Body is never either one or the other, if it is strong enough. It cannot apprehend Assassination; and by dividing the Shame among them, it is so little apiece, that no one minds it.\nThis question may strike many as absurd. \u201cYet I cannot help thinking it much more absurd, to hold that the British parliament, as it now stands, hath an undeniable right to make laws for North-America.\u201d Few of us openly assert that it is just \u201cfor one half of a kingdom, to hold the other half in chains,\u201d and those who do would change their tune if the situation were reversed; \u201cjustice requires that we should do by others, as we would \u2026 be done by ourselves.\u201d Is it not folly to condemn the Stuarts for governing without Parliament, when most of us would govern America on equally unjustifiable principles?\nI am surpriz\u2019d that a Writer, who in other respects appears often very reasonable and consistent, can talk of our Sovereignty over the Colonies! As if every Individual in England, was Part of a Sovereign over America! See the preceding Page.\n The question should be how high we can raise the colonies without making them independent and thereby abrogating \u201cour rights of sovereignty over them.\u201d This is at once the liberal and the politic approach, \u201cfor the most lasting\nSurely\nempires are always founded in principles the most agreeable to justice.\u201d A thoughtful man would never wish, even if it were possible, \u201cto make\nSee Page 25 [p. 323 above] where the Author defines Slavery.\nslaves of the Americans\u201d; for they would then be\nAnd if you ever succeed in making Slaves of us, depend upon it, we shall always be ready to return the Compliment.\ndangerous to Britain. \u201cA people \u2026 in whom the love of liberty as well as all sense of the just value of it, was extinguished, would certainly be the most proper instruments to reduce others to the like condition.\u201d Although in some things we are wildly apprehensive of our liberty, in the altercation with the colonies our apprehension is dormant, and that is the measure of our folly.\nThe Americans think, that while they can retain the Right of disposing of their own Money, they shall thereby secure all their other Rights. They have therefore not yet disputed your other Pretensions.\n The true basis of the Americans\u2019 grievance is wider than their complaints indicate. The right of taxation touches on two of \u201cthe three principal objects of government,\u201d which are securing the citizen\u2019s person, property, and religion: disposing of his property without his consent threatens his person with starvation. \u201cHence then it appears what alarming consequences a right of imposing taxes involves in it. Can it therefore surprise any one that the colonies should be jealous of this right? or rather would it not be much more surprising, were they not jealous of it?\nJust.\n \u201cHowever, a right of legislation in general over them, they certainly may with equal justice and propriety dispute, so long as they continue unrepresented in our parliament, or some other way are not admitted to a due share of power, in making those laws to which they are subject.\u201d At present they complain only of taxation, and to this point I shall confine myself. If it can be settled, other arguments about legislation will doubtless prove negotiable.\nYou do indeed presume too much. America is not part of the Dominions of England, but of the King\u2019s Dominion. England is a Dominion itself, and has no Dominions.\n \u201cThat England has an undeniable right to consider America as part of her dominions, is a fact, I presume, which can never be questioned.\u201d Few empires can produce as good a claim to their provinces as England to hers.\nIn some Sense. In what Sense? They were not planted at her Expence. As to Defence. All Parts of the King\u2019s Dominions have mutually always contributed to the Defence one of the other. The man in America who contributes Sixpence towards an Armament against the common Enemy, contributes as much to the common Protection as if he liv\u2019d in England.\n \u201cIt was England, in some sense, which at first gave them being \u2026 and ever since has defended them with her arms, and governed them with her laws. It is therefore but just and equitable that they should, in return,\nThey have always been ready to contribute but by voluntary Grants according to their Rights. Nor has any Englishman yet had the Effrontery to deny this Truth.\ncontribute a reasonable proportion for the support of that government, by which they are protected. This they have not as yet had the effrontery openly to deny.\u201d\n The question at issue is how they should contribute. Four ways are possible. One is by requisition from the King in council \u201cof a certain sum by them fixed, to be raised in each province, in such manner as their own assemblies shall think fit.\u201d The second is a similar requisition from Parliament and raised in the same way. The third is taxation by Parliament as it is now constituted. The fourth is taxation by a Parliament in which the Americans are represented.\nThe Author here is greatly mistaken. Such a Requisition as [he] describes, where a Sum certain was fixed for the Colonies to raise and the Manner only left to them, was never acquiesced in by the Colonies, indeed it was never propos\u2019d to them. The Requisitions have only been (after stating the Occasion) that they should grant such Sums as were suitable to their Abilities and Loyalty, the Quantum being intirely left to their Judgment. And this is the only kind of Requisition that will ever be approv\u2019d there.\nThe first of these ways, \u201chowever acquiesced in on the part of the colonies,\u201d is the most exceptionable, because it enables the ministry to set the amount. If such a requisition \u201cis to be indispensibly complied with,\u201d the Americans\nCertainly. And therefore they never had an Idea of being oblig\u2019d to comply indispensably with such Requisitions.\nwill be subject to ministerial government and therefore to ministerial tyranny. Yet it is obvious that the requisition, if made, \u201cshould without reserve be complied with,\u201d for otherwise the Americans will have discretionary power and\nHe still confounds himself and Readers with this Sovereignty of England.\n\u201cthe sovereignty of England\u201d will be nominal: if they are free to decide how much to raise as well as how to raise it, \u201cIt is scarcely to be\nWhy is it to be doubted that they will not grant what they ought to grant? No Complaint was ever yet made of their Refusal or Deficiency.\ndoubted but their allowance will be found extremely short.\u201d\nHe says, if they are not without reserve oblig\u2019d to comply with the Requisitions of the Ministry, they may absolutely refuse to pay any Taxes at all. Let him apply this to the British Parliament, and the Reasoning will equally prove, that the Commons ought likewise to comply absolutely with the Requisitions of the Ministry. Yet I have seen lately the Ministry demand 4s. in the Pound, and the Parliament grant but 3. But Parliaments and Provincial Assemblies may always be safely trusted with this Power of Refusing or granting in part. Ministers will often demand too much. But Assemblies, being acquainted properly with the Occasion will always grant what is necessary. Protection is (as I said before) mutual, and equal in Proportion to every Man\u2019s Property. The Colonies have been drawn into all British Wars, and have annoy\u2019d the Enemies of Britain as much in Proportion as any other Subjects of the King equal in Numbers and Property. Therefore this Account has always ballanc\u2019d itself.\n\u201cThey may, upon this footing, absolutely refuse to pay any taxes at all.\u201d If so, England would be better advised to break connection with them than to continue her protection of them at her own expense.\nAn American will hardly ever be of this Opinion. When the Taxers may lighten their own Burthen by so much the greater Weight they lay on the Taxed, Equity is scarce to be expected.\n The second method, a requisition by Parliament, is preferable because \u201cin so large a body of men, both justice and the true interest of the empire are more likely to be duly regarded\u201d; Americans may therefore \u201creasonably expect the burden will be more equitably laid upon them.\u201d Proceedings in Parliament are less rapid than in the Privy Council, so that if need be the Americans \u201cwill have more time to petition or\nLate Experience has fully shewn that American Petitions and Remonstrances are little regarded in Britain.\nmake remonstrances.\nThe Privilege of Petitioning has been attempted to be wrested from them. The Assemblies uniting to petition has been called a flagitious Attempt in the Minister\u2019s Letters, and such Assemblies as would persist in it, have therefore been dissolved!\nFor this privilege, the least which a subject can enjoy, is not to be denied them, however an ultimate compliance may be insisted on as indispensable.\u201d The Americans\u2019 financial position, furthermore, will probably be better understood in Parliament than in the ministry and \u201ctheir\n\u2019Tis a Joke to talk thus to us, when we know that Parliament so far from solemnly canvassing our Petitions, have refus\u2019d to receive or read them.\npetitions and remonstrances more solemnly canvassed.\u201d\nVery true.\n The impropriety of the third method, taxation by Parliament as presently constituted, has been demonstrated by the repeal of the Stamp Act. The Americans argued that the act was an unlawful exercise of authority; the justice of this argument the legislature, by repealing the act, \u201cnotwithstanding all their declarations and resolutions to the contrary, seem tacitly to have acknowledged.\u201d\n True.\n The Author here grows reasonable again.\n Our Sovereignty!\n Then be very sure of the Right before you attempt to exercise it.\n I am one of those few, but am persuaded the time is not far distant, when the few will become the many; For magna est Veritas, et prevalebit.\n The question with me touches the rights of mankind, one of which is to the greatest degree of liberty that government can secure. No people is free when it is without a voice in making its laws, and to say that the Americans have any such voice in Parliament is irrational. Those who insist on \u201cour right of legislation over them\u201d have a point; the right is essential. \u201cBut \u2026 this perhaps may be otherwise effected, than at the expence of the just birth-right of our fellow-creatures; yet were it only to be accomplished by such a violation, I am perfectly at a loss how to demonstrate the equity of such a procedure, unless it can be fully proved that the safety of the state can be secured by no other means. For nothing less can justify it.\u201d But we are not yet at the extreme of securing \u201cour sovereignty over them\u201d at the expense of their natural rights. \u201cTo claim and exercise an authority we have naturally no right to, is an action in itself as wrong as any, I think, that we can put in supposition. \u2026 Our right of legislation over the Americans, unrepresented as they are, is the point in question. This right is asserted by most, doubted of by some, and wholly disclaimed by a few. But to put the matter in a stronger light, the question, I think, should be,\nA very proper State of the Question.\nWhether we have a general right of making slaves, or not?\u201d\nHow can we Americans believe this? When we see almost half the Nation paying but 1s. 6d. in the Pound while others pay full 4s., and that there is not Virtue and Honesty enough in the Parliament to rectify this Iniquity? How can we suppose they will be just to us at such a Distance, when they are not just to one another? It is not, indeed, as the Author says, very probable. The unequal Representation, too, that prevails in this Kingdom, they are so far from having Virtue enough to attempt to remedy, that they make use of it as an Argument why we should have no Representation at all. Be quiet, says the Wag in the Story, I only p[iss] o[n] y[ou]: I sh[it] o[n] t[he] o[the]r.\n Imperfect governments administer justice and preserve order, or there would be little of either in the world. Parliament may be as equable and tender toward the colonies as their own assemblies are; this is \u201cpossible, although perhaps not very probable,\u201d if only because our distance from them makes us poor judges of their grievances and what they can afford in taxes.\nAn empire will not necessarily dissolve when \u201csome parts thereof are possessed of a power, by no means consistent with that unity of government I have been speaking of. Nay it is possible that\nThis Power in the American Assemblies has never been found inconvenient.\nsuch a power may never be found productive of any great inconvenience.\u201d The Irish parliament, for instance, may throw out money bills: here \u201cis a\nVery true. Then let us [not] trouble ourselves and others with a useless Theory.\ngreat defect in point of theory; and yet the inconveniences arising there from, in practice, have been hitherto by no means considerable. \u2026 The truth of the matter is, it is not so much the best form of government, as the most exact and regular administration of justice, that most effectually fastens together the different parts of an empire, whereon the stability and duration of it must ever necessarily depend.\u201d The people abuse such power as they have only after they receive \nTake care.\n \u201cvery heavy provocations to enrage them, from the excesses of their governors.\u201d We should not think ill of the Americans for considering our mode of taxation provocative.\nA Representation in the British Parl[iamen]t.\n I wish that the \u201cfourth and last\u201d method of taxation were as feasible as it is just. \u201cTo the\nProvided they had an equitable Number of Representatives allow\u2019d them.\nequity of this measure the Americans themselves, I presume, could have nothing fairly to object.\u201d Apportioning members among them\nLet the old Members continue till superseded by new Ones from America.\nwould be a transient difficulty; a more lasting one would be the distance involved, particularly when a new Parliament is to be elected. If Parliaments were annual, as they should be, the difficulty would be heightened, and could\nBy the above it might.\nscarcely be overcome when only a few weeks elapse between the dissolution and the election.\nLet the Members be chosen by the American Assemblies, and disputed Elections settled there, if any, but there would be none.\nAnother problem would be contested elections, which would have to be decided on a different basis in America and in England. But removing these difficulties is not my purpose, because \u201cit\nI think so too. Where neither Side approve a Match it is not likely to be made.\nis not \u2026 probable, that an American representation will ever be convened in England.\u201d Other and greater difficulties stand in the way: If the Americans wanted Parliament to intervene in a particular colonial affair, distance would preclude action; if they wanted the benefit of private Parliamentary acts, the expense of time and money would preclude it, yet\nThey may make them at home. The expence of private Acts in England is shamefully great.\nScarce ever\nthey might often have to apply for such acts. There would be many other matters, such as the cost of highways, rivers, and canals, where Parliament would have to be consulted but the\nAll this may be done by their own Laws at home.\nEvidences may be taken in Writing when necessary.\ncolonists would bear the charges. How could witnesses be brought across the ocean? The Americans have a right to representation if they want it; but it is a last resort, and cannot be realized \u201cwithout immense trouble.\u201d\nVery little.\nThen leave it as it is. It was very well till you attempted Alterations and Novelties.\n All four methods of raising money are full of difficulties; what then should be done? This is as important a question as the British government has ever faced. \u201cIf they should be divided in their sentiments upon it, and uncertain what measures to adopt and follow, it cannot be matter of just wonder or censure.\u201d\nVery just.\n England is not a Sovereign. The King is.\n \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0They are in Subjection only to him. England is itself a Dominion, but has no Dominions.\n The best guide to policy is the disposition of those we deal with, but \u201cthe truest policy \u2026 is ever founded in the soundest morality.\u201d The Americans, if unrepresented in Parliament, have a right to any other form of government that is consistent with \u201cthe sovereignty of England over them.\u201d England has only the right to have them \u201ccontinue in subjection to her, and form a part of her\nBut you are mistaken.\n Your humble Servant. We thank you for nothing. Keep up your Claim and make the most of it.\n Strange! that the Parl[iamen]t should have a Right to do what they cannot do equitably. And the Colonies a Right that is contrary to the Right of Parl[iamen]t.\ndominions. \u2026 The one I think, she has a right to command; and the other they have a right to claim.\u201d Any concessions she makes are by favor; if the Americans gained the same taxing power as the Irish, for instance, \u201cit should be deemed only as matter of grace, to be resumed at pleasure. And custom, of however long a standing, can never convert it into matter of undeniable claim.\u201d If, on the other hand, the Americans agreed to be taxed by the present British Parliament, they could not equitably be held to that agreement; for they would not thereby lose their right to be represented in the House of Commons.\nNo. They may challenge all that was promis\u2019d them by Charters to encourage them to settle there. They have perform\u2019d their Part of the Contract, and therefore have a Right to expect a Performance of the other Part. They have by the Risques and Expences they incurr\u2019d additional Merit and therefore to be considered as above the Level of other Subjects.\n These are the limits of right and equity on both sides. \u201cTo be placed upon a level with the rest of the subjects of the British crown, is the utmost the colonies can challenge.\u201d\nand more,\nTo refuse them this, on any ground except an immediate danger to England, would be dishonesty. We may not abridge the liberty of a country \u201cmerely because we cannot otherwise maintain our sovereignty over it, unless\nI am quite sick of this our Sovereignty.\nYour Safety is only endangered by quarreling with the Colonies; not by leaving them to the free Enjoyment of their Liberties.\nour safety were actually at stake, and absolutely required it.\u201d\nThe Colonies were not planted at your Expence.\n The case may be altered when the country in question has been founded \u201cat our own expence.\u201d\nThey well knew the contrary. They would never have gone if that had been the case. They fled from your Government which oppress\u2019d them. If they carried your Government with them and of course your Laws they had better have staid and endur\u2019d the Oppression at home, and not have added to it all the Hardships of making a new Settlement. They carried not your Laws but [line missing] they had carried your Government and Laws, they would now have been subject to Spiritual Courts, Tythes, Church Acts of Parl[iamen]t, Game Acts, &c &c which they are not and never were since their being out of the Realm.\nThe first settlers presumably \u201cwell knew \u2026 they were still to continue the subjects of the same government.\u201d\nThey were to depend on the King only.\nAlthough their charters were less explicit than they should have been, the Americans \u201cknew they were not to be independant.\u201d Any powers the charters seemed to give them that were inconsistent with British sovereignty might be removed; \u201cno government can be supposed to alienate prerogatives necessary to its safe existence.\u201d By the same token we in turn should remove any unnecessary limitations on colonial liberties.\nEvery Government is suppos\u2019d to be compos mentis when it grants Charters, and shall not be allow\u2019d to plead Insanity. If you break the Charters or violate them, you dissolve all Tie between us.\nYou may claim it, but you have not, never had, nor, I trust, ever will have it.\n But \u201ca right of sovereignty in this case, we may undeniably claim and vindicate:\nYou, i.e. the People of England, cannot grant the Americans Independency of the King. It can never be, but with his Consent and theirs.\nand though we may safely grant them absolute independency, yet whatever generosity might suggest, justice does not seem to require it. \u2026\nOur Sovereignty! Our Sov[ereign]ty for ever.\n \u201cNow, our title and pretensions to all our American provinces are of that sort that seem fairly to justify our asserting and preserving our sovereignty over them, although at the expence of some portion of their natural prerogatives.\u201d\nOf their not our Plantations.\nThe colonies partly consist of our own plantations, and partly of the conquests we have made from France. In both cases we have the right to keep them on a footing that will support our government. If we declared them independent they would fall to France, help to give her mastery of the seas, and endanger the liberties of\nThe Conquests may be yours, partly; but they are partly Conquests belonging to the Colonies, who join\u2019d their Forces with yours in equal Proportion.\nTake care then how you use them.\nEurope; our existence as a free people, therefore, depends on retaining the colonies. So does\nThe direct contrary is true. They are not redressed, they are refused to be heard. Fresh Oppressions and Insults are continually added. (1770)\ntheir existence as a free people. \u201cThey are now treated as children; their complaints are heard, and grievances redressed; but then they would be treated rather as slaves, having the swords of\nEnglish Swords are now held at our Throats. Every Step is taking to convince us that there is no Difference in Government.\ntheir masters perpetually held at their throats, if they should presume to offer half the indignities to the officers of the French crown, which they have often, with impunity, done to those of the British.\u201d\nIt is well they have.\n At present they enjoy the full benefit of English citizenship, and have their own assemblies to redress their grievances. The power of these assemblies is little inferior to that of Parliament, and threatens to equal it. In that case \u201cwhat marks of sovereignty will they allow us to enjoy? What sort of claim will they indulge us with? Only, I suppose, a mere titular one.\u201d Then why should we continue to defend them, or do they expect to defend themselves? \u201cThis they certainly at present are not able to do, if they were not sheltered by the wings of Great Britain.\u201d\nWhat would you have? Would you the People of England be Subjects and Kings at the same time?\nDon\u2019t be under any Apprehensions for them. They will find Allies and Friends somewhere; and it will be worth no one\u2019s while to make them Enemies or to attack so poor a People so numerous and so well armed.\n We only ask them to contribute within reason to their own defense. They may say they are willing to do so, if it is on their own initiative; and this is the alternative to their receiving Parliamentary representation. If they do receive it, the number of their members should be\nA proper limitation can only be this, that they shall from time to time have such a Number of additional Members as are proportion\u2019d to their increasing Share of the Taxes and Numbers of People.\n \u201cproperly limited,\u201d as Scottish members were in the Act of Union.\n Americans and Englishmen must contribute their due proportions to the support of government. But it is almost impossible to estimate,\nThe Protection is mutual.\nfor the colonies, \u201cwhat expense their protection stands in to Great Britain. Besides, we can certainly afford to protect them at less expence than they could afford to protect themselves, were they either so many independent states, or only one general community.\u201d For the forces we must keep in being for our own protection will largely guard them as well. Such addition as we must make for them they ought to pay for. If they remonstrate that this additional strength, and the cost of maintaining it, can be safely reduced,\nThey are always in time of War at as much Expence as would be necessary to protect themselves; first, by the Troops and armed Ships they raise and equip. 2. By the higher Price they pay for all Commodities, when drawn into War by English European Quarrels. 3. By Obstructions to the Vent of their Produce by general Embargos.\nThis never was the Case.\nthis is little to the purpose. Although their remonstrances \u201cshould be candidly heard, and duly regarded,\u201d England must remain the judge;\nEngland is no Governor; it is governed. The King governs.\nif they dictate to her, \u201cit is no longer England, but her colonies, that govern.\u201d The Americans are also chargeable with part of the civil list,\nI will tell you how it is managed. The Colonies maintain their Governors, who are the King\u2019s Representatives. And the King receives a Quitrent from the lands in most of the Colonies.\nbut how this is managed is\nBut not 100th part so great. Lessen these Expences, they are exorbitant.\nnot my business to inquire. \u201cThe pomp of government\u201d always requires such expenses, and they are considerable. It is only fair that the colonies should bear their share, and I see no reason why they should complain at being obliged to do so.\nThere is no Occasion to oblige them to do what they do voluntarily. Many profitable Offices too are held by Patentees from the Crown residing in England.\n An Englishman pays heavier taxes than an American can. But if one contributes a day\u2019s pay a week, the other might afford a day\u2019s pay a\nMost of these Writers seem to forget, or not to know, that American Governments have heavy Taxes of their own to pay.\nfortnight. Americans have great expenses of converting a wilderness into habitable land; but the cost varies in different parts of the colonies, and some parts are as well off as the mother country. We should not be over-rigorous, nevertheless, in taxing the colonies, for we thereby depress them and discourage improvement. In a northern province of Denmark, it is said, the lands were so heavily taxed that the peasants petitioned the King to take their farms into his\nAs these Differences cannot be known in Parliament here, how can you proportion and vary your Taxes of America so as to make them equal and fair? It would be undertaking what you are not qualified for, as well as doing what you have no right to do.\nIf it were once established that the Parliament had a Right to tax America ad libitum, we might as well give up our Lands, for we could call nothing our own that might be taken from us at the Pleasure of a Body wherein we had no Representatives.\nown hands; this he did not want to do, knowing that they would be useless to him unless cultivated. Excessive taxation may have the same effect in any country.\n Whether the Stamp Act would have been that kind of taxation I cannot say. The English may be considered incompetent judges, but the Americans are equally so because the matter so closely concerns their own interests. \u201cYet it must be granted, that they know best the state of\nAnd yet you would be meddling.\ntheir finances, and what taxes they can afford to pay.\u201d The difference in the value of their money suggests that the troops there might be paid less, but this would be imprudent even if it were limited to the provincials.\nThe Provincials are paid nearly double. Men are not to be had there on English pay.\nThe English are eternally harping on this String; the great Obligations the Colonies are under for Protection from the French. I have shown already that the Defence was mutual. Every Man in England, and every Man\u2019s Estate, has been defended from the French: But is it Sense to tell any particular Man, The Nation has incurr\u2019d a Debt of 148 Millions to protect you and your Estate; and therefore you owe a great deal of Gratitude to the Nation, &c.? He will say, and justly, I paid my Proportion, and I am under no Obligation. The Colonies, as I have shown in preceding Notes, have always paid more in various Ways. And besides, [line missing] extending your Trade sometimes (from which you exclude the Colonies) and for Whims about the Ballance of Power, and for the Sake of continental Connections in which they were separately unconcerned. On the other hand, they have from their first Settlement had Wars in America in which they never engag\u2019d you. The French have never been their Enemies but upon your Account. The French were at peace with them when you came into America with your Troops and began a War which you now say was on their Account, tho\u2019 it was really for Lands which the King claimed, not the Colonies, and to protect your Indian Trade.\n Whatever lenience the colonies may deserve from England, \u201cit is very certain that England is entitled to a great deal of gratitude from her colonies.\u201d They must realize that without British help they would have been swallowed up by the French. \u201cThat the late war was chiefly kindled, and\nIt is denied.\ncarried on upon their account, can scarcely be denied,\u201d and Britain\u2019s loss of money and lives was heavy. She admittedly furthered her own interests thereby, but the Americans endorsed those interests by joining with her; why do they now jeopardize them by trying, it seems, to shake off sovereignty? If they succeed, our peace and safety will become more precarious then ever, and they will immediately become dependent upon France. \nOur Sovereignty again. This Writer, like the Genoese Queens of Corsica, deems himself a Sprig of Royalty!\nWe are assured of the contrary. Weak States that are poor, are as safe as great Ones that are rich. They are not Objects of Envy; the Trade that may be carried on with them, makes them Objects of Friendship. The smallest States may have great Allies. And the mutual Jealousies of Great Nations contribute to their Security.\n Even if they could be actually independent, we do not know whose friends they would become or what factors, if any, might dispose them\nThen be careful not to use them ill.\ntoward us rather than toward the French. This uncertainty alone is a good reason for us to\nIt is a better Reason for using them kindly. That alone can retain their Friendship. Your Sovereignty will be of no Use if the People hate you. Keeping them in Obedience will cost you more, than your Profits from them can amount to.\nguard our \u201csovereignty.\u201d\nHow little this Writer knows of the Colonies!\n Whatever benefit Britain derived from the late war, the colonies were the principal gainers. \u201cNow they enjoy a peace and tranquility, which they scarcely ever knew before.\u201d Their chief remaining danger is from the Indians, whom they themselves have provoked; and the diligence with which our government has defended them from this and every other danger deserves some gratitude. But if their claims are just, wherein are they blameworthy? Not for claiming their rights and liberties, but for their riotous and seditious way of asserting them. England has much to justify her conduct. \u201cShe is conscious she has a right of sovereignty over\nThey never wanted or desired Protection from Indians.\n Do you Englishmen then pretend to censure the Colonies for Riots? Look at home!!! I have seen within a Year, Riots in the Country about Corn, Riots about Elections, Riots about Workhouses, Riots of Colliers, Riots of Weavers, Riots of Coalheavers, Riots of Sawyers, Riots of Sailors, Riots of Wilkites, Riots of Government Chairmen, Riots of Smugglers in which Customhouse Officers and Excisemen have been murdered, the King\u2019s armed Vessels and Troops fired at; &c &c &c. In America if one Mob rises and breaks a few Windows, or tars and feathers a single rascally Informer, it is called Rebellion: Troops and Fleets must be sent, and military Execution talk\u2019d of as the decentest Thing in the World. Here indeed one would think Riots part of the Mode of Government.\nNo, nor before.\nthem, which perhaps may not be quite so easy to maintain, when the point in dispute is given up. And this sovereignty she knows to be a matter of the last consequence for her to support.\u201d For the Americans it is of equal consequence: in the recent peace treaty Britain sacrificed every other object to \u201cprocuring them a safe establishment.\u201d In return she might expect a dutiful instead of an outrageous demeanor; firmness would have been more becoming for an American, and would have gained him more from Parliament.\n In the last War America kept up 25000 Men at her own Cost for 5 Years, and spent many Millions. Her Troops were in all Battles, all Service: Thousands of her Youth fell a Sacrifice. The Crown gain\u2019d an immense Extent of Territory and a great Number of new Subjects. Britain gain\u2019d a new Market for her Manufactures and recover\u2019d and secur\u2019d the old one among the Indians which the French had interrupted and annihilated. But what did America gain, except that safe Establishment, which they are now so taunted with? Lands were divided among none of them. The very Fishery which they fought to obtain, they are now restrain\u2019d in, (Labrador). The Plunder of the Havanah was not for them. And this very safe Establishment they might as well have had by Treaty with the French their Neighbours, who would probably have been easily made and continu\u2019d their Friends, if it had not been for their Connection with Britain.\nThen don\u2019t be insolent with your Power.\n\u201cIt seldom happens that one fares the better for his insolence.\u201d\n We have been often threaten\u2019d with this wise Measure of returning Canada to France. Do it when you please. Had the French Power, which you were 5 Years subduing with 25000 Regulars, and 25000 of us to help you, continu\u2019d at our Backs, ready to support and assist us whenever we might think proper to resist your Oppressions, you would never have thought of a Stamp Act for us; you would not have dared to use us as you have done. If it be so politic a Measure to have Enemies at hand to keep (as the Notion is) your Subjects in Obedience; then give Part of Ireland to the French to plant [line missing] another French Colony in the Highlands to keep rebellious Scotland in order. Plant another on Tower hill to restrain your own Mobs. There never was a Notion more ridiculous. Don\u2019t you see the Advantage you now have if you preserve our Connection? The 50000 Men, and the Fleet employ\u2019d in America during the last War, is now so much Strength at Liberty to be employ\u2019d elsewhere.\n If the Americans choose to defy us, to gain some points that England might prefer to surrender than contest, it is an imprudent course. For their insolence may increase with our concessions until nothing will content them but independence, and we may be forced into other measures which they will be the first to repent. In an extreme crisis with the colonies \u201cEngland may yet produce both a ministry and a parliament that would rather share them once more with the French, than totally relinquish her present pretensions, from a very just conviction that such a step would be much more politic than to suffer them to throw themselves wholly into the arms of that nation; and such a measure \u2026 would be abundantly defensible, however awkward it may be found at the first mention.\u201d Though I hope they will never compel us to take that step, if they do they will find themselves involved in the same bloodshed out of which they have recently emerged. This prospect may dispose them to some moderation, which otherwise we cannot expect.\nThey only desire you would leave them where you found them. Repeal all your taxing Laws, and return to Requisitions when you would have Aids from them.\n It may be asked what is the limit of their demands, because hitherto they do not seem to have known where to stop. But I return to my underlying premises. The first is that the Americans have as much right as the English to be represented in the legislature that taxes them and passes the laws by which they are governed.\nDistinguish here what may be convenient from what is fact. Before the Union, it was thought convenient and long wish\u2019d for, that the two Kingdoms should join in one Parliament. But till that Union was form\u2019d, the fact was that their Parliaments were distinct, and the British Parliament could not make Laws for Scotland. The same Fact now subsists in America. The Parliaments and States are distinct. But the British has taken advantage of our Minority, and usurp\u2019d Powers not belonging to it.\nThe second is that imperial authority must center in one supreme assembly. The third, which follows from the first two, is that the Americans should be represented in Parliament if they so desire. The fourth is that, if the third is not practicable, they should be allowed \u201csuch an establishment,\nO Lord!\n in subordination to the sovereignty of England, as should appear most favourable to their rights and liberties.\u201d\n[Part of a line missing] a new Argument, and the Writers on both sides, have found themselves, on a more thorough Examination of Arguments and Facts, obliged to change some of their first Positions. The Subject is now better understood.\n The discussion would be greatly furthered if some fixed principles were accepted on all sides. For in the heat of argument \u201cwhat is granted at one time, is totally disavowed or denied at another.\u201d This seems to be the case, \nAnd of Old Englanders too. Witness, the Virtual Representation.\n in particular, of the New Englanders. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Whatever opinion I have of their rights is more favorable than my opinion of their conduct, which is \u201cneither consistent nor prudent. If they are willing\nThey think the same of yours.\nNo, none at all. Leave the King, who alone is the Sovereign, to exercise his Acts of Sovereignty, in appointing their Governors, approving or disapproving their Laws, &c.\nWE should exercise any acts of sovereignty among them at all, the imposition they have so riotously resisted, might \u2026 have been allowed better quarter; for it could have occasioned no further hardship than was voluntary,\n But do you leave it to their Choice to trade elsewhere for those Commodities, to go to another Shop? No; you saythey shall buy of you, or of nobody.\nthey having it always wholly left to their own choice to buy the commodities so charged, or not.\u201d If they had submitted to this demand, they might never have been sorry. In any case I am \nThis mighty Resistance is only doing what the Author says above they might do, refusing to buy the taxed Commodities.\nconvinced that \u201cthe resistance they have made to it was absolutely inconsistent with the demeanor usually expected from subjects towards\n O God! You have no Reason for this Hope. It was your Government\u2019s refusing to receive and consider their Remonstrances, that drove them into the Measures you condemn.\ntheir governors. Less tumultuous proceedings would \u2026 have been deemed much more becoming: and our government, I should humbly hope, would have paid full as favourable an attention to their just remonstrances.\u201d\n The reciprocal rights and claims of both sides must be defined and adjusted before grievances can be redressed and harmony return. Once the adjustment is made, we may hope that the colonies will no longer complain of encroachment\nThe English have no such Cause of Complaint.\non their liberties, or the mother country \u201ccomplain of the unequal payment of taxes on the part of the colonies; both being obliged equally to do justice by each other. \u2026 Nor should any mere custom, nor any charter or law in being, be allowed any great weight in the decision on this point. \u2026 The Americans may insist\nThe Charters are sacred. Violate them, and then the present Bond of Union (the Kingly Power over us) will be broken.\nSurely the Americans deserve a little more. They never put you to the Trouble and Expence of conquering them, as Ireland has done three times over. They never were in Rebellion. I speak now of the Native Irish. The English Families settled there certainly lost no Rights by their Merit in conquering that Country.\nupon the same rights, privileges, and exemptions as are allowed the Irish, because of the similarity, if not identity, of their connections with us.\u201d But the situations of the two are in some respects different, and, if any distinction is to be made between them,\nI wonder much at this most certainly.\n\u201cmost certainly \u2026 the Americans are least entitled to any lenity on that score; and yet \u2026 they have been hitherto, by far, the most favoured.\u201d\nIt is very imprudent to deprive America of any of her Privileges. If her Friendship and Commerce are of any Importance to you, they are to be had on no other Terms, than leaving her in the full Enjoyment of her Rights.\n The terms England may think safe to grant the Irish she may consider \u201cdangerous and imprudent to grant the Americans: for \u2026 they may have it much more in their power to create disturbances with impunity; because, long before we could send among them any considerable number of forces, they might do a great deal of mischief,\nThey will take Care to preserve Order and Government for their own sakes.\n Where you can not so conveniently use Force, there you should endeavour to secure Affection.\nif not actually overturn all order and government.\u201d Hence it would not be convenient to use the same coercive measures against America as against Ireland.\n Why then don\u2019t you try them? When did they refuse?\n If the Americans \u201cwould \u2026 contribute their quota of taxes,\u201d I should rather leave their present constitution undisturbed, however imperfect it may be, than try innovations that threaten an open rupture. For when we insist that they support the expense of government, they may justly insist upon enjoying the full benefit of it. [The last two pages of the pamphlet are missing.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0189", "content": "Title: Marginalia in [Josiah Tucker], A Letter from a Merchant, [1770?]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThe Rev. Josiah Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, was one of the more prolific pamphleteers of his time, and one of the few whose work still commands attention. He was an economist as well as a theologian, and his economic ideas led him gradually to the conclusion that the colonies were an encumbrance that the mother country could best do without. The conclusion was based solely on British self-interest as he saw it; with the colonists\u2019 arguments about their rights he had no patience. The sovereignty of Parliament was for him unlimited: the Americans were virtually represented in it and hence might be taxed by it. He was singularly contemptuous of them, even by the standards of the day. His contempt showed in the form in which he cast this pamphlet, which was ostensibly the letter of a wise old man to his young and callow relative, an imaginary background that gave the \u201cuncle\u201d free rein to write with a condescension that seems almost designed to infuriate.\nFranklin was infuriated. He tore into the Dean\u2019s arguments with his usual vigor and at unusual length; he commented more fully than on any other pamphlet that has survived. The bulk of his notes permits extensive quotation, rather than paraphrase, of Tucker\u2019s accompanying text, from which its tone as well as style becomes all too clear. Franklin\u2019s responses are interesting for their range (and occasionally their rage) rather than their originality: except for his views on property qualifications for voting, most of these marginalia repeat, at times almost verbatim, those in other pamphlets. Like them, these cannot be dated with confidence, although they were clearly written after news of the Boston Massacre reached London\u2014more than four years, in other words, after the pamphlet was written. Franklin bought it and kept it on his shelves intending to read it, we conjecture; when he finally did so he exploded into rebuttal.\n This is quoted upon the Supposition that the Point disputed is indisputable, viz. The Power of Parliament to make Laws binding in America, and to repeal Laws of the Colonies after they have had the Royal Assent. This Clause is void in itself, being contrary to the original Compact contained in the Colony Charters.\n The letter deals with the colonists\u2019 position, discusses the supposed violation of their charters and other grievances, and explains the consequences if they attempt to gain independence. There follows a quotation from 7\u20138 Wm. III, c. 22, asserting the supremacy of parliamentary statutes over all colonial usages or legislation.\n This is wickedly intended by the Author (Dean Tucker) to represent the E[nglish] North Americans as the Cause of the War, Whereas it was in fact begun by the French, who seized the Goods and Persons of the English Traders on the Ohio: encroached on the King\u2019s Lands in Nova Scotia and took a Fort from the Ohio Company by force of Arms; which induc\u2019d England to make Reprisals at Sea, and to send Braddock to recover the Fort on the Ohio, whence came on the War.\n \u201cYour Letters gave me formerly no small Pleasure, because they seem to have proceeded from a good Heart, guided by an Understanding more enlightened than is usually found among young Men.\u201d The indignation you express against the frauds, robberies, and insults that lost us the affections of the Indians is particularly commendable, for those acts involved us in the bloodiest and most expensive war ever known and, if repeated, will drive the savages to seek revenge. You were therefore right in expressing your detestation of such practices.\n But recently your tone has changed. Your mind seems agitated, and your reasoning incoherent and contradictory. Perhaps you want changes in your government, or perhaps you have the mistaken notion that we are making changes. Why do you keep harping on the\n There is no doubt but Taxes laid in Parliament where the Parliament hath Jurisdiction, are legal Taxes; but doth it follow that Taxes laid by the Parliament of England on Scotland before the Union, on Guernsey, Jersey, Ireland, Hanover, or any other Dominions of the Crown not within the Realm, are therefore legal. These Writers against the Colonies all bewilder themselves by supposing the Colonies within the Realm, which is not the Case, nor ever was.\n spirit of the constitution? It does not help your cause. \u201cMagna Charta, for Example, is \u2026 the Basis of the English Constitution. But, by the Spirit of Magna Charta, all Taxes laid on by Parliament are constitutional legal Taxes; and Taxes raised by the Prerogative of the Crown, without the Consent of Parliament are illegal. Now remember, young Man, That the late Tax or Duties upon Stamps was laid on by Parliament; and therefore, according to your own Way of reasoning, must have been a regular, constitutional, legal Tax. Nay more, the principal End and Intention of Magna Charta, as far as Taxation is concerned, was to assert the Authority and Jurisdiction of the three Estates of the Kingdom, in Opposition to the sole Prerogative of the King: so that if you will now plead the Spirit of Magna Charta against the Jurisdiction of Parliament, you will plead Magna Charta against itself.\u201d\n This then is the Spirit of the Constitution, that Taxes shall not be laid with[out] the Consent of those to be taxed. The Colonies were not then in being and therefore nothing relating to them could be literally express\u2019d. As the Americans are now without the Realm, and out of the Jurisdiction of Parliament, the Spirit of the British Constitution dictates, that they should be taxed only by their own Representatives as the English are by theirs.\n These subjects, like changeable silks, have different colors when seen in different lights. Let us move from the spirit of the constitution\n This Position supposes, that Englishmen can never be out of the Jurisdiction of Parliament. It may as well be said, that wherever an Englishman resides, that Country is England. While an Englishman resides in England he is undoubtedly subject to its Laws. If he goes in to a foreign Country he is subject to the Laws and Government he finds there. If he finds no Government or Laws there, he is subject there to none, till he and his Companions if he has any make Laws for themselves. And this was the Case of the first Settlers in America. Otherwise and if they carried the English Laws and Power of Parliament with them, what Advantage could the Puritans propose to themselves by going, since they would have been as subject to Bishops, Spiritual Courts, Tythes, and Statutes relating to the Church in America as in England? Can the Dean on his Principles tell us how it happens that those Laws, the Game Acts, the Statutes for Labourers, and an infinity of others made before and since the Emigration, are not in force in America, nor ever were?\n to the constitution itself, which is a factual matter. \u201cThe first Emigrants, who settled in America, were certainly English Subjects;\u2014subject to the Laws and Jurisdiction of Parliament, and consequently to parliamentary Taxes, before their Emigration; and therefore subject afterwards, unless some legal constitutional Exemption can be produced.\n \u201cNow this is the Question, and the sole Question between you and me, reduced to a plain, single Matter of Fact. Is there therefore any such Exemption, as here pretended? And if you have it, why do you not produce it?\u2014\u2018The King, you say, hath granted Charters of Exemption to the American Colonies.\u2019 This is now coming to the Point: and this will bring the Dispute to a short Issue. Let us therefore first enquire, Whether he could legally and constitutionally grant you such a Charter? And secondly, Whether he did ever so much as attempt to do it? And whether any such Charters are upon Record?\n \u201cNow, upon the first settling of an English Colony, and before ever you, Americans, could have chosen any Representatives, \u2026 to whose\n The Author here appears quite ignorant of the Fact. The Colonies carried no Law with them, They carried only a Power of making Law, or adopting such Parts of the English Law, or of any other Law, as they should think suitable to their Circumstances. The first Settlers of Connecticut, for Instance, at their first Meeting in that Country, finding themselves out of all Jurisdiction of other Governments, resolved and enacted, That till a Code of Laws should be prepared and agreed to, they would be governed by the Law of Moses, as contained in the Old Testament.\n Laws, and to what legislative Power were you then subject? To the English most undoubtedly; for you could have been subject to no other. You were Englishmen yourselves; and you carried the English Government, and an English Charter over along with you. This being the Case, were you not then in the same Condition, as to Constitutional Rights and Liberties, with the rest of your Fellow-subjects, who remained in England?\n You are too positive, Mr. Dean.\n Certainly you were. \u2026 You ought not to have been placed in a worse: and surely you had no Right to expect a better. Suppose therefore, that the Crown had been so ill advised, as to have granted a Charter to any City\n If the first Settlers had no Right to expect a better Constitution, what Fools were they for going over, to encounter all the Hardships and Perils of new Settlements in a Wilderness! for these were so many Additions to what they suffer\u2019d at home from tyrannical and oppressive Institutions in Church and State if they carried those Institutions with them, with a Subtraction of all their old Enjoyments of the Conveniencies and Comforts of an old Settled Country, Friends, Neighbours, Relations, Homes, &c &c.\n The American Settlers needed no Exemption from the Power of Parliament; they were necessarily exempted as soon as they landed out of its Jurisdiction. Therefore all this Rhetorical Paragraph is founded on a Mistake of the Author; he talks of is of his own Making.\n or County here in England, pretending to exempt them from the Power and Jurisdiction of an English Parliament;\u2014what would the Judges? what would the Lawyers? nay, what would you Americans have said to it? \u2026 Is it possible for you to believe, that the King has a Power vested in him by the Constitution of dividing his Kingdom into several independent States, and petty Kingdoms, like the Heptarchy in the Times of the Saxons? \u2026 Is it possible, I say, for you to believe an Absurdity so gross and glaring?\u201d The alternative is to believe that the King can do in America what he can not do in England, which\n What Stuff! Why may not an American plead for the just Prerogatives of the Crown? And is it not a just Prerogative of the Crown to give the Subjects Leave to settle in a foreign Country if they think it necessary to ask such Leave? Was the Parliament at all considered or consulted in making these first Settlements? [No]r did any Lawyer then think it necessary.\n means exalting his power. \u201cAn American pleading for the Extension of the Prerogative of the Crown? Yes, if it could make for his Cause;\u2014and for extending it too beyond all the Bounds of Law, of Reason, and of Common Sense!\u201d\n It was not a Renunciation of [a] Right of Parliament; There was no Need of such a Renunciation, for Parliament had not then pretended to such a Right. But since the Royal Faith was pledg\u2019d by the King for himself and his Successors, how can any succeeding King, without violating that Faith, even give his Assent to an Act of Parliament for such Taxation?\n Although I have supposed for argument\u2019s sake that the crown was so ill advised as to grant illegal and unconstitutional charters, the fact was very different. [Footnote: Kings formerly claimed the right to tax without the consent of Parliament; but this right was not insisted on in any of the charters, and was explicitly surrendered in that of Maryland. Now this renunciation of an obsolete prerogative is made into the renunciation by Parliament of the right to raise taxes. The King was promising only for himself, not for Parliament.] No such unconstitutional charters were ever\n A Fib, Mr. Dean: In one Charter only, and that a later one, is the Parliament mentioned: And the right reserved is only that of laying Duties on Commodities imported from the Colony or exported to it.\n granted. \u201cNay, many of your Colony Charters assert quite the contrary, by containing express Reservations of Parliamentary Rights, particularly that great one of levying Taxes. And those Charters which do not make such Provisoes in express Terms, must be supposed virtually to\n Suppositions and Implications will not weigh in these important Cases.\n imply them; because the Law and Constitution will not allow, that the King can do more either at home or abroad, by the Prerogative Royal,\n No Law or Constitution forbad the King\u2019s doing what he did in granting those Charters.\n than the Law and Constitution authorize him to do.\u201d\n This Instance would be something, if London was not within the Realm. Whereas the Colonies are without; and therefore \u2019tis nothing to the purpose, convinces no American of any thing but the pert positiveness and Ignorance of the Author.\n If you want a striking proof of this argument I will give you one, \u201cand such an one too, as shall convince you, if anything can, of the Folly and Absurdity of your Positions.\u201d The City of London has long enjoyed great liberties under its charter, but no Londoner would think of pleading them as ground for being exempted from Parliamentary authority or taxation. If any one did he would be sent, not to prison, but \u201cto\n The difference between a Fool and a Madman is said to be, that the Fool reasons wrong from right Premises, the Madman right but from wrong Premises. This seems the Case of our Author, and therefore that Place perhaps more suitable for him.\n another Place of Confinement, much fitter for a Person in his unhappy Situation.\n \u201cAnd now, my good Friend, what can you say to these things?\u2014The only thing which you ought to say, is,\u2014that you did not see the Affair in its true Light before: and that you are sincerely sorry for having been so positive in a\n This is Hollowing before you are out of the Wood.\n wrong Cause. Confuted most undoubtedly you are beyond the Possibility of a Reply. \u2026\u201d But your letters indicate that you have other arguments than the charters. What are they? The cruelty of taxing a free people without permitting them to have representatives? \u201cStrange, that though the British Parliament has been, from the Beginning, thus unreasonable, \u2026 you should not\n False! Never before the Restoration.\n The Parliament, it is acknowledged, have made many oppressive Laws relating to America, which have passed without Opposition, partly thro\u2019 the Weakness of the Colonies, partly thro\u2019 their Inattention to the full Extent of their Rights while employ\u2019d in Labour to procure the Necessaries of Life. But that is a wicked Guardian, and a Shameless one, who first takes Advantage of the Weakness incident to Minority, cheats and Imposes on his Pupil; and when that Pupil comes of Age urges those very Impositions as Precedents to justify continuing them and adding others!\n have been able to have discovered, that you were without Representatives in the British Parliament, of your own electing, till this enlightening Tax upon Paper opened your Eyes! And what a pity is it, that you have been Slaves for so many Generations, and yet did not know, that you were Slaves until now.\u201d \n But let that pass. If you mean anything by the cruelty of the mother country, you must mean that she deals worse with you than with her own inhabitants, by denying you rights and privileges that they enjoy. But what are these rights? Name them if you can. The right of voting for members of Parliament? \u201cBut surely you will not dare to say, that we refuse your Votes, when you come hither to offer them, and\n This is all Banter and Insult, when you know the Impossibility of a Million of Freeholders coming over Sea to vote here. If their Freeholds in America were within the Realm, why have they not, in virtue of those Freeholds, a Right to vote in your Elections as well as an English Freeholder? Sometimes we are told, that our Estates are by our Charters all in the Manor of East Greenwich and therefore all in England, and yet have we any Rights to vote among the Voters of East Greenwich? Can we trade to the same Ports? In this very Paragraph you suppose that we cannot vote in England if we come thither, till we have by Purchase acquired a Right, therefore neither we nor our Estates are represented in England.\n choose to poll: you cannot have the Face to assert, that on an Election Day any Difference is put between the Vote of a Man born in America, and of one born here in England. Yet this you must assert, and prove too, before you can do any thing to the present purpose. Suppose therefore, that an American \u2026 is become a Freeman, or a Freeholder here in England;\u2014on that State of the Case, prove if you can, that his Vote was ever refused, because he was born in America:\u2014Prove this, I say, and then I will allow, that your Complaints are very just; and that you are indeed the much injured, the cruelly-treated People, you would make the World believe.\n This is all beside the Mark. The Americans are by their Constitutions provided with a Representation, and therefore need nor desire any in the British Parliament. They have never ask\u2019d any such Thing. They only say, since we have a Right to grant our own Money to the King; since we have Assemblies where we are represented for such Purposes, why will you meddle out of your Sphere, take the Money that is ours and give it as yours without our Consent?\n \u201cBut, my good Friend, is this supposed refusal the real Cause of your Complaint? \u2026 Oh! no, you have no Complaint of this sort to make: but the Cause of your Complaint is this; that you live at too great a Distance from the Mother Country to be present at our English Elections. \u2026 It may be so; but pray consider, if you yourselves do choose to make it inconvenient for you to come and vote, by retiring into distant Countries,\u2014what is that to us?\u201d You live in the colonies because you prefer to do so; why should we be compelled to remodel our ancient\n An absolute Falshood: We never demanded in any Manner, much less in the Manner you mention, that the Mother Country should change her Constitution.\n constitution at your behest? \u201cYou demand it too with a loud Voice, full of Anger, of Defiance, and Denunciation.\u201d\n Why then do you not give them a Representation?\n But let us be reasonable. Grant that the colonies are unrepresented; what does this mean? At least six million inhabitants of the British Isles are also unrepresented, not from the necessity\n Copyholds and Leaseholds are suppos\u2019d to be represented in the original Landlord of Whom they are held. Thus all the Land in England is in fact represented notwithstanding what he here says.\n of distance as in your case, but because of accidents of property-holding. \u201cCopyholds and Leaseholds of various Kinds\u201d have no representatives; I myself am possessed of \u201cproperty in London, and of several Copyholds and beneficial Leaseholds in the Country, and yet \u2026 I never had a Vote. Moreover, in some Towns neither Freedom, nor Birth-right, nor the serving of an Apprenticeship, shall entitle a man to give a Vote. \u2026 In other Towns the most numerous, the most populous, and flourishing of any, there are no Freedoms or Votes of any Sort; but all is open; and none are represented. And besides all this, \u2026 the great\n As to those who have no Landed Property in a Country, the allowing them to vote for Legislators is an Impropriety. They are transient Inhabitants, and not so connected with the Welfare of the State which they may quit when they please, as to qualify them properly for such Privilege.\n By this Argument it may be prov\u2019d that no Man in England has a Vote. The Clergy have none as Clergymen; the Lawyers none as Lawyers, the Physicians none as Physicians, and so on. But if they have Votes as Freeholders that is sufficient: And that no Freeholder in America has for a Representative in the British Parliament.\n East India Company, which have such vast Settlements, and which dispose of the Fate of Kings and Kingdoms abroad, have not so much as a single Member, or even a single Vote, quatenus a Company, to watch over their Interests at home. What likewise shall we say in regard to the prodigious number of Stockholders in our public Funds?\n The Stockholders are many of them Foreigners, and all may be so when they please, as nothing is more easy than the transferring of Stock, and conveying Property beyond Sea by Bills of Exchange. Such uncertain Subjects are therefore not properly vested with Rights relating to Government.\n And may not their Property, perhaps little short of One hundred Millions Sterling, as much deserve to be represented in Parliament, as the scattered Townships, or straggling Houses of some of your Provinces in America? yet we raise no Commotions; we neither ring the Alarm-Bell, nor sound the Trumpet; but submit to be taxed without being represented;\u2014and\n This is wickedly false. While the Colonies were weak and poor, not a Penny or a single Soldier was ever spared by Britain for their Defence: But as soon as the Trade with them became an Object, and a Fear arose that the French would seize that Trade and deprive her of it, she sent Troops to America unask\u2019d. And now brings this Account of the Expence against us, which should be rather carried to her own Merchants and Manufacturers. We join\u2019d our Troops and Treasure with hers, to help her in this War. Of this no Notice is taken. To refuse to pay a just Debt is Knavish. Not to return an Obligation is Ingratitude: But to demand Payment of a Debt where none has been contracted, to forge a Bond or an Obligation in order to demand what was never due is infamous Villainy. Every Year both King and Parliament (during the War) acknowledged that we had done more than our Part, and made us some Return, which is equivalent to a Receipt in full and entirely sets aside this monstrous Claim.\n taxed too, let me tell you, for your Sakes. Witness the additional Duties on our Lands, Windows, Houses;\u2014also on our Malt, Beer, Ale, Cyder, Perry, Wines, Brandy, Rum, Coffee, Chocolate, &c. &c. &c. for defraying the Expences of the late War,\u2014not forgetting the grievous Stamp-Duty itself. All this, I say, we submitted to, when you were, or at least, when you pretended to be, in great Distress: so that neither Men, almost to the last Drop of Blood we could spill,\u2014nor Money, to the last Piece of Coin, were spared; but all was granted away, all was made\n Never.\n a Sacrifice, when you cried out for Help.\u201d In the war we acquired a debt unparalleled in history, just as \u201cthe Returns which you have made us for these Succours\u201d are also unparalleled.\n By all means redress your own Grievances. If you are not just to your own People, how can we trust you? We ask no Representation among you: But if you have any thing wrong among yourselves, rectify it, and do not make one Injustice a Precedent and Plea for doing another. That would be increasing Evil in the World instead of diminishing it.\n But let us come to the subject that you are trying to make the basis of your case: the fact that you, like so many of us, are unrepresented. Which lack of representation \u201cdeserves first to be redressed?\u201d Suppose that we ought to increase the size of the House of Commons in order to accommodate representatives of those British subjects who now have none, we must first settle the proportions. If the two million now represented elect 558 members as at present, six million will need 1,674, and the two million colonists will require an additional 558, making\n You need not be concern\u2019d about the Number to be added from America. We do not desire to come among you. But you may make some Room for your own additional Members by removing those that are sent by the rotten Burroughs.\n a total assembly of 2,790 members. \u201cA goodly Number truly! and very proper for the Dispatch of Business! Oh, the Decency and Order of such an Assembly! The Wisdom and Gravity of Two thousand Seven hundred and Ninety Legislators all met together in one Room! What a Pity is it, that so hopeful a Project\n This Banter very useless and silly.\n should not be carried into immediate Execution!\n In the same Manner Mr. Dean, are the Pope and Cardinals Representatives of the whole Christian Church. Why don\u2019t you obey them?\n \u201cBut \u2026 I must now tell you, that every Member of Parliament represents you and me, and our Interests in all essential Points, just as much as if we had voted for him.\u201d For as soon as he is elected\n What occasion is there then, my dear Sir, of being at the Trouble of Elections? The Peers alone would do as well for our Guardians tho\u2019 chosen by the King or born such. If their present Number is too small, his Majesty may be good enough to add 558, or make the present House of Commons and their Heirs male Peers for ever. If having a Vote in Elections would be of no Use to us, how is it of any to you? Elections are the Causes of much Tumult, Riot, Contention and Mischief; get rid of them at once and for ever.\n he becomes responsible for the interests of all, a guardian of the general welfare rather than of the particular interests of his constituency. Boston and New York are as truly represented as Manchester and Leeds by the 558 members, who are numerous enough to secure the rights and liberties of all.\n But you may say that each member must look out for his own interests in order to secure reelection. Perhaps, but who can guard against all dangers? What system is perfect? Your objection, furthermore, proves too much\u2014that no man ought to pay any tax until his own particular representative has consented to it, and therefore that whoever does not have a representative in Parliament is not obliged to obey its laws or pay its taxes.\n You seem to take your Nephew for a Simpleton, Mr. Dean. Every one who votes for a Representative knows and intends that the Majority is to govern; and that the Consent of the Majority is to be understood as the Consent of the whole, that being ever the Case in all deliberative Assemblies.\n Where will you turn to extricate yourself from your logical difficulties? You cannot say that representatives whom such a man never chose have a right to tax him \u201cbecause he makes a Part of the Body Politic implied in, and concluded by the rest;\u2014you cannot say this, \n How far, my dear Sir, would you yourself carry the Doctrine of Implication? If important Positions are to be imply\u2019d when not express\u2019d, I suppose you can have no Objection to their being imply\u2019d where some Expression countenances the Implication. If you should say to a Friend, I am your humble Servant, Sir, ought he to imply from thence that you will clean his Shoes?\n because the Doctrine of Implication is the very Thing to which you object, and against which you have raised so many Batteries of popular Noise and Clamour. Nay, as the Objection is entirely of your own making, it must go still further: for if your Argument is good for any thing, it is as good for North America as it is for Great Britain: and consequently you must\n No Freeholder in North America is without a Vote. Many who have no Freeholds have nevertheless a Vote, which indeed I do not think was necessary to be allowed.\n maintain, that all those in your several Provinces who have no Votes (and many Thousands of such there are)\u201d and also all those whose representatives did not consent to a provincial tax should not be compelled to pay it. \u201cThese now are the\u201d\n Not of our Principles but of what you are pleas\u2019d to imagine such.\n happy Consequences of your own Principles, fairly, clearly, and evidently deduced: Will you abide by them?\u201d\n What would you say if you discovered that the House of Commons has been more partial to you than to the British? This can be proved from the statute book. You have the choice, for example, \u201cwhether you will accept of my Price for your Tobacco,\u2014or after bringing it here,\n A great Kindness this, to oblige me first to bring it here that the Expence of another Voyage and Freight may deter me from carrying it away, and oblige me to take the Price you are pleas\u2019d to offer.\n whether you will carry it away, and try your Fortune at another Market: but I have no alternative allowed, being obliged to buy yours at your own Price; or else to pay such a Duty for\n You lay a Duty on the Tobacco of other Countries, because you must pay Money for that, but get ours in Exchange for your Manufactures.\n the Tobacco of other Countries, as must amount to a Prohibition. Nay, in order to favour your Plantations, I am\n Tobacco is not permitted to be planted in England, lest it should interfere with the Corn necessary for your Subsistence.\n Rice you cannot raise. It requires 11 Months, your Summer is too short. Nature not the Laws denies you this Product.\n not permitted to plant this Herb on my own Estate, though the Soil should be ever so proper for it. Again, the same Choice, and the same Alternative are allowed to you, and denied to me, in regard to Rice; with this additional Advantage, that in many Respects you need not bring it into England at all, unless you are so minded. And what will you say in Relation to Hemp? The\n Did ever any North American bring his Hemp to England for this Bounty? We have yet not enough for our own Consumption. We begin to make our own Cordage. You want to suppress that Manufacture and would do it by getting the raw Material from us: You want to be supply\u2019d with Hemp for your Manufactures, and Russia demands Money. These were the Motives for giving what you are pleased to call a Bounty to us. We thank you for your Bounties. We love you and therefore must be oblig\u2019d to you for being good to yourselves. You do not encourage raising Hemp in England, because you know it impoverishes the richest Grounds; your Land Owners are all against it. What you call Bounties given by Parliament and the Society are nothing more than Inducements offered us, to induce us to leave Employments that are more profitable and engage in such as would be less so without your Bounty; to quit a Business profitable to ourselves and engage in one that shall be profitable to you; this is the true Spirit of all your Bounties. Your Duties on foreign Articles are from the same Motives. Pitch, Tar and Turpentine used to cost you \u00a35 a Barrel when you had them from Foreigners, who us\u2019d you ill into the Bargain, thinking you could not do without them. You gave a bounty of 5s. a Barrel to the Colonies, and they have brought you such Plenty as to reduce the Price to 10s. a Barrel. Take back your Bounties when you please, since you upbraid us with them. Buy your Indigo, Pitch, Silk, and Tobacco where you please, and let us buy our Manufactures where we please. I fancy we shall be Gainers. I am sick of these forged Obligations. As to the great Kindness of these 558 Parliamentary Guardians of American Privileges, who can forbear smiling that has seen the Navigation Act, the Hatters Act, the Steel, Hammer and Slit Iron Acts, and numberless others restraining our Trade, obstructing our Manufactures, and forbidding us the Use of the Gifts of God and Nature? Hopeful Guardians truly! Can it be imagined that if we had a reasonable Share in selecting them from time to time they would thus have us\u2019d us?\n Parliament now gives you a Bounty of \u00a38 per Ton for exporting your Hemp from North America; but will allow me nothing for growing it here in England; nay, will tax me very severely for fetching it from any other country; though it be an Article most essentially necessary for all the Purposes of Shipping and Navigation. Moreover in respect to the Culture of Raw Silk, you have an immense Parliamentary Premium for that Purpose; and you receive farther Encouragements from our Society for Arts and Sciences, which is continually adding fresh Rewards:\u2014but I can receive no Encouragement either from the one, or from the other, to bear my Expences at first setting out;\u2014though most undeniably the white Mulberry-Trees can thrive as well on my Grounds, as they can in Switzerland, Brandenburgh, Denmark, or Sweden, where vast Quantities are now raising. Take another instance: Why shall I not be permitted to buy Pitch, Tar, and Turpentine,\u2014without which I cannot put my Ships to sea,\u2014and Indigo, so useful in many Manufactures;\u2014why shall not I be permitted to purchase these Articles wherever I can, the best in their kind, and on the best Terms?\u2014No, I shall not; for though they are all raw Materials, which therefore ought to have been imported Duty free, yet I am restrained by an heavy Duty, almost equal to a Prohibition, from purchasing them anywhere, but from you:\u2014Whereas you on the contrary, are paid a Bounty for selling these very Articles, at the only Market, in which you could sell them to advantage, viz. the English.\n See the Statutes too for the Navigation Act.\n [Footnote: Those who have not the Statutes at large, may see the Things here referred to, and many others of the like Sort, in Crouche\u2019s or Saxby\u2019s Book of Rates.]\u201d\n It is your Confutations that are imaginary.\n Of all people on earth you have least reason to complain, but complain you will. No sooner is \u201cone Recital of imaginary Grievances silenced and confuted\u201d than another appears. Your last one is that this tax is inexpedient, ill timed, ill\n All these Objections were only to show, how unequal the Parliament was to the Business of Taxing the Colonies if the Right had been with them, from their Ignorance of Circumstances and Abilities &c.\n digested, and unrelated to the colonists\u2019 ability to pay. This objection would be unnecessary if you had succeeded in showing, as you have not, that the tax was illegal. But, as you were probably dissatisfied yourself\n We see in you abundance of Self Conceit, but no convincing Argument.\n with the legal argument, \u201cand must have seen abundant Reason before this Time to have altered your former hasty, and rash Opinion,\u201d I will debate the question of expediency. You cannot claim that you are too poor to pay after\n This should be a Caution to Americans how they indulge for the future in British Luxuries. See here British Generosity! The People who have made you poor by their worthless I mean useless Commodities, would now make you poorer by Taxing you: And from the very Inability you have brought on yourselves by a Partiality for their Fashions and Modes of Living, of which they have had the whole Profit, would now urge your Ability to pay the Taxes they are pleas\u2019d to impose. Reject then their Commerce as well as their pretended Power of Taxing. Be frugal and industrious, and you will be free. The Luxury of your Tables, which could be known to the English only by your hospitably entertaining, is by these grateful Guests now made a Charge against you, and given as a Reason for taxing you.\n having given us \u201csuch displays of your growing Riches and increasing Magnificence, as perhaps never any People did in the same Space of Time.\u201d Remember how I expostulated with your father on the tremendous increase of American luxury. He attributed it to the growing wealth of the country, and told me to suit my wares to my customers\u2019 tastes. He and then you ordered richer and richer goods of all sorts. Have you now put them aside? Have you given up concerts and plays and gambling and horse races? \u201cAnd is the Luxury of your Tables, and the Variety and Profusion of your Wines and Liquors quite banished from among you?\u201d You must answer these questions before pleading that the tax is excessive. Even if you were poor, which you are not by comparison with thirty years ago, it may be that we are relatively poorer. In that case which people can better bear the tax burden?\n I have heard, Mr. Dean, that you have studied Political Arithmetick more than Divinity, but by this Sample of it I fear to very little purpose. If personal Service were the Matter in Question, out of so many Millions of Souls so many Men might be expected, whether here or in America. But when raising Money is the Question, It is not the Number of Souls but the Wealth in Possession, that shows the Ability. If we were twice as numerous as the People of England it would not follow that we are half as able. There are Numbers of single Estates in England each worth a hundred of the best [of] ours in N A. The City of London alone is worth all the Provinces of N. America.\n Assume \u201cthat you are two Millions of Souls: \u2026 that the Public Debt of the several Provinces amounts to about 800,000 Sterling: and \u2026 that were this general Debt equally divided among the two Millions, each Individual would owe about the Value of Eight Shillings. Thus stands the Account on one side. Now we in Britain are reckoned to be about Eight Millions of Souls; and we owe almost One hundred and forty-four Millions of Money: which Debt, were it equally divided among us, would throw a Burthen upon each Person of about \u00a318 Sterling. This then being the State of the Case \u2026 would it be High-Treason in us to demand of you, who owe so little, to contribute equally with ourselves,\n This Lie is forever repeated by these Writers.\n who owe so much, towards the public Expences;\u2014and such Expences too as you were the Cause of creating? \u2026 Surely no:\u2014And yet, my gentle Friend, we do not so much as ask you to\n The Colonies have ever been willing and ready to contribute in Proportion to their Ability, and have done it in various Ways.\n contribute equally with ourselves, we only demand, that you would contribute something.\u201d In other words \u00a3100,000, the most that the stamp duty can amount to, which comes to a\n Blush for Shame at your own Ignorance Mr. Dean, who do not know that the Colonies have Taxes and heavy ones of their own to pay, to support their own Civil and military Establishments! and that the Shilling should not be reckon\u2019d upon Heads, but upon Pounds. There never was a sillier Argument.\n shilling a person. \u201cBlush! blush for shame at your perverse and scandalous Behaviour!\u201d\n Perhaps you will say\u2014and it is all that is left for you to say\u2014that you have other taxes of your own to pay. Undoubtedly you have, but so have we, many others \u201cbesides those which \u2026 are to be accounted for at the Exchequer. \u2026\n And have we not all these Taxes too, as well as you, and our Provincial or Public Taxes besides? And over and above, have we not new Roads to make, new Bridges to build, Churches and Colleges to found, and a Number of other Things to do that your Fathers have done for you and which you inherit from them, but which we are oblig\u2019d to pay for out of our present Labour?\n Witness our County Taxes, Militia Taxes, Poor Taxes, Vagrant Taxes, High Road and Turnpike Taxes, Watch Taxes, Lamps and Scavenger Taxes, &c. &c. &c.\u2014all of them as numerous and as burthensome as any that you can mention. And yet with all this Burthen, yea, with an additional Weight of a National Debt of \u00a318 Sterling per Head,\u2014we require of each of you to\n How fond he is of this One Shilling and twenty!\n contribute only One Shilling to every Twenty from each of us!\u2014yes; and this Shilling too to be spent in your own Country, for the Support of your\n Who has desired this of you, and who can trust you to lay it out? If you are thus to provide for our Civil and military Establishments, what use will there afterwards be for our Assemblies?\n own Civil and Military Establishments;\u2014together with many Shillings drawn from us for the same Purpose.\u2014Alas! had you been in our\n No. We will pay nothing on Compulsion.\n Situation, and we in yours, would you have been content with our paying so small, so inconsiderable a Share of the Public Expences?\u201d\n The Americans never brought Riots as Arguments. It is unjust to charge two or three Riots in particular Places upon all America. Look for Arguments in the Petitions and Remonstrances of the Assemblies, who detest Riots, of which there are ten in England for one in America.\n You are the world\u2019s most unfortunate people in your handling of this controversy: the way you prove your inability to pay is \u201cby breaking forth into Riots and Insurrections, and by committing every kind of Violence, that can cause Trade to stagnate, and Industry to cease. And is this the Method \u2026 to make the World believe, that you are a poor People? Is this the Proof you bring, that the Stamp Duty is a burthen too heavy for you to bear? Surely, if you had really\n How impudent it is to insinuate that the Americans chose no other Medium.\n intended our Conviction you would have chosen some other Medium.\u201d If you are in fact poor, you are taking the best way to make yourselves poorer. For if \u201cyou can still afford to idle away your Time, and to waste Days, and Weeks, in Outrages and Uproars,\u201d you are demonstrating your prodigality and extravagance.\n When? Where?\n Defence of your Trade in America.\n The stamp duty, despite what you say, is neither unfair, unduly burthensome, nor badly timed. In the recent past you were draining us dry to pay for our fleets and armies \u201cacting in Defence of America,\u201d and at the same time our blood was being sucked by the extortionate demands of \u201cyour Jobbers and Contractors.\u201d Meanwhile you were growing rich by \u201ccontinually acting the double Part either of Trade, or War, of Smuggling, or Privateering, according to the Prospect of greater Gain.\u201d While we were\n Your Jobbers and Contractors if you please. We had none of those dainty Morsels.\n Is the War we made on your Enemies then among our Offences?\n An infamous Lie! They always have warlike Stores cheaper than ours: Our Supplying them with Provisions was a Cry only to found an Embargo on for the Benefit of English Contractors, that they might buy our Provisions cheaper. All this Page is Falshood and Misrepresentation. Money was actually much scarcer in the Colonies after the War than before. This is a Fact known to all that know any thing of them.\n striving to end the war you were prolonging it, \u201cand were supplying our enemies with all Manner of Provisions, and all Sorts of warlike Stores for that Purpose. Nay; because forsooth a Part of these ill-gotten Riches were laid out in English Manufactures \u2026 your Advocates and Authors trumpeted about the prodigious Profits of this North American Trade;\u2014not considering, or rather not willing that we should consider, that while a few Individuals were getting Thousands, the Public was spending Millions.\u201d\n Infamous Lie!\n If you believe that the tax was ill timed because Britain was \u201cable to bear the additional Load, which you had brought upon us,\u201d you are completely mistaken: we are not able, even if we were willing, to bear further taxation. \u201cThe Expenses of America must be borne by the Americans in some Form. \u2026\u201d\n Undoubtedly. We don\u2019t desire you to bear our Expences.\n It seems a prevailing Opinion in England, that Fear of their French Neighbours would have kept the Colonies in Obedience to the Parliament; and that if the French Power had not been subdu\u2019d, no Opposition would have been made to the Stamp Act. A very groundless Notion. On the contrary, Had the French Power continued, to which the Americans might have had Recourse in Case of Oppression from Parliament, Parliament would not have dared to oppress them. It was the Employment of 50,000 Men at Land, and a Fleet at the Coast, five Years to subdue the French only. Half the Land Army were Provincials. Suppose the British 25000 had acted by themselves with all the Colonies against them: what time would it have taken to subdue the whole?\n But perhaps you mean that the act was ill timed because it was made \u201cwhen neither the French, nor Indians were in your Rear to frighten, nor the English Fleets and Armies on your Front to force you to a Compliance. Perhaps this was your real Meaning: and if it was, it must be confessed, that in that Sense, the late Act was not well-timed; and that a much properer Season might have been chosen. For had the Law been made five or six years\n It is wonderful whence the English drew this Notion! The Americans know nothing of it.\n before, when you were moving Heaven and Earth with your Cries and Lamentations; not a Tongue would then have uttered a Word against it. \u2026\u201d Even the Americans would then have obeyed\n The Protection was mutual.\n Britain \u201cin Return for her kind and generous Protection.\u201d\n Not from the Beginnings. Look below at your List of Acts. The first of them is in the 12 of Cha. II. Threescore Years after the Beginning of Settlements in America.\n Your real grievance is not the Stamp Act but Britain\u2019s revival of trade restrictions. \u201cThe same Restrictions have been the standing Rules of government from the Beginning; though not enforced at all Times with equal Strictness.\u201d\n False.\n [Footnote: All European colonial powers have attempted by legislation to confine colonial trade to the mother country \u201cever since the Discovery of America.\u201d A list follows of British statutes for that purpose.] \u201cDuring the late War, you Americans could not import the Manufactures of other Nations (which it is your constant Aim to do, and the aim of the Mother Country\n An absolute Lie!\n More conveniently if we had lik\u2019d them. But the Truth is, that Foreign Manufactures are not to the Taste of the Americans.\n always to prevent), so conveniently as you can in Times of Peace: and therefore, there was no Need of watching you so narrowly, as far as\n Not a single Manufacture of France, except Brandy if that be one, ever used in America.\n that Branch of Trade was concerned. But immediately upon the Peace, the various Manufactures of Europe, particularly those of France, which could not find Vent before, were spread, as it were,\n A vile Lie.\n over all your Colonies, to the prodigious Detriment of your Mother Country.\u201d This caused the revival of trade restrictions. If their administration is faulty, it will be improved; but the American wants more. \u201cHe will ever complain and smuggle, and smuggle and complain, till all Restraints are removed, and till he can both buy and sell \u2026 wheresoever he pleases.\u201d\n Infinitely more Smuggling in England! Not a Member of Parliament that has not smuggled Goods on his Wrists.\n They are Laws in the Kingdom.\n These restraints, nevertheless, will remain. \u201cThey are the standing Laws of the Kingdom. \u2026 In short, while you are a Colony, you must be subordinate to the Mother Country. These are the Terms and Conditions, on which you were permitted to make your first Settlements: they are the Terms and Conditions, on which alone you can be entitled to the Assistance and Protection of Great\n To the King only.\n Ignorance!\n By suffering us to enjoin our Rights, you may expect our Assistance, and not otherwise.\n Not at all to promote our Interests, but your own. See p. 23, 24, 25 [above, pp. 363\u20136].\n Britain. \u2026\u201d You ought to have restrictions on your trade in order to promote our interest, because we have restrictions on our trade in order to promote yours. Do not expect, therefore, that the present administration will long connive at your disobedience; they will have to enforce the law.\n Another infamous Lie!\n \u201cMany among you are sorely concerned, That they cannot pay their British Debts with an American sponge. This is an intolerable\n Who proposed this, you lying Villain!\n Grievance: and \u2026 you have spoken out, and proposed an open Association against paying your\n Had the French or Spaniards rais\u2019d such a Lie on you, what Name would you have given them?\n just Debts.\u201d Had our debtors, French or Spanish, proposed this, \u201cwhat Name would you have given to such Proceedings?\u201d\n We were always distinct separate States under the Same Sovereign.\n You resent the sovereignty of Great Britain. \u201cFor you want to be independent: You wish to be an Empire by itself, and to be no longer the Province of another. This Spirit \u2026 is visible in all your Speeches, and all your Writings, even\n A silly Speech Mr. Dean has made for us.\n when you take some Pains to disguise it. \u2018What! an Island! A Spot such as this to command the great and mighty Continent of North America! Preposterous!\u2019\u201d Let us no longer be subjected to the paltry Kingdom of Great Britain, you say, but let the seat of empire be transferred to Great America.\n Your Thought, Mr. Dean, avails little against Fact. On the Contrary, It is you English that endeavour by every kind of Outrage and Insult to drive us to Extremities. Witness your Troops quarter\u2019d upon us, Your Dissolution of our Assemblies, &c &c &c\n These extravagant conceits are founded on calculations which \u201cI think \u2026 both false and absurd.\u201d But the question is what we are going to do with you before you become as formidable as your dreams. \u201cYou endeavour, with all your Might, to drive us to Extremities. For no Kind of Outrage, or Insult is omitted \u2026 and you do not seem at all disposed to leave Room for an Accommodation.\u201d Only if we recant will you acknowledge the power of Parliament, which\n We desire neither.\n means acknowledging \u201cthat we have a Right and a Power to give you Bounties, and to pay your Expences;\u2014but no other.\u201d\n And who did little or nothing without \u2019em: A ridiculous Imagination of the Author\u2019s own Head! A Silly Lie! No such Boast was ever made.\n We have three choices: to coerce you, to procrastinate, or to give you up entirely. The first would not be difficult; an American mob would be no match for British officers and soldiers, \u201cwho passed several Campaigns with your Provincials in America,\u201d and took their measure. We have faith in our troops, despite some of your friends here and \u201ctheir Insinuations of the Feasibility of corrupting his Majesty\u2019s Forces \u2026 by Means of large Bribes, or double Pay.\u201d You say you are poor and cannot pay your debts, in other words, while \u201cyou boast of the scandalous Use which you intend to make of your Riches.\u201d\n Here appears some Sense.\n I am, however, opposed to military operations, for how would conquering you benefit us? We might keep ships on your coast, and an army of customs officers to hunt down smugglers; but all this would only \u201csharpen your Wits, which are pretty sharp already, to elude our Searches, and to bribe and corrupt our Officers.\u201d We might in the end force you to buy twenty or thirty thousand pounds\u2019 worth of our goods at a cost for enforcement of two or three hundred thousand.\n Infamous Scandal, without the least Foundation. The Merchants never receiv\u2019d better Payment of the Debts, than during the Suspension of the Trade.\n Procrastinating is no solution, for it would only strengthen your opposition, as would any appearance of yielding to your demands. If the Stamp Act were suspended for the benefit of British merchants, who are in the pitiable position of having entrusted you with hundreds of thousands of pounds\u2019 worth of goods, they would find that such indulgence had merely confirmed you in refusing to pay your debts to them. For you demand repeal, not suspension,\n Never any Such Justification was offered by any American whatever that I can hear of.\n of the act. \u201cConsequently if you think you could justify the Non-payment of your Debts, till a Repeal took place; you certainly can justify the Suspension of the Payment during the Suspension of the Act.\u201d Shall we, then, repeal the act \u201cand maintain you as we have hitherto done?\u201d Or shall we let you go unless you are willing to be governed by the same laws we are, and to \u201cpay something towards maintaining yourselves?\n The Impudence of this Language to Colonies who have ever maintained themselves is astonishing! Except the late attempted Colonies of Nova Scotia and Georgia, No Colony ever received Maintenance in any Shape from Britain: And the Grants to those Colonies were mere Jobbs for the Benefit of ministerial Favourites: English or Scotchmen.\n \u201cThe first, it is certain we can not do; and therefore the next Point to be considered is (which is also the third Proposal) Whether we are to give you entirely up?\u2014and after having\n Throughout all America, English Debts are more easily recovered than in England, the Process being shorter and less expensive, and Lands subject to Execution for the Payment of Debts. Evidence taken ex parte in England to prove a Debt is allowed in their Courts; and during the whole Dispute there was not one single Instance of any English Merchants\u2019 meeting with the least Obstruction in any Process or Suit commenced there for that purpose. I defy this lying Priest to mention one.\n obliged you to pay your just Debts, whether we are to have no farther Connection with you, as a dependent State, or Colony.\u201d\n In order to judge this matter properly, we must consider the prospects before us and before the colonies. \u201cBehold therefore a Political Portrait of the Mother Country;\u2014a mighty Nation under one Government of a King and Parliament,\u2014firmly resolved not to repeal the Act, but to give it\n It did indeed execute itself. It was Felo de se, before the Parliament repeal\u2019d it.\n time to execute itself, \u2026 determined to protect and cherish those Colonies, which will return\n This was the Dean\u2019s wise Proposal. He at least, thought it wise. The Parliament thought otherwise.\n to their Allegiance within a limited Time (suppose Twelve or Eighteen Months)\u2014and as determined to compel the obstinate Revolters to pay their Debts,\u2014and then to cast them off. \u2026\u201d\n We have no Use for Logwood but to remit it for your Fineries. We join\u2019d in conquering the Bay of St. L. and its Dependencies, won\u2019t you allow us some Share? The Sugar Islands, if you wont allow us to trade with them, perhaps you will allow them to trade with us; or do you intend to starve them? Pray keep your Bounties, and let us hear no more of them. And your Troops, who never protected us against the Savages, nor are they fit for such Service. And the \u00a3300,000 which you seem to think so much clear Profit to us, when in fact, they never spend a Penny among us but they have for it from us a Penny\u2019s worth. The Manufactures they buy are brought from you, the Provisions we could, as we always did, sell elsewhere for as much Money.\n In America there would then be a variety of small colonies, jealous of each other and unable to agree. \u201cBy being severed from the British Empire, you will be excluded from cutting Logwood in the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras,\u2014from fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland, on the Coasts of Labrador, or in the Bay of St. Laurence,\u2014from trading (except by Stealth) with the Sugar Islands, or with the British Colonies in any Part of the Globe. You will also lose all the Bounties upon the Importation of your Goods into Great Britain. \u2026 You will lose the Remittance of \u00a3300,000 a Year to pay your Troops;\n You know your clear\u2019d Road would do that.\n and you will lose the Benefit of these Troops to protect you against the Incursions of the much injured and exasperated Savages. \u2026\u201d If you have trouble with foreign powers, no one will assist\n Holland, France, and Spain, would all be glad of our Custom. And pleas\u2019d to see the Separation.\n you; \u201cHolland, France, and Spain, will look upon you with an evil Eye, \u2026 lest such an Example should infect their own Colonies. \u2026\n Oho! Then you will still trade with us! but can that be without our Trading with you? And how can you buy our Oil if we catch no Whales?\n We in Britain shall still retain the greatest Part of your European Trade; because we shall give a better Price for many of your Commodities than you can have any where else: and we shall sell to you several of our Manufactures, especially in the Woollen, Stuff, and Metal Way, on cheaper Terms.\u201d\n Just as they do in England.\n Your internal state will be lamentable, with disputes between colonies and between factions within each. \u201cThe Leaders of your Parties will then be setting all their Engines to work, to make Fools become the Dupes of Knaves. \u2026\u201d Your people will be borne down by taxes and loss of trade, \u201cand instead of having Troops to defend them,\n To oppress, insult and murder them, as at Boston!\n These Evils are all imaginations of the Author. The same were predicted to the Netherlands, but have never yet happened. But suppose all of them together, and many more, it would be better to bear them than submit to Parliamentary Taxation: We might still have something we could call our own: But under the Power claim\u2019d by Parliament we have not a single Sixpence.\n \u2026 they must defend themselves, and pay themselves.\u201d Soldiers will be needed for defense against Indians and against neighbors, and fleets as well. All these burdens will soon disillusion the people and open their eyes until, surfeited with republicanism, they will petition for reunion with the mother country.\n \u201cAnd you, my Boy, after you have played the Hero, and spoke all your fine Speeches, \u2026 perhaps even you may awake out of your present political Trance, and become a reasonable Man at last.\u201d\n The Author of this Pamphlet Dean Tucker, has always been haunted with the Fear of the Seat of Government being soon to be removed to America. He has in his Tracts on Commerce some just Notions in Matters of Trade and Police, mix\u2019d with many wild chimerical Fancies, totally impracticable. He once proposed as a Defence of the Colonies to clear the Woods for the Width of a Mile all along behind them, that the Indians might not be able to cross the cleared Part without being seen; forgetting that there is a Night in every 24 Hours.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-17-02-0190", "content": "Title: Marginalia in [Matthew Wheelock], Reflections Moral and Political, [1770?]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThis is the true political Idea, that every Writer on these Subjects should have in View. Most of them think only of the good of a Part, Britain.\nThe writer lives in the country, and has not kept up with the pamphlet controversy on the American question; he may therefore be repeating inadvertently some ideas of others. \u201cThe good of the whole British empire is what he aims at: the colonies of course must come into consideration; which has obliged him to hasten his work, that it may be printed before the parliament decides what shall be done in regard to them.\u201d\n In what Degree?\n Members of the House of Commons represent the public at large, not their particular constituencies. \u201cWe may conceive them to be (in a certain degree) the representatives and guardians\nWho are British Commoners? Are the American Colonists such?\nof all British commoners, wheresoever dispersed. It is indeed to be hoped that \u2026\nWhy don\u2019t you set about it?\na better mode of election may be established to make the representation more equal,\u201d but until then the authority of the Commons must be upheld.\nThe Difference is not so great as may be imagined. Happiness is more generally and equally diffus\u2019d among Savages than in our civiliz\u2019d Societies. No European who has once tasted Savage Life, can afterwards bear to live in our Societies. The Care and Labour of providing for artificial and fashionable Wants, the Sight of so many Rich wallowing in superfluous Plenty, whereby so many are kept poor distress\u2019d by Want: The Insolence of Office, the Snares and Plagues of Law, the Restraints of Custom, all contribute to disgust them with what we call civil Society.\n In the present disputes about liberty, it is important to understand the meaning of the word. The benefits we derive from society are apparent only when we lose them, but reflection will show us \u201cthe happiness we enjoy beyond what is attainable by solitary savages.\u201d The savage is exposed to continual physical dangers to himself and his family. Society protects a man from these, and he in return owes it obedience. He is not free to pursue his own quarrels, but must submit them to the power that society has appointed for arbitrating differences. That power is in part legal but in greater part moral, for the citizens\u2019 sense of morality is what makes the legal system operate. Liberty itself can operate only within the limits that morality prescribes.\n A vague Word.\n \u201cThis parliament and ministry have been vilified by all means possible, because they have supported the pre-eminency of Great Britain over\nWhy should you oblige those that never were unwilling? Only return to the ancient Method of Requisition, and you would have their Contributions as usual.\nher colonies, and would oblige them to contribute to the public expence, which lies at present on Great Britain. The colonists do not approve of this, and threaten us with the loss of trade, if\nThis Author decides before he examines.\n What ancient Laws? Probably Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, Petition of Right, &c. This Author supposes the Colonists want a new Parliament in order to have the Duties taken off. He is mistaken. They did petition; they were not heard, and they will petition no more. They have taken their Measures. Keep up your Duties, if you please; they will not pay them, because they will not use the Commodities. And because they think you use them ill in laying such Duties, they will manufacture for themselves. They now find they gain and save infinitely more by your Continuing the Duties, than they should by your repealing them.\ntheir extravagant and unjust demands of exemption from parliamentary taxations, are not complied with.\u201d British traders are alarmed, and the colonists fan their fears \u201cby applying the words of ancient laws to their own case,\u201d to which those laws are irrelevant.\n Because the present Parliament has resolved to assert its authority over all British subjects, \u201cthey (the colonists and traders) cannot expect to carry their point whilst this parliament subsists; they, therefore, desire a new one; in which they hope to get several of their friends elected, in order to allow the colonists to do as they please. \u2026\u201d\n Merchants and manufacturers have petitioned for the dissolution of Parliament, and to obtain the support of the landed interest have pretended that the ground of their petitions was the expulsion of Wilkes. In fact they are trying to secure the election of a new Parliament that will repeal the duties so obnoxious to the Americans. The latter rest their case on what they call the spirit of the constitution. They acknowledge the King personally, but not \u201cas\nHe is the executive Power of Great Britain in Great Britain. In the Colonies he is the Executive Power of the Colonies; i.e. in each respectively.\nthe executive power of Great Britain. They allow, that Great Britain has been so generous as to spend an infinite quantity\nThis is a most iniquitous Account trump\u2019d up against the Colonies. It might with more Propriety be brought against the Clothiers of Yorkshire and the West, or the Smiths and Cutlers of Sheffield, or the Buttonmakers of Birmingham. Was it not to secure and extend their Trade and the Vent for their Manufactures, that you fought in America; and did not the Colonies raise and maintain Man for Man with you to fight these Battles? They bring no Account against you for the Blood and Treasure they have spent in your Wars: Then be silent on this Head if you are wise; for whenever the Account comes to be settled you will be found in Debt, the Ballance will be against you.\nof blood and treasure, to procure them secure settlements in America, and to supply them with great numbers of its useful and industrious families [interlined by Franklin: and all your Rogues]; in return for which, the colonists have taken such manufactures from Great Britain, as they wanted. \u2026\u201d Now they will take no more unless Britain allows them independence of Parliament in one essential point, taxation.\n But the colonists, like the King\u2019s subjects in Great Britain, hold their lands from the crown.\nWho is a British Subject? Is every Subject of the King such? Then Hanoverians are British Subjects.\n\u201cWhatever British subject holds lands of the King, then holds them for the benefit of the\nThis may be the Case in Britain. It is not in Ireland. The Irish are Irish Subjects.\nBritish public in the first place; in the second place, he holds them according to the political situation of the country in which the said lands lie. The Irish are British subjects;\u201d they have settled revenues on the crown, and no more is\nThat is, it usurps wherever it can.\nrequired except in emergencies. \u201cBut the British legislature extends itself to Ireland, when it sees cause.\u201d The Irish have the same liberties as the British, but their land and trade depend \u201con the\nThe Superior Power in Ireland is the King and their Parliament.\nsuperior power.\nGreat Britain as a Nation had no such Views. The Parliament was not at any Expence gave no Directions were not so much as consulted about the Settlement of Colonies before Geo. II\u2019s time.\n \u201cThe chief view of Great Britain in establishing colonies in North America was, to promote trade with the Indians; and to furnish us with several articles of commerce which America produces. The extension of dominion \u2026 was not the national scheme. \u2026\u201d\n The colonists claim that dependence is slavery, but if that is true there can scarcely be any liberty; for all are dependent on authority.\nBritish Empire, a vague Expression. All these Writers (almost all) confound themselves and Readers with the Idea that the British Empire is but ONE State; not considering or knowing that it consists of many States under one Sovereign. As of Great Britain (formerly two, E[nglan]d and Scotland, Ireland, Guernsey and Jersey) every Colony, Hanover, Zell, &c.\n\u201cIn the British empire some power must lead, and the rest of the nation\nThis is the case in every single State.\nfollow. If the law of nations allows men to treat\n The British Nation had no original Property in the Country of America. It was purchas\u2019d by the first Colonists of the Natives, the only Owners.\n \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0The Colonies not created by Britain, but by the Colonists themselves.\n \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0The People that went cost the Nation nothing to send them there; they went at their own Expence Nova S[cotia] and Georgia excepted and to these were sent wrong People who dy\u2019d or went away. Why then have you accepted their General Grants heretofore?\n a conquered country as they please, \u2026 the right of original property, the creation of a colony, and the supplying it with people, must give a much better title to jurisdiction and superiority. The independency affected by the Americans, is what our old laws would give a very bad name to; the parliament will tell us what to call it now.\u201d\n American arguments rest on the false premise that their assemblies alone have the right to grant or refuse supplies for the service of the state. To grant money for the public service of the colony, \u201cseems the extent of the assemblies authority.\u201d Parliament has the right to grant money for the empire at large. It is implausible\nThey have agreed heretofore, why not again? How many Wars have they join\u2019d in with Britain? Did ever any of them refuse?\nthat widely separated assemblies \u201cshould ever agree in one measure of government, and if they were not unanimous, what must be done with those who dissented?\u2014such a society could\nSuppose there were Truth in this, which there is not, Would you argue a Right to enslave us, from an Inconvenience to yourselves if you had not such Right? The same Argument was just as good for the Parliament of England taxing and making Laws for Scotland before the Union.\nhardly subsist a twelve-month.\u201d\n Dependencies. By this Word you assume what is not granted; and all that follows is therefore unfounded.\n If reason then requires that one power should preside and the rest obey, it follows that the Americans, like the Irish, should not be represented in Parliament. \u201cAll dependencies have some peculiar interests of their own,\u201d which Parliament should reconcile for the good of the whole. The interest of one dependency often\nHow came you then to admit Wales, the Principality of Chester, Bishoprick of Durham, Scotland, &c.?\nconflicts with that of another; \u201cif they had each votes in Parliament, they would be both parties and judges; which is against reason and order.\u201d\n The colonists fear oppression by Parliament.\nA very poor Security indeed. What would these Apprehensions signify? Many here have long had them already: but is our Case thereby mended? If we should complain of unequal Taxation, we should be told that People in England are unequally taxed, Scotland does not pay its Share, &c., just as when we complain of not being represented we are told that many People in England are not represented. Thus you argue from a Wrong to an Injury. But how can we trust you, we who live at such a Distance from you; when you are not just to one another?\nBut they cannot have \u201cbetter security in the nature of things, than that a parliament, which should unjustly attack your liberty, would give immediate apprehensions to your fellow subjects at home. Besides, the amount of the taxes may be fixed in proportion to what is paid at home, and the manner of raising it be left to the colonists under certain restrictions; but it is not the mode of taxation that the colonists complain of, it is the right itself they contest.\n \u201cAccording to their notions, Great Britain may provide and protect establishments of her subjects in foreign parts, for the advantage of the said subjects personally, but cannot make\nShe may if she thinks fit. But she is not to apply to her own Advantage unjustly foreign Settlements made by others.\nany foreign settlement for her own advantage, nor extend her jurisdiction beyond the island of Great Britain.\n \u201cOur old original laws, indeed, were calculated \nAdopted by them. No Power to make Laws for Wales till it was represented.\nfor England \u2026; as our dominions encreased, our law was extended in like manner into Ireland and Wales. When we had establishments in more southern latitudes, the same\n A great Mistake; no British Law in force in the Colonies but what they voluntarily adopt. Witness the Law of Tythes, Game Laws, Marriage Acts, &c.\n law continued, and still continues in force, with such additions and variations, as \u2026 required, for the publick good. These alterations \u2026 were intended for the benefit of the colonists, on the supposition, that they were true and loyal subjects of Great Britain.\u2002\u201cThey are now on as secure a footing, as the subjects who dwell in England: what injustice is there then in subjecting them now to\n The People of Great Britain are themselves Subjects to the King. The Subjects of one Part of the King\u2019s Dominions are not Sovereigns over the King\u2019s Subjects in another Part of his Dominions. G. B[ritai]n has no Subjects.\nYou forget the Separate Taxes they pay at home.\n proportionate taxes, with the rest of their fellow subjects? The injustice, indeed, would be to all the British subjects at home, if the Americans were\nThis was never the Case.\nsuffered to remain untaxed,\u201d because those at home would have to make up the difference.\nThe Ignorance of the Parliament in these and many other Points shows how improperly they would undertake to tax us.\n Proportionate taxes would take into account the differences in the produce of the various colonies, the expense of production, and the price of the necessities of life. In general the products of the northern colonies are less precarious and costly than those of the southern. The way of life also varies. In the north, where large families are common, \u201cfew can afford to give their children a liberal education; after a short schooling, they put them either into a mercantile way, or upon a piece of land (mostly uncultivated). As they have little distinction among\nHow ignorant this Writer is! There are no less than eight Universities in the Northern Colonies viz. Cambridge in New England, Rhodeisland Do. Newhaven Do. New York, New Jersey, Philadelphia, Williamsburg in Virginia, and Georgia.\nAs learned and polite, and more so, than any part of Britain, for their Numbers.\nthem, except what arises from wealth, learning and politeness of manners must not be expected: they are very quick in discerning what regards their own particular interest, \u2026 and generally\nNever without Cause.\nsuspect that their governors, and people in power,\nAnother Instance of his Ignorance. To stand Candidate for being an Assemblyman is not the Practice in New-England.\nenrich themselves clandestinely out of the publick money: in their elections of assembly-men, it is not the sensible and honest man, who succeeds by telling them candidly the truth, \u2026 it is the violent, noisy candidate, who flatters their prejudices, and abuses the governor, that carries\nNo Gentleman that knew the Country would say this.\nthe day. \u2026 The character of a gentleman is rare to be met with in these provinces. \u2026 A real gentleman\nA British Citizen in his Idea is a Colonist that thinks the Parliament has a Right to tax him. There is no such Man.\n(in which title that of a good British citizen is included) must either hold his tongue, or speak his sentiments at the risk of being insulted.\u201d\nNo Meaning. Or none to his Purpose.\n Query. When and where? The Common Expression is the Mother Country.\n In Maryland and Virginia the planters give their children a better education, and the gentry have more influence. But their power over slaves makes them haughty, and they sometimes forget that they are British subjects. Their sense of security, no doubt, makes the Virginians talk of Britain as a sister state.\n When did Gr. Britain ever afford any Assistance to Carolina? Never were any English Troops there before the last War.\n The Carolinas and Georgia, threatened by their slaves, the Indians, and the Spanish, are less secure and depend more on \u201cthe assistance of Great Britain and the neighbouring colonies.\u201d\n Would you tax these People beyond those Duties?\n The colonists in the Sugar Islands are wealthier and better-mannered. Their control of their slaves, and of \u201cthe revenues arising from the duty on sugar,\u201d make them self-important. Yet they realize their dependence on Great Britain for protection against their own slaves, who\nThe poor Creatures know no more of the Existence of such Strength than of a Strength in the Moon.\nare kept in subservience only by \u201cthe terror of the European strength, which keeps the slaves from rising; we see them now and then attempt it, even though they know there is such assistance in reserve; what would they not do, if the colonists \u2026had no other defense than their own persons?\u201d\nQuite ignorant of these Countries.\n Never were apprehensive of the Indians, nor much of the French. Are as much expos\u2019d to Danger from the Indians now as ever.\n Neither the Common People nor any others can have much conception that those Limitations are for the good of the whole, which they see evidently calculated for the Benefit of Great Britain only, and to the Damage of the Colonies.\n The colonists are divided in their attitudes toward Britain. Some live only to make their fortunes and retire to the British Isles, which they regard as home; this is true in general in the West Indies, Georgia, and the Carolinas. The colonists from Virginia northward, on the other hand, live more affluently than they could in Britain, do not now fear the French or the Indians, \u201cand consider their plantations as their home, and the people of Great Britain as a check upon them, who limit their trade in favour of the good of the whole, of which the common people have little conception.\u201d\n Take care then how you use us; if your Strength depends on your Union with us.\n All the colonists, because they depend on their exports, are associated with merchants in Britain, who fear to be put out of business if the tumults in America ruin trade. \u201cBut should the parliament give way to the pretensions of the Americans, \u2026 the strength and dignity of Great Britain, her trade and colonies, would all go to ruin; for, First, the national credit would be immediately affected, as then Great Britain alone\nIs it not already so? Would it be responsible for more? Does it desire to be responsible for the Irish and Colony\nwould become responsible for the national debt. Our estimation among all the European powers would sink of course; the colonists (who have all the necessaries for shipping) would presently\nDebts also? They are dependent only on the King.\ninterfere with our trade; for if they are independant in one point, why not in another? The revenue\nThey will lessen if you use the Colonies unjustly.\nof the customs at home would lessen, which deficiency must be made up by taxes; this would\nIgnorant of the Effect of Taxes. They will not make Manufactures too high for foreign Markets.\nraise the price of our manufactures too high for the markets; the manufacturers being unemployed would run to America, and the revenue of excise diminish of course. \u2026\nYou need not be concern\u2019d for them. You are too good.\n \u201cThe colonists themselves would not long enjoy their independence.\u201d They could not form a single\nVery easily. Tis but a Weeks Voyage from the Extremities to the central Colonies.\nstate on the British model, because representatives from such a large territory could scarcely attend a central legislature. Could they have a federal union like the Dutch or Swiss? Scarcely, because the constituent parts differ so much in their \u201cproductions and interests.\u201d Those parts would soon be at loggerheads, and the weaker ones, lacking the effrontery to apply for help to Great Britain, \u201cwould naturally call in the\nStrange, that differing in Productions, should be a Reason of their not being capable of Agreeing in Government.\nSilly enough!\nFrench or Spaniards to their assistance.\u201d\nWhat has his Consent to do with their Resolutions? They know he dare not assent to them whatever his Judgment may be.\n Most Americans are doubtless not thinking of independence, but events are moving in that direction. A colonial assembly, without the consent of the governor, communicates its resolutions to other assemblies, which looks like confederacy. If Parliament passes legislation that the Americans disapprove of, \u201cthe importation of British manufactures is prohibited: I will not suppose by connivance of the assembly, but have the assemblies\nThis which he calls a Prohibition, is no more than a Resolution of any Colonist to buy no more British Superfluities till his Grievances are redress\u2019d, and he is allow\u2019d the Enjoyment of his Liberties. He then persuades others to take the same Resolution. That\u2019s all.\nNo!\ndiscountenanced these proceedings?\n Why should they? Do not British Subjects in Britain contribute what they please? If the Americans have, as they ought to have, all Advantages of British Subjects, why not this among the rest?\nHave they done any thing to suppress them? What do the Americans contend for? Only the enjoyment of all advantages of British subjects, for which they will contribute to the public treasury what they please, and Great Britain to pay the rest. Suppose this is not granted, what will the assemblies do next?\n There is no such Dependance. There is only a Connection, of which the King is the common Link.\n \u201cThe only reasonable hope the North Americans can have of preserving the British constitution with peace and safety, is their dependance on Great Britain, which is the natural umpire when any differences arise between the colonies: take away that resort, and every colony must decide its\nWhy not by Mediation, by Arbitration, or by considerate and prudent Agreement? Suppose England and Scotland differ, are they in a better Case?\ndisputes by the sword. Their division into provinces at present makes\nThere you hit it.\nevery colony a little state of itself,\u201d which the governor and assembly can care for better than any central executive and legislature could.\nAnd they will always (probably) continue so.\nWhile connected with Britain they are sure of being engag\u2019d in all her Quarrels and Wars.\n The only danger that threatens the colonies is from Europe, and \u201cwhilst they depend on Great Britain\u201d they are sure to be alerted to such danger and protected against it by men-of-war. \u201cA time in all likelihood will come, when the\nThen don\u2019t make Enemies of them if you are wise.\ncolonies in North America shall exceed Great Britain in strength, and consequently have the\nYou are hastning that time by your Folly.\nless occasion for her: it is also likely that in time America will make her own manufactures, and consequently our intercourse will lessen, and perhaps a separation take place by consent,\nThis Writer seems to imagine the Colonies concern\u2019d in the National Debt. A Notion quite new!\nwhen the national debt is discharged, and when the European and American Britons can be no longer of service to each other, but as friends and allies.\u201d\nThe farther they extend themselves the less likely to be too populous so as to engage in Manufactures. But no Distance they can go from the Sea will add much by Carriage to the Price of British Goods. The Country is full of Rivers and Lakes: which this Writer seems not to know.\n Agriculture is at present more advantageous for the Americans than manufactures. \u201cBut when America is fully peopled, the price of land will encrease: the farther the colonists extend themselves from the sea and great rivers, the dearer our manufactures must come to them, on account of land-carriage: they will then run into manufactures.\u201d There is indeed some manufacturing in Philadelphia, but as soon as the\nAnd then may not other poor People do as they have done?\npoor workers accumulate enough money to buy land \u201cthey will probably do as others have done before them.\u201d\nThe Meaning of all this is, The Americans are unable to resist, therefore you may treat them as you please.\n The Americans\u2019 boasts of unanimity and strength to resist are mere bugbears to frighten us. In slave-holding colonies the whites dare not leave their localities, in the others the mob would be no match for British troops, and everywhere the seacoast is open to attack. The colonists\u2019 only hope is to foment discord here, by specious constitutional arguments.\n How does this appear?\n Britain is not his Sovereign, but the King, who remains the same in America.\n A British subject going to America has all the rights that he had at home, and the mother country renders his possessions in America \u201cdoubly valuable in point of security.\u201d This increased security does not free him \u201cfrom the obedience which he owed to Britain originally, and\nNo such Cause and Condition.\nwhich was the cause and condition of his possessing any lands at all in America. To bring the spirit of the constitution against the general established law, is oversetting all order and government.\u201d That spirit prescribes that all subjects shall be free, whereas the law deprives specific people of their freedom at specific times for the sake of the public good. \u201cTo expect perfection in human institutions is absurd: the highest point\n Does this justify any and every Imperfection that can be invented and added to our Constitution? Why did you yourselves not leave our Constitutions as you found them? Why did you aim at making them according to your Ideas, more perfect, by taking away our Rights in order to subject us to Parliamentary Taxation?\nThe Salus Populi of America as important to the People there as that of Britain here.\nthat we know in legislation is salus populi supprema lex esto.\u201d The colonial charters were acts of the crown, fixing its claims to the soil, \u201cbut\nThe Inhabitants of that Soil owed no Obedience to the British Legislature. Its Jurisdiction did not extend out of the Realm.\ncould not exempt the colonists from the obedience they owed to the British legislature: if they have retained and claimed the right of British subjects from their first settlement to this time, it is plain they did not look upon themselves as\nThe Crown stipulated that they should not be Aliens.\naliens.\nFalse in Fact.\nIn all distresses they have applied to Great Britain as citizens, and have been protected as such. \u2026\u201d\nThey would never have gone if it had been understood that they were still to remain under the power of the oppressive Laws from which they fled.\nWould they have settled in America if their citizenship had not been their protection? Would a\nVery easily. They were too poor to make it worth any Nations Trouble to invade them.\nsettlement, once made, have endured for any length of time on any basis except that it belonged to England? The colonists\u2019 purpose\n This very few was the whole Colony.\nin emigrating was to mend their fortunes, \u201cexcept perhaps a very few Enthusiasts about Boston.\u201d England\u2019s purpose was to encourage the colonies for the good of the whole; no one at that time doubted their allegiance. They were empowered to provide for their own judiciary, defense, and legislation, \u201csubject\n Their Allegiance is still untainted. They owe it to the King, not to the Parliament.\nOf the King in England if you please.\nhowever to the controul of England.\u201d They were exposed to the French and Indians, and\nAll this time, when England being out of Debt could so well have afforded it, Did She ever send any Troops to defend them, or give a Shilling for that Purpose? NOT ONE.\ntheir economy was precarious; it would have been unfair for England, with little or no public debt, to have taxed them at that time. But the last war freed the northern colonies from the danger of the French.\nThey are diminished ONE HALF, by the increas\u2019d Plenty of Land at Market, thro\u2019 the Conquests.\n\u201cTheir estates are doubled and tripled in value and security:\nDid not America pay half of this, and more? They kept up an equal Number of Troops. They suffer\u2019d immensely by the Embargoes.\nthe reasons of exempting them from taxes, no longer exist: the expence of the wars which produced these happy events to the Americans, is charged to the publick. There can be no doubt then in equity, that they should now bear a proportionate part in the payment of the debt, since they have more than a proportionate part of the benefit.\u201d\nA false Charge.\n Some colonists carry their case further, not only claiming independence of Parliament, but \u201cpaying little regard to the crown\u201d when its orders are not to their liking. \u201cIf this behaviour arises\nMeddle with them at your Peril. No Alteration can be made in them but by Consent of both Parties, the King and the Colonists. By violating them you break the Link that holds those two parts together.\nin consequence of their charters, it seems high time to annul or amend them.\u201d\nBut there may be in different States.\n \u201cThere cannot be two equal legislatures in any state.\u201d One must be supreme, the others subordinate. The charters of British cities give the corporations autonomy within their areas, but no right to contest the authority of Parliament.\nThe Corporations of Britain are within the Realm, therefore within the Jurisdiction of Parliament. The Colonies are without the Realm. Therefore not.\n The British State had no Share in forming and supporting the Colonies, except Georgia and Nova Scotia. And New England had a great share in the latter.\n \u201cIt is the essential quality of a province to depend on THAT STATE which formed and supported it.\u201d The colonists like to fancy that they have the same relationship to the mother country that the Flemish provinces had to\nThe Colonies depend no more on Britain than Hanover does.\nSpain, whereas in fact those provinces \u201cdepended no more on Spain, than Hanover does on Britain\u201d; the inhabitants were not Spanish subjects. For a province composed of subjects of the state to pretend to equality is \u201ca sort of civil mutiny,\u201d and suggests that the colonists may intend \u201cto withdraw their allegiance.\u201d\n It is great Impudence or Folly in a Man to suppose, that because he is an Englishman every American Owes him Allegiance. If every Englishman is not a Sovereign over every American, neither can he communicate such Sovereignty to another, by chusing him Parliament Man.\n Never.\n \u201cIt seems in the present situation of affairs, that either the rights and dignity of Great Britain \u2026 must be submitted to the apparent (but not real) interest of the colonies; or the colonies must acknowledge the legislative supremacy of\nTheir Proportion they always have contributed and more\u2014In the Price of Goods. In the Restraints. In making War for Britain.\nGreat Britain, and contribute their proportion to the good of the whole; or a rupture must ensue.\u201d\nThis Wiseacre seems not to know that there are any other Taxes in the World than those impos\u2019d by the King Lords and Commons of G.B.\n Exempting Americans from taxation would create an inextricable dilemma. The prospect of \u201can exemption from parliamentary taxes\u201d would lead the young to emigrate from Britain, and what would Parliament do then?\n It is very true. To keep People in England by Compulsion, is to make England a Prison, and every Englishman. The Right of Migration is common to all Men, a natural Right. The Colonists us\u2019d that Right, and seated themselves out of the Jurisdiction of Parliament, to avoid being subject to Bishops Courts, Tythes, Church Laws, and other Parts and Statutes of British Law that oppress\u2019d them. Would you now, contrary to the Faith of Charters, bring all those Laws over them again?\n \u201cTo let our people go, depopulates the country; to keep them here by compulsion, would diminish the liberty of the subject.\n No.\n \u201cSupposing the Americans acknowledge their dependance,\nThey never refus\u2019d to contribute their Proportion voluntarily.\nand pay their proportion, yet \u2026 they encrease fast, and we have certainly no subjects to spare.\u201d England has fewer inhabitants than it had thirty-five years ago; it is of first\nMake your own People as easy as you please, but don\u2019t make ours uneasy.\nimportance to make the populace contented enough to stay in this country.\n [The remainder of the pamphlet, which deals with ways and means of improving the lot of the British at home, has no marginal comments.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-21-02-0316", "content": "Title: Three Letters from Dorothea Blunt, [1770\u201375?]\nFrom: Blunt, Dorothea\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nThe letters that follow we have found impossible to date. All of them, presumably, were written after Polly Stevenson\u2019s marriage in 1770, when Dolly began to pay Franklin more attention than before \u201ctho not more than I have always been prompted from affection to Pay.\u201d Prior to the wedding no correspondence exists between them, or at least none that can be dated; thereafter it was considerable if sporadic. It did not end when Franklin left England, but these three letters were obviously written while he was still there. What provoked them can only be conjectured from the contents of each, and conjecture is not easy. The reader who chases Dolly\u2019s meaning through her words is often left breathless; her pen had trouble in conveying the thoughts tumbling in her mind.\nI\nIf the epithet Dear pleas\u2019d [me] that of Friend did all that was possible to be done it pleas\u2019d me much. Now you [expect] me to have done my preamble and come to [the] substance. I am not clear it will [have] any yet if Truth is not and [Man has] none, the love of it, I think, [appears to] me above the love of other things, [and if] I ever utter\u2019d one I do when I declare that your Manner of expressing it is peculiarly pleasing to me, the generality of people being too much like a school Boys piece so encompass\u2019d with flourishes that the thing itself is not enough seen to be admir\u2019d. I am not a good similist and tho an inhabitant of the East a very bad metaphor maker so tropes and figures apart I shall in a plain and simple manner thank you and dear Mrs. Stevenson for the friendly invitation which I shall most joyfully accept one day next week, not till after Tuesday and before Sunday. It depended not on my whim but the whim of those who ride in the machine from Winchester, the coach I must come in, that if not full are so kind as to pick up crumbs by the way. I being one must be content to return to this place and try once and again. I need not desire that our Polly may be had if possible. The sweet little woman Lady B. that you would love dearly is now at my elbow and as I have been scribbling the whole Morning I feel that I ought to devote the rest of the day to her. So good evening, good night, good all, that I can wish or you can want be unto you my good sir, and all you love-this is my benediction and with this I will depart according to my word.\nD: Blunt\nRemember me to Mrs. S. Mr W: and C.\nAddressed: Dr. Franklin / Craven Street / Charing Cross / London\nII\nOdiham Thursday the 9 [1770\u201375?]\nI address my letter to you because I intend you shall pay for it for I do not imagine my coming or not coming a matter of such consequence as that I ought by all means to let you know it, tho I do know that you are too polite not to let it have the appearance of some to me. Mrs. Stevenson woud not grudge any for my good [name?] any good thing, but to people who seldom pay six groats a year for spoil\u2019d paper, [one] groat would be thought too much, and with too much reason, to pay for being disappointed. I shall not be at Craven Street this week for some Domestic reasons that prevent Sir Chas: Blunt from Coming, but as they will not subsist after this week I shall certainly be there the second day of the next. But least you should not begin yours when I do, I shall name it-on Monday-and I think by dinner time but beg Mrs. S: not to make a stranger of me. [Think?] not to eat all up and then say \u201cdear who should think of your not having dined at this time of the day? I have nothing in the house. Well what will you have?\u201d But I will have mercy, which few people have, that have the assurance to write with so much freedom as I permit myself to do to you.\nPray let timely notice be given of my arrival to all the Americans that frequent your house that I have the honour of being acquainted with. I like your plain [food so?] much. They like plain food a gre[at deal?] and one best[?] for us, and woud always be most agreable to us if our tastes had not been visiated by less pure food and conversation. The days almost past, and the Night being at hand in which among other works this letter is to be conveyd to you, I must take my leave but not without first bidding you a hearty farewel and adieu.\nD. Blunt\nAddressed: Dr Franklin / Craven Street / Charing Cross\nIII.\nDear Sir\nThursday night [1770\u201375?]\nTho a little tired and not quite well I feel that I cou\u2019d not retire to rest with that self complacency I wish to do whenever I resign myself to it, if I did not first address myself to the Authour of My Being of my present happiness and hopes of an hereafter in a thankfulness of heart for the many many instances of his goodness to me. And now my dear friend permit me to pay that tribute you so justly deserve for the addition of your [friendship and?] likewise for the very ple[asing manner?] in which you display it [to me and all the?] friends I live with. Indeed my [dear Sir?] you are very dear to us all, [and we all?] feel ourselves more oblig\u2019d to you [than I?] can ever find words to express. Your manner seldom fails of producing piety and a disposedness of mind to be, and to make others happy. Rejoice in the possession of such talents, which that you may live long to exercise yourself daily in the use of is the ardent wish of your affectionate friend and much obligd Humble Servant\nD: Blunt\nAddressed: [torn] Dr Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0001-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 January 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. Went a huntg. with Mr. Alexander, J. P. Custis & Ld. W[ashingto]n, killd a fox (a dog one) after 3 hours chase. Mr. Alexr. went away and Wn. & Thruston came in the Aftern.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0001-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 January 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n10. Mr. W[ashingto]n & Mr. Thruston set of home. I went a hunting in the Neck & visited the Plantn. there. Found & killd a bitch fox after treeing it 3 times, & chasg. it abt. 3 Hr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0001-0027", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 27 January 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n27. Went a hunting, & after trailing a fox a good while the Dogs Raizd a Deer & run out of the Neck with it & did not (some of them at least) come home till the next day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0001", "content": "Title: [January 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJany. 1. At home all day alone.\n2. At home all day. Mr. Peake dined here.\n3. At home all day alone.\n4. Went a hunting with Jno. Custis & Lund Washington. Started a Deer & then a Fox but got neither.\n5. Rid to Muddy hole & Doeg Run. Carrd. the Dogs with me but found nothing. Mr. Warnr. Washington & Mr. Thruston came in the Evening.\n6. The two Colo. Fairfaxs and Mrs. Fairfax dind here as did Mr. R. Alexander & the two Gentn. that came the day before. The Belvoir Family returnd after Dinner.\n7. Mr. Washng. & Mr. Thruston went to Belvoir.\n GW today paid the Rev. Mr. Thruston \u00a310 for his share of lands on the Ohio to be granted under the Proclamation of 1763 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 302).\n8. Went a huntg. with Mr. Alexander, J. P. Custis & Ld. W[ashingto]n, killd a fox (a dog one) after 3 hours chase. Mr. Alexr. went away and Wn. & Thruston came in the Aftern.\n9. Went a ducking but got nothing the Creeks and Rivers being froze. Mr. Robt. Adam dined here & returnd.\n10. Mr. W[ashingto]n & Mr. Thruston set of home. I went a hunting in the Neck & visited the Plantn. there. Found & killd a bitch fox after treeing it 3 times, & chasg. it abt. 3 Hr.\n11. At home all day alone.\n12. Ditto\u2014Ditto.\n13. Dined at Belvoir with Mrs. Washington Mr. & Miss Custis & returnd afterwds.\n14. At home all day alone.\n15. Went up to Alexandria, expecting Court but there was none.\n16. Rid to the Mill Doeg Run and Muddy hole.\n17. At home all day alone.\n18. Went to the Plantn. in the Neck.\n GW today paid a Mr. Awbrey 10s. for prescribing medicines for Patsy Custis (custis account bookGW\u2019s Accounts Kept for Martha Parke Custis and John Parke Custis, 1760\u201375. Manuscript in Custis Papers, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond.).\n19. At home all day alone.\n20. Went a hunting with Jacky Custis & catchd a Bitch Fox after three hours chace. Founded it on the Ck. by J. Soals.\n Joseph Soal, a cobbler, rented a plantation from GW in 1769 and 1770 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 304).\n21. At home all day alone.\n22. Rid to Posey\u2019s Barn and the Mill.\n23. Went a hunting after breakfast & found a Fox at Muddy hole & killd her (it being a Bitch) after a chace of better than two hours & after treeing her twice the last of which times she fell dead out of the Tree after being therein sevl. minutes apparently we[ll]. Rid to the Mill afterwards. Mr. Semple & Mr. Robt. Adam dind here.\n John Semple (d. 1773) was a Scottish speculator who moved from Charles County, Md., to Prince William County, Va., in 1763 and took over the iron furnace and gristmills on Occoquan Creek that John Ballendine had previously operated. About that same time, Semple acquired Keep Triste iron furnace, on the Virginia shore of the Potomac River a short distance above Harpers Ferry, and in May 1765 he bought from Thomas Colvill the tract of land called Merryland lying in nearby Frederick County, Md. (skaggsDavid C. Skaggs and Richard K. MacMaster, eds. \u201cPost-Revolutionary Letters of Alexander Hamilton, Piscataway Merchant.\u201d Maryland Historical Magazine 63 (1968): 22\u201354; 65 (1970): 18\u201335., 63:28 n.15). He was also an active promoter of a scheme to improve the navigation of the Potomac by forming a company to build locks around the falls and probably discussed the idea with GW on this visit (Semple to GW, 8 Jan. 1770, MnHi).\n24. At home all day alone.\n25. At home all day alone.\n26. Ditto. Do. Do.\n27. Went a hunting, & after trailing a fox a good while the Dogs Raizd a Deer & run out of the Neck with it & did not (some of them at least) come home till the next day.\n28. At home all day. In the Afternoon Mr. Semple came here.\n29. Dined at Belvoir (with J. P. Custis) & returnd in the Afternoon.\n30. Went a hunting, & having found a Deer by Piney Cover. It run to the head of Accatinck before we coud stop the Dogs. Mr. Peake dined here.\n Piney Cover was a densely wooded area along Piney Branch, a small stream flowing southeast into Dogue Run about a mile above GW\u2019s present mill. The head of navigation on Accotink Creek was about 2 miles southwest of the mouth of Piney Branch.\n31. At home alone.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0002-0024", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 January 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n24. Very warm & thawing in the forenoon. Frequent showers in the afternoon & wind shifting from south to North & growing Cold. Ice breaking in the River for the first time since the 14.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0002", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Weather in January [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJany. 1st. Constant Rain the whole day with high & boisterous Wind from the No. Et.\n2. Clear and Cold, wind high from the No. West. River froze over.\n3. Wind in the same Quarter & very fresh remarkably cold & frosty.\n4. But very little Wind, & that Southwardly. Day clear & more moderate but the ground very little thawed.\n5. Clear & pleasant. Wind Southwardly\u2014the Ground notwithstanding close blockd up.\n6. Cloudy Morning, & Rainy Afternoon wind Eastwardly.\n7. Again Cloudy in the Morning & rainy Afternoon. River opened.\n8. Clear and Cold. Wind at No. West.\n9. Clear & cold Wind Northwardly & fresh River shut up again.\n10. Remarkably fine & pleasant being perfectly calm & clear till the Evening then lowering.\n11. Raining moderately all day with but little wind and that about So. Wt.\n12. Much such a day as yesterday except that what little Wind blew appeard to come [from] the No. East.\n13. Cloudy with great appearances of Snow in the forenoon but clear afterwards. Wind at No. West & very cold.\n14. Exceeding hard frost River shut up. Wind at No. West and very cold.\n15. Exceeding cold tho but little Wind that however at No. West.\n16. Very Cold. Wind still at No. West but not hard\u2014yet piercing\u2014clear.\n17. Clear & very cold Wind from the same place. Ground not the least thawed.\n18. Clear & pleasant in the Morning Cloudy Afternoon & cold. Wind at N. Et.\n19. Slightly snowing in the Morning & cloudy afterwards with but little Wind & that Southwardly.\n20. Cloudy & still in the morning but a cold Southwesterly wind & wild sky afterwards.\n21. Clear & tolerably pleasant Wind being about So. Wt. & yet cool.\n22. Clear and tolerably pleasant with variable Wind which abt. Sunset was at No. Et.\n23. Clear and very pleasant Wind being Southwardly & thawing.\n24. Very warm & thawing in the forenoon. Frequent showers in the afternoon & wind shifting from south to North & growing Cold. Ice breaking in the River for the first time since the 14.\n25. Cold and disagreeable with a fine kind of Sleety Snow. Wind Northward\u27e8ly\u27e9 & very cloudy.\n26. Raw, cold & cloudy the first part of the day\u2014but clearg. afterwards. Wd. N. W.\n27. Wind Southwardly, pleast. & thawing.\n28. Wind at No. West\u2014tolerably fresh in the Morning but not cold. Still afterwards & pleasant.\n29. Rather lowering, but moderate & pleasant, with but little Wind & that Southwardly. Ice broken again.\n30. Clear and tolerably pleasant but the Wind very high in the Afternoon from the Westward.\n31. Clear and cool again, wind No. West.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0003-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFeby. 1. Went a huntg. (being joind by Mr. Peake Wm. Triplet & Harrison Manley) & after a Chace of near five hours we killd a Fox. Mr. Piper & Mr. Adams came here this afternoon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0003-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 10. Jacky Custis returnd to Mr. Bouchers to School. Mr. Ballendine and myself leveled Doeg Run in ordr. to fix on a Mill seat. Returnd to Dinr. wt. the Doctr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0003-0014", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 14 February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n14. Went into the Neck with Mr. Fairfax a huntg. but was forcd back by Rain. Doctr. Rumney returnd to Alexandria after breakfast this day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0003-0016", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n16. Huntg. again\u2014found a bitch fox at Piney branch & killd it in an hour. Mr. Fairfax returnd from there and Mr. Alexr. went away [after] dinner.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0003-0028", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 28 February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n28. Went out with Guns returnd about 12 Oclock without killg. of any thing. My Brothers and the Company that came with them still here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0003", "content": "Title: [February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFeby. 1. Went a huntg. (being joind by Mr. Peake Wm. Triplet & Harrison Manley) & after a Chace of near five hours we killd a Fox. Mr. Piper & Mr. Adams came here this afternoon.\n2. Mr. Adam & myself walkd to the Mill & up Doeg Run before Dinner.\n Robert Adam, who owned a merchant mill and a bakery near Alexandria, would be a major buyer of flour from GW\u2019s new mill.\n3. At home all day, the above Gentlemn. returnd after dinner to Alexandria.\n4. At home all day. Carlin the Taylor came here in the afternoon and stayed all Night.\n William Carlin of Alexandria made clothing for GW, Jacky, Patsy, and some of the Mount Vernon house servants 1764\u201372 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 184, 217; General Ledger BGeneral Ledger B, 1772\u20131793. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 47; GW\u2019s account with Carlin 26 Sept. 1772, ViMtvL).\n GW today recorded winning \u00a31 5s. at cards (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 302).\n5. At home all day. In the Evening Sally Carlyle & Betty Dalton came here.\n6. Rid to Muddy hole. Sally Carlyle went to Belvoir\u2014Betty Dalton stayd.\n7. Rid to Alexandria to a Meeting of the Trustees. Returnd in the Evening & found Captn. McCarty here.\n GW had been appointed a trustee of Alexandria on 16 Dec. 1766, replacing George Johnston of Belvale. However, there is no record in the trustees\u2019 minutes of his ever officially attending one of their meetings, even on this day, nor is there any record of his formally resigning the office or being replaced. The business of the trustees today was routine: the draining of marshland, the building of a warehouse, the collection of debts owed to the town, the appointment of a clerk, and the appointment of Jonathan Hall as a trustee in place of John Kirkpatrick (Alexandria town trustees\u2019 minutes, 1749\u201380, 61, 75\u201376, Vi).\n In Alexandria today GW paid several accounts including one for a pair of shoes for Jacky Custis (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 302).\n8. Captn. McCarty, Doctr. Rumney and Mr. Jno. Ballendine Dined and lodged here.\n Ballendine, having been forced by financial difficulties to transfer his Occoquan mills and iron furnace to John Semple, had since 1765 established another commercial complex farther up the Potomac River at Little Falls. At this time it consisted of merchant mills capable of grinding 50,000 bushels of wheat a year, a bakery with three ovens, a landing for large vessels complete with granaries and countinghouses, and a \u201cpublic house, well finished, with 10 fire places, good cellars, and . . . a fine French cook.\u201d In addition, he was currently building another gristmill and a sawmill and had the rights to 40 lots in the town of Philee, which was planned for the area (Va. Gaz., R, 29 Nov. 1770). Financial troubles, however, were again plaguing him. His debts were great, and his many creditors were beginning to press him. Nevertheless, like Semple, he was, and until 1775 would remain, a leading promoter of the Potomac navigation scheme.\n9. Went a hunting\u2014found a fox and lost it. Mr. Ballendine & the Doctr. still here. Captn. McCarty went from the field.\n10. Jacky Custis returnd to Mr. Bouchers to School. Mr. Ballendine and myself leveled Doeg Run in ordr. to fix on a Mill seat. Returnd to Dinr. wt. the Doctr.\n Jacky\u2019s departure had been delayed for several weeks, first by the freezing over of the fords between Mount Vernon and Caroline County, then by the heavy snowfall of 4 Feb. (GW to Jonathan Boucher, 3\u201310 Feb. 1770, NN). He took 10s. in pocket money with him today and rode on a newly repaired saddle (custis account bookGW\u2019s Accounts Kept for Martha Parke Custis and John Parke Custis, 1760\u201375. Manuscript in Custis Papers, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond.).\n11. The Doctr. still here. Mr. Ballendine went away early in the Morng. At home all day.\n12. At home all day with the Doctr.\n13. At home all day with the Doctr. Mr. Fairfax came in the Afternoon.\n14. Went into the Neck with Mr. Fairfax a huntg. but was forcd back by Rain. Doctr. Rumney returnd to Alexandria after breakfast this day.\n15. Went a huntg. again with Mr. Fairfax & found a fox at the head of the blind Pocoson which we suppose was killd in an hour but coud not find it. Mr. Peake dind here & Mr. R. Alexr. came after.\n The mouth of the blind pocosin was on the Potomac shore below the mansion house, at the southwest corner of the Mount Vernon tract (survey by GW for John Posey, 10 Oct. 1769, ViMtvL).\n16. Huntg. again\u2014found a bitch fox at Piney branch & killd it in an hour. Mr. Fairfax returnd from there and Mr. Alexr. went away [after] dinner.\n17. At home all day alone.\n18. Went to Pohick Church and returnd to Dinner.\n19. Went to Court at Alexandria and returnd in the Evening.\n The February court met 19\u201324 Feb. (Fairfax County Order Book for 1768\u201370, 285\u2013331, Vi Microfilm). GW today collected a debt, paid one, and spent 1s. 6d. to have a coffeepot mended (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 302).\n20. Went up to Court again and stayd all Night. Lodgd at Captn. Daltons.\n21. Came home in the Evening\u2014Mr. Ross with me.\n22. Went up to Court again. Mr. Ross returnd to Colchester. Returnd in the Evening and found my Brothers Saml. & John & the latters wife & Daughter Mr. Lawe. Washington & Daughter & the Revd. Mr. Smith here.\n John Augustine and Hannah Bushrod Washington had two daughters: Jane Washington (1759\u20131791) and Mildred Washington (c.1760-1796). The daughter of Lawrence Washington of Chotank who came with him on this day is apparently Mary Townshend Washington, who married Robert Stith of King George County in 1773 (see main entry for 10 April 1770). The Rev. Mr. Smith is Thomas Smith of Cople Parish, Westmoreland County.\n23. At home all day with the above Com[pany].\n24. Went out with the hounds but found nothing.\n25. At home all day.\n26. At home all day.\n27. Ditto. Ditto.\n28. Went out with Guns returnd about 12 Oclock without killg. of any thing. My Brothers and the Company that came with them still here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0004-0019", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 19 February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n19. Fresh Wind from So. with more or less Rain all day. In the Afternoon late the Weather cleard the wind coming out hard & very cold from the No. West.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0004", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Weather in February [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFeby. 1. Clear & tolerably pleasant there being but little Wind, that however was Northwardly & cool.\n2. Cloudy with appearances of Snow but clear & pleasant in the Afternoon but little Wind stirring.\n3. Cloudy with a slight mixture of fine hail & Rain. But little Wind & that southly.\n4. Snowing more or less all day\u2014the snow about 8 Inches deep. Wind Northward.\n5. Cool and Clear Wind No. West.\n6. Pleasant Wind Southwardly and clear.\n7. Clear Morning but lowering afternn. intermixed with Snow. Not very cold.\n8. Misty kind of Rain at times with a Southwardly Wind and thawing.\n9. Still giving and damp with the Wind Northwardly but not cold. Snow almost gone.\n10. Heavy damp Morning, with little or no wind, Evening clear and pleast.\n11. Still, Mild and pleasant with Clouds.\n12. Wind at No. East and slow rain all day which Increasd in the Evening.\n13. Rain in the Morning with the Wind abt. So. West. Cloudy & sometimes misty.\n14. Cloudy Morning, and from nine or 10 Oclock, constant Rain till abt. One then appearance of fair weather. Wind Southwardly.\n15. Calm, clear, and Warm Morning. About 10 Oclock the Wind came out at No. West and blew pretty fresh but not Cold tho it clouded.\n16. Cloudy & cool forenoon, Wind being still at No. West, and sometimes pretty fresh. Afternoon clear.\n17. Wind at No. West but neither fresh nor cold. Clear, & the Eveng. very pleast.\n18. Clear and exceeding pleasant with the wind at So. and but little of it.\n19. Fresh Wind from So. with more or less Rain all day. In the Afternoon late the Weather cleard the wind coming out hard & very cold from the No. West.\n20. Hard frost. Wind fresh and cold from the No. West. Indeed it might be said that the Wind was high till the Eveng.\n21. But little Wind. Clear and pleast.\n22. Lowering forenoon & Rainy Afternoon.\n23. Foggy kind of Morning but clear & pleasant afterwards.\n24. Rain in the Night & high Wind from the No. West afterwards & Cold afternoon clear.\n25. Clear & cold in the forenoon wind being at No. West. Lowerg afternoon.\n26. Hard frost. The Wind shifting in the Night to No. West\u2014but the latter part of the day pleast. The Wind getting Southwardly.\n27. Clear forenoon but lowering afternoon with the Wind raising from So. Wt. to No. West & Cool.\n28. Clear and pleasant with but little Wind & that Southwardly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0005-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 3 February 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n3. Agreed with Mr. Robt. Adam for the Fish catchd at the Fishing Landing I bought of Posey, on the following terms\u2014to wit He is obligd to take all I catch at that place provided the quantity does not exceed 500 Barls. and will take more than this qty. if he can get Cask to put them in. He is to take them as fast as they are catchd with out giving any interruption to my people; and is to have the use of the Fish House for his Salt, fish, &ca. taking care to have the House clear at least before the next Fishing Season. In consideration of which he is to pay me Ten pounds for the use of the House, give 3/ a thousd. for the Herrings (Virg. Money) and 8/4 a hundred (Maryland Curry.) for the whitefish. Mr. Piper and Lund Washington present.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0005", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occurs. in Feby. [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFeby. 2d. Agreed with Joseph Goart, to come down and raise Stone out of my Quarry for my Mill at the Rate of Three pounds pr. Month 26 days to the Month and lost time to be made up.\n The walls of the new mill were to be built with local sandstone, which the residents of the area called freestone because of its abundance and the ease with which it could be cut and carved (studebakerMarvin F. Studebaker. \u201cFreestone from Acquia.\u201d Virginia Cavalcade 9 (Summer 1959): 35\u201341., 37). GW\u2019s quarry may have been on the banks of the Potomac River west of his mansion house, where a large bed of freestone was located (GW to Daniel Carroll, 16 Dec. 1793, DLC:GW). Goart, whose name GW variously spelled Gort, Goord, Goort, and Gourt, began his work on 6 Mar. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 314, 333, 340).\n3. Agreed with Mr. Robt. Adam for the Fish catchd at the Fishing Landing I bought of Posey, on the following terms\u2014to wit\nHe is obligd to take all I catch at that place provided the quantity does not exceed 500 Barls. and will take more than this qty. if he can get Cask to put them in. He is to take them as fast as they are catchd with out giving any interruption to my people; and is to have the use of the Fish House for his Salt, fish, &ca. taking care to have the House clear at least before the next Fishing Season.\nIn consideration of which he is to pay me Ten pounds for the use of the House, give 3/ a thousd. for the Herrings (Virg. Money) and 8/4 a hundred (Maryland Curry.) for the whitefish.\nMr. Piper and Lund Washington present.\n The fishery was on the 200\u2013acre tract of land GW had acquired at Posey\u2019s sale the previous October (Va. Gaz., R, 19 Oct. 1769). Taken by seining in the Potomac, the fish were packed with salt in large barrels to be sold to local planters for their slaves or to be shipped abroad, often to the West Indies (Robert Adam to GW, 24 June 1771, DLC:GW). Between 13 April and the end of May, Adam received 473,750 herring and 4,623 shad (whitefish), and on 1 Oct. GW was credited with \u00a3102 Virginia currency for his fish and rent of his fish house. For shad he was paid 8s. 4d. Virginia per hundred, a better rate than the 8s. 4d. Maryland per hundred given above (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 310).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n5. Mr. Magowan went to Dumfries and I to Mr. Rt. Alexanders on a hunting Party where I met Mr. B. Fairfax but first I went over to George Town returng. to Mr. Alexanders at Night.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006-0013", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 13 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n13. Went a huntg. above Darrels Hills & to G. Alexrs. Pocoson. Found a fox by two Dogs in Cliftons Neck but lost it upon joing. the Pack. Returnd abt. 5 Oclock & found Colo. Mason & Mr. Christian here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 17 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n17. Rid with Mr. West to Mr. Triplets to settle the Lines of Harrisons Patent. Passd by the Mill with Colo. Lewis. Mr. Whiting went home this Mor\u27e8n\u27e9ing & Mr. West in the Afternn. from T[riplet]s.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006-0019", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n18. Went to Pohick Church and retur\u27e8nd\u27e9 to Dinner. Colo. Lewis &ca. went away this Morning & Jno. Ball the Millright came in the afternoon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006-0022", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 21. Joind some dogs that were self hunting & from thence went to the Mill & was levelling all the remainder of the day with Jno. Ball &ca.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006-0027", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 26 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n26. Went a hunting with the above Gentln. & killd a fox after two hours chace. The two Mr. Triplets Peake &ca. were with us. T. Triplet & H. Manley dind he\u27e8re\u27e9.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006-0028", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 27 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n27. Again went a hunting with the above Compy. but found no Fox. Mr. Geo. Alexander & Mr. Peake dind here with the other Compa.\u2014as Mr. Ramsay did.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0006", "content": "Title: [March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMar. 1. My Brothers and the Company with them went away about 10 O clock. I went to level the Ground on the other side of Doeg Run. Mr. Magowan & Captn. Wm. Crawford came here this afternoon.\n GW was taking elevations west of Dogue Run to determine the best route for a millrace to his new mill. Several months earlier he had been thinking of supplying the new mill with water by having a race dug to it from the pond near his old mill (GW to Charles West, 6 June 1769, DLC:GW). But now he had another plan in mind. The dam near the old mill would be replaced with one farther up Dogue Run, a short distance above the place where it is joined by Piney Branch. From the new Dogue Run dam, a race would be dug southwest to a point on Piney Branch, a few hundred yards above its mouth, where a second dam would be built. Then the race, which would be about two miles in total length, would parallel Dogue Run along the higher ground west of the run down to the new mill, where it would pass through the building into Dogue Creek (vaughanSamuel Vaughan. \u201cMinutes Made by S. V. from Stage to Stage on a Tour to Fort Pitt or Pittsburgh in Company with Mr. Michl. Morgan Obrian, from Thence by S. V. Only through Virginia, Maryland, & Pensylvania (18 June to 4 Sept. 1787).\u201d Manuscript diary in the collection of the descendants of Samuel Vaughan., 56; Warrington Gillingham\u2019s map of Mount Vernon, muirDorothy Troth Muir. Potomac Interlude: The Story of Woodlawn Mansion and the Mount Vernon Neighborhood, 1846\u20131943. Washington, D.C., 1943., between pp. 90 and 91). The idea for this arrangement may have come from John Ball or John Ballendine. Its advantage over GW\u2019s first idea was that it would make possible a higher head of water at the mill, because the race would begin at a greater elevation on Dogue Run and would remain near that level by following the higher terrain to the west.\n Crawford came today to report on his surveys for GW in western Pennsylvania.\n2. At home all day with the two.\n3. Ditto. Ditto. Ditto.\n4. Mr. Crawford set of for Williamsburg & Mr. Magowan for Colchester the last of whom returnd.\n GW lent Crawford \u00a35 for his journey, which the captain repaid upon his return to Mount Vernon later in the month (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 302).\n5. Mr. Magowan went to Dumfries and I to Mr. Rt. Alexanders on a hunting Party where I met Mr. B. Fairfax but first I went over to George Town returng. to Mr. Alexanders at Night.\n Established in 1751, Georgetown, Md. (now part of Washington, D.C.), was at this time a small but active trading community at the mouth of Rock Creek, eight miles up the Potomac River from Alexandria. At Georgetown today GW paid John Jost \u00a36 10s. Maryland currency for a rifle and apparently dined at one of the town\u2019s two taverns. He also played cards either at Georgetown or at Robert Alexander\u2019s house, winning \u00a31 5s. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 302; riceHoward C. Rice, Jr., and Anne S. K. Brown, eds. The American Campaigns of Rochambeau\u2019s Army, 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783. 2 vols. Princeton, N.J., 1972., 2:87\u201388).\n6. Went out a hunting with Mr. Alexander [and] his Brothers. Found two or three Foxes but killd neither.\n7. Went a hunting again. Found a Fox and run it 6 hours & then lost [it]. I returnd home this Evening.\n8. Went to Belvoir with Mr. Magowan, dined and Returnd in the afternoon.\n9. At home all day.\n10. Rid to Muddy hole Doeg Run and the Mill. Mr. Magowan went home.\n11. At home all day alone.\n12. Rid to Muddy hole Doeg Run and the Mill.\n13. Went a huntg. above Darrels Hills & to G. Alexrs. Pocoson. Found a fox by two Dogs in Cliftons Neck but lost it upon joing. the Pack. Returnd abt. 5 Oclock & found Colo. Mason & Mr. Christian here.\n Francis Christian, a dancing master from Richmond County who had married Katherine Chinn of Lancaster County in 1750, came this day with Mason to discuss a series of dancing classes to be held during the next few months for the young people of the neighborhood. Some of the classes would meet at Gunston Hall, some at Mount Vernon, and some possibly at other nearby homes (carterJack P. Greene, ed. The Diary of Colonel Landon Carter of Sabine Hall, 1752\u20131778. 2 vols. Charlottesville, Va., 1965. [3], 2:737; haydenHorace Edwin Hayden. Virginia Genealogies. A Genealogy of the Glassell Family of Scotland and Virginia, also of the Families of Ball, Brown, Bryan, Conway, Daniel, Ewell, Holladay, Lewis, Littlepage, Moncure, Peyton, Robinson, Scott, Taylor, Wallace, and others, of Virginia and Maryland. 1891. Reprint. Baltimore, 1973., 76).\n14. At home all day. Colo. Mason & Mr. Christian dined here & returnd afterwards.\n15. At home all day alone.\n16. Went to doeg run and took the hounds with me\u2014found a fox by the Widow Ashfords & soon lost him. Upon my return home found Colo. Lewis my Br[other] Ch[arle]s & Mr. Brooke here. In the Evening Mr. Jno. West & Mr. Stedlar came\u2014also Mr. Whiting.\n Elizabeth Ashford (died c.1773) is the widow of John Ashford who sold land on Dogue Run to GW in 1761. Mr. Brooke is probably Richard Brooke (died c.1792), a prominent Spotsylvania County landowner who lived near Fredericksburg, and Mr. Whiting is probably Francis Whiting, of Frederick County (later Berkeley County).\n GW lost 6s. 3d. at cards on this day (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 302).\n17. Rid with Mr. West to Mr. Triplets to settle the Lines of Harrisons Patent. Passd by the Mill with Colo. Lewis. Mr. Whiting went home this Mor\u27e8n\u27e9ing & Mr. West in the Afternn. from T[riplet]s.\n Harrison\u2019s patent, a grant of 266 acres made to William Harrison 4 Dec. 1706, lay northwest of Dogue Run between the lands that GW had bought from Pearson and the Ashfords in 1761\u201362 and Trenn\u2019s land, which he had bought in 1764. Part of the patent was now owned by John West Jr.\u2019s mother, Sybil, a daughter of William Harrison, and the remainder by William Triplett (Lord Fairfax\u2019s grant to GW, 4 Mar. 1771, Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book I, 187, Vi Microfilm; deed of Sybil West to Triplett, 26 Mar. 1777, Fairfax County Deeds, Book M\u20131, 315\u201316, Vi Microfilm). The boundaries of the patent were surveyed on this day because GW\u2019s proposed new millrace and dams would be near the southeast line and might infringe upon it.\n18. Went to Pohick Church and retur\u27e8nd\u27e9 to Dinner. Colo. Lewis &ca. went away this Morning & Jno. Ball the Millright came in the afternoon.\n19. Went to the Mill with Jno. Ball to take the Level of the Run on the otherside. Did not get home till Night.\n20. Went up to Court & returnd in the Evening.\n The court was in session 19\u201323 Mar. GW attended only on this day, arriving late with John West, Jr. (Fairfax County Order Book for 1768\u201370, 331\u201355, Vi Microfilm).\n21. Joind some dogs that were self hunting & from thence went to the Mill & was levelling all the remainder of the day with Jno. Ball &ca.\n22. Rid to the Mill and laid of with the Millwright the foundation for the New Mill House. Upon my return found Captn. Crawford here.\n The site selected for the new mill was about one-third of a mile down Dogue Run, on the opposite bank, from the old mill. There, as planned, the tidal waters of the navigable portion of the stream, Dogue Creek, would flow up to the tailrace, enabling flat-bottom boats to deliver grain to the mill\u2019s door, from whence it would be \u201choisted . . . to the garners above\u201d (advertisement, 1 Feb. 1796, writingsJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 34:433\u201341). The same boats would carry flour down to the mouth of the creek, where a brig or schooner would take the cargo aboard and transport it to the markets at Alexandria, Norfolk, or elsewhere. The site of the new mill was also convenient for land traffic, because the road from Gum Spring to Colchester passed between it and the edge of the creek, being only a few feet from both. The foundations of the building, as laid off on this day, measured roughly 40 by 50 feet (bursonR. E. Burson. \u201cA Report of the Findings of Mr. R. E. Burson on the George Washington Grist Mill, Situated on Dogue Run Creek, Mount Vernon, Va.\u201d Mimeographed Report. Richmond, 1932., blueprint no. 2). When finished, the mill would be 2\u00bd stories high, equipped with a breast wheel 16 feet in diameter and two sets of millstones, one to be used exclusively for merchant work and the other for custom work, that is, grinding local farmers\u2019 grain in return for one-eighth of the amount brought in, the legal toll at this time (heningWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 6:58). This custom business would be still another source of income provided by the new mill.\n23. At home all day. Captn. Crawford and Mr. Manley here.\n On this day GW gave Crawford \u00a38 15s. Pennsylvania currency to buy surveying instruments in Philadelphia and \u00a357 Pennsylvania currency to survey and obtain rights to some tracts of land along the Monongahela and Youghiogheny rivers for him (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 316). Crawford later returned the \u00a357 when doubt arose over whether those lands would be in Pennsylvania after the colony\u2019s western boundary was established, but GW continued to be interested in the area for some time (William Crawford to GW, 5 May 1770, DLC:GW). That interest was apparently shared by Harrison Manley, on whose account GW today advanced Crawford \u00a327 Virginia currency plus \u00a310 Virginia currency for Lund Washington and \u00a315 Pennsylvania currency for Samuel Washington (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 115, 313, 315).\n24. Surveying the vacancy\u2019s of waste Land by Mr. Triplet & straitning the Mill Race.\n GW had found there was a small parcel of unclaimed land between Harrison\u2019s patent and Dogue Run, and he was now surveying it with the intention of obtaining a grant from Lord Fairfax and thus providing more room along the run to accommodate his new millrace and dams (grant of Lord Fairfax to GW, 4 Mar. 1771, Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book I, 187, Vi Microfilm).\n25. At home all day. In the afternoon Messrs. B. Fairfax & Robt. & Philip Alexander came here.\n26. Went a hunting with the above Gentln. & killd a fox after two hours chace. The two Mr. Triplets Peake &ca. were with us. T. Triplet & H. Manley dind he\u27e8re\u27e9.\n27. Again went a hunting with the above Compy. but found no Fox. Mr. Geo. Alexander & Mr. Peake dind here with the other Compa.\u2014as Mr. Ramsay did.\n28. Went a huntg. again & killd a fox. All the Compy. went home from the field.\n29. Running some Lines by Mr. Wm. Triplets all day.\n30. At Home. The two Colo. Fairfax\u2019s & Mrs. Fairfax dind here & returnd in the afternoon.\n31. At home all day writing.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0007-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n11. Raining a little, and misting all the forenoon, which ceased in the Afternoon, but still kept cloudy. Wind variable but for the most part about North.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0007-0015", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 15 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n15. Wind Eastwardly\u2014from thence shifting to North & No. Wt. Constant Snow about abt. Sun rise till 12 or one Oclock then ceasing but cloudy & cold afterwards.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0007-0021", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n21. The Morning was fine, but the Wind and Weather was variable. Afterwards sometimes cloudy & then clear & sometimes calm & then the Wind woud be fresh.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0007", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Weather in March [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMar. 1st. Wind Northwardly. Cold & Cloudy with Snow every now and then.\n2. Cloudy with a Mixture of Hail Rain & Snow, but not much of it.\n3. Clear and tolerably pleasant, but a little Cool. Wind being rather fresh from the No. West.\n4. Cloudy Morning, then Snow, after that Snow and Rain mixd, and lastly constant Rain.\n5. Snow about 3 Inches deep. Weather clear. Wind Westwardly in the forenoon but calm warm and thawing afterwards.\n6. Clear and pleasant with the wind at South.\n7. Clear & calm in the Morning, with a Northwardly Wind afterwards but pleasant Notwithstanding.\n8. Clear & pleasant with the Wind Southwardly.\n9. Clear and very pleasant with the Wind still Southwardly. In the Afternoon the Wind fresh with appearances of Rain.\n10. Lowering and very smoky all day. Wind very fresh from the Southward in the forenoon but quite calm afterwards.\n11. Raining a little, and misting all the forenoon, which ceased in the Afternoon, but still kept cloudy. Wind variable but for the most part about North.\n12. Cloudy Morning with but little Wind. Clear afternoon with the wind fresh at No. West & Cold.\n13. Ground hard froze\u2014but the morning calm, clear and pleasant. The afternoon raw & cold with the Wind fresh from So. West & very cloudy. In the Night Snow abt. an Inch deep.\n14. Cloudy all day, & sometimes dropg. Rain. Wind being Eastwardly & fresh.\n15. Wind Eastwardly\u2014from thence shifting to North & No. Wt. Constant Snow about abt. Sun rise till 12 or one Oclock then ceasing but cloudy & cold afterwards.\n16. Wind blowing fresh & clear all day from the No. West.\n17. Ground hard froze and Morning Cool. Wind being fresh from the No. West. Afternoon being pleast. & little Wind\u2014also clear.\n18. Clear, warm & pleasant, there being but little Wind.\n19. Cloudy all day\u2014till Evening at least with much appearance of Rain in the Morning, but high Wind at No. West in the afternoon.\n20. Clear & pleasant Morning with the Wind at South but lowering Afternoon & very cloudy Evening.\n21. The Morning was fine, but the Wind and Weather was variable. Afterwards sometimes cloudy & then clear & sometimes calm & then the Wind woud be fresh.\n22. Wind at No. West and very hard. Snowd fast till abt. 9 or 10 Oclock then clear and cold. Wind still high.\n23. Clear, and hard frost. Morning calm and pleasant but high & boisterous wind in the Afternoon from the No. West.\n24. Ground very hard froze. The morning again clear and calm but the Wind hard from the No. West after 9 Oclock.\n25. Clear, calm, warm and pleasant in the Evening. The Wind blew pretty fresh from the Southward.\n26. Very smoky. Calm and some appearance of Rain, but none fell till in the Night & not much then.\n27. Close warm Morning, & Rain (tho not hard) about 10 or 11 Oclock. No. Wind and the Afternoon clear.\n28. Clear & still Morning with some Wind in the Afternoon from the Westward.\n29. Hazy but pleasant notwithstanding. Wind westwardly & fresh.\n30. Clear & pleasant with but little wind.\n31. Clear and pleasant with but little wind and that Southwardly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0008-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 26 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 26. Countess a hound Bitch after being confind sometime got loose and was lined before it was discovered by my Water dog once and a small foist looking yellow cur twice.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0008-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 28 March 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n28. She was lined by Ranger a dog I had from Mr. Fairfax. I planted three french Walnuts in the New Garden, & on that side next the work House.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0009-0007", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 7 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n7. Run round the Lines of the Land I bought of the Ashfords. In the Evening Doctr. Craik his Wife and daughter & Mr. Phil Fendall came here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0009-0012", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 12 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n12. Mr. West & I run and markd the Dividing Line between my Part & that of Spencer\u2019s Tract at least began to do it but cd. not finish it.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0009-0014", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 14 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n14. Rid to the Mill & fishing Landg. at Poseys. Mr. Stedlar came in the afternoon and Mr. West & Mr. Adam went away in the Morng. before breakfast. Rid to the Mill & came home by the Fishery at Poseys, found Mr. Stedlar here; & in the Afternoon the Stone Masons came to go about my Mill.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0009-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n18. The above Gentlemen went away after breakfast. Patsy Custis, & Milly Posey went to Colo. Mason\u2019s to the Dancing School. Mr. Magowan who I found here yesterday stayed. Mr. Ball & one of his People set in to Work today\u2014as did the Mason\u2019s to raising stone yesterday.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0009-0025", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 25 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 25. The Doctr. went away after breakfast and I rid the same round. Colo. Robt. Fairfax calld here in the forenoon but did not stay dinner.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0009-0030", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 30 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n30. The Doctr. stayed till after dinner and then returnd to Alexandria. I rid to the Mill & my usual rounds before dinner and to the Mill after Dinner.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0009", "content": "Title: [April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nApl. 1. Went to Pohick Church and returnd home to Dinner.\n2. Rid to see Mr. Humphrey Peake who lay ill. Returnd to Dinner.\n3. Rid to see Mr. Peake again with Mrs. Washington. Returnd to Dinner.\n4. Rid to the Mill\u2014Doeg Run and Muddy hole.\n5. Rid into the Neck and called to see Mr. Peake in my way.\n6. Went a hunting but found nothing. Returnd to Dinner.\n7. Run round the Lines of the Land I bought of the Ashfords. In the Evening Doctr. Craik his Wife and daughter & Mr. Phil Fendall came here.\n Dr. James Craik had married Mariamne Ewell (1740\u20131814), daughter of Charles Ewell of Prince William County, in Nov. 1760. Her mother, Sarah Ball Ewell, was a granddaughter of GW\u2019s maternal grandfather, Joseph Ball. The Craiks eventually had nine children, of whom three were daughters: Nancy, Sarah, and Mariamne (haydenHorace Edwin Hayden. Virginia Genealogies. A Genealogy of the Glassell Family of Scotland and Virginia, also of the Families of Ball, Brown, Bryan, Conway, Daniel, Ewell, Holladay, Lewis, Littlepage, Moncure, Peyton, Robinson, Scott, Taylor, Wallace, and others, of Virginia and Maryland. 1891. Reprint. Baltimore, 1973., 341\u201343).\n Philip Richard Fendall (1734-1805) was at this time a merchant and clerk of court in Charles County, Md. (md. archivesArchives of Maryland. 72 vols. Baltimore, 1883\u20131972., 62:280, 462). Son of Benjamin and Elinor Lee Fendall, he had married his cousin Sarah Lettice Lee, daughter of Squire Richard Lee of Blenheim, Charles County, Md. (lee [1]Cazenove Gardner Lee, Jr. Lee Chronicle: Studies of the Early Generations of the Lees of Virginia. Edited by Dorothy Mills Parker. New York, 1957., 108 n.20).\n8. Major Wagener came here to Dinner, & the others went away after.\n9. Major Wagener went away after breakfast. I rid to Muddy hole & from thence to the Mill.\n10. Miss Polly Washington set of home. I rid to the Genl. Muster at Cameron.\n Polly Washington must be Mary Townshend Washington, who apparently continued at Mount Vernon after her father and the rest of her party left on 1 Mar. General musters of county militias during this period were held once a year in March or April. Because GW was a county magistrate and held no rank in the Fairfax militia, he was exempt by law from attending its musters (heningWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 7:534, 8:242\u201345). He probably went to Cameron today to see friends or to conduct some business (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 314).\n11. Rid to Doeg Run Qrs. & returnd to Dinner. Mr. John West came in the Afternoon.\n12. Mr. West & I run and markd the Dividing Line between my Part & that of Spencer\u2019s Tract at least began to do it but cd. not finish it.\n GW had long been frustrated in attempts to plot accurately the dividing line between the two halves of the Spencer-Washington grant, because about 1741 the northern boundary of the grant had been moved south nearly 200 rods to accommodate other grants (R. O. Brooke\u2019s survey, c.1741, callahanCharles H. Callahan. Washington: The Man and the Mason. Washington, D.C., 1913., facing p. 3). Thus, GW did not know whether to run the line as if it were coming from the center of the original northern boundary as stipulated in the 1690 division or from the center of the revised boundary (survey and division by George Brent, 18 Sept. and 23 Dec. 1690, ViMtvL). In addition, many of the marking trees mentioned in the old surveys had disappeared or could not be found (survey by GW, 1\u20132 Oct. 1759, ViMtvL). Determined to establish at last the exact western boundary of the Mount Vernon tract, GW had invited John West, Jr., and Thomas Hanson Marshall, the two gentlemen who now owned the portions of the old Spencer tract lying on the line, to join him in making the survey begun today. Marshall declined to come, giving first his own illness and then his wife\u2019s as his excuse, probably a legitimate one in the latter case, at least, because Mrs. Marshall died 5 Dec. 1770 (Marshall to GW, 8 and 11 April 1770, DLC:GW; geraldHerbert P. Gerald [annotator]. \u201cMarshall Hall Burying Ground at Marshall Hall, Md.\u201d Maryland Historical Magazine 24 (1929): 172\u201376., 173). None of the Spencer tract now remained in that family\u2019s possession, Col. Nicholas Spencer\u2019s grandson William having sold it in various parcels 1738\u201339. Those besides West and Marshall who now owned parts of the tract were Daniel French, Harrison Manley, the Wade sisters, and GW.\n13. We finished to day what we began yesterday & he and Mr. Robt. Adam dined and lodged here.\n GW and West probably decided to use Brent\u2019s original dividing line, running it as accurately as possible, because West\u2019s and Marshall\u2019s tracts had been bought from William Spencer before the northern boundary had been changed (deed of Spencer to George Harrison, 25\u201326 May 1739, Prince William County Deeds, Book D, 94\u2013100, Vi Microfilm; deed of Spencer to Thomas Marshall, 20\u201321 Nov. 1739, Prince William County Deeds, Book D, 289\u201394, Vi Microfilm).\n14. Rid to the Mill & fishing Landg. at Poseys. Mr. Stedlar came in the afternoon and Mr. West & Mr. Adam went away in the Morng. before breakfast.\nRid to the Mill & came home by the Fishery at Poseys, found Mr. Stedlar here; & in the Afternoon the Stone Masons came to go about my Mill.\n stone masons: See \u201cRemarks\u201d entry for 14 April 1770.\n15. At home all day. Mr. Grayson came here in the Afternoon.\n William Grayson had brought suit in Fairfax County court against John Ballendine for recovery of a debt, and the case was to be heard on the following day along with several similar cases involving creditors of Ballendine (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 4, Vi Microfilm).\n16. Went up to Alexandria to Court & stayed all Night.\n The court met 16\u201317 April. On this day John Ballendine, having been convicted in several cases of debt and being insolvent, was committed to the county jail. After staying there for 20 days, he could, according to law, be released by a warrant from two or more justices, and his creditors could then sue to have his property seized and sold for their benefit (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 1\u201315, Vi Microfilm; heningWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 8:329).\n17. Returnd home in the Afternoon with Mr. Josh. Gallaway, & Colo. R. Lee.\n In court today Thomas Montgomerie of Dumfries had recorded a letter from Margaret Savage which granted him power of attorney in her affairs (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 15, Vi Microfilm). Mrs. Savage\u2019s husband had apparently coerced or coaxed her into taking this step, which put her trustees, GW and Bryan Fairfax, in the awkward position of having to demand payment of her annuity from Montgomerie as Dr. Savage\u2019s agent and then giving the money to him as Mrs. Savage\u2019s legal representative. Knowing that Montgomerie had no obligation to send Mrs. Savage her money, GW and Fairfax tried to postpone dealing with him until they could get some clarification of the matter from Mrs. Savage (GW to Bryan Fairfax, 12 Dec. 1770; GW to Margaret Savage, 5 Sept. 1771; and Margaret Savage to GW, 19 Aug. 1772, DLC:GW).\n Joseph Galloway (c.1731\u20131803) of Philadelphia was a rich and powerful lawyer with scholarly tastes. At this time he was Speaker of the Pennsylvania\nAssembly and vice-president of the American Philosophical Society. He also had a great interest in western lands and was a member of the Grand Ohio Company, commonly known as the Walpole Company.\n18. The above Gentlemen went away after breakfast. Patsy Custis, & Milly Posey went to Colo. Mason\u2019s to the Dancing School. Mr. Magowan who I found here yesterday stayed. Mr. Ball & one of his People set in to Work today\u2014as did the Mason\u2019s to raising stone yesterday.\n GW today paid Francis Christian \u00a32 to admit Patsy and Milly to his school (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 314). Christian\u2019s dancing classes often lasted several days in each home, and the days were usually long. In a class which he held in Westmoreland County in 1773, \u201cthe Scholars\u201d began soon after breakfast by having \u201ctheir Lesson singly round.\u201d Then, \u201cthere were several Minuets danced with great ease and propriety; after which the whole company Joined in country-dances.\u201d The class continued until 7:30 P.M. with breaks for dinner and candle lighting. Christian was observed to be \u201cpunctual, and rigid in his discipline, so strict indeed that he struck two of the young Misses for a fault in the course of their performance\u201d (fithianHunter Dickinson Farish, ed. Journal & Letters of Philip Vickers Fithian, 1773\u20131774: A Plantation Tutor of the Old Dominion. Williamsburg, Va., 1943., 44\u201345).\n mr. ball: see \u201cRemarks\u201d for 16 and 18 April 1770.\n19. Mr. Magowan & Mr. Adam dind here. The Mason\u2019s began to Dig the foundation of my Mill at 2/6 pr. day. I rid to the Mill & doeg Run.\n20. Rid to see Mr. Peake who was Sick from thence to the Mill & home by Posey\u2019s. Mr. Adams dind here.\n21. Rid to where they were digging the foundation of my Mill and home again by the Millwright and the fishery at Poseys.\n22. At home all day. Mr. Adam & Doctr. Rumney dined here and the latter lodged here also & Captn. Posey.\n23. Rid to see Mr. Peake, from thence to Muddy hole & Doeg Run to the Mill & then home by the fishg. Landing. Mr. Adam dined and lodgd here. Captn. Posey also lodgd here.\n Although the strip of land on which Posey\u2019s house and ferry were located was still involved in the court suit of John West, Jr., GW today agreed to rent it from Posey for \u00a310 a year (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 256). Posey apparently moved to Queenstown on the Eastern Shore of Maryland some time during the next year (John Posey to GW, 25 May 1771, DLC:GW).\n24. Went the same Round as yesterday. Captn. McCarty & Captn. Posey dined here & the Doctr. lodgd here.\n25. The Doctr. went away after breakfast and I rid the same round. Colo. Robt. Fairfax calld here in the forenoon but did not stay dinner.\n26. Rid my usual rounds before Dinner and the same after dinnr.\n27. Went to Belvoir\u2014dined and returnd afterwards.\n28. Rid to the Millwrights Mill, & to Mr. Peakes before dinner and to the fishery at Posey, & to the Mill again in the afternoon.\n29. At home all day. Doctr. Rumney dined and lodged here & Mr. Matthw. Campbell lodged here.\n30. The Doctr. stayed till after dinner and then returnd to Alexandria. I rid to the Mill & my usual rounds before dinner and to the Mill after Dinner.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0010-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 2 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n2. This Morning the Snow was an Inch or two deep & continued Snowing (fine Snow) all day with the Wind Northwardly & cold but the Snow did not Increase much in depth.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0010-0014", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 14 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n14. Cooler than yesterday & lowering with the Wind abt. No. Et. In the Afternoon it began Raining & continued to do so more or less through the Night.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0011-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n11. The Bitch Truelove was lined twice by Ringwood. She had been frequently shut up with forrister\u2014but it is thought he never lined her.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0011-0012", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 23 April 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n23. Began to Plant Corn in the Neck\u2014at Muddy hole, and at Doeg Run. Mr. Ball, Talbot & Grinnel were levalling the Mill Race. His other hand went for their Tools to Cameron. T. Ball came this Aftern. Thomas Bird set to work on the foundation of the Mill at 1/3 pr. day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0011", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occurrances in Apl. [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n9th. Finished listing Ground for Corn at Muddy hole. The Hound Bitch Singer was lind by Jowler.\n11. The Bitch Truelove was lined twice by Ringwood. She had been frequently shut up with forrister\u2014but it is thought he never lined her.\n13. Forrister was seen lined to Truelove. Began my Fishery at Poseys for Mr. Robt. Adam.\n14. She was again lined by Ringwood and Singer I saw lined by Jowler.\nThis day I began to draw the Water of my Meadow by breaking the Dam or stop that confind it.\nHull & the other Stone Mason came here to set about my Mill\u2014but did not began work till the 17th.\n GW is having his old millpond drained. John Hull was paid \u00a331 15s. 1d. in September for work done on the new mill, which probably included wages for both stonemasons between April and September. Hull\u2019s partner could be Joseph Goart, who continued doing occasional work for GW through the spring of the next year (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 320, 333, 340).\n15. Singer was again lined by Jowler & Truelover by Ringwood.\n16. Mr. Ball the Millwright and one of his People came here to work.\n Ball at one time or another had five of his own men working on the mill: Thomas Ball for 38\u00bd days, Richard Talbott for 31 days, John Grinstead for 24\u00bd days, Reason Porter for 19\u00bd days, and Edward Todd for 9 days. The helper who came this day was probably Grinstead, Porter, or Todd. Ball himself worked for 38 days on the mill (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 324).\n17. Hull & his Partner began to raise stone.\n18. Ball and his Apprentice set abt. the shaft for the Mill &ca. Jowler lined Singer & Ringwood Truelove again.\n The shaft was the large wooden axle on which the waterwheel was to turn.\n19. The Mason\u2019s went to digging the foundation of my Mill at 2/6 pr. day. Jowler lined Singer & Forrister lined truelove.\n20. Jowler again lined Singer.\n21. Richd. Talbot & one other of Ball\u2019s hands came here in the Afternoon.\n23. Began to Plant Corn in the Neck\u2014at Muddy hole, and at Doeg Run.\nMr. Ball, Talbot & Grinnel were levalling the Mill Race. His other hand went for their Tools to Cameron. T. Ball came this Aftern.\nThomas Bird set to work on the foundation of the Mill at 1/3 pr. day.\n grinnel: This name does not appear in GW\u2019s ledger for this year and may be a garbling of the last name of Ball\u2019s helper, John Grinstead. t. ball: The John Ball who settled in Fauquier County in 1771 had a younger brother Thomas (snoddyMrs. Allen B. Snoddy. \u201cBall Notes.\u201d Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 23 (1915): 308\u20139., 308; see main entry for 30 Dec. 1769).\n Thomas Byrd was paid \u00a31 1s. 3d. in May for his work at the mill, and during the summer he received \u00a33 15s. 6d. more for helping to harvest GW\u2019s wheat (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 321).\n26. He began to work on my Mill Race at 1/3 pr. Rod & to find himself and Sciagusta a prisoner from the Indians came here, and began to work with my People.\n Work on the millrace began near the mill, and during the next year it progressed slowly north toward Piney Branch and the upper part of Dogue\n Run. The race was dug several feet into the ground along its two-mile route, except where occasional low-lying areas had to be crossed. In those places earth embankments were raised to keep the water at a constant level, thus preventing any great lowering of the head of water at the mill. The sides of the race were probably supported by timber in both the banked and excavated sections (Lund Washington to GW, 2 Sept. 1778, ViMtvL). to find himself means that Byrd was to supply his own food. \u201cSciagusta did not work long, as he received but three shillings for his services\u201d (Fitzpatrick, DiariesJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Diaries of George Washington, 1748\u20131799. 4 vols. Boston and New York, 1925., 1:376 n.1; General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 314). Other ditchers hired during the next two weeks to work on the millrace would prove to be no more eager to stick to this backbreaking task.\n27. As it Raind from abt. 3 or 4 Oclock in the Afternoon I presume work was stoped by the Millwrights and Masons.\n28. Clevelands Waggon & Team began to Work for me at pr. day.\nReason\u2014one of Balls Men did no work by a Boyl under his Arm.\n James Cleveland\u2019s wagon and team worked ten days at 10s. a day between this date and 9 May. GW had also employed them on 19 and 20 April at 12s. 6d. a day, and on 15 April they had carried two loads for him at 1s. 6d. a load (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 312).\n29. Coxe Rice came to Work at the rate of 30/. pr. Month & Victuals found him.\nReason Porter went to work again today.\n Rice, who may have been hired to help with the mill, was to receive his meals as well as wages for his work, but it is apparent, as he is not mentioned in GW\u2019s ledger, that he quit before earning any money.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0012-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMay 1st. Rid in the forenoon to where the Millwrights & Masons were at Work\u2014also the Ditchers & the fish Landing at Poseys. In the afternoon rid to the Mill only. Mrs. W. Washington & her youngest Child & Mrs. Bushrod & Katy Washington came in the Eveng.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0012-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n6. At home all day. Colo. Robt. Fairfax Mrs. Fairfax Mrs. W. Washington & the two Miss Carlyles came from Belvoir & dined here. Colo. Fairfax Mrs. Fairfax & Nancy Carlyle returnd after dinr. Mrs. W. & Sally stayed.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0012-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. Went the same rounds again and promised the ditchers 18d. a Rod if they woud be brisk and stick to it. Miss Betty Ramsay & Milly Hunter also Anthy. Ramsay came here today. The latter returnd after dinner. The others stayed.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0012-0009", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 9 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n9. Mr. Christian danced here\u2014\u27e8who\u27e9 (besides his Scholars, and those already mentioned to be here) Mrs. Peake & Niece Mr. Massey\u2014Mr. Piper & Mr. Adams dined here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0012-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n18. Did the same. Returnd to Dinner with Mr. Ross. Found Mr. Ramsay there. Went in the Afternoon to McCartys Sale of Poseys Effects. He & Mr. Ramsay returnd with me & lodgd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0012", "content": "Title: [May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMay 1st. Rid in the forenoon to where the Millwrights & Masons were at Work\u2014also the Ditchers & the fish Landing at Poseys. In the afternoon rid to the Mill only. Mrs. W. Washington & her youngest Child & Mrs. Bushrod & Katy Washington came in the Eveng.\n Mrs. Warner Washington\u2019s youngest child at this time was Catharine Washington (b. 1769). katy washington: Catherine Washington, daughter of the deceased Henry Washington of Middlesex County and niece of Mrs. Mildred Bushrod.\n2. Mrs. Washington went to Belvoir & Mrs. Bushrod continued here. I rid to the Mill and Ditcher[s] in the forenoon, and afternoon.\n3. Went the above rounds before dinner\u2014but did not go out afterwards.\n4. Rid to the Masons & Ditchers before dinner.\n5. Rid to the Mill Rights\u2014Masons & Ditchers before dinner, & to Doeg Run Qr.\n6. At home all day. Colo. Robt. Fairfax Mrs. Fairfax Mrs. W. Washington & the two Miss Carlyles came from Belvoir & dined here. Colo. Fairfax Mrs. Fairfax & Nancy Carlyle returnd after dinr. Mrs. W. & Sally stayed.\n7. Rid to the Mill ditchers, &ca. before dinner & to the Mill afterwards.\n8. Went the same rounds again and promised the ditchers 18d. a Rod if they woud be brisk and stick to it.\nMiss Betty Ramsay & Milly Hunter also Anthy. Ramsay came here today. The latter returnd after dinner. The others stayed.\n For GW\u2019s difficulties with the ditchers, see \u201cRemarks\u201d entries for 1\u20138 May 1770.\n Amelia Hunter, a daughter of the Alexandria physician John Hunter and his wife Elizabeth, married a Mr. Terrett sometime before May 1776 (will of John Hunter, 10 June 1763, Fairfax County Wills, Book B\u20131, 364\u201365, Vi Microfilm; will of George Hunter, 17 May 1776, Fairfax County Wills, Book C\u20131, 257\u201358, Vi Microfilm). Anthony Ramsay of Alexandria was a lawyer who had been admitted to the bar of the Fairfax County court 19 Feb. 1770 (Fairfax County Order Book for 1768\u201370, 286, Vi Microfilm). Young Ramsay, the eldest son of William Ramsay, died during the winter of 1772\u201373.\n9. Mr. Christian danced here\u2014\u27e8who\u27e9 (besides his Scholars, and those already mentioned to be here) Mrs. Peake & Niece Mr. Massey\u2014Mr. Piper & Mr. Adams dined here.\n Mrs. Humphrey Peake\u2019s sister, Sarah Stonestreet, married Richard Edelen of Maryland; the niece is probably a daughter of that marriage, possibly Frances Edelin (see main entry for 28 Dec. 1771).\n Rev. Lee Massey (1732\u20131814), rector of Truro Parish 1767\u201377, lived at this time on the Occoquan with his first wife, Mary Johnston Massey, daughter of George and Sarah McCarty Johnston of Alexandria (will of Mary Johnston, 20 Nov. 1769, Fairfax County Wills, Book C\u20131, 73, Vi Microfilm; Mason\nFamily Bible, mason [2]Robert A. Rutland, ed. The Papers of George Mason, 1725\u20131792. 3 vols. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1970., 1:480\u201381). After her death he married a Miss Burwell, who soon died also; he then married Elizabeth Bronaugh of Prince William County (meade [1][William] Meade. Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1857., 2:239\u201340). A lawyer in early life, Massey had been chosen successor to Rev. Charles Green by the Truro vestrymen in Feb. 1766 and had been sent to England for ordination, officially becoming rector the next February (Truro Vestry Book, 110, 119, DLC).\n10. Rid to the Mill. Mr. Christian & some of his scholars went away this afternoon. Mrs. W\u2014\u2014n & Mrs. B[ushrod] went to B[elvoir].\n11. The rest of the Scholars went away after breakfast. Mrs. Washn. & Mr. W. Washington came this Afternoon. Mr. Semple who came last Night went away after Bt. I rid to the Mill &ca. before & after Dinner.\n12. At home all day. Mr. Stedlar here. Mr. & Mrs. Washington & Mrs. Bushrod went to Colchester & returnd in the Afternn.\n13. Went to Church with all the Compy. here. Dind at Belvoir & returnd in the Afternoon.\n14. Rid to Muddy hole to my Ditchers & the Mill. Mr. Washington wife & Child & Mrs. Bushrod &ca. went away.\n15. Rid to the Ditchers & Mill before Dinner\u2014at home afterwards.\n16. Rid by Muddy hole to the Mill and to the Ditchers & came home by Poseys.\n17. Rid to the Mill and Ditchers again.\n18. Did the same. Returnd to Dinner with Mr. Ross. Found Mr. Ramsay there. Went in the Afternoon to McCartys Sale of Poseys Effects. He & Mr. Ramsay returnd with me & lodgd.\n Daniel McCarty and Bryan Fairfax had given special bail for John Posey in several suits decided against him during Feb. 1770 (Fairfax County Order Book for 1768\u201370, 234\u201335, 305\u201314, Vi Microfilm).\n19. Set of for Williamsburg\u2014dind at Dumfries\u2014calld at My Mothers and lodgd at Colo. Lewis\u2019s in Fredericksbg.\n The burgesses were to begin meeting again on 21 May. Before GW left home, he gave Lund Washington, who was to be in charge of his business at Mount\nVernon while he was gone, \u00a330 in cash to be accounted for (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 313, 314).\n20. Breakfasted at Mr. Bouchers\u2014dind at Coleman\u2019s & lodgd at Todds bridge.\n Jonathan Boucher had been trying for several years to obtain the rectorate of St. Anne\u2019s Parish in Annapolis, Md., which offered a better livelihood than he had in Caroline County. Now, through the influence of Rev. Henry Addison, he was near to achieving that aim. At breakfast on this day, he and GW apparently discussed the matter and agreed that, if the move was made, Jacky would go to Annapolis also and continue his schooling under Boucher there, provided that Mrs. Washington approved. But GW was unwilling to agree with the tutor on another point. Boucher had been recently urging the Washingtons to allow him to take Jacky on an extended tour of Europe beginning about 1772. GW did not dispute the educational advantages of such a tour, but he was concerned that its cost would be more than Jacky\u2019s estate could afford. Any decision about the trip, he told Boucher, would have to wait until he consulted friends in Williamsburg (Boucher to GW, 9 and 21 May 1770, DLC:GW; GW to Boucher, 2\u20139 June 1770, NN).\n This Coleman tavern was probably at Bowling Green, on the main road from Fredericksburg to Williamsburg, about three miles from Caroline Court House (see main entry for 25 June 1770 and Va. Gaz., R, 19 Oct. 1769). The Bowling Green tavern was owned by John Hoomes (d. 1805), \u201ca very wealthy person\u201d who was now living in Sussex County (riceHoward C. Rice, Jr., and Anne S. K. Brown, eds. The American Campaigns of Rochambeau\u2019s Army, 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783. 2 vols. Princeton, N.J., 1972., 2:98, 176). He had advertised the tavern for lease during the previous October, and apparently a member of the local Coleman family, possibly Francis Coleman of Caroline Court House, had taken it over and had opened it since GW\u2019s last trip to Williamsburg, when he had eaten at the Court House (Va. Gaz., R, 19 Oct. 1769). GW and most other travelers through this area preferred to stop at Bowling Green when the tavern there was open, because going to the Court House required a side trip of several miles.\n21. Breakfasted at King Wm. Ct. House & dind & lodgd at Eltham.\n GW today spent 3s. at Ruffin\u2019s ferry and somewhere on his route bought a pair of shoes costing 6s. for the mulatto manservant, Billy, who accompanied him (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 314).\n22. Reached Williamsburg to Breakfast & dined at the Club at Mrs. Campb[ells] and supped at the Raleigh.\n GW lodged at Mrs. Campbell\u2019s tavern for his stay in town. The House of Burgesses, which had convened the previous day as scheduled, dealt mostly with private bills during this session and transacted relatively \u201clittle business of a public nature\u201d (GW to George W. Fairfax, 27 June 1770, IaDmSR).\n23. Dined at Mrs. Dawson\u2019s and spent the Evening in my own Room.\n24. Dined at the Treasurers, & spent the Evening in my own Room.\n Between this date and 29 May, GW bought four play tickets for 30s.; clubbed twice at the Raleigh, purchased a vial of red ink costing 1s. 3d., and paid 2s. for postage and coffee (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 314).\n25. Dined at the Palace & attended a Committee of the Association at Hayes. Spent the Eveng. there.\n A general meeting of the Virginia nonimportation association had been held in Williamsburg 22 May, and a committee of 20 gentlemen, including GW, had been appointed to revise the agreement that the associators had signed the previous year (Va. Gaz., R, 3 May 1770; carter [3]Jack P. Greene, ed. The Diary of Colonel Landon Carter of Sabine Hall, 1752\u20131778. 2 vols. Charlottesville, Va., 1965., 1:418). Changes were needed, it was generally agreed, because the agreement was causing much confusion and dissatisfaction in the colony and there were many violations of its terms by Virginians. Men in some of the other colonies were complaining that \u201cif some prudent steps are not taken to regulate importation, in a short time Virginia will be remarkable, only, for resolving\u201d (Va. Gaz., P&D, 14 June 1770, supp.). However, the members of the committee were deeply divided in opinion about how the nonimportation agreement should be changed. Some members, led by Treasurer Robert Carter Nicholas and Edmund Pendleton, wanted to moderate or abolish it as a gesture of compromise to Parliament for repealing all the disputed taxes except the one on tea. Other members insisted there could be no compromise of principle as long as the tea tax remained, and they favored strengthening the association\u2019s agreement with stricter terms and stricter means of enforcement (carter [3]Jack P. Greene, ed. The Diary of Colonel Landon Carter of Sabine Hall, 1752\u20131778. 2 vols. Charlottesville, Va., 1965., 1:418). GW seems to have agreed with this last viewpoint, but he was willing to relax the association in order to obtain a more general adherence to it (GW to Jonathan Boucher, 30 July 1770, IEN; GW to Robert Cary & Co., 20 Aug. 1770, DLC:GW).\n26. Took a Snack at Mrs. Dawson\u2019s & went up to Eltham in the Afternn.\n The House of Burgesses adjourned after today\u2019s meeting until 11:00 A.M. Monday, 28 May (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 20).\n27. At Eltham all day.\n28. Returnd to Williamsburg by 9 Oclock. Dined at the Speakers and attended a Committee of the Associn. at Hayes till 11 Oclock.\n29. Dined at Mrs. Dawson\u2019s and spent the Evening in my own Room.\n30. Dined at the Club and spent the Eveng. in my own Room.\n GW today paid \u00a31 10s. to Col. John Henry (d. 1773), father of Patrick Henry, for a copy of his map of Virginia which had been published the previous February by Thomas Jefferys of London.\n31. Dined at the Attorneys and attended a Committee of the Association at Hayes till One Oclock.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0013-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMay 1st. A hard frost which destroyd all the Peaches &ca. from the Water. Wind still at No. Wt. & West but neither so cold nor hard as the two preceeding days.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0013-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 3 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n3. Wind fresh and cool from the So. West\u2014which shifted to the So. Et. and East, & began to Rain briskly abt. Sunset attended with thunder & Lightg.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0013-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n18. Clear and Warm in the forenoon with but little Wind which howevr. after a little sprinkle came out violent from the No. West & contd. so all the Afternoon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0013", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Wheather in May [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMay 1st. A hard frost which destroyd all the Peaches &ca. from the Water. Wind still at No. Wt. & West but neither so cold nor hard as the two preceeding days.\n2. Calm and tolerably pleasant again altho the Morning was cool.\n3. Wind fresh and cool from the So. West\u2014which shifted to the So. Et. and East, & began to Rain briskly abt. Sunset attended with thunder & Lightg.\n4. Very Cloudy, Misty & sometimes raining. Wind pretty fresh from the Northwest & cool.\n5. Cloudy in the forenoon, & cool. Wind being at No. West\u2014but clear and warm afterwards with but little Wind.\n6. More moderate & pleasant in the forenoon\u2014but cool & windy in the Evening\u2014also Cloudy.\n7. Cool in the Morning but Hot afterwards with appearances of Rain.\n8. Very warm & clear in the forenoon with but little Wind\u2014but a severe Gust of wind & Rain in the Afternn. from the So. West\u2014which moderated abt. dark.\n9. Raining more or less all day with the wind fresh and variable.\n10. Drizzling several times with the Wind westwardly but not so cool as yesterday.\n11. Cloudy & sometimes Misty in the Afternoon. The forenoon clear & wind at No. West but variable.\n12. Cloudy & sometimes Misting in the Morning but clear and pleasant afterwards.\n13. Clear and very warm with but little Wind and that Southwardly.\n14. Very like for Rain in the Morning but cleard afterwards. Wind fresh all day from the East and cool\u2014especially towards Night.\n15. A Lowery cloudy Morning but clear afternoon & tolerably warm.\n16. Much such a day as yesterday, but a good deal warmer.\n17. Misty kind of Morning but clear warm and calm afterwards.\n18. Clear and Warm in the forenoon with but little Wind which howevr. after a little sprinkle came out violent from the No. West & contd. so all the Afternoon.\n19. Clear & cool till abt. Noon. Wind blowg. fresh from No. West\u2014then calm and warm. Eveng. still cool.\n20. Morning & Evening Cool. Mid day warm\u2014there being but little Wd.\n21. Still & Calm forenoon Wind pretty fresh from the Eastward afterwards.\n22. Clear and rather Cool Wind being fresh from the westward.\n23. Clear and still cool for the Season notwithstanding the wind was Southwardly.\n24. Warm with some appears. of Rain of which a little fell in the Night.\n25. Very warm. Wind being Southwardly\u2014a little Rain in the Morning.\n26. Wind very fast from the Westwd. all day and towards Evening Cool with appearances of Rain but none fell.\n27. Cool and clear all day. Wind being still to the westward.\n28. Lowering kind of a Morning but clear afterwards & cool all day.\n29. Not as cool as yesterday. Wind variable with appearances of Rain.\n30. Wind Eastwardly. Cool and cloudy with Rain towards Night which continued all Night.\n31. Raining more or less all day with the wind westwardly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0014-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 2 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n2. The Mason\u2019s went to laying Stone in the walls of the water Pit (dry Stone). Mr. Flemings ship Carpenter finishd his work here and returnd home havg. been employd 31\u00bc days. Went to Flatting Sand &ca. round to the mill. Carrd a Load of sand this day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0014-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 4 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n4. Began to flat Stone round\u2014as also to carry wood round for burning Lyme. William Crook began to Work on my Mill Race on the same terms above mentioned.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0014-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n5. Richard Talbot, one of Mr. Balls hands was absent from work. John Harvey was also absent from his ditching. Finished Planting Corn at Doeg Run Plantation this day\u2014viz the 5th. Richd. Talbot was not at work but went up to Alexandria.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0014-0007", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 May 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. Neither of the above Persons were at work on the Race today. But Abel Cellicoe and one of his Sons set into ditching on the Race. Finished Planting of Corn in the Neck this day. Got two Boats load of Lime, Wood & one of Stone to the Mill\u2014but the Battoe was stopd by Wind.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0014", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occurs. in May [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMay 1st. John Harvey went to Ditchg. on my Mill Race at 1/3 pr. Rod.\n Harvey settled 12 Aug. 1770 for \u00a31 in return for his labor for GW (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 288).\n2. The Mason\u2019s went to laying Stone in the walls of the water Pit (dry Stone). Mr. Flemings ship Carpenter finishd his work here and returnd home havg. been employd 31\u00bc days. Went to Flatting Sand &ca. round to the mill. Carrd a Load of sand this day.\n The water pit was the trough in which the new mill\u2019s waterwheel was to turn. dry stone: The stones in the pit were fitted together without mortar. The ship carpenter was an indentured servant of Thomas Fleming (d. 1786), shipwright formerly of Annapolis and now of Alexandria. During the past several weeks, Fleming\u2019s carpenter had sheathed the bottom of GW\u2019s schooner and had made needed repairs (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 135, 314; General Ledger BGeneral Ledger B, 1772\u20131793. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 10). flatting sand &ca.: GW had materials needed by the stonemasons brought by flatboat up Dogue Creek to the site of the new mill. The sand was to be mixed with lime and water to form mortar needed to build the exterior walls of the mill.\n3. Thomas Emmerson set into ditchg. on my Mill Race on the same terms as above that is 1/3 pr. Rod & finding himself. Finished planting Corn at Muddy hole Plantation.\n Thomas Emmison had been hired by Lund Washington in 1764 to work on a mill then being built, apparently under Lund\u2019s general supervision, for\nWilliam Fitzhugh of Chatham, Stafford County (Lund Washington\u2019s account book, 1762\u201385, MdAN). Lund was probably also responsible for engaging Emmison to help dig GW\u2019s millrace, but Emmison, like Coxe Rice, must have done little or no work for GW; he, too, is not mentioned in GW\u2019s ledger.\n4. Began to flat Stone round\u2014as also to carry wood round for burning Lyme. William Crook began to Work on my Mill Race on the same terms above mentioned.\n Freestone from George William Fairfax\u2019s quarries and firewood for GW\u2019s limekiln are now being brought upstream by the flatboats. GW had oyster shells burned in the kiln to produce lime for making mortar. William Crook was another ditcher who apparently did not stick to his task long enough to justify an entry for payment in GW\u2019s ledger.\n5. Richard Talbot, one of Mr. Balls hands was absent from work. John Harvey was also absent from his ditching. Finished Planting Corn at Doeg Run Plantation this day\u2014viz the 5th. Richd. Talbot was not at work but went up to Alexandria.\n7. Got the Battoe, & the two Boats round to the Mill with stone. William Crook nor Thoms. Emmerson were at work on the Mill Race today.\n8. Neither of the above Persons were at work on the Race today. But Abel Cellicoe and one of his Sons set into ditching on the Race. Finished Planting of Corn in the Neck this day. Got two Boats load of Lime, Wood & one of Stone to the Mill\u2014but the Battoe was stopd by Wind.\n Abel Callico had worked for Lund Washington on Fitzhugh\u2019s mill in 1764, but neither he nor his son proved to be of much help in digging GW\u2019s millrace, as they also failed to merit any pay (Lund Washington\u2019s account book, 1762\u201385, 36, MdAN).\n9. Dischargd Clevelands Waggon. Ball & his People Went about 12 Oclock to Framing the Mill Work.\n10. Mr. Christian went away this afternoon. I rid to the Mill.\n11. Eight hands were at work upon dry Mill Race today.\n GW had given up hiring ditchers and had set some of his slaves to digging the race.\n12. Seven hands were at Work this day upon my Mill Race.\n14. Ten or Eleven hands were at Work to day.\n15. About 10 hands at Work to day on the Race.\n16. Jonathan Palmer and his Family movd to Poseys to live. Abt. 7 hands at Work to day.\n17. 10 hands at work to day. The H\u27e8oist\u27e9 frame & Mill beam were put up to day. Began also to raise Scaffolds for the Masons this day.\n18th. Mr. Ball & his People went into the Woods again to get Scantling to carry on his work there not being sufft. for that purpose.\n The scantling was being taken for the new mill from the land Thomas Hanson Marshall had agreed to give GW in exchange for the Maryland property GW had bought from Robert Alexander. This was the most convenient location from which to get the timber. However, because Alexander had not yet given Marshall either use of or title to the land in Maryland, the deal was still pending, and GW was obliged to pay Marshall \u00a35 for the trees cut here. Most of the timber for the mill had been obtained during the previous summer from land belonging indisputably to GW (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 139; GW to Marshall, 16 Mar. 1770, DLC:GW).\n19. Set of for Williamsburg to the Assembly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0015-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 June 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJune 1st. Dined at the Club at Mrs. Campbells (Williamsburg) and attended a Meeting of the Association at the Capitol at 6 Oclock & contd. there till Eleven Oclock.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0015", "content": "Title: [June 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJune 1st. Dined at the Club at Mrs. Campbells (Williamsburg) and attended a Meeting of the Association at the Capitol at 6 Oclock & contd. there till Eleven Oclock.\n At this general meeting, it was resolved \u201cthat a friendly Invitation be given to all Gentlemen Merchants, Traders, and others, to meet the associators, in Williamsburg, on Friday the 15th Instant, in order to consult and advise touching an association, and to accede thereto in such Manner as may best answer the Purposes of the same\u201d (Va. Gaz., R, 31 May 1770).\n2. Dined at the Club & spent the Evening in my own Room.\n GW wrote to Jonathan Boucher on this date, telling him that he had discussed the proposed European tour with several gentlemen in town and they had confirmed his suspicion that the expense would exceed Jacky\u2019s income. But he did not close the door on the matter. He would gladly approve the trip, he said, if a way could be found to reduce its cost and to gain the concurrence of the General Court (GW to Boucher, 2\u20139 June 1770, NN).\nConsideration of the tour would drag on inconclusively for several months.\n GW on this date paid accounts with a Williamsburg tailor and a blacksmith (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n3. Dined at the Club and spent the Evening in my own Room.\n The burgesses were again adjourned for Sunday (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 44).\n4. Dined at the Club and spent the Evening at the Councills Ball at the Capitol.\n GW today paid Edmund Pendleton \u00a31 1s. 6d. for a legal opinion on John West, Jr.\u2019s agreement to sell his land adjoining Mount Vernon (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318). The council\u2019s ball was held this evening in honor of the king\u2019s birthday. Attending, besides the members of the council, were the governor, the burgesses, and \u201cthe magistrates and other principal inhabitants\u201d of Williamsburg (Va. Gaz., P&D, 7 June 1770).\n[5.] Dined at the Club & spent the Evening in my own Room.\n6. Dined at the Club and spent the Evening in my own Room.\n7. Dined with the Council and spent the Evening in my own Room.\n8. Dined at the Club and Spent the Evening in my own Room.\n9. Had a cold Cut at Mrs. Campbells and went up to Eltham in the afternoon.\n The burgesses adjourned today until Monday morning, 11 June (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 61).\n10. Dined at Eltham and in the Afternoon went to see Mrs. Dandridge & returnd to Eltham again.\n11. Went over to Colo. Thos. Moores Sale & purchasd two Negroes\u2014to Wit Frank & James & returnd to Eltham again at Night.\n All of Moore\u2019s estate, including 26 slaves and about 1,000 acres of land on the Mattaponi River, was offered for sale at West Point today in order to pay some of his many debts (Va. Gaz., R, 31 May 1770). The Negro Frank cost \u00a331 and James, a boy, cost \u00a355. GW also bought a bay mare at the sale for \u00a38 5s. All sums were credited against Moore\u2019s debt to the Custis estate (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 204).\n12. Came to Williamsburg to Breakfast. Dined at the Club and spent the Evening in my own Room.\n13. Dined at the Club and spent the Evening in my own Room.\n GW on this date received \u00a3357 10s. in cash from Joseph Valentine, manager of the Custis plantations (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n14. Dined at the Speakers and went to Bed by 8 Oclock.\n15. Dined at the Treasurers and went to a meeting of the Association at which till 11 Oclock then wt. to Bed.\n The treasurer of the colony today gave GW \u00a370 on an order from Richard Starke, clerk of the committees of privileges and elections and of propositions and grievances. Starke had given this order to GW 21 Dec. 1769 to pay two years\u2019 rent on a house and lots belonging to Jacky Custis, where Starke\u2019s mother lived (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 303, 318; GW to Starke, 14 Dec. 1767, DLC:GW). The treasurer also gave GW \u00a34 19s. 6d. on this date as his bounty for making hemp (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318; see entry for 7 Aug. 1765).\n16. Dined at the Club at Mrs. Campbells and went to the Play in the Evening.\n GW today paid 6s. 3d. to a blacksmith and spent 15s. 6d. for tickets and other expenses at the play (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n The American Company of Comedians had arrived in town from Philadelphia on 13 June and today opened the theater with The Beggar\u2019s Opera and \u201cother entertainments\u201d (Va. Gaz., P&D, 14 June 1770). Written by the English playwright John Gay (1685\u20131732), The Beggar\u2019s Opera is a burlesque of conventional Italian opera, \u201ca Newgate pastoral, among the whores and thieves there.\u201d It was first performed in 1728 and became one of the most popular plays of the century, being included in the repertoire of almost every English acting company (gayJohn Gay. The Beggar\u2019s Opera. Edited by Peter Elfed Lewis. Edinburgh, Scotland, 1973., 1\u20134).\n17. Went to Church in the Forenoon & from thence to Colo. Burwells where I dind & lodgd.\n The day being Sunday, the burgesses did not meet (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 77). GW probably attended Bruton Parish Church before going to dine at Kingsmill.\n18. Came into Williamsburg in the Morning. Dined at the Club and went to the Play in the Afternoon.\n In the House of Burgesses today a bill for dividing Frederick Parish was referred to a special committee of six members, one of whom was GW (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 78\u201379). No expenses for the play appear under this date in GW\u2019s ledger, but he did record paying the jeweler James Craig \u00a31 10s. for a pair of gold earrings for Patsy Custis and \u00a32 15s. for other merchandise. GW also bought Patsy a tortoiseshell comb costing 3s. 7\u00bdd. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318; receipt from Craig, ViHi: Custis Papers; custis account bookGW\u2019s Accounts Kept for Martha Parke Custis and John Parke Custis, 1760\u201375. Manuscript in Custis Papers, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond.).\n19. Dined at the Club and went to the Play.\n GW on this date spent 7s. 6d. for a play ticket and paid several small accounts in town: 5s. 7d. to Anthony Hay, \u00a32 19s. 6d. to the printer William Rind, and 10s. to the saddler Alexander Craig (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n20. Dined at the Presidents and went to the Play afterwards.\n The House of Burgesses on this date gave permission to GW and two other members to be absent for the remainder of the session (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 83). GW spent \u00a31 today for play tickets and discharged two old debts totaling almost \u00a388: one for lottery tickets sold for the benefit of Bernard Moore and the other for shingles bought of John Washington of Suffolk (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n21. Dined at the Club at Mrs. Campbells at 8 Oclock & went to Bed directly after.\n GW today received \u00a360 15s. 6d. from the treasurer of the colony in payment for his burgess\u2019s wages and traveling expenses since 30 April 1769 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 191, 303).\n22. Dined at the Club and went to the Play after meeting the Associates at the Capitol.\n On this day a new nonimportation agreement was signed by 164 persons, including GW, and a copy was sent to Governor Botetourt. The new association, GW wrote to George W. Fairfax on 27 June, \u201cis form\u2019d, much upon the old plan, but more relax\u2019d\u201d (IaDmSR). Previously prohibited items now to be allowed included barley, pork, sugar, pewter, trinkets and jewelry, plate and gold, bridles, and cheap hats, shoes, boots, and saddles. Price limitations on several types of cheap cloth were eased somewhat, but horses were added to the list of prohibited imports. To enforce the agreement, the associators in each county were to elect a committee of five men, who would inspect invoices and other papers relating to imports and publish the names of signers who violated the terms (a printed copy of the agreement is in DLC:GW). GW, like many Virginians, was not entirely pleased with this compromise plan, but he was satisfied that \u201cit was the best that the friends to the cause coud obtain . . . and tho too much relaxd from the Spirit, with which a measure of this sort ought to be conducted, yet, will be attended with better effects (I expect) than the last; inasmuch as it will become general, & adopted by the Trade\u201d (GW to Jonathan Boucher, 30 July 1770, IEN).\n Joseph Valentine today paid GW \u00a352 10s. in cash (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n23. Dined at Mrs. Campbells & set off homewards after it\u2014reaching Colo. Bassetts.\n In the House of Burgesses today, the report of the committee on the bill to divide Frederick Parish was given by James Mercer of Hampshire County. The house accepted several amendments suggested by the committee and ordered the bill to be engrossed. It was passed on the following day and was approved by the council soon afterwards (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 94, 96, 98; heningWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 8:425\u201328). Before GW left Williamsburg, he paid several more bills, including \u00a32 for play tickets, probably for the previous day\u2019s performance; \u00a33 7s. 6d. to his barber George Lafong; \u00a316 13s. 4d. for lodging and food at Mrs. Campbell\u2019s tavern; and 14s. to the printers Alexander Purdie and John Dixon (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318; receipt from Christiana Campbell, NNPM). The House of Burgesses remained in session until 28 June.\n24. Dined at Todds bridge & lodged at Hubbards.\n25. Breakfasted at the Bolling green. Dined at Colo. Lewis\u2019s and lodgd at my Mothers.\n GW ate breakfast in Coleman\u2019s tavern. During the day he paid 8s. to a blacksmith and gave his mother 7s. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n26. Breakfasted at my Mothers and dined at home before three Oclock.\n27. Rid to Muddy hole Doeg Run and the Mill before Dinner & to where my People were cuttg. Hay at the upper Meadow.\n28. Rid into the Neck between breakfast and Dinner. Mr. Addison and Mr. Boucher, who came yesterday in the Afternoon went away today after Breakfast.\n Jonathan Boucher had been installed as rector of St. Anne\u2019s Parish in Annapolis 12 June, and now, accompanied by his sponsor Rev. Henry Addison, he was returning to Caroline County to settle his affairs there (st. ann\u2019s\u201cVestry Proceedings, St. Ann\u2019s Parish, Annapolis, Md.\u201d Maryland Historical Magazine 6 (1911): 325\u201351; 7 (1912): 59\u201382, 166\u201383, 268\u201386, 395\u2013408; 8 (1913): 66\u201373, 149\u201368, 270\u201386, 353\u201368; 9 (1914): 47\u201353, 162\u201369, 280\u201389, 336\u201347; 10 (1915): 37\u201341, 127\u201343., 10:135; boucher [1]Jonathan Bouchier, ed. Reminiscences of an American Loyalist, 1738\u20131789: Being the Autobiography of The Revd Jonathan Boucher, Rector of Annapolis in Maryland and afterwards Vicar of Epsom, Surrey, England. Boston, 1925., 59\u201360). Mrs. Washington had by this time given her permission for Jacky to go with him to Annapolis, and GW today paid Boucher \u00a375 on the boy\u2019s account (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318).\n29. Dined at Belvoir. Went on Board the Boston frigate to Drink Tea and returnd in the Afternoon.\n The Boston was a British man-of-war commanded by Sir Thomas Adams. Sent from England to serve three years on station in American waters, she had arrived at Hampton in early March of this year (Va. Gaz., P&D, 2 Nov. 1769 and 8 Mar. 1770).\n30. Went into the Neck between breakfast and Dinner.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0017", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occurans. in June [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJune 25. Began to cut my Meadow at Doeg Run Quarter.\n29. Finish\u2019d it, & got the Hay all Stack\u2019d.\n30. Got my Mill Walls up to the 2d. Floor of the House\u2014and then quitted it for Harvest.\nBegan my Wheat Harvest in the Neck.\n This fragment of remarks and occurrences is in the possession of the superintendent of schools, Exeter, N.H.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0018-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n5. Sir Thomas Adams and Mr. Glasford his first Lieutt. Breakfasted here. Sir Thos. returnd after it, but Mr. Glasford dined here as did the 2 Lieutt. Mr. Sartell [probably George Sautel] Mr. Johnston of Marines Mr. Norris & Mr. Richmore\u2014two Midshipmen.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0018-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n6. At home all day. Mr. Stedlar came to dinner. Mr. Wallace Burser to the Boston came in the Afternoon & purchased & Killed my Bull\u2014the 4 quarters of which weighed 710 lbs. Nett.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0018-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. Went to Pohick Church & returnd to Dinner. Mr. Smith went to Colo. Fairfax\u2019s & returnd to Dinner & Mr. Stedlar went away after Breakft.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-22-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0018-0022", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n22. At home all day alone except that Miss Massey, still here & Mr. Semple came just after we had dind & went away after dinner was got for him.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0018-0025", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 25 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n25. Mr. Boucher & Major Taylor went away after Breakfast. Mr. Alexander (Robt.) who lodged here Last Night and went over to give Notice to his Tenant of Mr. Marshalls want of part of his Tenement dined here and went home afterwards.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0018-0030", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 30 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n30. After an Early Dinner (which Mr. Peake took with us), we set of for Fredericksburg that is Mrs. Washington, P. Custis & myself. Reachd Mr. Lawson\u2019s.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0019", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Weather in July [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJuly 1st. Lowering Morning and wind at East. Abt. 12 Oclock it began to Rain & continued to do so till after 3 Oclock.\n2. Cloudy Morning but afterwards clear & warm. Then thunder but no Rain.\n3. Clear & very Cool\u2014the Wind being at No. West & fresh.\n4. Also clear but not so Cool as Yesterday. Wind in the same place but not fresh.\n5. Cloudy & lowering all day\u2014but no Rain. Wind Southwardly.\n6. Cloudy & misty all day with some pretty smart showers of Rain. Wind still to the Southward.\n7. Raining more or less till 3 Oclock then clear. With but little Wind.\n8. Clear and pleasant with but little wind and that Southwardly.\n9. Clear and Warm\u2014with but little wind and that Southwardly.\n10. Clear and tolerably pleasant not being warm. Wind Southwardly.\n11. Clear & warm\u2014especially in the afternoon. There being but little wind & that Southwardly.\n12. Warm with thunder at the forenoon & moderate Rain (a good deal of it) in the Afternoon with hard thunder.\n13. Still warm with appearances of Rain but none fell.\n14. Clear and Warm the Wind being Southwardly.\n15. Warm, and clear notwithstanding the Wind blew fresh from the Eastward.\n16. Clear and Warm. Wind Southwardly.\n17. Rather lowering all day with appearances of Rain\u2014but none fell\u2014tho it thunderd a little in the Afternoon.\n18. Hot and Sultry with but little [wind] and that Southwardly.\n19. Very hot and Sultry with but little wind.\n20. Exceeding hot and Sultry with a southerly Breeze.\n21 Also very hot with a black Cloud to the westward and great appearance [of rain]\u2014but none fell here.\n22. Clear and Warm in the forenoon with a Black Cloud to the Westward but no Rain here.\n23. Again appearances of Rain to the Westward with only a sprinkle here.\n24. Clear and Warm all day with but little Wind.\n25. Light showers in the afternoon and sevl. of them but not sufft. to wet the Ground.\n26. Sevl. very fine Showers but rather heavy in the Afternoon from the Southwest. With wind.\n27. Clear and warm with but little Wind\u2014that Northwardly.\n28. Very warm. Wind Southwardly in the Afternoon Thunder, lightning and Rain.\n29. Clear and Warm. Wind Southwardly again.\n30. Exceedingly warm\u2014especially in the Afternoon there being but little wind & that Southwardly.\n31. Again very warm & still\u2014especially in the Evening and Night.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0020-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 6. She was again lined by the same Dog. I killed and sold my English Bull to the Boston\u2019s Crew at 20/. p. Ct. His 4 Quarters weighd 711 lbs. Nett.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0020-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 20 July 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n20. Compleated my Wheat Harvest altogether & exceeding bad I am apprehensive it will turn out\u2014owing I am of opinion to the frequent Rains in the Month of June. The Heads containd but few grains\u2014the Grain but little flower being for the most part perishd and Milldewed. The frequent Rains had by beating down the straw been the occasion of much loss in the Field both by shattering and unclean cutting & to compleat all I was too late in beginning my Harvest by 3 or 4 day as it ought where a Harvest is to continue 3 Weeks to be begun always before it is ripe as the loss in the shrinkage of Green Wheat is not equal to that of its shattering & various other Accidents when it is over-ripe & the straw falling.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0020", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occuran. in July [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJuly 2. Prosecuting my wheat Harvest which I began on Saturday last in the Neck.\n5. Stately A Hound Bitch was lind by Jowler.\n6. She was again lined by the same Dog. I killed and sold my English Bull to the Boston\u2019s Crew at 20/. p. Ct. His 4 Quarters weighd 711 lbs. Nett.\n The Boston\u2019s purser paid GW \u00a37 2s. in cash for the bull. GW had bought an English bull, probably this one, in Dec. 1765 for \u00a33 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 222, 318).\n10. About Ten Oclock finished Cutting and Securing my Wheat in the Neck and about Eleven began the field at Muddy hole.\n13. Finished cutting and Securing my Wheat at Muddy hole.\n14. Began my Harvest at the Mill but did not quite finish the field on the other side by the New Mill.\n17. Finished my Harvest at the Mill about 10 or 11 Oclock and began to cut the Wheat at Doeg Run Abt. 12 Oclock.\n20. Compleated my Wheat Harvest altogether & exceeding bad I am apprehensive it will turn out\u2014owing I am of opinion to the frequent Rains in the Month of June. The Heads containd but few grains\u2014the Grain but little flower being for the most part perishd and Milldewed. The frequent Rains had by beating down the straw been the occasion of much loss in the Field both by shattering and unclean cutting & to compleat all I was too late in beginning my Harvest by 3 or 4 day as it ought where a Harvest is to continue 3 Weeks to be begun always before it is ripe as the loss in the shrinkage of Green Wheat is not equal to that of its shattering & various other Accidents when it is over-ripe & the straw falling.\n23. Began to Cut my Meadw. at the Mill.\n31st. Finished Do. Also laid the 2d. Floor of my Mill.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0021-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 2 August 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 2. Met the Officers of the first Virga. Troops at Captn. Weedens where we dined & did not finish till abt. Sun set. Mrs. Washington & Patcy dind at Colo. Lewis\u2019s where we lodgd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0021-0024", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 August 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n24. Went out a huntg. with Mr. Fairfax. Killd a young fox without running him and returnd to Dinner. Doctr. Rumney dind here & lodged.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0021", "content": "Title: [August 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nAugt. 1. Dined at my Mother\u2019s. Went over to Fredericksburg afterwards & returnd in the Evening back again.\n2. Met the Officers of the first Virga. Troops at Captn. Weedens where we dined & did not finish till abt. Sun set. Mrs. Washington & Patcy dind at Colo. Lewis\u2019s where we lodgd.\n Meeting a day later than scheduled, the officers and representatives of officers who were present accepted William Crawford as surveyor for the veterans\u2019 bounty lands and resolved that GW should make a journey to the Ohio Valley with Crawford and Dr. James Craik to locate the best areas for the surveys. It was also agreed that the costs involved would be divided proportionately among the officers according to their original ranks, the field officers paying the most and the subalterns the least. GW was empowered to begin collecting the money immediately (minutes of the officers of the Virginia Regiment, 5 Mar. 1771, DLC:GW; General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 322).\n3. Dined at my Brother Charles\u2019s\u2014spent the Evening there & lodgd at Colo. Lew\u27e8is\u27e9.\n Charles Washington was now a leading citizen of Fredericksburg, being both a vestryman of St. George\u2019s Parish and a Spotsylvania County justice. He owned at least 759 acres of land in the county outside Fredericksburg, and in Aug. 1761 he had bought lots numbered 87 and 88 in town for \u00a380 from Warner Lewis of Gloucester County (deed of Charles and Mildred Washington to Thomas Strachan, 20 April 1780, and deed of Lewis to Charles Washington, 3 Aug. 1761, crozier [2]William Armstrong Crozier, ed. Spotsylvania County, 1721\u20131800: Being Transcriptions, from the Original Files at the County Court House, of Wills, Deeds, Administrators\u2019 and Guardians\u2019 Bonds, Marriage Licenses, and Lists of Revolutionary Pensioners. New York, 1905., 222, 353). Located on Fauquier Street between Princess Ann and Caroline streets, those lots include the site of the Rising Sun Tavern, which according to popular tradition Charles Washington built and operated (wayland [1]John W. Wayland. The Washingtons and Their Homes. 1944. Reprint. Berryville, Va., 1973., 153\u201355).\n GW today paid James Hunter of King George County \u00a310 5s. for \u201cMill spindles Gudgeons &ca.\u201d to be used in his new mill. This sum was apparently the balance due for the parts, because about six weeks earlier GW had sent Hunter \u00a315 on account of the mill (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 318, 319).\n4. Dined at the Barbicue with a great deal of other Company and stayd there till Sunset.\n5. Went to Church (in Fredg.) and dind with Colo. Lewis.\n St. George\u2019s Church, built in 1732, had as its minister at this time James Marye, Jr. (1731\u20131780), who had succeeded his father as parish rector in 1767 (meade [1][William] Meade. Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1857., 68\u201369).\n6. Dined with Mr. James Mercer.\n James Mercer (1735\u20131793), a younger brother of Lt. Col. George Mercer but no relation of Hugh Mercer, was a prominent Fredericksburg lawyer. Educated at the College of William and Mary, he served 1762\u201376 as a burgess from Hampshire County, where he owned land (garnett [1]James Mercer Garnett. \u201cJames Mercer.\u201d William and Mary Quarterly, 1st ser., 17 (1908\u20139): 85\u201399, 204\u201323., 90). During 1769 he had bought five lots in Fredericksburg: two from GW, and three, including the ones on which his house and his study stood, from Fielding Lewis (deed of Lewis to Mercer,\n4 Sept. 1769, and deed of GW to Mercer, 13 Oct. 1769, crozier [2]William Armstrong Crozier, ed. Spotsylvania County, 1721\u20131800: Being Transcriptions, from the Original Files at the County Court House, of Wills, Deeds, Administrators\u2019 and Guardians\u2019 Bonds, Marriage Licenses, and Lists of Revolutionary Pensioners. New York, 1905., 268\u201370). James Mercer had probably attended the meeting at Weedon\u2019s tavern on 2 Aug., because although he had not been a member of the original Virginia Regiment, he was now handling the affairs of his brother George, who had joined the regiment in 1754 and was now living in England.\n7. Dined at Colo. Lewis\u2019s\u2014Colo. Dangerfield & Lady & Miss Boucher comg. there to see us.\n colo. dangerfield & lady: possibly Col. William and Sarah Taliaferro Daingerfield, of Belvidera, just south of Fredericksburg. But more likely they are Col. William\u2019s first cousin, also a Col. William (d. 1781), and his wife, Mary Willis Daingerfield, of Coventry in Spotsylvania County. It was this William who served with GW in the Virginia Regiment (see entry for 3 May 1762). Mary Willis Daingerfield was a granddaughter of GW\u2019s uncle by marriage, Col. Henry Willis. The Daingerfields\u2019 daughter Catherine later married George Lewis, son of Fielding and Betty Lewis. Miss Jane Boucher (1742\u20131794) lived with her older brother, Rev. Jonathan Boucher.\n While the Washingtons were in Fredericksburg they purchased clothing and other items. Today GW bought silk and earrings for Patsy, paid George Weedon \u00a36 for a tent and a marquee, and had a watch repaired for 5s. He also visited a barber and clubbed at Weedon\u2019s tavern in the evening (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 319).\n8. Dined at Colo. Lewis\u2019s.\n GW apparently clubbed at Weedon\u2019s again this evening and played cards, winning 5s. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 320).\n9. Breakfasted at my Mothers\u2014dined at Dumfries & came home by Night.\n10. Rid to Muddy hole\u2014Doeg Run and the Mill.\n11. Rid into the Neck.\n12. Rid to Belvoir after Dinner to see Sir Thos. Adams who was sick there.\n Adams\u2019s frigate, the Boston, returned to Hampton Roads without him, while he tried to recover his health at Belvoir. He rejoined the vessel in early September and sailed her soon afterwards to Halifax, Nova Scotia, where he died in October (Va. Gaz., P&D, 6 Sept. and 18 Oct. 1770, and R, 1 Nov. 1770).\n13. Rid to Muddy hole Doeg Run and the Mill.\n14. At home all day writing Invoices and Letters.\n GW was again preparing invoices to be sent to Robert Cary & Co. in London. In his covering letter dated 20 Aug. 1770, he complained about the cost and quality of goods he had received from the company and about the prices paid for tobacco from the Custis plantations. He also noted that some of the items on his enclosed invoices were currently prohibited by the Virginia association and were to be sent only if the Townshend Acts were totally repealed before his goods were shipped, \u201cas it will not be in my power to receive any Articles contrary to our Non-Importation Agreement, to which I have Subscribd, & shall religiously adhere to, if it was, as I coud wish it to be, ten times as strict\u201d (DLC:GW).\n15. Rid to the Mill\u2014by the Ferry and returnd to Dinner. Miss Betty Dalton came here.\n16. Rid to the Mill and to the Ditchers.\n17. At home all day.\n18. Rid to the Mill\u2014Ditchers\u2014Doeg run and Muddy hole.\n19. Went to Pohick Church. Calld in our way at Belvoir to take leave of Sir Thos. Returnd to Dinner.\n20. Went up to Alexandria to Court. Returnd in the Evening with Jacky Custis & Mr. Magowan.\n The August court was in session 20\u201323 Aug. (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 49\u201377, Vi Microfilm).\n Jacky came from Annapolis to attend dancing lessons that Christian was to give during the next few days at a neighbor\u2019s house. On his way home he had visited Magowan on the West River, and his former tutor had then accompanied him to Mount Vernon (GW to Jonathan Boucher, 15 Aug. 1770, excerpt, American Art Assoc. Catalogue, 21\u201322 Jan. 1926, item 294; Jonathan Boucher to GW, 18 Aug. 1770, DLC:GW).\n21. Went up to Court again and returnd in the Afternoon. Found Mr. Beal here along with Mr. Magowan.\n Many members of the Beall family were living at this time in Prince George\u2019s and Frederick counties, Md. (brumbaughGaius Marcus Brumbaugh. Maryland Records: Colonial, Revolutionary, County and Church, from Original Sources. 2 vols. 1915 and 1928. Reprint. Baltimore, 1975., 1\u201389, 177\u2013257). The Mr. Beall who was at Mount Vernon today was probably Samuel Beall, Jr. (1740\u20131825), of Frederick County (see main entry for 27 Aug. 1770; mason [2]Robert A. Rutland, ed. The Papers of George Mason, 1725\u20131792. 3 vols. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1970., 1:xxxiv; beallFielder M. M. Beall. Colonial Families of the United States Descended from the Immigrants Who Arrived Before 1700, Mostly from England and Scotland, and Who Are Now Represented by Citizens of the Following Names, Bell, Beal, Bale, Beale, Beall. Washington, D.C., 1929., 79\u201382).\n22. Mr. Beal went away after Breakfast. I continued at home all day.\n23. I went up to Alexandria calling by Mr. Jno. Wests going & coming. Returnd again at Night\u2014with Mr. B. Fairfax.\n GW was again going to court, arriving there near the end of this day\u2019s proceedings (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 76, Vi Microfilm).\n24. Went out a huntg. with Mr. Fairfax. Killd a young fox without running him and returnd to Dinner. Doctr. Rumney dind here & lodged.\n25. Mr. Fairfax\u2014Doctr. Rumney\u2014Mr. Magowan and Jacky Custis all went away after Breakfast. I rid into the Neck and to Muddy hole.\n Jacky was returning to school in Annapolis.\n26. At home all day alone.\n27. Went by my Mill & Doeg Run to Colchesters\u2014there to settle a dispute betwen. Doctr. Ross & Company & Mr. Semple.\n In Feb. 1763 Dr. David Ross of Bladensburg, Md., became a partner with Richard Henderson of Bladensburg and Samuel Beall, Jr., and Joseph Chapline (d. 1769), both of Frederick County, Md., in a company that built and operated the Antietam (or Frederick) ironworks on the Potomac River near the mouth of Antietam Creek (singewaldJoseph T. Singewald, Jr. The Iron Ores of Maryland with an Account of the Iron Industry. Baltimore, 1911., 144\u201345). By 1770 John Semple was selling pig iron from his Keep Triste furnace to the forge at the Antietam works, and those sales may have led to this dispute with Dr. Ross and his company (proposal of John Semple on Potomac navigation, c.1770, MnHi). But the quarrel probably concerned rights to ore deposits or land, possibly the Merryland tract Semple had bought from Thomas Colvill in 1765 (GW to John Rumney, 24 Jan. 1788, DLC:GW). GW was assisted in arbitrating the dispute by George Mason; Robert Mundell, a merchant from Port Tobacco, Md.; and Hector Ross of Colchester, who was no relation to Dr. Ross. After meeting for six days the arbitrators were unable to resolve the matter and adjourned until 24 Jan. 1771.\n28. At Colchester all day\u2014upon the same business.\n29. Still at Colchester upon this Affair Colo. Lewis My Sister & Brothr. Chas. passd this in their way to Mount Vernon.\n On this date GW paid Dr. Ross \u00a338 1s. 9\u00bdd. Maryland currency for about 3,000 pounds of iron (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 320).\n30. Still at Colchester upon the business before mentioned.\n31. At the same place and on the same business.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0022", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Weather in August [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nAugt. 1. Clear with the Wind very fresh from the So. West but very warm notwithstanding.\n2. Again very warm with a brisk westwardly breeze.\n3. More moderate\u2014the Wind being Northwardly\u2014cloudy with some thunder but no Rain.\n4. Warm again but no appearance of Rain tho the wind was favourable for it.\n5. Very warm but clear and little wind\u2014that southwardly.\n6. Clear and Warm\u2014with but little .\n7. Clear in the Morning but very cloudy and like for Rain afterwards\u2014tho little or none fell. Wind Eastwardly.\n8. Cool and Clear. Wind fresh from the Northwest.\n9. Clear and cool wind still continuing Northwardly.\n10. Something warmer with but little wind.\n11. Warm again\u2014with some slight appearances of Rain.\n12. Warm and still with Clouds.\n13. Wind abt. So. West afterwards Shifting Eastwardly & blewg. fresh.\n14. Cloudy all day. In the afternoon a hard shower of Rain for a few Minutes.\n15. Cloudy all day with a good deal of Rain about but little or none fell here.\n16. Some Rain again [in] the Night with hard winds.\n17. Showery in the Morning and abt. in Places all day but little here.\n18. Very Cloudy all day at least the forepart of it but clear afterwards. Ground by this got thoroughly wet.\n19. Showers again with the Wind fresh from the southward.\n20. Very warm all Day. In the Night a good deal of Rain and a sudden change in the Air.\n21. Very Cool and Cloudy. Wind being Northwardly & Eastwardly.\n22. Cloudy & very cool all day. Being a close & constant Rain. Wind Eastwardly.\n23. Warmer, Wind being Southwardly. Morning Misty & cloudy all day.\n24. Misty Morning, and sometimes slight showers in the forenoon but clear & warm afternoon.\n25. Cloudy generally through the day with the Wind pretty brisk from the Southwest especialy in the Morning.\n26. Clear and Warm wind being still to the Southward.\n27. Very Hot & even Sultry in the Evening with Clouds to the westward & some Rain.\n28. Still warm but not so hot as yesterday. Raining most part of the Night.\n29. Raining in the Morning but clear & cool afterwards.\n30. Very cool. Wind being at No. West.\n31. A Slight frost in the Morning but clear and cool all day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0023-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 August 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 8. Began to sow Wheat in the Neck in that Cut upon the Creek above Carneys Gut. The Ground here was tolerably clear and in Good Order the Grass and Weeds being Choped over.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0023-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10\u201311 August 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n10 & 11th. I rid over all my Corn Ground as well that in the Neck as those at Muddy hole & Doeg Run, and was surprizd to see how much it had fired; especially in Land that was any thing Stiff and poor. It was observable also, that in most of these places there appeard no shoots upon the Stalks and upon the whole the prospect [was] exceedingly shocking. It is further to be observd, that the Corn, in flat stiff places was fired even where it had not been lately workd but more so where it was. Why Corn in so short a droughth shoud fire so badly is difficult to Acct. for Unless it is owning to the great and frequent Rains which fell all the first part of the year and at the same time that it made the Corn Luxurient & exceeding tender baked the Ground hard & prevented the frequent and constant working of it that it ought to have had. Nothing appears [more] clearly from the experience of this year than that a wet June is very injurious to both Corn and Wheat. The former is run too much into stalk by it\u2014made tender & unable to stand the droughts which follow after & besides this is generally overcome with grass and Weeds. The Latter (that is Wheat) by being injurd in the blossom produces poor perished grain & but little of it\u2014the head being subject to the spot & other defects. My Corn this year has not been so well cultivated as it ought wch. partly has been owing to two causes\u2014first the exceeding wet weather all the Month of June prevented my Plows from working constantly where the Land was level and next my force of Horses was rather inadequate to the Task & I think more than 35 or 40 Acres of Corn Land (where it is any thing stiff) ought not to be allotted to a plow and two middling good Horses. Finishd Sowg. the Cut upon the Creek above Carneys Gut. Finished the Remainder of that Cut on the other side the Gut.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0023-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 25 August 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n25. I examined my Corn fields & perceivd that the late Rains had made a great alteration for the better. Many stalks were\n putting out entire New Shoots with young and tender Silk\u2014but as the Tassels of most of all the Corn (especially in that field in the Neck) was entirely dry. The question is whether the Corn for want of the Farina will ever fill. This is a matter worthy of attention & should be observd accordingly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0023", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occurances Augt. [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nAugt. 1. Began to Sow Wheat at Muddy hole\u2014the Ground Grassy & in bad order.\nBegan to Sow Ditto at Doeg Run Quarter where the Ground was exceeding foul, Grassy, & hard.\n8. Began to sow Wheat in the Neck in that Cut upon the Creek above Carneys Gut. The Ground here was tolerably clear and in Good Order the Grass and Weeds being Choped over.\n Carney\u2019s Gut, named for GW\u2019s former tenant John Carney, is on the east side of Little Hunting Creek a short distance above the creek\u2019s mouth (see illus., p. 3).\n10 & 11th. I rid over all my Corn Ground as well that in the Neck as those at Muddy hole & Doeg Run, and was surprizd to see how much it had fired; especially in Land that was any thing Stiff and poor. It was observable also, that in most of these places there appeard no shoots upon the Stalks and upon the whole the prospect [was] exceedingly shocking. It is further to be observd, that the Corn, in flat stiff places was fired even where it had not been lately workd but more so where it was. Why Corn in so short a droughth shoud fire so badly is difficult to Acct. for Unless it is owning to the great and frequent Rains which fell all the first part of the year and at the same time that it made the Corn Luxurient & exceeding tender baked the Ground hard & prevented the frequent and constant working of it that it ought to have had.\nNothing appears [more] clearly from the experience of this year than that a wet June is very injurious to both Corn and Wheat. The former is run too much into stalk by it\u2014made tender & unable to stand the droughts which follow after & besides this is generally overcome with grass and Weeds. The Latter (that is Wheat) by being injurd in the blossom produces poor perished grain & but little of it\u2014the head being subject to the spot & other defects.\nMy Corn this year has not been so well cultivated as it ought wch. partly has been owing to two causes\u2014first the exceeding wet weather all the Month of June prevented my Plows from working constantly where the Land was level and next my force of Horses was rather inadequate to the Task & I think more than 35 or 40 Acres of Corn Land (where it is any thing stiff) ought not to be allotted to a plow and two middling good Horses. Finishd Sowg. the Cut upon the Creek above Carneys Gut. Finished the Remainder of that Cut on the other side the Gut.\n17. Finished the Cut at Doeg Run abt. John Gists Houses.\n25. I examined my Corn fields & perceivd that the late Rains had made a great alteration for the better. Many stalks were\n putting out entire New Shoots with young and tender Silk\u2014but as the Tassels of most of all the Corn (especially in that field in the Neck) was entirely dry. The question is whether the Corn for want of the Farina will ever fill. This is a matter worthy of attention & should be observd accordingly.\n29. The Rain that Fell last Night made the Ground too wet for plowing.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0024-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 September 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSeptr. 1st. Returnd from the Arbitration at Colchester. In the Evening my Brothr. Saml. & his wife & children came hither from Fredericksburg in their way to Frederick.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0024-0017", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 September 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n16. At home all day. My Brothr. Sam. and his wife set of in my Chariot for his House in Fredk. Mr. Renney came here this afternoon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0024", "content": "Title: [September 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSeptr. 1st. Returnd from the Arbitration at Colchester. In the Evening my Brothr. Saml. & his wife & children came hither from Fredericksburg in their way to Frederick.\n Samuel Washington moved his family about this time to Harewood in Frederick County, where he lived until his death in 1781 (see \u201cRemarks\u201d entry for 6 Oct. 1770). His present wife was his fourth, Anne Steptoe Washington, daughter of Col. James Steptoe of Westmoreland County and widow of Willoughby Allerton (d. 1759), also of Westmoreland. The children who came today were probably Thornton Washington (c.1760\u20131787). Samuel\u2019s son by his second wife Mildred Thornton Washington, and Ferdinand Washington (1767\u20131788), his eldest surviving son by Anne Steptoe Washington, but there may have been others (wayland [1]John W. Wayland. The Washingtons and Their Homes. 1944. Reprint. Berryville, Va., 1973., 143).\n2. At home all day with the Company before Mentioned. Mr. Adam\u2019s Miller came here & went to see my Mill.\n3. Went in the Evening a fishing with my Brothers Saml. & Charles.\n4. Rid to My Mill and back to Dinner.\n5. At Home all day playing Cards.\n6. Rid to the Mill with Colo. Lewis &ca. returnd to Dinner.\n7. Went a fishing into the Mouth of Doegs Creek.\n8. A Fishing along towards Sheridine Point. Dined upon the Point.\n Sheridine Point (now called Sheridan Point) is on the Potomac about a mile above the mouth of Little Hunting Creek. Part of GW\u2019s Clifton\u2019s Neck property, it was apparently so named because it was part of the plantation that John Sheridine, Sr., was renting from GW. The point was at this time the site of a fishing landing.\n9. Colo. Lewis, my Sister & Brother Charles went away. At Home all day.\n10. My Brothr. Saml. & self rid to the Mill & Back to Dinner.\n11. Rid to the Mill and Ditchers again.\n12. Rid to the Mill & Ditchers. Mr. Christian & his Scholars came here to Dancing.\n Jacky Custis had again come home from Annapolis for dancing lessons (John Parke Custis to GW, 30 Aug. 1770, PHi: Gratz Collection).\n13. Rid to the Mill Ditchers & Morris and Muddy hole\u2014also the Mill in the Afternoon. Mr. Christian went away this afternoon.\n14. Rid to the Mill and Ditchers in the forenoon with my Brother. In the Afternoon went a fishing.\n15. Rid to Alexandria with my Brothr. & returnd to Dinner.\n16. At home all day. My Brothr. Sam. and his wife set of in my Chariot for his House in Fredk. Mr. Renney came here this afternoon.\n Rev. Robert Renney (d. 1774) served St. Margaret\u2019s Church, Westminster Parish, Anne Arundel County, Md., 1767\u201374 (rightmyerNelson Waite Rightmyer. Maryland\u2019s Established Church. Baltimore, 1956., 209).\n17. Went up to Court, and returnd in the Evening with Mr. Nash & Mr. Peachy.\n The court met 17\u201320 Sept. (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 78\u201397, Vi Microfilm). In Alexandria on this day Hector Ross put some of John Ballendine\u2019s property up for sale to the highest bidder to settle debts that Ballendine owed him. To be sold were 17 slaves, including 9 skilled craftsmen, and a tract of about 400 acres of land near the Little Falls of the Potomac (Va. Gaz., P&D, 30 Aug. 1770).\n mr. nash: probably one of the several Nashes living in Richmond County at this time, but he could be Col. John Nash, Jr., a prominent citizen of Prince Edward County (richmond county\u201cMarriages, Births and Deaths in Richmond County, Extracts from North Farnham Parish Register Kept in the Clerk\u2019s Office at Warsaw.\u201d William and Mary Quarterly, 1st ser., 13 (1904\u20135): 129\u201332, 182\u201392., 186\u201387; hennemanJ. B. Henneman. \u201cTrustees of Hampden-Sidney College.\u201d Parts 1 and 2. Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 6 (1898\u201399): 174\u201384, 288\u201396, 358\u201364; 7 (1899\u20131900): 30\u201338., 6:175). mr. peachy: probably Col. William Peachey (1729\u20131802) of Richmond County, but possibly one of his brothers: Samuel Peachey (b. 1732) of Prince William or Essex County; Thomas Griffin Peachey (1734\u20131810), clerk of Amherst County; or LeRoy Peachey (b. 1736), clerk of Richmond County. William Peachey had been a captain under GW in the Virginia Regiment and was now adjutant general of militia for the colony\u2019s Middle District, the area between the James and Rappahannock rivers east of the Blue Ridge (kemperCharles E. Kemper, ed. \u201cNotes to Council Journals.\u201d Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 33 (1925): 25\u201346., 38\u201341 n.33; Va. Gaz., P&D, 11 May 1769; R, 15 Feb. 1770; and R, 14 Feb. 1771).\n18. Mr. Renny & Jacky Custis set out for Annapolis. Mr. Nash &ca. went home & I to Court again & returnd in the afternoon.\n Jacky had received 17s. pocket money on the previous day (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 320). GW was late in arriving for this day\u2019s court session (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 81, Vi Microfilm).\n GW today began to rent from John West, Jr., the undisputed part of the land near Mount Vernon that West had earlier promised to sell him. The rent of this tract of about 200 acres was fixed at \u00a312 10s. a year, and GW was to be allowed to take timber off the land as he pleased. West\u2019s earlier agreement to sell all the land to GW at 43s. an acre, after the conclusion of West\u2019s suit with Posey, was still in force, and West today specifically reaffirmed his promise to include Posey\u2019s small strip in the sale if he should recover it. The case was to be heard before the General Court in Williamsburg this fall (agreement of West with GW, 18 Sept. 1770, PHi: Gratz Collection).\n19. Rid to the Mill & Ditchers & come home to Dinner.\n20. Rid to the Mill & Ditchers again & went by Poseys. Doctr. Rumney came.\n21. Rid to the Mill and Ditchers. Doctr. Rumney went away.\n Before Rumney left, GW paid him for services and medicines furnished since February: \u00a36 4s. 6d. on his own account, \u00a35 1s. for Patsy Custis, and \u00a31 for Fielding Lewis (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 320).\n22. Rid to my Mill in the forenoon & afternoon. James McCarmack came here last Night & returnd today.\n On this day GW docked Jonathan Palmer \u00a35 for \u201cSix Weeks lost by Sickness and going to Loudoun Court\u201d (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 294). He then renegotiated his contract with Palmer, which was renewed annually through 1773. In June 1774 Palmer returned to help bring in the wheat harvest at a wage of 5s. per day (General Ledger BGeneral Ledger B, 1772\u20131793. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 28).\n23. At Home all day Mr. Campbell and Captn. Sanford dind here.\n Capt. Lawrence Sanford, a shipmaster who had been sailing out of Alexandria for the past six years, currently commanded the brig Swift of Alexandria owned by Joseph Thompson & Co. (Sanford\u2019s deposition, 19 Oct. 1779, naval office\u201cNaval Office on the Potomac.\u201d William and Mary Quarterly, 2d ser., 2 (1922): 292\u201395., 294\u201395; ship lists for South Potomac Naval District, P.R.O., C.O.5/1450, ff. 39\u201341, and C.O.5/1349, f. 207). He had taken a shipment of fish to the West Indies for GW during the previous year and today was arranging to take some herring jointly owned by GW and Matthew Campbell to Jamaica for sale (GW to Sanford, 26 Sept. 1769, DLC:GW). On 26 Sept. GW instructed Sanford by letter to bring him some West Indian goods on the return voyage: a hogshead of rum, a \u201cBarrel of good Spirits,\u201d 200 pounds of coffee, 200 pounds of sugar, and 100 or 200 oranges \u201cif to be had good.\u201d Those items were to be paid for out of GW\u2019s share of the herring sales, his balance to be rendered in cash (DLC:GW). The Swift returned with GW\u2019s goods a few months later, but GW received no cash balance, because the cost of his goods, \u00a350 10s. 1d., exceeded his eventual proceeds from the deal, \u00a340 15s. 9d. (Robert McMickan to GW, 7 Dec. 1770, MiU-C: Haskell Collection; Robert McMickan & Co.\u2019s account with GW, 6 Dec. 1770\u201316 Feb. 1771, ViMtvL).\n24. At home all day alone.\n25. Rid to the Mill and Ditchers in the forenoon.\n26. Rid by Posey\u2019s and to the Mill & Ditchers again.\n27. Rid to the Mill and Ditchers. In the afternoon Doctr. Rumney came here.\n28. Rid to the Mill and Ditchers. Doctr. Rumney here Sick.\n29. At Home all day\u2014Doctr. Rumney still here Sick.\n30. At home all day. Mr. Wr. Washington came in the Evening. Doctr. Rumney still here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0026-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 14 September 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n14. Two more men came to work on it from the Neck\u2014to wit\u2014Neptune and George. Morris at Doeg Run began to sow his third Cut of Wheat.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0026-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 20 September 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n20. Finishd Sowing Wheat in the Neck. Also at Muddy hole. This day also Dominicus Gubner a Dutch Smith set into work at the Rate of \u00a332 pr. Ann he to be found when at Work here and to have the Plantn. on which John Crook livd (to settle his Family at) & Work in any thing he pleases rent free.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0026", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occurs. in Septr. [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSeptr. 4th. Got on the 2d. Floor (or rather the last Floor the walls being at their Height) of my Mill.\nThe Hound Bitch stately brought 7 Puppies viz 2 dogs & 5 Bitches 1 of the former dead\u2014remaing. 1 dog & 5 Bitches.\n13. Sett 3 Negroe Men, to Wit Harry, George & Frank to Work upon my Mill Race.\n14. Two more men came to work on it from the Neck\u2014to wit\u2014Neptune and George.\nMorris at Doeg Run began to sow his third Cut of Wheat.\n20. Finishd Sowing Wheat in the Neck. Also at Muddy hole. This day also Dominicus Gubner a Dutch Smith set into work at the Rate of \u00a332 pr. Ann he to be found when at Work here and to have the Plantn. on which John Crook livd (to settle his Family at) & Work in any thing he pleases rent free.\n Before this date GW had employed Gubner as a blacksmith on a daily basis, paying him 3s. a day for each of 19 days that he had previously worked in the shop at Mount Vernon (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 325). Under the terms of the one-year contract signed today, Gubner agreed to do blacksmithing for GW on a regular basis, attending to his business in GW\u2019s shop \u201cat all hours & seasons that is customary & proper for a Smith to work at\u201d and making up all time lost \u201cby negligence, Sickness, or any private concerns of his own\u201d (DLC:GW). The plantation on which John Crook had lived was apparently part of the Mount Vernon tract; it was first rented by Crook from GW in 1755, two years before GW began to acquire other lands in the area. Crook ceased to live there after 1767 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 71, 128, 244). Gubner occupied the plantation and worked for GW until the fall of 1773, his contract being twice renewed with no changes in terms (General Ledger BGeneral Ledger B, 1772\u20131793. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 34).\n22. Receivd from Edwd. Snickers the Millstones he was to get for [me] which were thinner by two Inch\u27e8es\u27e9 than what were bespoke.\n GW paid Snickers \u00a320 for these stones when he stopped at Snicker\u2019s ordinary 30 Nov. 1770 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nOctr. 1. Rid to my Mill and the Ditchers with Mr. Warnr. Washington. Colo. Fairfax dind here. The Doctr. Rumney still here. Mr. Carr came in the Eveng.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-02-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 2 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n2. At home all day. John Savage formerly a Lieutt. in the Virga. Service & one Wm. Carnes came here to enter their claim to a share in the 200,000 acres of Land. Wr. Washington & Doctr. Rumney here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n10. Bought two Horses & sent one of my Servants (Giles) home with those I rid up. Proceeded on our Journey and lodgd at one Wise (now Turners) Mill.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027-0013", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n 11. Set out about 11 Oclock and arrivd at one Gillams on George Creek 10\u00bd Miles from the North Branch & same diste from F[ort] C[umberland].", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027-0015", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 13 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n13. Left this place early in the Morning and arrivd at Captn. Crawfords (known by the name of Stewarts crossing) abt. \u00bd after four Oclock.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027-0026", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n24. We reachd the Mouth of a Creek calld Fox Grape vine Creek (10 Miles up which is a Town of Delawares calld Franks Town) abt. 3 Oclock in the afternoon\u2014distant from our last Camp abt. 26 Miles.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027-0030", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 28 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n28. Meeting with Kiashuta & other Indian Hunters we proceeded only 10 Miles to day, & Incampd below the Mouth of a Ck. on the west the name of wch. I know not.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0027", "content": "Title: [October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nOctr. 1. Rid to my Mill and the Ditchers with Mr. Warnr. Washington. Colo. Fairfax dind here. The Doctr. Rumney still here. Mr. Carr came in the Eveng.\n William Carr (d. 1791), a Dumfries merchant, dealt in wheat and flour. He had been a trustee of the town since 1761 and in 1765 served as a commissioner to divide Fairfax Parish from Truro Parish (Carr to GW, 17 Dec. 1770, DLC:GW; heningWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 7:424\u201328, 8:157\u201359).\n2. At home all day. John Savage formerly a Lieutt. in the Virga. Service & one Wm. Carnes came here to enter their claim to a share in the 200,000 acres of Land. Wr. Washington & Doctr. Rumney here.\n3. At home all day. Mr. Washington\u2014Mr. Carr\u2014Savage & Carnes went away after Breakfast. The Doctr. still here.\n4. In the afternoon Doctr. Rumney went away & Doctr. Craik came.\n5. Set out in Company with Doctr. Craik for the Settlement on Redstone &ca. dind at Mr. Bryan Fairfax\u2019s & lodged at Leesburg.\n Several factors induced GW to make the arduous journey through western Pennsylvania and the Ohio country in the fall of 1770. Among the most pressing was the question of locating bounty lands on the Kanawha and Ohio rivers for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia Regiment (see main entry for 30 July 1770). GW felt a special sense of urgency about this business because rumors had recently reached Virginia of a newly established land company in England whose proposed claims appeared to overlap those of the Virginia veterans (see \u201cRemarks\u201d entry for 8 Oct. 1770, n.1; GW to Lord Botetourt, 5 Oct. 1770, PPRF). Furthermore, GW noted, \u201cany considerable delay in the prosecution of our Plan would amount to an absolute defeat of the Grant inasmuch as Emigrants are daily Sealing the choice Spots of Land and waiting for the oppertunity . . . of solliciting a legal Title under the advantages of Possession & Improvement\u2014two powerful Plea\u2019s in an Infant Country\u201d (GW to Lord Botetourt, 9 Sept. 1770, CLU-C). See also William Nelson to Lord Hillsborough, JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, xxii-xxiii.\n GW\u2019s own land interests also induced him to make a first hand investigation of conditions in western Pennsylvania. In Sept. 1767 GW had instructed William Crawford, his western land agent, to \u201clook me out a Tract of about 1500, 2000, or more Acres somewhere in your Neighbourhood. . . . Any Person . . . who neglects the present oppertunity of hunting out good Lands & in some measure Marking & distinguishing them for their own (in order to keep others from settling them) will never regain it\u201d (GW to Crawford, 21 Sept. 1767, DLC:GW). Crawford proceeded to have a considerable tract\nof land surveyed for GW in the area of Chartiers Creek (see main entry for 15 Oct. 1770). \u201cWhen you come up,\u201d he informed GW, \u201cyou will see the hole of your tract finisht\u201d (Crawford to GW, 5 May 1770, DLC:GW).\n There are two sets of diary entries for those portions of Oct. and Nov. 1770 covering GW\u2019s trip to the Ohio country. Both entries for a day should be consulted.\n6. Bated at old Codleys. Dind and lodgd at my Brother Sam\u2019s.\n GW\u2019s expenses at Codley\u2019s (Caudley\u2019s) were \u00a36 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329). Codley\u2019s was located at Williams\u2019 (later Snickers\u2019) Gap in the Blue Ridge. It was near the site of present-day Bluemont, some 15 miles from Samuel Washington\u2019s home at Harewood.\n7. Dind at Rinkers and lodgd at Saml. Pritchards.\n Casper (Jasper) Rinker\u2019s house was located approximately ten miles from Winchester on the Winchester-Cumberland road. Rinker, a member of a family of early German settlers in the Shenandoah Valley, was given a grant of land, 2 June 1762, in what is now Hampshire County, W.Va., on the basis of a survey by GW (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book K, 443, Vi Microfilm).\n Samuel Pritchard resided on the Cacapon River some 40 miles from Samuel Washington\u2019s establishment. Pritchard was a resident of Frederick County as early as 1758, when he cast his vote against GW for burgess (Va. Mag., 6:169).\n8. Vale. Crawford joind us, & he and I went to Colo. Cresaps leaving the Doctr. at Pritchards with my boy Billy who was taken sick.\n Thomas Cresap\u2019s establishment was at Shawnee Old Town (now Oldtown, Md.). See entry for 21 Mar. 1748. Billy is GW\u2019s mulatto body servant William, whom he had bought in 1768 from Mrs. Mary Lee of Westmoreland County, the widow of Col. John Lee, for \u00a361 15s. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 261). Billy had assumed the surname Lee, and was also referred to by GW as Will or William. He was to accompany his master throughout the Revolutionary War.\n9. Went from Colo. Cresaps to Rumney where in the afternoon the Doctr. & my Servant & Baggage arrivd.\n The town of Romney on the South Branch of the Potomac River was established in 1762 (heningWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 7:598\u2013600). Here GW apparently met John Savage again, for he today recorded receiving \u00a36 from Savage as part of his share of the surveying costs for the Virginia Regiment\u2019s land (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329).\n10. Bought two Horses & sent one of my Servants (Giles) home with those I rid up. Proceeded on our Journey and lodgd at one Wise (now Turners) Mill.\n On this day GW paid \u00a316 for a bay and \u00a313 10s. for a gray (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329). Wise\u2019s Mill was on Patterson\u2019s Creek.\n11. Set out about 11 Oclock and arrivd at one Gillams on George Creek 10\u00bd Miles from the North Branch & same diste from F[ort] C[umberland].\n gillams: probably Joseph Gillam who lived on a branch of George\u2019s Creek, a little more than ten miles from the North Branch of the Potomac River. Fort Cumberland is now Cumberland, Md.\n12. Started from Gillams between Sunrising & Day Break and arrivd at the Great crossing of Yaugha. about Sun set or before.\n The Great Crossing of the Youghiogheny is near present-day Addison, Pa. GW spent 16s. there (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329).\n13. Left this place early in the Morning and arrivd at Captn. Crawfords (known by the name of Stewarts crossing) abt. \u00bd after four Oclock.\n Stewart\u2019s Crossing was on the Youghiogheny River below present-day Connellsville, Pa. The site was named for William Stewart, who settled there in 1753 (cookRoy Bird Cook. Washington\u2019s Western Lands. Strasburg, Va., 1930., 15). Braddock\u2019s army had crossed the Youghiogheny at this ford in June 1755 on the way to Fort Duquesne. The area was included in the tract of land on the Youghiogheny surveyed and occupied by William Crawford in 1769 (WHi: Draper Papers, E\u201311).\n14. At Captn. Crawfords all day.\n15. Rid to see the Land he got for me & my Brother\u2019s.\n This land, which William and Valentine Crawford had surveyed for the Washingtons in 1769, is in the vicinity of Perryopolis, Pa., in what is now Fayette County, Pa.\n16. At Captn. Crawfords till the Evening\u2014then went to Mr. John Stephenson\u2019s.\n John Stephenson was William and Valentine Crawford\u2019s half brother. After the death of the Crawfords\u2019 father, their mother, Onora Grimes Crawford (d. 1776), married Richard Stephenson, by whom she had five sons and one daughter (butterfield [1]C. W. Butterfield, ed. The Washington-Crawford Letters. Being the Correspondence between George Washington and William Crawford, from 1767 to 1781, Concerning Western Lands. Cincinnati, 1877., 93). John Stephenson had served in the French and Indian War and settled in the vicinity of the Great Crossing of the Youghiogheny about 1768. He was involved from time to time in the Crawfords\u2019 land activities.\n17. Arrivd at Fort\u2014dining at one Widow Miers at Turtle Creek.\n GW had arrived at Fort Pitt. The Widow Myers\u2019s tavern was probably at Sycamore and Sixth streets within the boundaries of present-day Pittsburgh. It frequently served as a rallying point for frontier militia and was still operating\n in the 1790s. GW spent 3s. 9d. at the tavern (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329). Turtle Creek enters the Monongahela above the site of Fort Pitt.\n18. Dined in the Fort at the Officers Club.\n19. Dined at Colo. Croghans abt. 4 Miles from Pittsburg & returnd.\n George Croghan was living at Croghan Hall near Pittsburgh. He and GW were old acquaintances from the 1754 campaign against the French, in which Croghan had agreed to provision the Virginia troops. At that time GW had been highly critical of his efforts (GW to William Fairfax, 11 Aug. 1754,\nDLC:GW). After the French and Indian War, Croghan acquired, on paper at least, an empire of some 250,000 acres of land in New York and 200,000 acres in Pennsylvania. By 1770, however, his pyramid of land speculation was crumbling and his creditors were pressing him for payment. In July 1770 he returned from his New York lands to his establishment near Fort Pitt, hoping to confirm title to his Pennsylvania holdings and sell them before returning to develop his tracts in New York. Exaggerated reports of land sales sent out by his agents had evidently reached GW, since at their meeting in mid-October they discussed the possibility of his purchasing a tract from Croghan. He wrote Croghan, 24 Nov., from Stewart\u2019s Crossing on his return from the Ohio, that he would be willing to buy a single tract of 15,000 acres. Since Croghan had had difficulty in securing an uncontested title to the Pennsylvania lands he had acquired from the Indians, GW added cautiously that the acres would be purchased only when legal title could be confirmed (DLC:GW). Croghan was optimistic after GW\u2019s visit: \u201cI am likely to sell another Tract to Col. Washington and his Friends\u2014if I do that, I expect to have One good Nights Rest before Christmas, which is more than I have had for eight Months past I assure you\u201d (Croghan to Samuel Wharton, Jr., 25 Oct. 1770, PHi: Sarah A. G. Smith Family Papers). However, GW soon began to have serious doubts about the validity of Croghan\u2019s title and by late 1771 decided against purchasing the tract (William Crawford to GW, 2 Aug. 1771; GW to Crawford, 6 Dec. 1771, DLC:GW).\n20. Set out for the Big Kanhawa with Dr. Craik Captn. Crawford & others. Incampd abt. 14 Miles off.\n21. Got abt. 32 Miles further and Incampd abt. 3 Miles below little Bever Ck.\n Little Beaver Creek empties into the Ohio from the north, about 42 miles from Fort Pitt (pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 166).\n22. Reachd the Mingo Town abt. 29 Miles by my Computation.\n Mingo Town (now Mingo Junction, Ohio) was an Indian village several miles below Steubenville, Ohio. \u201cThis was the only Indian village in 1766 on the banks of the Ohio from that place to Fort Pitt; it contained at that time 60 families\u201d (cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 25n). Mingo Town appears on Thomas Hutchins\u2019s 1778 map of the Ohio.\n23. Stayd at this place till One Clock in the Afternoon & padled abt. 12 Miles down the River & Incamped.\n24. We reachd the Mouth of a Creek calld Fox Grape vine Creek (10 Miles up which is a Town of Delawares calld Franks Town) abt. 3 Oclock in the afternoon\u2014distant from our last Camp abt. 26 Miles.\n Fox Grape Vine Creek, also called Captina Creek, flows into the Ohio from the west. Frank\u2019s Town was a well-known Delaware village about six miles\nfrom the Juniata River. Originally called Assunepachla, it was referred to as Frank\u2019s Town, for the Pennsylvania trader Frank Stevens, as early as 1734. Apparently it was deserted by the Delawares before Braddock\u2019s Defeat in 1755. A Delaware village called Frank\u2019s Town on Captina Creek does not appear on early maps but it is possible that the Delawares had established such a settlement in the area. It may have been another name for the Grape Vine Town. \u201cAs late as 1772 the Rev. David Jones, a Baptist missionary, on his way to preach to the Ohio Indians, met a Frank Stephens at the mouth of Captina Creek (on the west side of the Ohio River, twenty miles below Wheeling). This man was an Indian, who had received his English name from that of Frank Stevens, the Trader. Possibly he may have been a half-blood son of the trader\u201d (hannaCharles A. Hanna. The Wilderness Trail: Or The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsylvania Traders on the Allegheny Path: With Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones. 2 vols. New York and London, 1911., 1:259\u201360).\n25. Incampd in the long reach abt. 30 Miles from our last lodge according to my Computation.\n The \u201clong reach\u201d of the Ohio is a section of the river with relatively few curves stretching approximately from Paden City to Raven Rock, W.Va. Its length is 18 to 20 miles.\n26. Incampd at the Mouth of a Creek about 4 Miles above the Mouth of Muskingham distant abt. 32 Miles.\n The Muskingum River joins the Ohio River from the Ohio side at Marietta.\n27. Incampd at the Mouth of great Hockhocking distant from our last Incampment abt. 32 Miles.\n The Little Hocking enters the Ohio from the west about 19 miles below Marietta. The Great Hockhocking is now the Hocking River. It flows into the Ohio at Hockingport, Ohio, some 26 miles below Marietta.\n28. Meeting with Kiashuta & other Indian Hunters we proceeded only 10 Miles to day, & Incampd below the Mouth of a Ck. on the west the name of wch. I know not.\n GW had met Guyasuta during his journey to the French commandant in 1753 (see entry for 30 Nov. 1753, n.49). After joining the French in 1755, Guyasuta had actively engaged in hostilities against the British during the French and Indian War and was a leader in Pontiac\u2019s rebellion. After the war he was again friendly to the English and aided the firm of Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan in opening up the Illinois trade. He maintained his allegiance to the British during the Revolution and participated in the attack against Hannastown, Pa., in 1782. After the Revolution he settled in the area of Pittsburgh and died there about 1800.\n29. Went round what is calld the Great Bent & Campd two Miles below it distant from our last Incampment abt. 29 Miles.\n The Great Bend of the Ohio is in the region of Meigs County, Ohio.\n30. Incampd Early Just by the old Shawna Town distant from our last no more than 15 Miles.\n Shawnee Town appears on Lewis Evans\u2019s 1766 map of the middle colonies just north of the confluence of the Ohio and the Great Kanawha rivers. It is not the Lower Shawnee Town at the mouth of the Scioto River.\n31. Went out a Hunting & met the Canoe at the Mouth of the big Kanhawa distant only 5 Miles makg. the whole distance from Fort Pitt accordg. to my Acct. 266 Miles.\n GW\u2019s calculations on the distance from Fort Pitt to the mouth of the Great Kanawha at present-day Point Pleasant, W.Va., agree substantially with those of Capt. Harry Gordon, chief engineer of the Northern Department in North America. In Gordon\u2019s table of distances it is logged as 266\u00bc miles (pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 166).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0028-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. Pleasant forenoon\u2014but the wind Rising. About Noon it Clouded & threatned hard for Rain. Towards Night it raind a little & ceasd but contd. Cloudy.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0028-0021", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n21. Cloudy & very raw & cold in the forenoon. About Midnight it began to Snow & contd. to do so more or less all the remaing. part of the Night & next day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nOctr. 5th.Began a journey to the Ohio in Company with Doctr. Craik his Servant, & two of mine with a lead Horse with Baggage. Dind at Towlston and lodgd at Leesburg distant from Mount Vernon abt. 45 Miles. Here my Portmanteau horse faild in his stomach.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. My Servant being unable to Travel I left him at Pritchards with Doctr. Craik & proceedd. myself with Vale. Crawford to Colo. Cresaps in ordr. to learn from him (being just arrivd from England) the particulars of the Grant said to be lately sold to Walpole & others, for a certain Tract of Country on the Ohio. The distance from Pritchards to Cresaps according to Computation is 26 Miles, thus reckond; to the Fort at Henry Enochs 8 Miles (road exceedg. bad) 12 to Cox\u2019s at the Mouth of little Cacapehon and 6 afterwards.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n10. Having purchasd two Horses, and recoverd another which had been gone from me near 3 Years, I dispatchd my boy Giles with my two Riding Horses home, & proceeded on my journey; arriving at one Wises (now Turners) Mill about 22 Miles it being Reckond Seven to the place where Cox\u2019s Fort formerly stood; 10 to One Parkers; & five afterwards. The Road from the South Branch to Pattersons C[ree]k is Hilly\u2014down the C[ree]k on which is good Land, Sloppy to Parkers & from Parkers to Turners Hilly again.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0007", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n11. The Morning being wet & heavy we did not set of till 11 Oclock & arrivd that Night at one Killams on a branch of Georges\nC[ree]k, distant 10\u00bd Measurd Miles from the North Branch of Potomack where we cross at the lower end of my Decd. Brother Auge. Bottom, known by the name of Pendergrasses. This Crossing is two Miles from the aforesaid Mill & the Road bad as it likewise is to Killams, the Country being very Hilly & stony. From Killams to Fort Cumberland is the same distance that it is to the Crossing above mentiond, & the Road from thence to Jolliffs by the old Town much better.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 12 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n12. We left Killams early in the Morning\u2014breakfasted at the little Meadows 10 Miles of, and lodgd at the great Crossings 20 Miles further, which we found a tolerable good days work. The Country we traveld over today was very Mountainous & stony, with but very little good Land, & that lying in Spots.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0009", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 13 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n13. Set out about Sunrise, breakfasted at the Great Meadows 13 Miles of, & reachd Captn. Crawfords about 5 Oclock. The Lands we travelld over to day till we had crossd the Laurel Hill (except in smal spots) was very Mountainous & indifferent\u2014but when we came down the Hill to the Plantation of Mr. Thos. Gist the L[an]d, appeard charming; that which lay level being as rich & black as any thing coud possibly be. The more Hilly kind, tho of a different complexion must be good, as well from the Crops it produces, as from the beautiful white Oaks that grows thereon. Tho white Oak in generl. indicates poor Land, yet this does not appear to be of that cold kind. The Land from Gists to Crawfords is very broken tho not Mountainous\u2014in Spots exceeding Rich, & in general free from Stone. Crawfords is very fine Land; lying on Yaughyaughgane at a place commonly called Stewards Crossing.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 15 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday 15th. Went to view some Land which Captn. Crawford had taken up for me near the Yaughyaughgane distant about 12 Miles. This Tract which contains about 1600 Acres Includes some as fine Land as ever I saw\u2014a great deal of Rich Meadow and in general, is leveller than the Country about it. This Tract is well Waterd, and has a valuable Mill Seat (except that the stream is rather too slight, and it is said not constant more than 7 or 8 Months in the Year; but on acct. of the Fall, & other conveniences, no place can exceed it). In going to this Land I passd through two other Tracts which Captn. Crawford had taken up for my Brothers Saml. and John. That belonging to the former, was not so rich as some I had seen; but very valuable on acct. of its levelness and little Stone, the Soil & Timber being good. That of the latter, had some Bottom Land up on sml. Runs that was very good (tho narrow) the Hills very rich, but the Land in genl. broken. I intended to have visited the Land which Crawford had procurd for Lund Washington this day also, but time falling short I was obligd to Postpone it making it in the Night before I got back to Crawfords where I found Colo. Stephen. The Lands which I passd over today were generally Hilly, and the growth chiefly white Oak, but very good notwithstanding; & what is extraordinary, & contrary to the property of all other Lands I ever saw before, the Hills are the richest Land, the soil upon the sides and Summits of them, being as black as a Coal, & the Growth Walnut, Cherry, Spice Bushes &ca. The flats are not so rich, & a good deal more mixd with stone.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0012", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday 16. At Captn. Crawfords till the Evening, when I went to Mr. John Stephenson (on my way to Pittsburg) & lodgd. This day was visited by one Mr. Ennis who had traveld down the little Kanhawa (almost) from the head to the Mouth, on which he says the Lands are broken, the bottoms neither very wide nor rich, but covd. with Beach. At the Mouth the Lands are good, & continue so up the River; & about Weeling, & Fishing Ck., is according to his Acct. a body of fine Land. I also saw a Son of Captn. John Hardens who said he had been from the Mouth of little Kanhawa to the big, but his description of the Lands seemed\n to be so vague and indeterminate, that it was much doubted whether he ever was there or not. He says however that at the Mouth of the Big Kanhawa there may be abt. 20 or 25,000 acres of Land had in a Body that is good\u2014that you are not above five or 6 Miles to the Hills, & that the Falls of the Kanhawa are not above 10 Miles up it.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0014", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday 18th. Dind in the Fort with Colo. Croghan & the Officers of the Garrison. Supped there also meeting with great Civility from the Gentlemen, & engagd to dine with Colo. Croghan the next day at his Seat abt. 4 Miles up the Alligany.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0015", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 19 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday 19th. Recd. a Message from Colo. Croghan, that the White Mingo & other Chiefs of the 6 Nations had something to say to me, & desiring that I woud be at his House abt. 11. (where they were to meet) I went up and receivd a Speech with a String of wampum from the White Mingo to the following effect. That as I was a Person who some of them remember to have\nseen when I was sent on an Embassy to the French, and most of them had heard of; they were come to bid me welcome to this Country, and to desire that the People of Virginia woud consider them as friends & Brothers linked together in one chain\u2014that I wd. inform the Governor, that it was their wish to live in peace and harmy. with the white People, & that tho their had been some unhappy differences between them and the People upon our Frontiers, it was all made up, and they hopd forgotten; and concluded with saying, that, their Brothers of Virginia did not come among them and Trade as the Inhabitants of the other Provences did, from whence they were affraid that we did not look upon them with so friendly an Eye as they coud wish. To this I answerd (after thanking them for their friendly welcome) that all the Injuries & Affronts that had passd on either side was now totally forgotten, and that I was sure nothing was more wishd and desird by the People of Virginia than to live in the strictest friendship with them. That the Virginians were a People not so much engagd in Trade as the Pensylvanians, &ca., wch. was the Reason of their not being so frequently among them; but that it was possible they might for the time to come have stricter connections with them, and that I woud acquaint the Govr. with their desires. After dining at Colo. Croghan we returnd to Pittsburg\u2014Colo. Croghan with us, who intended to accompany us part of the Way down the River, having engagd an Indian calld the Pheasant & one Joseph Nicholson an Interpreter to attend us the whole Voyage. Also a young Indn. Warrior.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0016", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 20 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday 20th. We Imbarkd in a large Canoe with sufficient Stores of Provision & Necessaries, & the following Persons (besides Doctr. Craik & myself) to wit\u2014Captn. Crawford Josh. Nicholson Robt. Bell\u2014William Harrison\u2014Chs. Morgan & Danl. Reardon a boy of Captn. Crawfords, & the Indians who went in a Canoe by themselves. From Fort Pitt we sent our Horses & boys back to Captn. Crawford wt. orders to meet us there again the 14th. day of November. Colo. Croghan, Lieutt. Hamilton and one Mr. Magee set out with us. At two we dind at Mr. Magees & Incampd 10 Miles below, & 4 above the Logs Town. We passd several large Island which appeard to [be] very good, as the bottoms also did on each side of the River alternately; the Hills on one side being opposite to the bottoms on the other which seem generally to be abt. 3 and 4 hundred yards wide, & so vice versa.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0017", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday 21. Left our Incampment abt. 6 Oclock & breakfasted at the Logs Town, where we parted with Colo. Croghan &ca. abt. 9 Oclock. At 11 we came to the Mouth of big Bever Creek, opposite\nto which is a good Situation for a House, & above it, on the same side (that is the west) there appears to be a body of fine Land. About 5 Miles lower down on the East side comes in Racoon C[ree]k at the Mouth of which, & up it appears to be a body of good Land also. All the Land between this Creek & the Monongahela & for 15 Miles back, is claimd by Colo. Croghan under a purchase from the Indians (and which sale, he says is confirmd by his Majesty). On this Creek where the Branches thereof interlock with the Waters of Shirtees Creek there is, according to Colo. Croghan\u2019s Acct. a body of fine Rich level Land. This Tract he wants to sell, & offers it at \u00a35 sterg. pr. hundd. with an exemption of Quitrents for 20 years; after which, to be subject to the payment of 4/2 Sterg. pr. Hundd., provided he can sell it in 10,000 Acre Lots. Note the unsettled state of this Country renders any purchase dangerous. From Racoon Creek to little Bever Creek appears to me to be little short of 10 Miles, & about 3 Miles below this we Incampd; after hiding a Barrl. of Bisquet in an Island (in Sight) to lighten our Canoe.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-22-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday 22d. As it began to Snow about Midnight, & continued pretty steadily at it, it was about \u00bd after Seven before we left our Incampment. At the distance of about 8 Miles we came to the Mouth of Yellow Creek (to the West) opposite to, or rather below which, appears to be a long bottom of very good Land, and the Assent to the Hills apparently gradual. There is another pretty large bottom of very good Land about two or 3 Miles above this. About 11 or 12 Miles from this, & just above what is calld the long Island (which tho so distinguishd is not very remarkable for length breadth or goodness) comes in on the East side the River, a small Creek or Run the name of which I coud not learn; and a Mile or two below the Island, on the West Side, comes in big stony Creek (not larger in appearance than the other) on\nneither of which does there seem to be any large bottoms or body\u2019s of good Land. About 7 Miles from the last Mentiond Creek 28 from our last Incampment, and about 75 from Pittsburg, we came to the Mingo Town Situate on the West side the River a little above the Cross Creeks. This place contains abt. Twenty Cabbins, & 70 Inhabitants of the Six Nation. Had we set of early, & kept pritty constantly at it, we might have reachd lower than this place today; as the Water in many places run pretty swift, in general more so than yesterday. The River from Fort Pitt to the Logs Town has some ugly Rifts & Shoals, which we found somewhat difficult to pass, whether from our inexperience of the Channel, or not, I cannot undertake to say. From the Logs Town to the Mouth of little Bever Creek is much the same kind of Water; that is, Rapid in some places\u2014gliding gently along in others, and quite still in many. The Water from little Bever Creek to the Mingo Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the preceeding day, & without any shallows, there being some one part or other always deep which is a natural consequence as the River in all the distance from Fort Pitt to this Town has not widend any at all nor doth the bottoms appear to be any larger. The Hills which come close to the River opposite to each bottom are steep; & on the side in view, in many places, Rocky & cragged; but said to abound in good land on the Top. These are not a range of Hills but broken, & cut in two as if there were frequent water courses running through (which however we did not perceive to be the case consequently they must be small if any). The River along down abounds in Wild Geese, and severl. kinds of Ducks but in no great quantity. We killd five wild Turkeys today. Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town we receivd the disagreeable News of two Traders being killd at a Town calld the Grape Vine Town, 38 Miles below this; which causd us to hesitate whether we shoud proceed or not, & wait for further Intelligence.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0020", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday 24th. We left our Incampment before Sunrise, and abt. Six Miles below it, we came to the Mouth of a pretty smart Creek comg. in to the Eastward calld by the Indians Split Island Creek, from its running in against an Island. On this C[ree]k\nthere is the appearance of good Land a distance up it. Six Miles below this again, we came to another Creek on the West side, calld by Nicholson Weeling and abt. a Mile lower down appears to be another small Water coming in on the East side, which I remark, because of the Scarcity of them; & to shew how badly furnishd this Country is with Mill Seats. Two or three Miles below this again, is another Run on the West side; up which is a near way by Land to the Mingo Town; and about 4 Miles lower comes in another on the East at which place is a path leading to the settlement at Redstone. Abt. A Mile & half below this again, comes in the Pipe Creek so calld by the Indians from a Stone which is found here out of which they make Pipes. Opposite to this (that is on the East side), is a bottom of exceeding Rich Land; but as it seems to lye low, I am apprehensive that it is subject to be overflowd. This Bottom ends where the effects of a hurricane appears by the destruction & havock among the Trees. Two or three Miles below the Pipe Creek is a pretty large Creek on the West side calld by Nicholson Fox Grape Vine by others Captema Creek on which, 8 Miles up it, is the Town calld the Grape Vine Town; & at the Mouth of it, is the place where it was said the Traders livd, & the one was killd. To this place we came abt. 3 Oclock in the Afternoon, & findg. no body there, we agreed to Camp; that Nicholson and one of the Indians might go up to the Town, & enquire into the truth of the report concerning the Murder.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0024", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 28 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday 28th. Left our Incampment about 7 Oclock. Two Miles below, a sml. run comes in on the East side thro a piece of Land that has a very good appearance, the Bottom beginning above our Incampment, & continuing in appearance wide for 4 Miles down, to a place where there comes in a smal Run & to the Hills. And to where we found Kiashuta and his Hunting Party Incampd. Here we were under a necessity of paying our Compliments, As this person was one of the Six Nation Chiefs, & the head of them upon this River. In the Person of Kiashuta I found an old acquaintance. He being one of the Indians that went with me to the French in 1753. He expressd a satisfaction in seeing me and treated us with great kindness, giving us a Quarter of very fine Buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that Night with him, and in order to retard us as little as possible movd his Camp down the River about 3 Miles just below the Mouth of a Creek the name of which I could not learn (it not being large). At this place we all Incampd. After much Councelling the overnight they all came to my fire the next Morning, with great formality; when Kiashuta rehearsing what had passd between me & the Sachems at Colo. Croghan\u2019s, thankd me for saying that Peace & friendship was the wish of the People of Virginia (with them) & for recommending it to the Traders to deal with them upon a fair & equitable footing; and then again expressd their desire of having a Trade opend with Virginia, & that the Governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith, but of their friendly disposition towards the white People. This I promisd to do.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0025", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 29 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday 29th. The tedious ceremony which the Indians observe in their Councellings & speeches, detained us till 9 Oclock. Opposite to the Creek just below wch. we Incampd, is a pretty long bottom, & I believe tolerable wide; but abt. 8 or 9 Miles below the aforemend. Creek, & just below a pavement of Rocks on the\nwest side, comes in a Creek with fallen Timber at the Mouth, on which the Indians say there is wide bottom\u2019s, & good Land. The River bottom\u2019s above for some distance is very good, & continues for near half a Mile below the Creek. The pavement of Rocks are only to be seen at low water. Abt. a mile, or a little better below the Mouth of the Creek there is another pavement of Rocks on the East side in a kind of Sedgey Ground. On this Creek many Buffaloes use[d to be] according to the Indians Acct. Six Miles below this comes in a small Creek on the west side at the end of a small naked Island, and just above another pavement of Rocks. This Creek comes thro a Bottom of fine Land, & opposite to it (on the East side the River) appears to be large bottom of very fine Land also. At this place begins what they call the great Bent. 5 Miles below this again, on the East side, comes in (abt. 200 yds. above a little stream or Gut) another Creek; which is just below an Island, on the upper point of which are some dead standing trees, & a parcel of white bodied Sycamores. In the Mouth of this Creek lyes a Scycamore blown down by the wind. From hence an East line may be Run 3 or 4 Miles; thence a North Line till it strikes the River, which I apprehend woud Include about 3 or 4000 Acres of exceeding valuable Land. At the Mouth of this C[ree]k which is 3 or 4 Miles above two Islands (at the lower end of the last, is a rapid, & the Point of the Bend) is the Wariors Path to the Cherokee Country. For two Miles & an half below this the River Runs a No. Et. Course, & finished what they call the Great Bent. Two Miles & an half below this again we Incampd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0026", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 30 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday 30th. We set out at 50 Minutes passd Seven\u2014the Weather being Windy & Cloudy (after a Night of Rain). In about 2 Miles we came to the head of a bottom (in the shape of a horse Shoe) which I judge to be about 6 Miles r[oun]d; the beginning of the bottom appeard to be very good Land, but the lower part (from the Growth) did not seem so friendly. An East\ncourse from the lower end woud strike the River again above, about the Beging. of the bottom. The upper part of the bottom we Incampd in was an exceeding good one, but the lower part rather thin Land & coverd with Beach. In it is some clear Meadow Land and a Pond or Lake. This bottom begins just below the Rapid at the point of the Great Bent, from whence a N. N. Wt. Course woud answer to run a parrallel to the next turn of the River. The River from this place narrows very considerably, & for 5 or 6 Miles or more, is scarcely more than 150 or 200 yards over. The Water yesterday, except the Rapid at the Great Bent, & some swift places about the Islands was quite Dead, & as easily passd one way as the other; the Land in general appeard level & good. About 10 Miles below our Incampment & a little lower down than the bottom describd to lye in the shape of a horse Shoe comes in a small Creek on the West side, and opposite to this on the East begins a body of flat Land which the Indians tell us runs quite across the Fork to the Falls in the Kanhawa, and must at least be 3 days walk across. If so the Flat Land containd therein must be very considerable. A Mile or two below this we Landed, and after getting a little distance from the River we came (without any rising) to a pretty lively kind of Land grown up with Hicky. & Oaks of different kinds, intermixd with Walnut &ca. here & there. We also found many shallow Ponds, the sides of which abounding in grass, invited innumerable quantities of wild fowl among which I saw a Couple of Birds in size between a Swan & Goose; & in colour somewhat between the two; being darker than the young Swan and of a more sutty Colour. The Cry of these was as unusual as the Bird itself, as I never heard any noize resembling it before. Abt. 5 Miles below this we Incampd. in a bottom of Good Land which holds tolerably flat & rich for some distance out.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-31-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029-0027", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 31 October 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n Wednesday 31st. I sent the Canoe along down to the Junction of the two Rivers abt. 5 Miles that is the Kanhawa with the Ohio and set out upon a hunting Party to view the Land. We steerd nearly East for about 8 or 9 Miles then bore Southwardly, & westwardly, till we came to our camp at the confluence of the Rivers. The Land from the Rivers appeard but indifferent, & very broken; whether these ridges might not be those that divide the Waters of the Ohio from the Kanhawa is not certain, but I believe they are. If so the Lands may yet be good. If not, that which lyes of the River bottoms is good for little.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0029", "content": "Title: Remarks & Occurrs. in October [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nOctr. 5th.Began a journey to the Ohio in Company with Doctr. Craik his Servant, & two of mine with a lead Horse with Baggage. Dind at Towlston and lodgd at Leesburg distant from Mount Vernon abt. 45 Miles. Here my Portmanteau horse faild in his stomach.\n For additional annotation of GW\u2019s diary entries for October, see the previous section.\n Towlston Grange was Bryan Fairfax\u2019s home in Fairfax County.\n6. Fed our Horses on the Top of the Ridge at one Codleys & arrivd at my Brother Samls. on Worthingtons Marsh a little after they had dind the distance being about 30 Miles. From hence I dispatchd a Messenger to Colo. Stephens apprising him of my arrival and Intended Journey.\n Samuel Worthington, a Quaker, had settled as early as 1730 on a crown grant of some 3,000 acres northwest of present-day Charles Town, W.Va., on Evitt\u2019s Marsh or Evitt\u2019s Run. Much of the land went to his son Col. Robert Worthington (1730\u20131799) (wayland [2]John W. Wayland. Historic Homes of Northern Virginia and the Eastern Panhandle of West Virginia. Staunton, Va., 1937., 20\u201321). Lawrence Washington purchased 230 acres of this property from Worthington and in his will (20 June 1752, DLC:GW) bequeathed these acres to his half brothers Samuel, John, and Charles. Samuel located in the area by 1768 and began construction of his home Harewood, some three miles from the site of Charles Town. He probably moved his family to Harewood from Stafford County in 1770, although the house may not have been finished until 1771 (see wayland [1]John W. Wayland. The Washingtons and Their Homes. 1944. Reprint. Berryville, Va., 1973., 132\u201335).\n After the French and Indian War, Adam Stephen settled on a farm in Frederick County, near present-day Martinsburg, W.Va.\n7. My Portmanteau Horse being unable to proceed, I left him at my Brothers & got one of his & proceedd. by Jolliffs & Jasper Rinkers to Saml. Pritchards on Cacapehen; distant according to Acct. 39 Miles; but by my Computation 42 thus reckond 15 to Jolliffs, 14 to Rinkers; & 13 to Pritchards. At Rinkers which appears to be a cleanly House my boy was taken Sick but continued on to Pritchards. Pritchards is also a pretty good House, their being fine Pasturage good fences, & Beds tolerably clean.\n William Jolliffe, Sr. (1695\u20131765), a Quaker and a practicing attorney, moved with his family to the Shenandoah Valley about 1743 and settled in the vicinity of Opequon Creek, north of Winchester. His sons, William, James, Edmund, and John, all lived in Frederick County, in the area of Hopewell Meeting (jolliffeWilliam Jolliffe. Historical, Genealogical, and Biographical Account of the Jolliffe Family of Virginia, 1652 to 1893. Philadelphia, 1893., 66\u201379).\n8. My Servant being unable to Travel I left him at Pritchards with Doctr. Craik & proceedd. myself with Vale. Crawford to Colo. Cresaps in ordr. to learn from him (being just arrivd from England) the particulars of the Grant said to be lately sold to Walpole & others, for a certain Tract of Country on the Ohio. The distance from Pritchards to Cresaps according to Computation is 26 Miles, thus reckond; to the Fort at Henry Enochs 8 Miles (road exceedg. bad) 12 to Cox\u2019s at the Mouth of little Cacapehon and 6 afterwards.\n Undoubtedly one of the factors which prompted GW\u2019s trip to the Ohio in the fall of 1770 to examine western lands was information concerning a new land scheme being promoted in England. The project had grown out of negotiations between Thomas Walpole, a prominent British politician, and Samuel Wharton, Philadelphia merchant and land speculator. The plan called for the acquisition of an initial grant of 2,400,000 acres from the crown, later increased to some 20,000,000 acres, which would have encompassed much of the area of Kentucky, southwestern Pennsylvania, and the western part of West Virginia. The proposal included a plan to establish a new colony to be called Vandalia. In Dec. 1769 the Grand Ohio Company was formed to further the scheme. At its height the new company included such influential Englishmen as Thomas Pownall, Lord Hertford, Richard Jackson, George Grenville, Anthony Todd, and William Strahan and such prominent Americans as the Whartons, Benjamin Franklin, Sir William Johnson, George Croghan, and William Trent. On 20 July 1770 the Board of Trade sent Virginia Governor Botetourt extensive information on the Walpole petition (P.R.O., C.O.5/1369, ff. 17\u201318), and on 9 Sept. and 5 Oct. GW wrote to the governor pointing out the conflict between the Walpole associates\u2019 claims and the interests of Virginia (CLU-C, PPRF). It had soon become clear that the boundaries of the new grant would overlap the claims of the Mississippi Company (of which GW was a member) and those of the Ohio Company of Virginia and would encroach on the bounty lands claimed by veterans of the\nVirginia Regiment and the lands ceded to the \u201cSuffering Traders\u201d by the Six Nations, although some of these claims were recognized by the Walpole associates and concessions made to their holders (see sosinJack M. Sosin. Whitehall and the Wilderness: The Middle West in British Colonial Policy, 1760\u20131775. Lincoln, Neb., 1961., 181\u2013209; abernethyThomas Perkins Abernethy. Western Lands and The American Revolution. 1937. Reprint. New York, 1959., 40\u201358; George Mercer to GW, 18 Dec. 1770, DLC:GW). For the reaction in Virginia to the proposed grant, see William Nelson to Lord Hillsborough, 18 Oct. 1770, JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, xxii-xxv.\n Thomas Cresap had spent much of 1770 in England and had made a particular inquiry into the affairs of the new company (bailey [4]Kenneth P. Bailey. Thomas Cresap, Maryland Frontiersman. Boston, 1944., 127). During their meeting on 8 Oct., Cresap gave GW extensive information about the new company including the fact that shares in the enterprise might be available from the members (see George Croghan to Joseph Wharton, Jr., 25 Oct. 1770, PHi: Sarah A. G. Smith Family Papers; GW to George Mercer, 22 Nov. 1771, DLC:GW). That GW was interested at least for a time in acquiring some interest in the Walpole company is indicated by the fact that he wrote to Croghan, 24 Nov. 1770, inquiring the latter\u2019s price for his share in the new company (DLC:GW). He made similar inquiries of George Mercer in 1771 (GW to Mercer, 22 Nov. 1771, DLC:GW).\n Henry Enoch had received a grant on 22 April 1753 for 388 acres on Cacapon River based on a survey done for him by GW in 1750. He received a further grant of 271\u00bd acres in Hampshire County in 1761 (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book H, 280, Book K, 228, Vi Microfilm). See also keith [1]Arthur L. Keith. \u201cThe Enoch (Enochs) Family.\u201d Tyler\u2019s Historical and Genealogical Quarterly Magazine 4 (1922\u201323): 442\u201345.. Enoch\u2019s fort, erected after Braddock\u2019s Defeat, was built at the forks of the Great Cacapon River, on the road from Winchester in what is now Hampshire County, W.Va. GW had suggested the fort on a list of frontier defenses drawn up in 1756 (DLC:GW).\n Cox\u2019s fort appears on Thomas Hutchins\u2019s 1778 map at the mouth of the Little Cacapon River. It was apparently a supply center during the French and Indian War (koontzLouis K. Koontz. The Virginia Frontier, 1754\u20131763. Baltimore, 1925., 114\u201315). GW had surveyed this area for Friend Cox, 25 April 1750 (DLC:GW).\n9. Went up to Rumney in order to buy work Horses, & meet Doctr. Craik and my Baggage. Arrivd there abt. 12 distance 16 Miles. In the Afternoon Doctr. Craik my Servt. (much amended) and the Baggage, arrivd from Pritchards; said to be 28 Miles.\n10. Having purchasd two Horses, and recoverd another which had been gone from me near 3 Years, I dispatchd my boy Giles with my two Riding Horses home, & proceeded on my journey; arriving at one Wises (now Turners) Mill about 22 Miles it being Reckond Seven to the place where Cox\u2019s Fort formerly stood; 10 to One Parkers; & five afterwards. The Road from the South Branch to Pattersons C[ree]k is Hilly\u2014down the C[ree]k on which is good Land, Sloppy to Parkers & from Parkers to Turners Hilly again.\n11. The Morning being wet & heavy we did not set of till 11 Oclock & arrivd that Night at one Killams on a branch of Georges\nC[ree]k, distant 10\u00bd Measurd Miles from the North Branch of Potomack where we cross at the lower end of my Decd. Brother Auge. Bottom, known by the name of Pendergrasses. This Crossing is two Miles from the aforesaid Mill & the Road bad as it likewise is to Killams, the Country being very Hilly & stony.\nFrom Killams to Fort Cumberland is the same distance that it is to the Crossing above mentiond, & the Road from thence to Jolliffs by the old Town much better.\n Pendergrass\u2019s Bottom was purchased by Lawrence Washington from Garret Pendergrass, probably when Pendergrass, an early settler and trader in the area, moved to Pennsylvania about 1752. In his will Lawrence left the land to his brother Augustine Washington (20 June 1752, DLC:GW).\n12. We left Killams early in the Morning\u2014breakfasted at the little Meadows 10 Miles of, and lodgd at the great Crossings 20 Miles further, which we found a tolerable good days work.\nThe Country we traveld over today was very Mountainous & stony, with but very little good Land, & that lying in Spots.\n13. Set out about Sunrise, breakfasted at the Great Meadows 13 Miles of, & reachd Captn. Crawfords about 5 Oclock.\nThe Lands we travelld over to day till we had crossd the Laurel Hill (except in smal spots) was very Mountainous & indifferent\u2014but when we came down the Hill to the Plantation of Mr. Thos. Gist the L[an]d, appeard charming; that which lay level being as rich & black as any thing coud possibly be. The more Hilly kind, tho of a different complexion must be good, as well from the Crops it produces, as from the beautiful white Oaks that grows thereon. Tho white Oak in generl. indicates poor Land, yet this does not appear to be of that cold kind. The Land from Gists to Crawfords is very broken tho not Mountainous\u2014in Spots exceeding Rich, & in general free from Stone. Crawfords is very fine Land; lying on Yaughyaughgane at a place commonly called Stewards Crossing.\n Laurel Hill was a western ridge of the Alleghenies.\n Thomas Gist was the son of Christopher Gist. He had accompanied his father to the frontier in the 1750s. After his father\u2019s death in 1759, Thomas had taken over his plantation, which he called Monongahela, at the foot of Laurel Hill, in the vicinity of present-day Mount Braddock, Pa.\nSunday 14th. At Captn. Crawfords all day. Went to see a Coal Mine not far from his house on the Banks of the River. The\nCoal seemd to be of the very best kind, burning freely & abundance of it.\nMonday 15th. Went to view some Land which Captn. Crawford had taken up for me near the Yaughyaughgane distant about 12 Miles. This Tract which contains about 1600 Acres Includes some as fine Land as ever I saw\u2014a great deal of Rich Meadow and in general, is leveller than the Country about it. This Tract is well Waterd, and has a valuable Mill Seat (except that the stream is rather too slight, and it is said not constant more than 7 or 8 Months in the Year; but on acct. of the Fall, & other conveniences, no place can exceed it).\nIn going to this Land I passd through two other Tracts which Captn. Crawford had taken up for my Brothers Saml. and John. That belonging to the former, was not so rich as some I had seen; but very valuable on acct. of its levelness and little Stone, the Soil & Timber being good. That of the latter, had some Bottom Land up on sml. Runs that was very good (tho narrow) the Hills very rich, but the Land in genl. broken. I intended to have visited the Land which Crawford had procurd for Lund Washington this day also, but time falling short I was obligd to Postpone it making it in the Night before I got back to Crawfords where I found Colo. Stephen.\nThe Lands which I passd over today were generally Hilly, and the growth chiefly white Oak, but very good notwithstanding; & what is extraordinary, & contrary to the property of all other Lands I ever saw before, the Hills are the richest Land, the soil upon the sides and Summits of them, being as black as a Coal, & the Growth Walnut, Cherry, Spice Bushes &ca. The flats are not so rich, & a good deal more mixd with stone.\n This area in Fayette County, Pa., was later known as Washington Bottom. In 1774 GW built a mill there in partnership with Gilbert Simpson.\nTuesday 16. At Captn. Crawfords till the Evening, when I went to Mr. John Stephenson (on my way to Pittsburg) & lodgd. This day was visited by one Mr. Ennis who had traveld down the little Kanhawa (almost) from the head to the Mouth, on which he says the Lands are broken, the bottoms neither very wide nor rich, but covd. with Beach. At the Mouth the Lands are good, & continue so up the River; & about Weeling, & Fishing Ck., is according to his Acct. a body of fine Land. I also saw a Son of Captn. John Hardens who said he had been from the Mouth of little Kanhawa to the big, but his description of the Lands seemed\n to be so vague and indeterminate, that it was much doubted whether he ever was there or not. He says however that at the Mouth of the Big Kanhawa there may be abt. 20 or 25,000 acres of Land had in a Body that is good\u2014that you are not above five or 6 Miles to the Hills, & that the Falls of the Kanhawa are not above 10 Miles up it.\n At this point GW wrote: \u201cGo to the end of the Almk.\u201d The diary entries are continued on the back pages of the almanac.\nWednesday 17. Doctr. Craik & myself with Captn. Crawford and others arrivd at Fort Pitt, distant from the Crossing 43\u00bd Measurd Miles. In Riding this distance we pass over a great deal of exceeding fine Land (chiefly White Oak) especially from Sweigley Creek to Turtle Creek but the whole broken; resembling (as I think all the lands in this Country does) the Loudoun Land for Hills.\nWe lodgd in what is calld the Town\u2014distant abt. 300 yards from the Fort at one Mr. Semples who keeps a very good House of Publick Entertainment. These Houses which are built of Logs, & rangd into Streets are on the Monongahela, & I suppose may be abt. 20 in Number and inhabited by Indian Traders &ca.\nThe Fort is built in the point between the Rivers Alligany & Monongahela, but not so near the pitch of it as Fort Duquesne stood. It is 5 sided & regular, two of which (next the Land) are of Brick; the others Stockade. A Mote incompasses it. The Garrison consists of two Companies of Royal Irish Commanded by one Captn. Edmondson.\n Big Sewickley Creek in Westmoreland County, Pa., flows into the Youghiogheny near present-day West Newton, Pa.\n Turtle Creek flows into the Monongahela about 12 miles above Pittsburgh.\n GW is referring to the tavern kept by Samuel Semple in Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan\u2019s former storehouse. The tavern stood at what is now the corner of Water and Ferry streets in Pittsburgh. Apparently GW\u2019s total expenditures for the party at Semple\u2019s were \u00a326 1s. 10d., which he paid 21 Nov. on his return to Fort Pitt from the Ohio (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329).\n Capt. Charles Edmonstone of the 18th Regiment of Foot (Royal Irish). Edmonstone was still in command at Fort Pitt when British troops withdrew on General Thomas Gage\u2019s orders, 20 Nov. 1772 (gage papersClarence Edwin Carter, comp. and ed. The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763\u20131775. 2 vols. 1931\u201333. Reprint. Hamden, Conn., 1969., 2:638); he supervised the demolition of the fort and the sale of its materials to Pittsburgh civilians (frontier fortsReport of the Commission to Locate the Site of the Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania. 2 vols. [Harrisburg], Pa., 1896., 2:123).\nThursday 18th. Dind in the Fort with Colo. Croghan & the Officers of the Garrison. Supped there also meeting with great Civility from the Gentlemen, & engagd to dine with Colo. Croghan the next day at his Seat abt. 4 Miles up the Alligany.\nFriday 19th. Recd. a Message from Colo. Croghan, that the White Mingo & other Chiefs of the 6 Nations had something to say to me, & desiring that I woud be at his House abt. 11. (where they were to meet) I went up and receivd a Speech with a String of wampum from the White Mingo to the following effect.\nThat as I was a Person who some of them remember to have\nseen when I was sent on an Embassy to the French, and most of them had heard of; they were come to bid me welcome to this Country, and to desire that the People of Virginia woud consider them as friends & Brothers linked together in one chain\u2014that I wd. inform the Governor, that it was their wish to live in peace and harmy. with the white People, & that tho their had been some unhappy differences between them and the People upon our Frontiers, it was all made up, and they hopd forgotten; and concluded with saying, that, their Brothers of Virginia did not come among them and Trade as the Inhabitants of the other Provences did, from whence they were affraid that we did not look upon them with so friendly an Eye as they coud wish.\nTo this I answerd (after thanking them for their friendly welcome) that all the Injuries & Affronts that had passd on either side was now totally forgotten, and that I was sure nothing was more wishd and desird by the People of Virginia than to live in the strictest friendship with them. That the Virginians were a People not so much engagd in Trade as the Pensylvanians, &ca., wch. was the Reason of their not being so frequently among them; but that it was possible they might for the time to come have stricter connections with them, and that I woud acquaint the Govr. with their desires.\nAfter dining at Colo. Croghan we returnd to Pittsburg\u2014Colo. Croghan with us, who intended to accompany us part of the Way down the River, having engagd an Indian calld the Pheasant & one Joseph Nicholson an Interpreter to attend us the whole Voyage. Also a young Indn. Warrior.\n The White Mingo (Conengayote) was a Six Nations chief of some importance in this area. He had been present at the conference at Fort Pitt in April and May 1768 of agents of Pennsylvania, the crown, and the Indians concerning settlers\u2019 encroachment on Indian lands. He had apparently settled at \u201cWhite Mingo\u2019s Castle\u201d on the Allegheny across the river from George Croghan\u2019s establishment and was living there after 1777. He is said to have married Mary Montour, niece of Andrew Montour, which would have connected him with one of the frontier\u2019s most important Indian families (craigNeville B. Craig, ed. The Olden Time; A Monthly Publication Devoted to the Preservation of Documents and other Authentic Information in Relation to the Early Explorations and the Settlement and Improvement of the Country around the Head of the Ohio. 2 vols. 1848. Reprint. Cincinnati, 1876., 1:344, 419). He should not be confused with another well-known Seneca also called White Mingo (Kanaghragait or John Cook), who was murdered by a trader on Middle Creek in present-day Snyder County, Pa., in Jan. 1768 (hannaCharles A. Hanna. The Wilderness Trail: Or The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsylvania Traders on the Allegheny Path: With Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones. 2 vols. New York and London, 1911., 2:56; johnson papersMilton W. Hamilton et al., eds. The Papers of Sir William Johnson. 14 vols. Albany, 1921\u201365., 12:454).\n See GW\u2019s diary of his \u201cJourney to the French Commandant,\u201d 1753.\n The Pheasant had attended the Indian Congress at Fort Stanwix in 1768 with a delegation of 16 warriors. He may have been an Oneida (johnson papersMilton W. Hamilton et al., eds. The Papers of Sir William Johnson. 14 vols. Albany, 1921\u201365., 12:628). GW paid the Pheasant and the young warrior \u00a3 10 13s. for their services on the trip to the Ohio (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329).\n Joseph Nicholson was well known on the frontier as a trader and interpreter.\nAs early as 1766 he was in trade with the Tuscarora (johnson papersMilton W. Hamilton et al., eds. The Papers of Sir William Johnson. 14 vols. Albany, 1921\u201365., 5:384), and he acted as interpreter on Maj. Gen. Daniel Brodhead\u2019s campaign in 1779. In May 1790 he was commissioned to bring the Indian chiefs Cornplanter, Half Town, and New Arrow to Philadelphia to confer with GW, and acted as interpreter during the talks.\nSaturday 20th. We Imbarkd in a large Canoe with sufficient Stores of Provision & Necessaries, & the following Persons (besides Doctr. Craik & myself) to wit\u2014Captn. Crawford Josh. Nicholson Robt. Bell\u2014William Harrison\u2014Chs. Morgan & Danl. Reardon a boy of Captn. Crawfords, & the Indians who went in a Canoe by themselves. From Fort Pitt we sent our Horses & boys back to Captn. Crawford wt. orders to meet us there again the 14th. day of November.\nColo. Croghan, Lieutt. Hamilton and one Mr. Magee set out with us. At two we dind at Mr. Magees & Incampd 10 Miles below, & 4 above the Logs Town. We passd several large Island which appeard to [be] very good, as the bottoms also did on each side of the River alternately; the Hills on one side being opposite to the bottoms on the other which seem generally to be abt. 3 and 4 hundred yards wide, & so vice versa.\n Robert Bell and served with the Virginia Regiment in 1754 and was discharged for injuries in Jan. 1755 (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1752\u201355, 273). In 1775 he was living near present-day McKee\u2019s Rocks, near Pittsburgh (see cresswellLincoln MacVeagh, ed. The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, 1774\u20131777. New York, 1924., 70). William Harrison was William Crawford\u2019s son-in-law. He was killed by Indians on the disastrous Sandusky campaign in 1782, which also claimed the life of his father-in-law (WHi: Draper Papers, E\u201311, 44). Charles Morgan and Daniel Reardon have not been further identified.\n Lt. Robert Hamilton of the Fort Pitt garrison was an officer in the 18th Regiment of Foot (Royal Irish).\n Alexander McKee (d. 1799), son of Capt. Thomas McKee, a Pennsylvania trader, acted as a British Indian agent at Fort Pitt 1755\u201375 and acquired extensive landholdings in Pennsylvania in the area of McKee\u2019s Rocks and in Kentucky (hobergWalter R. Hoberg. \u201cEarly History of Colonel Alexander McKee.\u201d Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 58 (1934): 26\u201336.). During the American Revolution he remained loyal to the crown, was held prisoner for a time at Pittsburgh, and finally fled to Detroit. He was a vigorous British agent among the Indians throughout the war and helped inflict extensive damage on the Americans on the frontier. After the Revolution he settled at Detroit, holding the post of deputy agent for Indian affairs for the area, and when the Americans occupied Detroit in 1796 he moved his establishment to the mouth of the Thames River in Canada.\nSunday 21. Left our Incampment abt. 6 Oclock & breakfasted at the Logs Town, where we parted with Colo. Croghan &ca. abt. 9 Oclock. At 11 we came to the Mouth of big Bever Creek, opposite\nto which is a good Situation for a House, & above it, on the same side (that is the west) there appears to be a body of fine Land. About 5 Miles lower down on the East side comes in Racoon C[ree]k at the Mouth of which, & up it appears to be a body of good Land also. All the Land between this Creek & the Monongahela & for 15 Miles back, is claimd by Colo. Croghan under a purchase from the Indians (and which sale, he says is confirmd by his Majesty). On this Creek where the Branches thereof interlock with the Waters of Shirtees Creek there is, according to Colo. Croghan\u2019s Acct. a body of fine Rich level Land. This Tract he wants to sell, & offers it at \u00a35 sterg. pr. hundd. with an exemption of Quitrents for 20 years; after which, to be subject to the payment of 4/2 Sterg. pr. Hundd., provided he can sell it in 10,000 Acre Lots. Note the unsettled state of this Country renders any purchase dangerous.\nFrom Racoon Creek to little Bever Creek appears to me to be little short of 10 Miles, & about 3 Miles below this we Incampd; after hiding a Barrl. of Bisquet in an Island (in Sight) to lighten our Canoe.\n Big Beaver Creek (now Beaver River) in Beaver County, Pa., flows into the Ohio from the north about 30 miles below Pittsburgh.\n Raccoon Creek enters the Ohio from the south about 32 miles below Pittsburgh and 2 miles below Big Beaver Creek (cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 78).\n Chartiers Creek, Washington and Allegheny counties, Pa., flows northeast into the Ohio about 2\u00bd miles below Pittsburgh. In 1771 GW acquired land in this area on Millers Run, a branch of Chartiers Creek.\n Little Beaver Creek enters the Ohio from the north, 10\u00be miles below Raccoon Creek and about 42 miles below Pittsburgh (cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 78; pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 166).\n Probably Mill Creek Island or Custard\u2019s Island.\nMonday 22d. As it began to Snow about Midnight, & continued pretty steadily at it, it was about \u00bd after Seven before we left our Incampment. At the distance of about 8 Miles we came to the Mouth of Yellow Creek (to the West) opposite to, or rather below which, appears to be a long bottom of very good Land, and the Assent to the Hills apparently gradual. There is another pretty large bottom of very good Land about two or 3 Miles above this. About 11 or 12 Miles from this, & just above what is calld the long Island (which tho so distinguishd is not very remarkable for length breadth or goodness) comes in on the East side the River, a small Creek or Run the name of which I coud not learn; and a Mile or two below the Island, on the West Side, comes in big stony Creek (not larger in appearance than the other) on\nneither of which does there seem to be any large bottoms or body\u2019s of good Land. About 7 Miles from the last Mentiond Creek 28 from our last Incampment, and about 75 from Pittsburg, we came to the Mingo Town Situate on the West side the River a little above the Cross Creeks.\nThis place contains abt. Twenty Cabbins, & 70 Inhabitants of the Six Nation.\nHad we set of early, & kept pritty constantly at it, we might have reachd lower than this place today; as the Water in many places run pretty swift, in general more so than yesterday.\nThe River from Fort Pitt to the Logs Town has some ugly Rifts & Shoals, which we found somewhat difficult to pass, whether from our inexperience of the Channel, or not, I cannot undertake to say. From the Logs Town to the Mouth of little Bever Creek is much the same kind of Water; that is, Rapid in some places\u2014gliding gently along in others, and quite still in many. The Water from little Bever Creek to the Mingo Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the preceeding day, & without any shallows, there being some one part or other always deep which is a natural consequence as the River in all the distance from Fort Pitt to this Town has not widend any at all nor doth the bottoms appear to be any larger. The Hills which come close to the River opposite to each bottom are steep; & on the side in view, in many places, Rocky & cragged; but said to abound in good land on the Top. These are not a range of Hills but broken, & cut in two as if there were frequent water courses running through (which however we did not perceive to be the case consequently they must be small if any). The River along down abounds in Wild Geese, and severl. kinds of Ducks but in no great quantity. We killd five wild Turkeys today.\nUpon our arrival at the Mingo Town we receivd the disagreeable News of two Traders being killd at a Town calld the Grape Vine Town, 38 Miles below this; which causd us to hesitate whether we shoud proceed or not, & wait for further Intelligence.\n Yellow Creek flows into the Ohio from the west, approximately 57 miles below Pittsburgh (see also hannaCharles A. Hanna. The Wilderness Trail: Or The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsylvania Traders on the Allegheny Path: With Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones. 2 vols. New York and London, 1911., 2:193).\n Probably Brown\u2019s Island, 9 miles below Yellow Creek.\n This stream may be Kings Creek, flowing into the Ohio from the east (clelandHugh Cleland. George Washington in the Ohio Valley. Pittsburgh, 1955., 250).\n Creeks flowing into the Ohio from opposite shores appear at several points on the Ohio and on the early maps are designated as Cross Creeks. The two referred to by GW are about 3\u00bc miles below present-day Steubenville, Ohio. The creek on the Ohio side is Indian Cross Creek; that on the West Virginia side, Virginia Cross Creek (see cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 80).\n The stretch of the river between Fort Pitt and Mingo Town was similarly described by Capt. Harry Gordon: \u201cThe country between these two Places is broken, with many high ridges or hills; the vallies narrow, and the course of the river plunged from many high grounds which compose its banks. When the water is high, you go with moderate rowing from six to seven miles an hour\u201d (pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 158).\nTuesday 23. Several imperfect Accts. coming in agreeing that only one Person was killd, & the Indians not supposing it to be done by their people, we resolvd to pursue our passage, till we coud get some more distinct Acct. of this Transaction. Accordingly abt. 2 Oclock we set out with the two Indians which was to accompany us, in our Canoe, and in about 4 Miles came to the Mouth of a Creek calld Seulf Creek, on the East side; at the Mouth of which is a bottom of very good Land, as I am told there likewise is up it.\nThe Cross Creeks (as they are calld) are not large, that on the West side however is biggest. At the Mingo Town we found, and left 60 odd Warriors of the Six Nations going to the Cherokee Country to proceed to War against the Cuttawba\u2019s. About 10 Miles below the Town we came to two other cross Creeks that on the West side largest, but not big; & calld by Nicholson French Creek. About 3 Miles or a little better below this, at the lower point of some Islands which stand contiguous to each other we were told by the Indians with us that three Men from Virginia (by Virginians they mean all the People settled upon Redstone &ca.) had markd the Land from hence all the way to Redstone\u2014that there was a body of exceding fine Land lying about this place and up opposite to the Mingo Town\u2014as also down to the Mouth of Fishing Creek. At this Place we Incampd.\n Probably Beech Bottom Run, near Wellsburg, W.Va.\n GW is referring to a second set of cross creeks, Indian Short Creek on the Ohio side and Virginia Short Creek on the West Virginia side (cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 82).\n These must be Pike Island and the Twin Islands (see cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 82).\n These men were possibly Silas, Ebenezer, and Jonathan Zane, members of a prominent pioneer family, who had explored this area in 1769 and moved their families to the vicinity of present-day Wheeling, W.Va., about 1770.\n Fishing Creek flows into the Ohio River near New Martinsville, W.Va., some 32 miles below Wheeling (cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 85).\nWednesday 24th. We left our Incampment before Sunrise, and abt. Six Miles below it, we came to the Mouth of a pretty smart Creek comg. in to the Eastward calld by the Indians Split Island Creek, from its running in against an Island. On this C[ree]k\nthere is the appearance of good Land a distance up it. Six Miles below this again, we came to another Creek on the West side, calld by Nicholson Weeling and abt. a Mile lower down appears to be another small Water coming in on the East side, which I remark, because of the Scarcity of them; & to shew how badly furnishd this Country is with Mill Seats. Two or three Miles below this again, is another Run on the West side; up which is a near way by Land to the Mingo Town; and about 4 Miles lower comes in another on the East at which place is a path leading to the settlement at Redstone. Abt. A Mile & half below this again, comes in the Pipe Creek so calld by the Indians from a Stone which is found here out of which they make Pipes. Opposite to this (that is on the East side), is a bottom of exceeding Rich Land; but as it seems to lye low, I am apprehensive that it is subject to be overflowd. This Bottom ends where the effects of a hurricane appears by the destruction & havock among the Trees.\nTwo or three Miles below the Pipe Creek is a pretty large Creek on the West side calld by Nicholson Fox Grape Vine by others Captema Creek on which, 8 Miles up it, is the Town calld the Grape Vine Town; & at the Mouth of it, is the place where it was said the Traders livd, & the one was killd. To this place we came abt. 3 Oclock in the Afternoon, & findg. no body there, we agreed to Camp; that Nicholson and one of the Indians might go up to the Town, & enquire into the truth of the report concerning the Murder.\n Probably Wheeling Creek and Wheeling Island, site of Wheeling, W.Va.\n This creek may be McMahon\u2019s Creek, 2 miles below Wheeling (cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 84).\n McMahon Run enters the Ohio near McMechen, W.Va. (clelandHugh Cleland. George Washington in the Ohio Valley. Pittsburgh, 1955., 253).\n Pipe Creek enters the river from the Ohio side, about 7 miles above Captina Creek in Belmont County, Ohio. GW later acquired this bottomland. In advertising his Ohio lands for sale, 1 Feb. 1796, he described it as \u201cRound Bottom . . . about 15 miles below Wheeling, a little above Captenon, and opposite to Pipe-Creek; bounded by the river in a circular form for 2 miles and 120 poles containing 587 acres\u201d (writingsJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 34:438).\nThursday 25th. About Seven Oclock Nicholson & the Indian returnd; they found no body at the Town but two Old Indian women (the Men being a Hunting). From these they learnt that the Trader was not killd, but drownd in attempting to Ford the Ohio; and that only one boy, belonging to the Trader, was in these parts; the Trader (fathr. to him) being gone for Horses to take home their Skins.\nAbout half an hour after 7 we set out from our Incampment around which, and up the Creek is a body of fine Land. In our Passage down to this, we see innumerable quantities of Turkeys, & many Deer watering, & brousing on the Shore side, some of which we killd. Neither yesterday nor the day before did we pass any Rifts or very rapid water\u2014the River gliding gently along\u2014nor did we perceive any alteration in the general face of the Country, except that the bottoms seemd to be getting a little longer & wider, as the Bends of the River grew larger.\nAbout 5 Miles from the Vine Creek comes in a very large Creek to the Eastward calld by the Indian\u2019s Cut Creek, from a Town, or a Tribe of Indians which they say was cut of entirely in a very bloody battle between them and the Six Nations. This Creek empties just at the lower end of an Island, and is 70 or 80 yards wide and I fancy is the Creek commonly calld by the People of Redstone &ca. Weeling. It extends according to the Indians acct. a great way, & Interlocks with the Branches of Split Island Creek; abounding in very fine bottoms, and exceeding good Land. Just below this, on the west side, comes in a sml. Run; & about 5 Miles below it on the West side also another midling large Creek emptys, calld by the Indian broken Timber Creek; so named from the Timber that is destroyd on it by a Hurricane; on the head of this was a Town of the Delawares, which is now left. Two Miles lower down, on the same side, is another Creek smaller than the last & bearing (according to the Indians) the same name. Opposite to these two Creeks (on the East side) appears to be a large bottom of good Land. About 2 Miles below the last mentiond Creek on the East side, & at the end of the bottom aforementioned, comes in a sml. Creek or large Run. Seven Miles from this comes in Muddy Creek on the East Side the River\u2014a pretty large Creek and heads up against, & with, some of the Waters of Monongehela (according to the Indians Acct.) & contains some bottoms of very good Land; but in general the Hills are steep, & Country broken about it. At the Mouth of this Creek is the largest Flat I have seen upon the River; the Bottom extending 2 or 3 Miles up the River above it, & a Mile below; tho it does not seem to be of the Richest kind and yet is exceeding good upon the whole, if it be not too low & subject to Freshes.\nAbout half way in the long reach we Incampd, opposite to the beginning of a large bottom on the East side of the River. At this place we through out some lines at Night & found a Cat fish of the size of our largest River cats hookd to it in the Morning, tho it was of the smallest kind here. We found no Rifts in this days passage,\nbut pretty swift Water in some places, & still in others. We found the bottoms increasd in size, both as to length & breadth, & the River more Chokd up with Fallen Trees & the bottom of the River next the shores rather more Muddy but in general stony as it has been all the way down.\n Cut Creek is now called Fish Creek, entering the Ohio from the east near present-day Woodlands, Marshall County, W.Va.\n Fish Creek Island, Marshall County, W.Va.\n GW is mistaken. He had already passed Wheeling Creek and Wheeling Island.\n Probably what is now Johnson\u2019s Run, which enters the Ohio from the west in Monroe County, Ohio.\n Now Bishop Run, Monroe County, Ohio.\n Opossum Creek, entering the Ohio from Monroe County, Ohio.\n Proctor\u2019s Run, Proctor, W.Va.\n This stream may be Fishing Creek, entering the Ohio from the east near New Martinsville, W.Va.\nFriday 26th. Left our Incampment at half an hour after 6 Oclock & passd a small run on the West side about 4 Miles lower. At the lower end of the long reach, & for some distance up it, on the East side, is a large bottom, but low, & coverd with beach next the River shore, which is no Indication of good Land. The long reach is a strait course of the river for abt. 18 or 20 Miles which appears the more extraordinary as the Ohio in general, is remarkably crooked. There are several Islands in this reach, some containing an 100 or more Acres of land; but all I apprehend liable to be overflowed.\nAt the end of this reach we found one Martin & Lindsay two Traders; & from them learnt, that the Person drownd was one Philips attempting in Compa. with Rogers another Indn. Trader, to Swim the River with their Horses at an improper place; Rogers himself narrowly escaping. Five Miles lower down, comes in a large Creek from the Eastward, right against an Island of good land, at least a Mile or two in length. At the mouth of this Creek (the name of wch. I coud not learn except that it was calld by some Bulls Creek from one Bull that hunted on it) is a bottom of good Land, tho rather two much mixd with Beach. Opposite to this Island the Indians showd us a Buffalo Path, the Tracks of which we see.\nFive or Six Miles below the last mentiond Creek we came to the three Island (before wch.) we observd a small run on each side coming in. Below these Islands is a large body of flat Land, with a water course running through it on the East Side, and the\nHills back, neither so high, nor steep in appearance as they are up the River. On the other hand, the bottoms do not appear so rich, tho much longer & wider. The bottom last mentioned is upon a strait reach of the River, I suppose 6 or 8 Miles in length; at the lower end of which, on the East side, comes in a pretty large Run from the size of the Mouth. About this, above\u2014below & back, there seems to be a very large Body of flat Land with some little risings in it.\nAbout 12 Miles below the three Islands we Incampd just above the Mouth of a Creek which appears pretty large at the Mouth and just above an Island. All the Lands from a little below the Creek which I have distinguished by the name of Bull Creek, appears to be level, with some small Hillocks intermixd, as far as we coud see into the Country. We met with no Rifts today, but some pretty strong water upon the whole tolerable gentle. The sides of the River was a good deal incommoded with old Trees, wch. impeded our passage a little.\nThis day provd clear & pleasant, the only day since the 18th. that it did not Rain or Snow or threaten the one or other very hard.\n Possibly Grandview Run, near New Matamoras, Ohio (clelandHugh Cleland. George Washington in the Ohio Valley. Pittsburgh, 1955., 256).\n In this long reach cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 85, notes five islands: \u201cPeyton\u2019s, Williamson, Pursley\u2019s, Wilson\u2019s and John Williamson\u2019s . . . all of which keep to the left.\u201d\n The identity of these traders is uncertain. martin: may be John Martin, an Englishman who was in trade with the Indians on the Ohio and employed other traders to work for him. A John Martin was a prisoner (c.1764) at the Lower Shawnee Town. lindsay: may be John Lindsay, a trader living at Pittsburgh in 1760\u201361. philips: possibly Nicholas Phillips, a trader at Pittsburgh in 1760, or Philip Phillips, a Pittsburgh householder in 1761 who was active on the frontier and acted as interpreter for Sir William Johnson at Fort Stanwix in 1768 (hannaCharles A. Hanna. The Wilderness Trail: Or The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsylvania Traders on the Allegheny Path: With Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones. 2 vols. New York and London, 1911., 1:244, 2:191, 231, 288, 360\u201361).\n Probably Middle Island and Middle Island Creek.\n Eureka, Broadback, and Willow islands, commonly called the Three Brothers.\n Probably the Little Muskingum, which enters the Ohio from the west just above Devol\u2019s Island.\nSaturday 27. Left our Incampment a Quarter before Seven, and after passing the Creek near wch. we lay, & another much the same size & on the same side (West); also an Island abt. 2 Miles in length (but not wide) we came to the Mouth of Muskingham, distant from our Incampment abt. 4 Miles. This River is abt. 150 yards wide at the Mouth; a gentle currant & clear stream runs out of it, & is navigable a great way into the Country for Canoes.\nFrom Muskingham to the little Kanhawa is about 13 Miles. This is about as wide at the Mouth as the Muskingham, but the water much deeper. It runs up towards the Inhabitants of Monongahela, and according to the Indians Acct. Forks about 40 or 50 Miles up it; and the Ridge between the two Prongs leads directly to the Settlement. To this Fork, & above, the Water is navigable for Canoes. On the upper side of this River there appears to be a bottom of exceeding rich Land and the Country from hence quite up to the 3 Islands level & in appearance fine. The River (Ohio) running round it in the nature of a horse shoe, forms a Neck of flat Land wch. added to that rung. up the 2d. long reach (aforementiond) cannot contain less than 50,000 Acres in view.\nAbout 6 or 7 Miles below the Mouth of the Canhawa we came to a small Creek on the west side, which the Indns. calld little Hockhocking; but before we did this, we passd another sml. Creek on the same side near the Mouth of the River & a cluster of Islands afterwards. The lands for two or three Miles below the Mouth of the Canhawa on both sides the Ohio, appear broken & indifferent; but opposite to the little hockhocking there is a bottom of exceeding good Land, through wch. there runs a smal water course. I suppose there may be of this bottom & flat Land together, two or three thousand Acres. The lower end of this bottom is opposite to a smal Island wch. I dare say little of it is to be seen when the River is high. About 8 Miles below little Hockhocking we Incampd opposite to the Mouth of the great Hockhocking, which tho so calld is not a large water; tho the Indians say Canoes can go up it 40 or 50 Miles.\nSince we left the little Kanhawa the Land neither appear so level nor good. The Bends of the River & Bottoms are longer indeed but not so rich, as in the upper part of the River.\n Duck Creek is almost opposite Devol\u2019s Island.\n Devol\u2019s or Meigs\u2019 Island, now called Buckley Island (cookRoy Bird Cook. Washington\u2019s Western Lands. Strasburg, Va., 1930., 21).\n The Muskingum River flows into the Ohio from the west at Marietta, Ohio.\n The Little Kanawha flows into the Ohio from the east at Parkersburg, W.Va.\n the settlement: that is, the settled area in the vicinities of Fort Pitt and Red Stone.\n The small creek is probably Putnam\u2019s Run or Davis Run, entering the Ohio from the west. At this time there were five islands in the stretch of river between the Little Kanawha and the Little Hocking rivers, known later as Blennerhassett, Four Acre, Towhead, Newbury, and Mustapha. \u201cIt seems evident that Washington passed the head of Blennerhassett without observing the Virginia channel. . . . The \u2018cluster of Islands\u2019 would not have been observed\nuntil Washington\u2019s party had proceeded down the river to the foot of the large island, when, would have come into view, the \u2018Four Acre\u2019 lying in the Virginia channel, and \u2018Towhead\u2019 just below.\u201d Changes in the course of the river have now made both part of Blennerhassett Island (cookRoy Bird Cook. Washington\u2019s Western Lands. Strasburg, Va., 1930., 22\u201323). GW later acquired land in this area. On 1 Feb. 1796, he offered for sale \u201cthe first large bottom below the mouth of the Little Kenhawa, beginning 3 or 4 miles therefrom, and about 12 or 15 miles below Marietta. Its breadth on the river is 5 miles and 120 poles, and contents 2314 [acres]\u201d (writingsJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 34:438).\nSunday 28th. Left our Incampment about 7 Oclock. Two Miles below, a sml. run comes in on the East side thro a piece of Land that has a very good appearance, the Bottom beginning above our Incampment, & continuing in appearance wide for 4 Miles down, to a place where there comes in a smal Run & to the Hills. And to where we found Kiashuta and his Hunting Party Incampd.\nHere we were under a necessity of paying our Compliments, As this person was one of the Six Nation Chiefs, & the head of them upon this River. In the Person of Kiashuta I found an old acquaintance. He being one of the Indians that went with me to the French in 1753. He expressd a satisfaction in seeing me and treated us with great kindness, giving us a Quarter of very fine Buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that Night with him, and in order to retard us as little as possible movd his Camp down the River about 3 Miles just below the Mouth of a Creek the name of which I could not learn (it not being large). At this place we all Incampd. After much Councelling the overnight they all came to my fire the next Morning, with great formality; when Kiashuta rehearsing what had passd between me & the Sachems at Colo. Croghan\u2019s, thankd me for saying that Peace & friendship was the wish of the People of Virginia (with them) & for recommending it to the Traders to deal with them upon a fair & equitable footing; and then again expressd their desire of having a Trade opend with Virginia, & that the Governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith, but of their friendly disposition towards the white People. This I promisd to do.\n Lee\u2019s Creek, Wood County, W.Va.\n Pond Creek, Wood County, W.Va.\n Probably Shade River, Meigs County, Ohio.\nMonday 29th. The tedious ceremony which the Indians observe in their Councellings & speeches, detained us till 9 Oclock. Opposite to the Creek just below wch. we Incampd, is a pretty long bottom, & I believe tolerable wide; but abt. 8 or 9 Miles below the aforemend. Creek, & just below a pavement of Rocks on the\nwest side, comes in a Creek with fallen Timber at the Mouth, on which the Indians say there is wide bottom\u2019s, & good Land. The River bottom\u2019s above for some distance is very good, & continues for near half a Mile below the Creek. The pavement of Rocks are only to be seen at low water. Abt. a mile, or a little better below the Mouth of the Creek there is another pavement of Rocks on the East side in a kind of Sedgey Ground. On this Creek many Buffaloes use[d to be] according to the Indians Acct. Six Miles below this comes in a small Creek on the west side at the end of a small naked Island, and just above another pavement of Rocks. This Creek comes thro a Bottom of fine Land, & opposite to it (on the East side the River) appears to be large bottom of very fine Land also. At this place begins what they call the great Bent. 5 Miles below this again, on the East side, comes in (abt. 200 yds. above a little stream or Gut) another Creek; which is just below an Island, on the upper point of which are some dead standing trees, & a parcel of white bodied Sycamores. In the Mouth of this Creek lyes a Scycamore blown down by the wind. From hence an East line may be Run 3 or 4 Miles; thence a North Line till it strikes the River, which I apprehend woud Include about 3 or 4000 Acres of exceeding valuable Land. At the Mouth of this C[ree]k which is 3 or 4 Miles above two Islands (at the lower end of the last, is a rapid, & the Point of the Bend) is the Wariors Path to the Cherokee Country. For two Miles & an half below this the River Runs a No. Et. Course, & finished what they call the Great Bent. Two Miles & an half below this again we Incampd.\n The Long Bottom is in Meigs County, Ohio.\n Big Sandy Creek enters the Ohio at Ravenswood, W.Va. GW later acquired 2,448 acres of bottomland in this area (writingsJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 34:438).\n Probably Oldtown Creek, which flows into the Ohio from the west.\n George\u2019s Island in the Ohio just above Big and Little Mills creeks, which enter the river from the east.\n Letart\u2019s Rapids, Mason County, W.Va. The islands were unnamed but are numbered 44 and 45 in cramerZadok Cramer. The Navigator: Containing Directions for Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers . . . and a Concise Description of their Towns, Villages, Harbours, Settlements, &c. 7th ed. Pittsburgh, 1811., 94. Pownall noted that \u201cthe Water is so rapid that they are obliged to haul the Canoes with Ropes in coming up for near a Furlong along the South East Side\u201d (pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 139).\nTuesday 30th. We set out at 50 Minutes passd Seven\u2014the Weather being Windy & Cloudy (after a Night of Rain). In about 2 Miles we came to the head of a bottom (in the shape of a horse Shoe) which I judge to be about 6 Miles r[oun]d; the beginning of the bottom appeard to be very good Land, but the lower part (from the Growth) did not seem so friendly. An East\ncourse from the lower end woud strike the River again above, about the Beging. of the bottom.\nThe upper part of the bottom we Incampd in was an exceeding good one, but the lower part rather thin Land & coverd with Beach. In it is some clear Meadow Land and a Pond or Lake. This bottom begins just below the Rapid at the point of the Great Bent, from whence a N. N. Wt. Course woud answer to run a parrallel to the next turn of the River.\nThe River from this place narrows very considerably, & for 5 or 6 Miles or more, is scarcely more than 150 or 200 yards over. The Water yesterday, except the Rapid at the Great Bent, & some swift places about the Islands was quite Dead, & as easily passd one way as the other; the Land in general appeard level & good. About 10 Miles below our Incampment & a little lower down than the bottom describd to lye in the shape of a horse Shoe comes in a small Creek on the West side, and opposite to this on the East begins a body of flat Land which the Indians tell us runs quite across the Fork to the Falls in the Kanhawa, and must at least be 3 days walk across. If so the Flat Land containd therein must be very considerable. A Mile or two below this we Landed, and after getting a little distance from the River we came (without any rising) to a pretty lively kind of Land grown up with Hicky. & Oaks of different kinds, intermixd with Walnut &ca. here & there. We also found many shallow Ponds, the sides of which abounding in grass, invited innumerable quantities of wild fowl among which I saw a Couple of Birds in size between a Swan & Goose; & in colour somewhat between the two; being darker than the young Swan and of a more sutty Colour. The Cry of these was as unusual as the Bird itself, as I never heard any noize resembling it before. Abt. 5 Miles below this we Incampd. in a bottom of Good Land which holds tolerably flat & rich for some distance out.\n Probably Leading Creek, entering the Ohio from the east, 18 miles below Letart\u2019s Rapids.\n The Falls of the Great Kanawha are approximately 2 miles below the junction of the Gauley and New rivers. Hutchins notes, \u201cAfter going 10 miles up Kanhawa the land is hilly, and the water a little rapid for 50 or 60 miles further to the Falls, yet Batteaus or Barges may be easily rowed thither. These Falls were formerly thought impassable; but late discoveries have proved, that a waggon road may be made through the mountain\u201d (hutchinsThomas Hutchins. A Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina, Comprehending the Rivers Ohio, Kenhawa, Sioto, Cherokee, Wabash, Illinois, Missisippi, &c . . .. London, 1778., 22).\n Perhaps the great northern diver, or common loon, although GW\u2019s description would also fit the great blue heron or the American bittern.\nWednesday 31st. I sent the Canoe along down to the Junction of the two Rivers abt. 5 Miles that is the Kanhawa with the Ohio and set out upon a hunting Party to view the Land. We steerd nearly East for about 8 or 9 Miles then bore Southwardly, & westwardly, till we came to our camp at the confluence of the Rivers. The Land from the Rivers appeard but indifferent, & very broken; whether these ridges might not be those that divide the Waters of the Ohio from the Kanhawa is not certain, but I believe they are. If so the Lands may yet be good. If not, that which lyes of the River bottoms is good for little.\n Roy Bird Cook suggests that this \u201capparently involved a journey to the headwaters of Oldtown Creek, West Virginia, over the divide to Crooked Creek and down that stream to the site of Point Pleasant. It marked the southernmost point ever reached by Washington in the Ohio Valley; four miles above the site of the French settlement at Gallipolis, Ohio, and forty miles above the site of Huntington, West Virginia\u201d (cookRoy Bird Cook. Washington\u2019s Western Lands. Strasburg, Va., 1930., 25).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 3 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday 3d. We set of down the River on our return homewards, and Incampd at the Mouth; at the Beginning of the Bottom above the Junction of the Rivers, and at the Mouth of a branch on the Eastside, I markd two Maples, an Elm, & Hoopwood Tree as A Cornr. of the Soldiers L[an]d (if we can get it) intending to take all the bottom from hence to the Rapids in the Great Bent into one Survey. I also markd at the Mouth of another Gut lower down on the West side (at the lower end of the long bottom) an Ash and hoopwood for the Beginning of another of the Soldiers Survey to extend up so as to Include all the Bottom (in a body) on the West side. In coming from our last Incampment up the Kanhawa I endeavourd to take the courses & distances of the River by a Pocket Compass, & guessing; which I make thus. N. by W. 2 Mile\u2014NNW 11/2 Do. NW \u00bd Do. to the Mouth of a pretty smart Creek to the Eastward\u2014No. Wt. 2 Do. to another Creek of the same size on the same side\u2014West \u00bd a Mile\u2014WNW \u00bd a Mile\u2014N. Wt. 1 Do. WNW 2 Do. W by N 2 Do.\u2014NW 11/2 Do. WNW \u00bd Do. to the Mouth.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-04-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 4 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday 4. The Ohio from the Mou\u27e8th\u27e9 of the Kanhawa runs thus\u2014North 2 Miles\u2014NNW 11/4 to the Mouth of a Creek & old Shawne Town N 6 W 11/2 Miles\u2014NEt. 1 Do.\u2014NE by Et. 11/2 NNEt. 4 Do. ENE \u00be of a Mile to the Mouth of a C[ree]k on the\nwest side, & to the Hills, wch. the Indians say is always a fire to which the Bottom from the Mouth of the Kanhawa continues & then ends. After passing these Hills (which may run on the River near a Mile) there appears to be another pretty good Bottom on the East side. At this place we met a Canoe going to the Illinoies with Sheep and at this place also, that is at the end of the Bottom from the Kanhawa, just as we came to the Hills, we met with a Sycamore abt. 60 yards from the River of a most extraordinary size it measuring (3 feet from the Gd.) 45 feet round, lacking two Inches & not 50 yards from it was another 31.4 round (3 feet from the Gd. also). The 2d. Bottom hinted at the other side (that is the one lying above the Bottom that reaches from the Kanhawa) is that taken notice of the 30th. Ulto. to lye in the shape of a Horse Shoe, & must from its situation, & quantity of level Ground be very valuable, if the Land is but tolerably good. After passing this bottom & abt. a Mile of Hills we enterd into the 3d. Bottom and Incampd. This bottom reaches within about half a Mile of the Rapid at the point of the Great Bent.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday 5th. I set of the Canoe with our Baggage & walkd across the Neck on foot with Captn. Crawford distant according to our Walking about 8 Miles as we kept a strait course under the Foot of the Hills which run about So. Et. & was two hours & an half walking of it. This is a good Neck of Land the Soil being generally good; & in places very rich. Their is a large proportion of Meadow Ground, and the Land as high, dry, & Level as one coud wish. The growth in most places is beach intermixd with walnut &ca. but more especially with Poplar (of which there are numbers very large). The Land towards the upper end is black Oak, & very good. Upon the whole a valuable Tract might be had here, & I judge the quantity to be about 4000 Acres. After passing this Bottom & the Rapid, as also some Hills wch. just pretty close to the River, we came to that Bottom before remarkd the 29th. Ulto.; which being well describd, there needs no further remark except that the Bottom within view appears to be exceeding rich; but as I was not out upon it, I cannot tell how it\nis back from the River. A little above this Bottom we Incampd\u2014the afternoon being rainy & Night wet.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday 6th. We left our Incampment a little after daylight, & in about 5 Miles we came to Kiashutes Hunting Camp which was now removd to the Mouth of that Creek noted Octr. 29 for having fallen Timber at the Mouth of it, in a bottom of good land. Between the Bottom last describd & this bottom, there is nothing but Hills on the East side except a little flat of a 100 Acres or so, between. This Bottom thro which the Creek comes may be about 4 or 5 Miles in length & tolerably wide. Grown up pretty much with Beach tho the Soil is good. By the kindness, and Idle ceremony of the Indians, I was detaind at Kiashutas Camp all the remaing. part of this day; and having a good deal of conversation with him on the Subject of Land. He informd me, that, it was further from the mouth of the Great Kanhawa to the Fall of that River than it was between the two Kanhawas\u2014that the Bottom on the West side (which begins near the Mouth of the Kanhawa) continues all the way to the Falls without the Interposition of Hills, and widens as it goes, especially from a pretty large Creek that comes in abt. 10 or 15 Miles higher up than where we were\u2014that in the Fork there is a body of go\u27e8od\u27e9 Land and at some pretty consider\u27e8able\u27e9 distance above this, the River forks again at an Island, & there begins the Reed or Cain to grow\u2014that the Bottoms on the East side of the River are also very good, but broken with Hills and that the River is easily passd with Canoes to the Falls wch. cannot be less than 100 M\u27e8iles\u27e9 but further it is not possible to go with them and that there is but one ridge f\u27e8rom\u27e9 thence to the Settlements upon the River above, that it is possible for a Man to travel; the Country betw\u27e8een\u27e9 being so much broken with steep Hills & precipices. He further informd (which \u27e8 \u27e9 seemed to be corroborated by all \u27e8 \u27e9 with whom I conversd) that the \u27e8 \u27e9 back of the Short broken Hills th\u27e8 \u27e9 but down upon the Rivers are \u27e8 \u27e9 uneven, & not rich, except the \u27e8 \u27e9 upon Creeks, till you come towards \u27e8 \u27e9 heads of the Creeks; then the La\u27e8 \u27e9 grows leveller, and the soil rich \u27e8 \u27e9.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0007", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 7 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n Wednesday 7th. We set out \u27e8 \u27e9 \u00bd an hour after Seven and af\u27e8 \u27e9sing the Botton through which \u27e8 \u27e9 Creek with the fallen Timber at the Mouth Runs & which I believe is calld Buffalo Creek, we came to a range of Hills for a Mile or more in length upon the River (East side) then comes in the Bottom, opposite to wch. the Creek below wch. we lodgd at with the Indians the 28th. Ulto. empties. This also appears to be a bottom of 4 or 5 Miles in length, and tolerable good from the River. When we \u27e8 \u27e9 pass this Bottom the Hills (rather \u27e8 \u27e9aller & flatter than usual) comes \u27e8 \u27e9se to the River (East side for 4 or \u27e8 m\u27e9iles) then begins another Bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 above, or opposite to a small \u27e8 \u27e9nd; but before we came to this \u27e8 m\u27e9ile, or two, we passd a good smart \u27e8 \u27e9 on the East side. This Bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 opposite to Great Hockhocking \u27e8 \u27e9 above which, & opposite to Dela\u27e8ware\u27e9 Hunting Party, we Incampd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n\u27e8Thur\u27e9sday 8th. We left our Incamp\u27e8ment\u27e9 as soon as we coud clearly dis\u27e8tingu\u27e9ish the rocks; and after pas\u27e8 \u27e9 Bottom which neither ap\u27e8 \u27e9 to be long, wide, nor very \u27e8 \u27e9 came to a Second Bottom noticd the 27th. Ulto. opposite to a Creek on the west side called by the Indian\u2019s little hockhocking, but may easily be distinguishd by having a lar\u27e8ge\u27e9 Stone just at its Mouth (the upper side). This bottom is about 7 in length and appears to be very wide, and go\u27e8od\u27e9 and must be very valuable if it \u27e8is\u27e9 not liable to be overflowd, some pa\u27e8rt\u27e9 of it appearing low. The lower part of this bottom (as was obser\u27e8ved\u27e9 the 27th. Ulto.) is opposite to a smal barren Island with only a few bu\u27e8shes\u27e9 on it\u2014the upper part of it begin\u27e8 \u27e9 at much such another place o\u27e8 \u27e9 side (and part of a pretty long \u27e8 \u27e9 and at a drain or small run Th\u27e8at \u27e9 comes out of the Hills. This is \u27e8 \u27e9 in a Mile or two of the Mouth \u27e8 \u27e9 Kanhawa, & the next Bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 except a little narrow slipe \u27e8 \u27e9 at the foot of the Hills below the \u27e8 \u27e9. At the Mouth of the Ka\u27e8nawha\u27e9 Captn. Crawford, one of the In\u27e8dians\u27e9 and myself, left the Canoe, in\u27e8ten\u27e9ding to meet it again at the \u27e8 \u27e9 of Muskingham about 13 M\u27e8iles\u27e9 above, but the Indian by \u27e8 \u27e9 brought us to the River \u27e8 \u27e9 Miles below it. In this excursion we passd over various kinds of Lands some tolerable good white Oak Ground level, & meadowey\u2014some \u27e8v\u27e9ery Hilly, & broken with Stone; and \u27e8s\u27e9ome black Oak, thinly timberd but \u27e8g\u27e9ood for Farming and others abt. \u27e8 \u27e9 Mile before we came to the River \u27e8w\u27e9hich was at a place where there \u27e8wa\u27e9s no\nbottom) exceeding good, full \u27e8 \u27e9el enough, & well timberd with \u27e8 \u27e9 & black Oak; but in all the Gd. \u27e8 \u27e9 passd over today, & I suppose \u27e8 \u27e9 coud not have walkd less than \u27e8 \u27e9 Miles there was no Water. This \u27e8 \u27e9art of the Land where I thoug\u27e8 \u27e9 Octr. 27) 50,000 Acres might \u27e8 \u27e9t; but it does not answer my \u27e8expe\u27e9ctations. However, by falling \u27e8 \u27e9 the River too low, I apprehend \u27e8 \u27e9 the worst of it; as we were \u27e8 \u27e9 the Ridges that divide the Wa\u27e8 \u27e9t Ohio from the Kanhawa; & \u27e8 \u27e9 up, towards the 3 Islands, has \u27e8 \u27e9 appearance. \u27e8 \u27e9st below the Mouth of Mus\u27e8 \u27e9 Incampd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n\u27e8Su\u27e9nday 11th. The last Night provd \u27e8a\u27e9 Night of incessant Rain attended \u27e8w\u27e9ith thunder and lightning. The \u27e8ri\u27e9ver by this Morning had raisd abt. \u27e8 \u27e9 feet perpendicular and was \u27e8lev\u27e9elling fast. The Rain seeming \u27e8to a\u27e9bate a little and the wind spring\u27e8ing\u27e9 up in our favour we were \u27e8te\u27e9mpted to set of; but were deceivd \u27e8 \u27e9 both; for the Wind soon ceasd, & \u27e8the\u27e9 Rain continued without inter\u27e8rup\u27e9tion till about 4 Oclock when \u27e8it\u27e9 moderated. However tho we \u27e8did\u27e9 not sit of till Eleven, We got \u27e8to the\u27e9 head of the long reach abt. \u27e8 \u27e9les the River continuing to \u27e8 \u27e9 fast, & much choakd with \u27e8 \u27e9 wood.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0016", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n\u27e8Friday\u27e9 16th. Directing the Canoe \u27e8 \u27e9 me at the Mouth of the \u27e8 \u27e9 by the Indians split Island \u27e8 \u27e9 which I have since found \u27e8 \u27e9e one distinguished by the \u27e8 \u27e9t of Redstone &ca. by the \u27e8 \u27e9eling; I set out with Capt\u27e8n\u27e9. \u27e8 \u27e9n foot, to take a view \u27e8 \u27e9 a little distance from the \u27e8 \u27e9 doing this we asscended Hills \u27e8 \u27e9 to be almost impassable, \u27e8 \u27e9 the River with stone & \u27e8 \u27e9 Timber. Back of these \u27e8 gro\u27e9und is very uneven, & ex\u27e8 \u27e9n\u27e8 \u27e9 spots, not very good; \u27e8 \u27e9ly well Timbered\u2014as far \u27e8 \u27e9 see into the Country the \u27e8 \u27e9 his kind. Coming on \u27e8 \u27e9 split Island Creek) some \u27e8 \u27e9 on the Mouth, we had \u27e8 opportu\u27e9nity of observing from \u27e8 \u27e9, which are very high the course of the Creek which Mea\u27e8n\u27e9ders through a bottom of fine land especially at the Forks where there appears to be a large body of it. The vail (through which this Creek runs) as far as we coud see up it, appears to be wide, & the Soil of the Hills which confines it good, tho very steep in some places. On this Creek, which heads up a little to the Southward of Redstone Settlement, there is, according to the Indians Acct., & all the accts. I coud get, a great deal of fine land. The Body of flat Land at the Forks is but a very little way from the River in a direct line & may contain\nI guess a thousand Acres or more. Below the Mouth of this Creek there is a bottom of pretty good Land but not large and about 5 Miles above at the Mouth of a small run which comes in at the lower point of a Island (& which by mistake I calld, Octr. 23d. Fishing Creek) there is a bottom of as fine land as can possibly be but not large containing not more than two or 300 Acres. At the head of this Bottom & a little below the 2d. cross Creeks we Incampd dista\u27e8nt\u27e9 from our last 13 or fourteen Miles. Here it was for the 2d. time that the Indian with me spoke of a fine piece of Land and beautiful place for a House & in order to give me a more lively Idea of it, chalk out the situation upon his Deerskin. It lyes upon Bull Creek, at least 30 Miles from the Mouth, but not more than 5 from the Mouth of Muddy Creek, in an ESE direction. The spot he recommends for a House lyes very high commanding a prospect of a great deal of level Land below on the Creek\u2014the Ground about it very rich & a fine spring in the middle of it about which many Buffaloes use & have made great Roads. Bull Creek according to his Acct. runs parrallel with the long reach in the Ohio\u2014not above 6 or 7 Miles from it, having fine bottoms which widen as it extends into the Country & towards the head of it is large bodies of level rich Land.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0017", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 17 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday 17th. By this Morning the River had fallen (in the whole) 2 or 3 & twenty feet, & was still lowering. Abt. 8 Oclock we set out, & passing the lower cross Creeks we came to a pretty long, & tolerable wide & good bottom on the East side the River; then comes in the Hills; just above which, is Buffalo Creek (a Creek I neither see nor remarkd in going down) upon which, and above it, between that & the cross Creeks near the Mingo Town (distant 3 or 4 Miles) is a Bottom of exceeding fine Land but not very large unless it extends up the Creek. About 3 Oclock we came to the Town without seeing our Horses the Indian (which was sent express for them) having passd through only the morning before (being detained by the Creeks which were too high to ford, without going high up them). Here we resolvd to wait their arrival which was expected tomor\u27e8row\u27e9 & here then will end our Water Voyage along a River the general course of which from Bever Creek to the Kanhawa is about S. Wt. (as near as I coud determine); but in its winding thro a narrow Vale, extreamely serpentine; forming on both sides the River alternately, Necks of very good (so\u27e8me\u27e9 exceeding fine) Bottoms; lying for the most part in the shape of a half Moon, & of various sizes. There is very little difference in the genl. width\nof the River from Fort Pitt to the Kanhawa; but in the depth I believe the odds is considerably in favour of the lower parts; as we found no shallows below the Mingo Town, except in one or two places where the River was broad; & there, I do not know but there might have been a deep Channel in some part of it. Every here and there are Islands some larger, & some smaller, which operating in the nature of Locks or Stops, occasion pretty still water above but for the most part strong & rapid water alongside of them. However there is none of these so swift but that a Vessel may be Rowd or set up with Poles. When the River is in its Natural State, large Canoes that will carry 5 or 6000 weight & more, may be workd against stream by 4 hands 20 & 25 Miles a day; & down, a good deal more. The Indians who are very dexterous (even there women) in the Management of Canoes, have there Hunting Camps & Cabins all along the River for the convenience of Transporting their Skins by Water to Market. In the Fall, so soon as the Hunting Season comes on, they set out with their Familys for this purpose; & in Hunting will move there Camps from place to place till by the Spring they get 2 or 300, or more Miles from there Towns; Then Bever catch it in there way up which frequently brings them into the Month of May, when the Women are employd in Plantg.\u2014the Men at Market, & in Idleness, till the Fall again; when they pursue the same course again. During the Summer Months they live a poor & perishing life. The Indians who live upon the Ohio (the upper parts of it at least) are composd of Shawnas, Delawares, & some of the Mingos, who getting but little part of the Consideration that was given for the Lands Eastward of the Ohio, view the Settlement of the People upon this River with an uneasy & jealous Eye, & do not scruple to say that they must be compensated for their Right if the People settle thereon, notwithstanding the Cession of the Six Nations thereto. On the other hand, the People from Virginia & elsewhere, are exploring and Marking all the Lands that are valuable not only on Redstone & other Waters of Monongahela but along down the Ohio as low as the little Kanhawa; & by next Summer I suppose will get to the great Kanhawa, at least; how difficult it may be to contend with these People afterwards is easy to be judgd of from every days experience of Lands actually settled, supposing these to be made; then which nothing is more probable if the Indians permit them, from the disposition of the People at present. A few Settlements in the midst of some of the large Bottoms, woud render it impractacable to get any large qty. of Land Together; as the Hills all the way down the River (as\nlow as I went) come pretty close and are steep & broken incapable of Settlements tho some of them are rich and only fit to support the Bottoms with Timber and Wood. The Land back of the Bottoms as far as I have been able to judge, either from my own observations or from information, is nearly the same, that is exceeding une\u27e8ven\u27e9 & Hilly; & I do presume that there is no body\u2019s of Flat rich Land to be found till one gets far enough from the River to head the little runs & drains that comes through the Hills; & to the Sources (or near it) of the Creeks & there Branches. This it seems is the case of the Lands upon Monogahela and yaughe. & I fancy holds good upon this River till you get into the Flat Lands (or near them) below the Falls. The Bottom Land differs a good deal in quality. That highest up the River in general is richest; tho the Bottoms are neither so wide or long, as those below. Walnut, H. Loc\u27e8ust\u27e9 Cherry, & some other Woods, that grow Snarly, & neither Tall nor large, but coverd with Grape Vines (with the Fruit of which this Country at this Instant abounds) are the growth of the Richest Bottoms, but on the other hand these Bottoms appear to me to be the lowest & most subject to Floods. Sugar Tree and Ash, mixd with Walnut &ca. compose the growth of the next richest low grounds and Beach Poplar Oaks &ca. the last. The Soil of this is also good but inferior to either of the other kinds & beach Bottoms are excepted against on Acct. of the difficulty of clearing them there Roots spreading over a large Surface of Ground & being hard to kill.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday, 18th. Agreed with two Delaware Indians to carry up our Canoe to Fort Pitt for the doing of which I was to pay 6 Dollars & give them a Quart Tinn Can.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030-0019", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 19 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday 19th. The Delawares set of with the Canoe and our Horses not arriving, the day appeard exceeding long & tedious. Upon conversing with Nicholson I found he had been two or three times to Fort Chartres at the Illinois, and got from him the following Acct. of the Lands between this & that; & upon the Shawna River; on which he had been a Hunting. The Lands down the Ohio grow more & more level as you approach the Falls, and about 150 Miles below them, the Country appears quite Flat, & exceeding rich. On the Shawna River (which comes into the Ohio 400 Miles below the Falls & about\n1100 from Pittsburg) up which he had hunted 300 & more Miles the Lands are exceeding Level, rich, fine, but a good deal intermixed with Cain or Reed, which mig\u27e8ht\u27e9 render them difficult to clear; that game of all kinds was to be found here in the greatest abundance, especially Buffalo\u2014that from Fort Chartres to Pitts burg by Land, is co\u27e8m\u27e9puted 800 Miles; & in travelling th\u27e8ro\u27e9 the Country from that place he f\u27e8ound\u27e9 the Soil very rich\u2014the Ground exceeding level to O. Post (a French s\u27e8ettle\u27e9ment) & from Opost to the Lower Sha\u27e8w\u27e9na Town on Scioto equally flat\u2014that he passd through large Planes 30 Miles in length without a Tree except little Islands of Wood\u2014th\u27e8at\u27e9 in these Planes thousands & 10,000\u27e8s\u27e9 of Buffalo may be seen feeding. That the distance from Fort Cha\u27e8rtres\u27e9 to Opost is about 240 Miles & the Country not very well Waterd\u2014from Opost to the lower Shawna Town about 300 more abounding in good springs & Rivulets\u2014that the remainder of the way to Fort Pitt is Hilly, & the Hills larger as you approach the Fort tho the L[an]d in general is also good. At Fort Pitt I got the distances from place to place down the Ohio as taken \u27e8by\u27e9 one Mr. Hutchings & which are as follows\u2014wt. some corrections of mine. \n From Fort Pitt to\n Little Bever Creek\n Buffalo Creek or Sculp C[ree]k\n Second cross Creeks\n Weeling or split Island C[ree]k\n Path to Redstone\n Broken Timber Creek\n 2d. Broken Timber C[ree]k\n Beging. of the long reach\n A Pretty large C[ree]k on the West\n Little Kanhawa\n Little Hockhocking\n Creek with fallen Timber at the Mouth\n A sm[al]l Creek on the West & beging. of Great Bent\n Another Sm[al]l C[ree]k on the East just above a Gut\n Rapid at the point of the Great Bent\n The distance by Hutchings is\n Big Buffalo Lick\u2014A Mile Eastward of the River\n Large Island divided by a gravelly Creek\n Little Mineamie River\n Great Mineamie River\n Where the Elephants Bones were found\n Kentucke River\n To where the low Country begins\n Beging. of the 5 Islands\n Large River on the East side\n Verry large Islands in the middle of the River\n Ouabache River\n Big Rock, & Cave on the Westside\n Cherokee River\n The Distances from For Pitt to the Mouth of the Great Kanhawa are set down agreeable to my own Computation, but from thence to the Mouth of River Ohio are strictly according to Hutchingss. Acct.\u2014which Acct. I take to be erroneous inasmuch as it appears that the Miles in the upper part of the River are very long, & those towards the Canhawa short, which I attribute to his setting of in a falling fresh & running slower as they proceeded on. The Letters E and W signifie wch. side of the River the respective Waters come in on, that is, whether on the East or West side.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0030", "content": "Title: [November 1770 (1)]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nNovember 1st. A little before eight Oclock we set of with our Canoe up the River to discover what kind of Lands lay upon the Kanhawa. The Land on both sides this River just at the Mouth is very fine; but on the East side when you get towards the Hills (which I judge to be about 6 or 700 yards from the River) it appears to be wet, & better adapted for Meadow than tillage. This bottom continues up the East side for about 2 Miles, & by going up the Ohio a good Tract might be got of bottom Land Including the old Shawna Town, which is about 3 Miles up the Ohio just above the Mouth of a C[ree]k\u2014where the aforementiond bottom ends on the East side the Kanhawa. An[othe]r begins on the W. which extends up it at least 50 Miles by the Indns. Acct. and of great width (to be ascertaind, as we come down) in many places very rich, in others somewhat wet & pondy; fit for Meadow; but upon the whole exceeding valuable, as the Land after you get out of the Rich bottom is very good for Grain tho not rich. We judgd we went up this River about 10 Miles today. On the East side appear to be some good bottoms but small\u2014neither long nor wide, & the Hills back of them rather steep & poor.\n The Great Kanawha.\nNovr. 2d. We proceeded up the River with the Canoe about 4 Miles more, & then incampd & went a Hunting; killd 5 Buffaloes &\nwounded some others\u2014three deer &ca. This Country abounds in Buffalo & wild game of all kinds; as also in all kinds of wild fowl, the\u27e8re\u27e9 being in the Bottoms a great many small grassy Ponds or Lakes which are full of Swans, Geese, & Ducks of different kinds.\nSome of our People went up the River 4 or 5 Miles higher & found the same kind of bottom on the West side, & we were told by the Indians that it continued to the Falls which they judgd to be 50 or 60 Miles higher up. This Bottom next the Water (in most places) is very rich. As you approach to the Hills you come (in many) to a thin white Oak Land, & poor. The Hills as far as we coud judge were from half a Mile to a Mile from the River; poor & steep in the parts we see, with Pine growing on them. Whether they are generally so, or not, we cannot tell but I fear they are.\nSaturday 3d. We set of down the River on our return homewards, and Incampd at the Mouth; at the Beginning of the Bottom above the Junction of the Rivers, and at the Mouth of a branch on the Eastside, I markd two Maples, an Elm, & Hoopwood Tree as A Cornr. of the Soldiers L[an]d (if we can get it) intending to take all the bottom from hence to the Rapids in the Great Bent into one Survey. I also markd at the Mouth of another Gut lower down on the West side (at the lower end of the long bottom) an Ash and hoopwood for the Beginning of another of the Soldiers Survey to extend up so as to Include all the Bottom (in a body) on the West side.\nIn coming from our last Incampment up the Kanhawa I endeavourd to take the courses & distances of the River by a Pocket Compass, & guessing; which I make thus. N. by W. 2 Mile\u2014NNW 11/2 Do. NW \u00bd Do. to the Mouth of a pretty smart Creek to the Eastward\u2014No. Wt. 2 Do. to another Creek of the same size on the same side\u2014West \u00bd a Mile\u2014WNW \u00bd a Mile\u2014N. Wt. 1 Do. WNW 2 Do. W by N 2 Do.\u2014NW 11/2 Do. WNW \u00bd Do. to the Mouth.\n Some 80 square miles of this land was eventually surveyed and granted to officers of the Virginia Regiment other than GW (see cookRoy Bird Cook. Washington\u2019s Western Lands. Strasburg, Va., 1930., 27).\nSunday 4. The Ohio from the Mou\u27e8th\u27e9 of the Kanhawa runs thus\u2014North 2 Miles\u2014NNW 11/4 to the Mouth of a Creek & old Shawne Town N 6 W 11/2 Miles\u2014NEt. 1 Do.\u2014NE by Et. 11/2 NNEt. 4 Do. ENE \u00be of a Mile to the Mouth of a C[ree]k on the\nwest side, & to the Hills, wch. the Indians say is always a fire to which the Bottom from the Mouth of the Kanhawa continues & then ends. After passing these Hills (which may run on the River near a Mile) there appears to be another pretty good Bottom on the East side. At this place we met a Canoe going to the Illinoies with Sheep and at this place also, that is at the end of the Bottom from the Kanhawa, just as we came to the Hills, we met with a Sycamore abt. 60 yards from the River of a most extraordinary size it measuring (3 feet from the Gd.) 45 feet round, lacking two Inches & not 50 yards from it was another 31.4 round (3 feet from the Gd. also).\nThe 2d. Bottom hinted at the other side (that is the one lying above the Bottom that reaches from the Kanhawa) is that taken notice of the 30th. Ulto. to lye in the shape of a Horse Shoe, & must from its situation, & quantity of level Ground be very valuable, if the Land is but tolerably good.\nAfter passing this bottom & abt. a Mile of Hills we enterd into the 3d. Bottom and Incampd. This bottom reaches within about half a Mile of the Rapid at the point of the Great Bent.\n Opposite the mouth of Campaign Creek, Gallia County, Ohio.\n Roy Bird Cook suggests this camp was \u201cabout the mouth of Broad Creek, above New Haven, West Virginia\u201d (cookRoy Bird Cook. Washington\u2019s Western Lands. Strasburg, Va., 1930., 27).\nMonday 5th. I set of the Canoe with our Baggage & walkd across the Neck on foot with Captn. Crawford distant according to our Walking about 8 Miles as we kept a strait course under the Foot of the Hills which run about So. Et. & was two hours & an half walking of it.\nThis is a good Neck of Land the Soil being generally good; & in places very rich. Their is a large proportion of Meadow Ground, and the Land as high, dry, & Level as one coud wish. The growth in most places is beach intermixd with walnut &ca. but more especially with Poplar (of which there are numbers very large). The Land towards the upper end is black Oak, & very good. Upon the whole a valuable Tract might be had here, & I judge the quantity to be about 4000 Acres.\nAfter passing this Bottom & the Rapid, as also some Hills wch. just pretty close to the River, we came to that Bottom before remarkd the 29th. Ulto.; which being well describd, there needs no further remark except that the Bottom within view appears to be exceeding rich; but as I was not out upon it, I cannot tell how it\nis back from the River. A little above this Bottom we Incampd\u2014the afternoon being rainy & Night wet.\n GW and Crawford had now crossed to the Ohio shore. GW later acquired 4,395 acres on the opposite side of the river in the area of the Great Bend (writingsJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 34:438). This land is in the vicinity of Millswood, W.Va.\nTuesday 6th. We left our Incampment a little after daylight, & in about 5 Miles we came to Kiashutes Hunting Camp which was now removd to the Mouth of that Creek noted Octr. 29 for having fallen Timber at the Mouth of it, in a bottom of good land. Between the Bottom last describd & this bottom, there is nothing but Hills on the East side except a little flat of a 100 Acres or so, between. This Bottom thro which the Creek comes may be about 4 or 5 Miles in length & tolerably wide. Grown up pretty much with Beach tho the Soil is good.\nBy the kindness, and Idle ceremony of the Indians, I was detaind at Kiashutas Camp all the remaing. part of this day; and having a good deal of conversation with him on the Subject of Land. He informd me, that, it was further from the mouth of the Great Kanhawa to the Fall of that River than it was between the two Kanhawas\u2014that the Bottom on the West side (which begins near the Mouth of the Kanhawa) continues all the way to the Falls without the Interposition of Hills, and widens as it goes, especially from a pretty large Creek that comes in abt. 10 or 15 Miles higher up than where we were\u2014that in the Fork there is a body of go\u27e8od\u27e9 Land and at some pretty consider\u27e8able\u27e9 distance above this, the River forks again at an Island, & there begins the Reed or Cain to grow\u2014that the Bottoms on the East side of the River are also very good, but broken with Hills and that the River is easily passd with Canoes to the Falls wch. cannot be less than 100 M\u27e8iles\u27e9 but further it is not possible to go with them and that there is but one ridge f\u27e8rom\u27e9 thence to the Settlements upon the River above, that it is possible for a Man to travel; the Country betw\u27e8een\u27e9 being so much broken with steep Hills & precipices.\nHe further informd (which \u27e8 \u27e9 seemed to be corroborated by all \u27e8 \u27e9 with whom I conversd) that the \u27e8 \u27e9 back of the Short broken Hills th\u27e8 \u27e9 but down upon the Rivers are \u27e8 \u27e9 uneven, & not rich, except the \u27e8 \u27e9 upon Creeks, till you come towards \u27e8 \u27e9 heads of the Creeks; then the La\u27e8 \u27e9 grows leveller, and the soil rich \u27e8 \u27e9.\n Entries in the diary from this point to Nov. 17 have been badly mutilated. The entries are not complete enough to identify landmarks with certainty.\nWednesday 7th. We set out \u27e8 \u27e9 \u00bd an hour after Seven and af\u27e8 \u27e9sing the Botton through which \u27e8 \u27e9 Creek with the fallen Timber at the Mouth Runs & which I believe is calld Buffalo Creek, we came to a range of Hills for a Mile or more in length upon the River (East side) then comes in the Bottom, opposite to wch. the Creek below wch. we lodgd at with the Indians the 28th. Ulto. empties. This also appears to be a bottom of 4 or 5 Miles in length, and tolerable good from the River. When we \u27e8 \u27e9 pass this Bottom the Hills (rather \u27e8 \u27e9aller & flatter than usual) comes \u27e8 \u27e9se to the River (East side for 4 or \u27e8 m\u27e9iles) then begins another Bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 above, or opposite to a small \u27e8 \u27e9nd; but before we came to this \u27e8 m\u27e9ile, or two, we passd a good smart \u27e8 \u27e9 on the East side. This Bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 opposite to Great Hockhocking \u27e8 \u27e9 above which, & opposite to Dela\u27e8ware\u27e9 Hunting Party, we Incampd.\n\u27e8Thur\u27e9sday 8th. We left our Incamp\u27e8ment\u27e9 as soon as we coud clearly dis\u27e8tingu\u27e9ish the rocks; and after pas\u27e8 \u27e9 Bottom which neither ap\u27e8 \u27e9 to be long, wide, nor very \u27e8 \u27e9 came to a Second Bottom noticd the 27th. Ulto. opposite to a Creek on the west side called by the Indian\u2019s little hockhocking, but may easily be distinguishd by having a lar\u27e8ge\u27e9 Stone just at its Mouth (the upper side). This bottom is about 7 in length and appears to be very wide, and go\u27e8od\u27e9 and must be very valuable if it \u27e8is\u27e9 not liable to be overflowd, some pa\u27e8rt\u27e9 of it appearing low. The lower part of this bottom (as was obser\u27e8ved\u27e9 the 27th. Ulto.) is opposite to a smal barren Island with only a few bu\u27e8shes\u27e9 on it\u2014the upper part of it begin\u27e8 \u27e9 at much such another place o\u27e8 \u27e9 side (and part of a pretty long \u27e8 \u27e9 and at a drain or small run Th\u27e8at \u27e9 comes out of the Hills. This is \u27e8 \u27e9 in a Mile or two of the Mouth \u27e8 \u27e9 Kanhawa, & the next Bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 except a little narrow slipe \u27e8 \u27e9 at the foot of the Hills below the \u27e8 \u27e9.\nAt the Mouth of the Ka\u27e8nawha\u27e9 Captn. Crawford, one of the In\u27e8dians\u27e9 and myself, left the Canoe, in\u27e8ten\u27e9ding to meet it again at the \u27e8 \u27e9 of Muskingham about 13 M\u27e8iles\u27e9 above, but the Indian by \u27e8 \u27e9 brought us to the River \u27e8 \u27e9 Miles below it. In this excursion we passd over various kinds of Lands some tolerable good white Oak Ground level, & meadowey\u2014some \u27e8v\u27e9ery Hilly, & broken with Stone; and \u27e8s\u27e9ome black Oak, thinly timberd but \u27e8g\u27e9ood for Farming and others abt. \u27e8 \u27e9 Mile before we came to the River \u27e8w\u27e9hich was at a place where there \u27e8wa\u27e9s no\nbottom) exceeding good, full \u27e8 \u27e9el enough, & well timberd with \u27e8 \u27e9 & black Oak; but in all the Gd. \u27e8 \u27e9 passd over today, & I suppose \u27e8 \u27e9 coud not have walkd less than \u27e8 \u27e9 Miles there was no Water. This \u27e8 \u27e9art of the Land where I thoug\u27e8 \u27e9 Octr. 27) 50,000 Acres might \u27e8 \u27e9t; but it does not answer my \u27e8expe\u27e9ctations. However, by falling \u27e8 \u27e9 the River too low, I apprehend \u27e8 \u27e9 the worst of it; as we were \u27e8 \u27e9 the Ridges that divide the Wa\u27e8 \u27e9t Ohio from the Kanhawa; & \u27e8 \u27e9 up, towards the 3 Islands, has \u27e8 \u27e9 appearance. \u27e8 \u27e9st below the Mouth of Mus\u27e8 \u27e9 Incampd.\nFriday 9th. The Night proving very Rainy, & Morning wet we did \u27e8not\u27e9 set out till \u00bd after 10 Oclock, & Incampd by the 3 Islands. Seeing a Bear upon the shore we landed, and followd it abo\u27e8ut\u27e9 half a Mile from the River wch. gave us an opportunity of s\u27e8eeing\u27e9 a little of the Land, which was hilly but rich.\nSaturday 10th. After a Nig\u27e8ht\u27e9 of incessant Thunder & Lig\u27e8ht\u27e9ning, attended with heavy \u27e8con\u27e9stant Rain till 11 Oclock th\u27e8 \u27e9 day, we set of about Twelve \u27e8 \u27e9 (the Rain then ceasing) and \u27e8 \u27e9 to the lower end of the long distant about 12 Miles\u2014\u27e8 \u27e9 little stream, imperceptab\u27e8le \u27e9 the view in our passage do \u27e8 \u27e9 now pouring in her mite, \u27e8 \u27e9 River raising very fast \u27e8 \u27e9 grows so muddy as to ren\u27e8der \u27e9 Water irksome to drink\n\u27e8Su\u27e9nday 11th. The last Night provd \u27e8a\u27e9 Night of incessant Rain attended \u27e8w\u27e9ith thunder and lightning. The \u27e8ri\u27e9ver by this Morning had raisd abt. \u27e8 \u27e9 feet perpendicular and was \u27e8lev\u27e9elling fast. The Rain seeming \u27e8to a\u27e9bate a little and the wind spring\u27e8ing\u27e9 up in our favour we were \u27e8te\u27e9mpted to set of; but were deceivd \u27e8 \u27e9 both; for the Wind soon ceasd, & \u27e8the\u27e9 Rain continued without inter\u27e8rup\u27e9tion till about 4 Oclock when \u27e8it\u27e9 moderated. However tho we \u27e8did\u27e9 not sit of till Eleven, We got \u27e8to the\u27e9 head of the long reach abt. \u27e8 \u27e9les the River continuing to \u27e8 \u27e9 fast, & much choakd with \u27e8 \u27e9 wood.\n\u27e8Mo\u27e9nday 12th. There fell a little \u27e8 \u27e9 in the Night tho nothing to \u27e8 \u27e9 of. Abt. Sun rise we left our \u27e8Incam\u27e9pment to encounter a very \u27e8 s\u27e9tream which by this time had \u27e8 \u27e9 2 feet perpendicular & running \u27e8 \u27e9t velocity. After contending \u27e8 w\u27e9hole day we were not able to get more than about \u27e8 \u27e9 Miles. The water still rising, and the Currt.\nif possible running \u27e8w\u27e9ith more violence, we came to a res\u27e8olu\u27e9tion of ordering our Horses (whi\u27e8ch\u27e9 by appointment were to be at P\u27e8itts\u27e9burg the 14th. Inst.) to meet us at Mingo Town accordingly.\nTuesday 13th. We dispatchd \u27e8 \u27e9 young Indian express to Val\u27e8 \u27e9 Crawford, who had the charge o\u27e8f\u27e9 them to proceed on \u27e8 \u27e9 that place, where we purp\u27e8osed\u27e9 if possible, to get the Canoe \u27e8it\u27e9 being about 50 Miles below \u27e8 \u27e9 In pursuance of this resolu\u27e8tion\u27e9 we Imbark\u2019d again, and with \u27e8diffi\u27e9culty got about 5 Miles furth\u27e8er\u27e9 to the Mouth of the Upperm\u27e8ost\u27e9 broken timber Creek. In \u27e8 \u27e9 of last Night the River rose \u27e8 \u27e9 perpendicular, and in the w\u27e8 \u27e9 with what it rose in the day \u27e8 \u27e9 must be now 4 or 5 & twenty fee\u27e8t\u27e9 its usual height, & not a great \u27e8 \u27e9 below its banks\u2014in low pl\u27e8aces\u27e9 them.\nThis day about 3 In the After\u27e8noo\u27e9n we met two Battoes & a large Ca\u27e8noe\u27e9 going (at a very fast rate) to \u27e8 \u27e9 Illinois with Provisions for the \u27e8G\u27e9arrison at Fort Chartres.\n Fort Chartres is in the Illinois country on the east side of the Mississippi River some 50 miles below the site of Saint Louis. Originally a French fort, it had been acquired by the British in 1763. Visiting the fort in 1766, Capt. Harry Gordon found it \u201cwell imagined and finished. It has four bastions of stone masonry, designed defensible against musquetry. The barracks are also of masonry, commodious and elegant. The fort is large enough to contain 400 men, but may be defended by one third of that number against Indians\u201d (pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 163\u201364). It was abandoned by the British in 1772 \u201cas it was rendered untenable by the constant washings of the River Missisippi in high floods\u201d (hutchinsThomas Hutchins. A Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina, Comprehending the Rivers Ohio, Kenhawa, Sioto, Cherokee, Wabash, Illinois, Missisippi, &c . . .. London, 1778., 37).\nWednesday 14th. The River began \u27e8 \u27e9e at a stand between Sunset & dark Night, & contind. for some \u27e8 \u27e9 so; falling only 2 feet by Sun \u27e8 \u27e9. About an hour by sun we \u27e8 \u27e9 our Incampment and reachd a \u27e8 \u27e9 above the Captening, (or Fox grape vine Creek) about 11 Miles; not finding \u27e8the w\u27e9ater quite so strong as yesterday, \u27e8lev\u27e9eling with a little assistance from \u27e8 \u27e9ind. About 2 or 3 Miles below \u27e8Capte\u27e9ning I got out (on the West side) \u27e8 \u27e9kd through a Neck of as good \u27e8 \u27e9 as ever I saw, between that & \u27e8 \u27e9k; the Land on the Hill sides \u27e8 \u27e9s rich as the bottoms; than \u27e8 \u27e9 nothing can exceed. The bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 the Mouth of Captening appears \u27e8 \u27e9 equal goodness with the one below \u27e8 \u27e9.\n\u27e8Thu\u27e9rsday 15th. The Canoe set of \u27e8 \u27e9 rise, as I did to view that \u27e8 \u27e9 opposite to the Mouth of Pike Creek. In \u27e8passing\n\u27e9 Neck I found the lower pa\u27e8rt\u27e9 N\u27e8ot\u27e9 very rich \u27e8upon\u27e9 the Ri\u27e8ver \u27e9 very \u27e8 \u27e9 towards the Hills, with \u27e8 \u27e9 Land well Timberd; and not \u27e8 \u27e9 only in places\u2014the Mid\u27e8 \u27e9 back of the Rich bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 black & white Oak Land f\u27e8 \u27e9ming, or any purpose w\u27e8 \u27e9 & intermixd with Meadow.\nThe upper end is as rich \u27e8 \u27e9 quite to the Hills (which \u27e8 \u27e9 as ever I saw, but subjec\u27e8t \u27e9 to freshes. Of this Bottom \u27e8 \u27e9 Timberd Land adjoining, I\u27e8 \u27e9 may be 12 or 1500 Acres go \u27e8 \u27e9 in this manner. Begin\u27e8 \u27e9 the Hills juts down to the \u27e8 \u27e9 \u00bd a Mile above Pipe Creek \u27e8 \u27e9 west) & a Mile or more to \u27e8 \u27e9 of another C[ree]k on the East, \u27e8 \u27e9 Bottom above the Capten\u27e8ing \u27e9 East side the River, & just \u27e8 \u27e9 destruction of Timber Oc\u27e8 \u27e9 Hurricane of Wind\u2014fro\u27e8 \u27e9 This bottom there is a r\u27e8un \u27e9 abt. a Mile\u2014then comes in \u27e8 \u27e9 mentiond (which I coud g\u27e8 \u27e9 on which & up the River \u27e8 \u27e9 there appears to be a \u27e8 \u27e9 rich at \u27e8 \u27e9e is a run \u27e8 \u27e9\u2014the b\u27e8ott\u27e9om \u27e8 \u27e9 is pretty long but narrow \u27e8 \u27e9 Creek (on the West side) calld \u27e8 \u27e9 Nicholson the 24th. Ulto., r\u27e8 \u27e9 the River having fallen at \u27e8 \u27e9t \u27e8 \u27e9.\n\u27e8Friday\u27e9 16th. Directing the Canoe \u27e8 \u27e9 me at the Mouth of the \u27e8 \u27e9 by the Indians split Island \u27e8 \u27e9 which I have since found \u27e8 \u27e9e one distinguished by the \u27e8 \u27e9t of Redstone &ca. by the \u27e8 \u27e9eling; I set out with Capt\u27e8n\u27e9. \u27e8 \u27e9n foot, to take a view \u27e8 \u27e9 a little distance from the \u27e8 \u27e9 doing this we asscended Hills \u27e8 \u27e9 to be almost impassable, \u27e8 \u27e9 the River with stone & \u27e8 \u27e9 Timber. Back of these \u27e8 gro\u27e9und is very uneven, & ex\u27e8 \u27e9n\u27e8 \u27e9 spots, not very good; \u27e8 \u27e9ly well Timbered\u2014as far \u27e8 \u27e9 see into the Country the \u27e8 \u27e9 his kind. Coming on \u27e8 \u27e9 split Island Creek) some \u27e8 \u27e9 on the Mouth, we had \u27e8 opportu\u27e9nity of observing from \u27e8 \u27e9, which are very high the course of the Creek which Mea\u27e8n\u27e9ders through a bottom of fine land especially at the Forks where there appears to be a large body of it. The vail (through which this Creek runs) as far as we coud see up it, appears to be wide, & the Soil of the Hills which confines it good, tho very steep in some places. On this Creek, which heads up a little to the Southward of Redstone Settlement, there is, according to the Indians Acct., & all the accts. I coud get, a great deal of fine land. The Body of flat Land at the Forks is but a very little way from the River in a direct line & may contain\nI guess a thousand Acres or more. Below the Mouth of this Creek there is a bottom of pretty good Land but not large and about 5 Miles above at the Mouth of a small run which comes in at the lower point of a Island (& which by mistake I calld, Octr. 23d. Fishing Creek) there is a bottom of as fine land as can possibly be but not large containing not more than two or 300 Acres. At the head of this Bottom & a little below the 2d. cross Creeks we Incampd dista\u27e8nt\u27e9 from our last 13 or fourteen Miles.\nHere it was for the 2d. time that the Indian with me spoke of a fine piece of Land and beautiful place for a House & in order to give me a more lively Idea of it, chalk out the situation upon his Deerskin. It lyes upon Bull Creek, at least 30 Miles from the Mouth, but not more than 5 from the Mouth of Muddy Creek, in an ESE direction. The spot he recommends for a House lyes very high commanding a prospect of a great deal of level Land below on the Creek\u2014the Ground about it very rich & a fine spring in the middle of it about which many Buffaloes use & have made great Roads. Bull Creek according to his Acct. runs parrallel with the long reach in the Ohio\u2014not above 6 or 7 Miles from it, having fine bottoms which widen as it extends into the Country & towards the head of it is large bodies of level rich Land.\nSaturday 17th. By this Morning the River had fallen (in the whole) 2 or 3 & twenty feet, & was still lowering. Abt. 8 Oclock we set out, & passing the lower cross Creeks we came to a pretty long, & tolerable wide & good bottom on the East side the River; then comes in the Hills; just above which, is Buffalo Creek (a Creek I neither see nor remarkd in going down) upon which, and above it, between that & the cross Creeks near the Mingo Town (distant 3 or 4 Miles) is a Bottom of exceeding fine Land but not very large unless it extends up the Creek.\nAbout 3 Oclock we came to the Town without seeing our Horses the Indian (which was sent express for them) having passd through only the morning before (being detained by the Creeks which were too high to ford, without going high up them). Here we resolvd to wait their arrival which was expected tomor\u27e8row\u27e9 & here then will end our Water Voyage along a River the general course of which from Bever Creek to the Kanhawa is about S. Wt. (as near as I coud determine); but in its winding thro a narrow Vale, extreamely serpentine; forming on both sides the River alternately, Necks of very good (so\u27e8me\u27e9 exceeding fine) Bottoms; lying for the most part in the shape of a half Moon, & of various sizes. There is very little difference in the genl. width\nof the River from Fort Pitt to the Kanhawa; but in the depth I believe the odds is considerably in favour of the lower parts; as we found no shallows below the Mingo Town, except in one or two places where the River was broad; & there, I do not know but there might have been a deep Channel in some part of it. Every here and there are Islands some larger, & some smaller, which operating in the nature of Locks or Stops, occasion pretty still water above but for the most part strong & rapid water alongside of them. However there is none of these so swift but that a Vessel may be Rowd or set up with Poles. When the River is in its Natural State, large Canoes that will carry 5 or 6000 weight & more, may be workd against stream by 4 hands 20 & 25 Miles a day; & down, a good deal more. The Indians who are very dexterous (even there women) in the Management of Canoes, have there Hunting Camps & Cabins all along the River for the convenience of Transporting their Skins by Water to Market. In the Fall, so soon as the Hunting Season comes on, they set out with their Familys for this purpose; & in Hunting will move there Camps from place to place till by the Spring they get 2 or 300, or more Miles from there Towns; Then Bever catch it in there way up which frequently brings them into the Month of May, when the Women are employd in Plantg.\u2014the Men at Market, & in Idleness, till the Fall again; when they pursue the same course again. During the Summer Months they live a poor & perishing life.\nThe Indians who live upon the Ohio (the upper parts of it at least) are composd of Shawnas, Delawares, & some of the Mingos, who getting but little part of the Consideration that was given for the Lands Eastward of the Ohio, view the Settlement of the People upon this River with an uneasy & jealous Eye, & do not scruple to say that they must be compensated for their Right if the People settle thereon, notwithstanding the Cession of the Six Nations thereto. On the other hand, the People from Virginia & elsewhere, are exploring and Marking all the Lands that are valuable not only on Redstone & other Waters of Monongahela but along down the Ohio as low as the little Kanhawa; & by next Summer I suppose will get to the great Kanhawa, at least; how difficult it may be to contend with these People afterwards is easy to be judgd of from every days experience of Lands actually settled, supposing these to be made; then which nothing is more probable if the Indians permit them, from the disposition of the People at present. A few Settlements in the midst of some of the large Bottoms, woud render it impractacable to get any large qty. of Land Together; as the Hills all the way down the River (as\nlow as I went) come pretty close and are steep & broken incapable of Settlements tho some of them are rich and only fit to support the Bottoms with Timber and Wood.\nThe Land back of the Bottoms as far as I have been able to judge, either from my own observations or from information, is nearly the same, that is exceeding une\u27e8ven\u27e9 & Hilly; & I do presume that there is no body\u2019s of Flat rich Land to be found till one gets far enough from the River to head the little runs & drains that comes through the Hills; & to the Sources (or near it) of the Creeks & there Branches. This it seems is the case of the Lands upon Monogahela and yaughe. & I fancy holds good upon this River till you get into the Flat Lands (or near them) below the Falls.\nThe Bottom Land differs a good deal in quality. That highest up the River in general is richest; tho the Bottoms are neither so wide or long, as those below. Walnut, H. Loc\u27e8ust\u27e9 Cherry, & some other Woods, that grow Snarly, & neither Tall nor large, but coverd with Grape Vines (with the Fruit of which this Country at this Instant abounds) are the growth of the Richest Bottoms, but on the other hand these Bottoms appear to me to be the lowest & most subject to Floods. Sugar Tree and Ash, mixd with Walnut &ca. compose the growth of the next richest low grounds and Beach Poplar Oaks &ca. the last. The Soil of this is also good but inferior to either of the other kinds & beach Bottoms are excepted against on Acct. of the difficulty of clearing them there Roots spreading over a large Surface of Ground & being hard to kill.\n Buffalo Creek enters the Ohio some 8 miles below Mingo Town, where the travelers were to meet their horses. See hannaCharles A. Hanna. The Wilderness Trail: Or The Ventures and Adventures of the Pennsylvania Traders on the Allegheny Path: With Some New Annals of the Old West, and the Records of Some Strong Men and Some Bad Ones. 2 vols. New York and London, 1911., 2:196.\nSunday, 18th. Agreed with two Delaware Indians to carry up our Canoe to Fort Pitt for the doing of which I was to pay 6 Dollars & give them a Quart Tinn Can.\nMonday 19th. The Delawares set of with the Canoe and our Horses not arriving, the day appeard exceeding long & tedious. Upon conversing with Nicholson I found he had been two or three times to Fort Chartres at the Illinois, and got from him the following Acct. of the Lands between this & that; & upon the Shawna River; on which he had been a Hunting.\nThe Lands down the Ohio grow more & more level as you approach the Falls, and about 150 Miles below them, the Country appears quite Flat, & exceeding rich. On the Shawna River (which comes into the Ohio 400 Miles below the Falls & about\n1100 from Pittsburg) up which he had hunted 300 & more Miles the Lands are exceeding Level, rich, fine, but a good deal intermixed with Cain or Reed, which mig\u27e8ht\u27e9 render them difficult to clear; that game of all kinds was to be found here in the greatest abundance, especially Buffalo\u2014that from Fort Chartres to Pitts burg by Land, is co\u27e8m\u27e9puted 800 Miles; & in travelling th\u27e8ro\u27e9 the Country from that place he f\u27e8ound\u27e9 the Soil very rich\u2014the Ground exceeding level to O. Post (a French s\u27e8ettle\u27e9ment) & from Opost to the Lower Sha\u27e8w\u27e9na Town on Scioto equally flat\u2014that he passd through large Planes 30 Miles in length without a Tree except little Islands of Wood\u2014th\u27e8at\u27e9 in these Planes thousands & 10,000\u27e8s\u27e9 of Buffalo may be seen feeding. That the distance from Fort Cha\u27e8rtres\u27e9 to Opost is about 240 Miles & the Country not very well Waterd\u2014from Opost to the lower Shawna Town about 300 more abounding in good springs & Rivulets\u2014that the remainder of the way to Fort Pitt is Hilly, & the Hills larger as you approach the Fort tho the L[an]d in general is also good.\nAt Fort Pitt I got the distances from place to place down the Ohio as taken \u27e8by\u27e9 one Mr. Hutchings & which are as follows\u2014wt. some corrections of mine.\n From Fort Pitt to\n Little Bever Creek\n Buffalo Creek or Sculp C[ree]k\n Second cross Creeks\n Weeling or split Island C[ree]k\n Path to Redstone\n Broken Timber Creek\n 2d. Broken Timber C[ree]k\n Beging. of the long reach\n A Pretty large C[ree]k on the West\n Little Kanhawa\n Little Hockhocking\n Creek with fallen Timber at the Mouth\n A sm[al]l Creek on the West & beging. of Great Bent\n Another Sm[al]l C[ree]k on the East just above a Gut\n Rapid at the point of the Great Bent\n The distance by Hutchings is\n Big Buffalo Lick\u2014A Mile Eastward of the River\n Large Island divided by a gravelly Creek\n Little Mineamie River\n Great Mineamie River\n Where the Elephants Bones were found\n Kentucke River\n To where the low Country begins\n Beging. of the 5 Islands\n Large River on the East side\n Verry large Islands in the middle of the River\n Ouabache River\n Big Rock, & Cave on the Westside\n Cherokee River\nThe Distances from For Pitt to the Mouth of the Great Kanhawa are set down agreeable to my own Computation, but from thence to the Mouth of River Ohio are strictly according to Hutchingss. Acct.\u2014which Acct. I take to be erroneous inasmuch as it appears that the Miles in the upper part of the River are very long, & those towards the Canhawa short, which I attribute to his setting of in a falling fresh & running slower as they proceeded on.\nThe Letters E and W signifie wch. side of the River the respective Waters come in on, that is, whether on the East or West side.\n The Cumberland River, flowing through Tennessee and Kentucky.\n The Falls of the Ohio at Louisville, Ky., were formed by a limestone ledge reaching across the river, which dropped some 26 feet over a distance of 3 miles.\n Ouabache or Wabash Post, later Vincennes, Ind.\n Thomas Hutchins (1730\u20131789), a native of Monmouth County, N.J., served in the Pennsylvania provincial forces during the French and Indian War. During his military service he acquired a knowledge of engineering and surveying. Around 1762 he was commissioned an ensign in the British army and as assistant engineer took part in the 1764 Bouquet expedition against the Shawnee and Delaware. In 1766 he accompanied George Croghan, Capt. Harry Gordon, and trader George Morgan on a trip through the Ohio and Mississippi valleys (see bondBeverly W. Bond, Jr., ed. The Courses of the Ohio River taken by Lt. T. Hutchins Anno 1766 and Two Accompanying Maps. Cincinnati, 1942., 12\u201313; Mereness, Travels in the American ColoniesNewton D. Mereness, ed. Travels in the American Colonies. New York, 1916.). In 1781 he was appointed geographer to the United States, and after the war he served as a commissioner to run the boundary between Virginia and Pennsylvania. He supervised the survey of the western lands ceded to the United States under the Ordinance of 1785. His major works were A Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland and North Carolina (London, 1778) and An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of Louisiana and West-Florida (Philadelphia, 1784). For an account of Hutchins\u2019s career, see tregleThomas Hutchins. An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of Louisiana, and West-Florida. A Facsimile Reproduction of the 1784 Edition. Introduction and index by Joseph George Tregle, Jr. Gainesville, Fla., 1968., v-xliv.\n It is uncertain what version of Hutchins\u2019s computations of distance upon the Ohio GW used. The Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland and North Carolina was not published until 1778 and in any event the distances given by Hutchins in that work vary considerably from GW\u2019s version (see hutchinsThomas Hutchins. A Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina, Comprehending the Rivers Ohio, Kenhawa, Sioto, Cherokee, Wabash, Illinois, Missisippi, &c . . .. London, 1778., appendix). Nor do the distances compare with those given in the appendix to a work commonly attributed to Hutchins: An Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians in the Year MDCCLXIV under the Command of Henry Bouquet, Esq. (Philadelphia, 1765, reprinted London, 1766), 68. It is possible that GW may have seen copies of Hutchins\u2019s reports, submitted periodically to Gen. Thomas Gage (see, for example, gage papersClarence Edwin Carter, comp. and ed. The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763\u20131775. 2 vols. 1931\u201333. Reprint. Hamden, Conn., 1969., 1:309\u201310, 347). It seems likely that GW may have had access to one of the versions of the table of distances appended to the widely circulated journal kept by Capt. Harry Gordon on his trip to the west in 1766. Gordon was accompanied by Hutchins, and Hutchins may well have compiled the table. The entries for points beyond the Great Kanawha agree substantially with the table appended to Gordon\u2019s journal (see pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 166; Mereness, Travels in the American ColoniesNewton D. Mereness, ed. Travels in the American Colonies. New York, 1916., 488\u201389).\n From this point GW\u2019s table substantially agrees with that appended to the Gordon journal, but several fractions of miles are dropped from the last entries.\n The Scioto River flows into the Ohio near Portsmouth, Ohio. The Lower Shawnee Town was opposite the mouth of the Scioto.\n Big Buffalo Lick was probably located along Salt Lick Creek, which flows into the Ohio River at present-day Vanceburg, Kentucky.\n Little Miami River flows into the Ohio at East Cincinnati.\n Great Miami River enters the Ohio in the extreme southwestern part of Ohio.\n Big Bone Lick, Boone County, Ky., was so called from the large quantity of fossilized mammoth bones found by early explorers in the area. Christopher Gist visited the area in 1750\u201351 and sent back one of the teeth to the Ohio Company. He was informed that \u201cabout seven Years ago these Teeth and Bones of three large Beasts (one of which was somewhat smaller than the other two) were found in a salt Lick or Spring upon a small Creek which runs into the S Side of the Ohio, about 15 M below the Mouth of the great Miamee River . . . . The Rib Bones of the largest of these Beasts were eleven Feet long, and the Skull Bone six feet wide, across the Forehead, & the other Bones in Proportion\u201d (gistWilliam M. Darlington, ed. Christopher Gist\u2019s Journals with Historical, Geographical and Ethnological Notes and Biographies of his Contemporaries. Pittsburgh, 1893., 57). See also hutchinsThomas Hutchins. A Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina, Comprehending the Rivers Ohio, Kenhawa, Sioto, Cherokee, Wabash, Illinois, Missisippi, &c . . .. London, 1778., 11.\n The Kentucky River flows into the Ohio at Carrollton, Ky.\n The Wabash River joins the Ohio at the southwest corner of Indiana.\n This may be a reference to Cave-in-Rock on the Illinois shore of the Ohio River, later infamous as a headquarters for river pirates (see baldwinLeland D. Baldwin. The Keelboat Age on Western Waters. Pittsburgh, 1941., 119\u201324).\n Cumberland River.\n Now called the Tennessee River.\n Fort Massac, originally Fort Ascension, was built by the French in 1757 and abandoned in 1764. It was \u201c120 miles below the mouth of the Wabash, and eleven miles below the mouth of the Cherokee River\u201d (pownallThomas Pownall. A Topographical Description of the Dominions of the United States of America. Edited by Lois Mulkearn. Pittsburgh, 1949., 161\u201362).\n The Ohio River joins the Mississippi at Cairo, Ill.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 20 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nNovr. 20th. About One Oclock our Horses arrivd, having been prevented getting to Fort Pitt by the freshes. At Two we set out & got about 10 Miles. The Indians travelling along with us.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n Tuesday 21st. Reach\u2019d Fort Pitt in the Afternoon, distant from our last Incampment about 25 Miles & as near as I can guess 35 from the Mingo Town. The Land between The Mingo Town & Pittsburg is of different kinds. For 4 or 5 Miles after leaving the first mentiond place we passd over Steep Hilly ground, hurt with stone; coverd with White Oak; & a thin shallow Soil. This was succeeded by a lively White Oak Land, less broken; & this again by Rich Land the growth of which was chiefly white & red Oak, Mixd; which lasted with some Intervals of indifferent Ridges all the way to Pittsburg. It was very observable that as we left the River; the Land grew better, which is a confirmation of the Accts. I had before receivd, that the good Bodies of Land lay upon the heads of the Runs & Creeks but in all my Travels through this Country, I have seen no large body of level Land. On the Branches of Racoon Creek there appears to be good Meadow Ground and on Shirtees Creek (over both which we passd) the Lands Looks well. The Country between the Mingo Town and Fort Pitt appears to be well supplied with Springs.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-22-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday 22. Stayd at Pittsburg all day. Invited the Officers & some other Gentlemen to dinner with me at Samples\u2014among which was one Doctr. Connelly (nephew to Colo. Croghan) a very sensible Intelligent Man who had travelld over a good deal of this western Country both by Land & Water & confirms Nicho\u27e8l\u27e9sons Acct. of the good Land on the Shawana River up which he had been near 400 Miles. This Country (I mean on the Shawana River) according to Doctr. Connellys acct. must be exceeding desirable on many Accts. The Climate is exceeding fine\u2014the Soil remarkably good. The Lands well Waterd with good streams & full level enough for any kind of Cultivation. Besides these advantages from Nature, it has others not less Important to a new settlement particularly Game which is so plenty as not only to render the Transportation of Provisions there (bread only excepted) altogether unnecessary but to enrich the Adventurers with the Peltry for which there is a constant & good Market. Doctr. Connelly is so much delighted with the Lands, & Climate on this River; that he seems to wish for nothing more than to induce 100 families to go there to live that he might be among them. A New & most desirable Government might be established here to be bounded (according to his Acct.) by the Ohio Northward & westward. The Ridge that divides the Waters of the\nTenesee or Cherokee River Southward & Westward & a Line to be Run from the Falls of Ohio, or above so as to cross the Shawana River above the Fork of it. Docter Connelly gives much the same Acct. of the Land between Fort Chartres in the Illinois Country, and Post St. Vincent (O Post) that Nicholson does, except in the Article of Water, wch. the Doctr. says is bad, & in the Summer Scarce. There being little else than stagnate Water to be met with.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 23 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday 23d. After settling with the Indians & People that attended me down the River & defray the Sundry Expences accruing at Pittsburg, I set of on my return home and after dining at the Widow Mierss. on Turtle Creek reachd Mr. John Stephenson (two or three hours in the Night).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday 24th. When we came to Stewards Crossing at Crawfords, the River was too high to Ford and his Canoe gone a Drift. However after waiting there 2 or three hours a Canoe was got in which we passd and Swam our Horses. The remainder of this day I spent at Captn. Crawfords it either Raining or Snowing hard all day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 25 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday 25th. I Set out early in order to see Lund Washington\u2019s Land, but the Ground & trees being coverd with Snow, I was able to form but an indistinct opinion of it\u2014tho upon the whole it appeard to be a good Tract of Land and as Level as common indeed more so. From this I went to Mr. Thos. Gists, and Dind, & then proceeded on to the Great crossing at Hoglands where I arrivd about Eight Oclock.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 27 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n Tuesday 27th. We got to Colo. Cresaps at the Old Town after calling at Fort Cumberland & breakfasting with one Mr. Innis at the New store opposite. 25 Miles.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 29 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday 29th. Set out early & reachd my Brothers by one Oclock (about 22 or 3 Miles). Doctr. Craik having Business by Winchester went that way to meet at Snickers tomorrow by 10 Oclock.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0031-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 30 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday 30th. According to Appointment the Doctr. and I met & after Breakfasting at Snickers proceeded on to Wests where we arrivd at or about Sunset.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0032", "content": "Title: [November 1770 (2)]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n1. Went up the Great Kanhawa abt. 10 Miles with the People that were with me.\n2. Hunting the most part of the day. The Canoe went up abt. 5 Miles further.\n3. Returnd down the River again and Incampd at the Mouth.\n4. Proceeded up the Ohio on our return to Fort Pitt. Incampd abt. 9 Miles below the rapid at the Grt. Bent.\n5. Walk\u2019d across a Neck of Land to the Rapid and Incampd about \u27e8 \u27e9 Miles above it.\n6. In about 5 Miles we came to Kiashutas Camp & there Halted.\n7. Reachd the Mouth of Hockhocking\u2014distant abt. 20 Miles.\n8. Came within a Mile of the Mouth of Muskingham 27 Miles.\n9. Got to the 3 Islands in the 2d. long reach about 17 Miles.\n10. Arrivd at the lower end of the long reach abt. 12 Miles\u2014not setting of till 12 Oclock.\n11. Came about 16 Miles after hard working the greatest part of the day.\n12. Only got about 5 Miles the Currt. being very strong against us.\n13. Reachd the uppermost broken Timber Creek distant about 7 Miles contending with a violent Currt. the whole day.\n14. Came to the Captening or Fox Grape Vine Creek distant about 10 Miles.\n15. Reachd Weeling (on the West) where there had been an Indian Town & where some of the Shawnes are going to settle in the Spring distant from our last Incampment 12 Miles.\n16. Got within 13 Miles of the lower cross Creeks\u201413 Miles.\n17. Reachd the Mingo Town about 13 Miles more.\n18. At this place all day waiting for Horses which did not arrive.\n19. At the same place, & in the same Situation as yesterday.\n20. Our Horses arriving about One Oclock at 2 we set out for Fort Pitt & got about 10 Miles.\n21. Reachd Fort Pitt in the Afternoon & lodgd at Samples.\n22. Invited the Officers of the Fort and other Gentlemen to dine with me at Samples.\n23. Left Fort Pitt and reachd Mr. John Stephensons.\n24. Got to Captn. Crawfords\u2014the Rivr. Youghyaughgane being very high.\n25. Reachd Hoglands at the great Crossing.\n26. Came to Killams on Georges Creek.\n27. Got to the Old Town to Colo. Cresaps distant from Killams about 25 Miles.\n28. Reachd Jasper Rinkers about 38 Miles from Cresaps & 30 from Cox\u2019s\u2014not long ones.\n29. Came to my Brothers (distant about 25 Miles) to Dinner.\n30. Reachd Charles Wests 35 Miles from my Brother\u2019s.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0033-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n10. About 1 Oclock it began to thunder & Lighten & contind. to do so incessantly till abt. 8 Oclock with constant hard Rain which lasted till about 11 and then ceasd but contd. cloudy & very warm the remaining part of the day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0033-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 November 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n11. Abt. 9 Oclock last Night it began to Rain again, & contd. to do so the whole Night, sometimes as if pourd out of Buckets; attended with thunder and lightning.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0033", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Weather in Novr. [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nNovr. 1. Calm, cool, & Cloudy, with great appearances of falling weather.\n2. Windy & clear in the forenoon afterwards Rain & Hail\u2014then clear again.\n3. Clear & Windy\u2014first from the So. Wt. then No. Wt.\n4. Clear and pleasant with but little Wind & that Northwardly.\n5. Lowering Morning & rainy afternoon.\n6. Cloudy forenoon but clear afterwards with the Wind high from the No. West.\n7. Clear & moderate Wind from the West.\n8. A lowering threatning Morning but more favourable afternoon & rain at Night.\n9. A Good deal of rain fell in the Night & till 10 Oclock this Morng. after which it contind. drisling more or less all day till abt. Sunset then set in to a close hard Rain.\n10. About 1 Oclock it began to thunder & Lighten & contind. to do so incessantly till abt. 8 Oclock with constant hard Rain which lasted till about 11 and then ceasd but contd. cloudy & very warm the remaining part of the day.\n11. Abt. 9 Oclock last Night it began to Rain again, & contd. to do so the whole Night, sometimes as if pourd out of Buckets; attended with thunder and lightning.\n12. Sometimes Cloudy & sometimes threatning hard for Snow.\n13. Clear with the Wind fresh & cool from the No. West.\n14. Clear with a little wind from the South & very white frost.\n15. Very large frost again with little or no wind & clear.\n16. Another white frost and calm and clear after it.\n17. White frost with Southerly Wind & clear.\n18. A Frost as white as Snow but clear & calm.\n19. Another white frost but clear calm and exceeding pleasant.\n20. Pleasant forenoon but lowering afterwards.\n21. Very cloudy all the Forenoon, & Raining moderately afterwards.\n22. Raining moderately all day with the Wind at Northwest.\n23. Flying Clouds and windy but nothing falling.\n24. First Raining, then Snowing all day.\n25. Very Windy all day, & snowing the first part of it. Cold.\n26. Very clear, and Cold.\n27. Lowering Morning, & Snowy Afternoon.\n28. Morning threatning but clear afterwards with the Wind fresh from the Northward.\n29. Clear & Cold in the forepart of the day but tolerably pleasant afterwards.\n30. Clear and Pleasant after the morning which was cold.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0034-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 December 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. Went a hunting but found nothing. From the Woods I went to my Mill & so home to Dinner. Doc\u27e8tor\u27e9 Ross Dind here & went away after.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-29-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0034-0030", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 29 December 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n29. Went a fox hunting in Company with the two Mr. Triplets & Mr. Peake, found no Fox. Upon my return home found Mr. & Mrs. Cockburn here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0034", "content": "Title: [December 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nDecr. 1st. Reachd home from Wests after an absence of 9 Weeks and one Day.\n2. At home all day alone.\n3. Rid to the Mill in the forenoon, and returnd to Dinner.\n4. Rid by Posey\u2019s to the Mill, and to the Ditchers. Mr. Boucher and Jacky Custis came here in the Afternoon.\n Boucher had not given up the idea of taking Jacky to Europe. At this time he was urging the Washingtons to prepare the boy for travel by having him inoculated for smallpox in Baltimore, where Dr. Henry Stevenson ran a popular inoculation clinic, free of legal restrictions that the burgesses had recently imposed on inoculators in Virginia (Jonathan Boucher to GW, 1 Oct. 1770, DLC:GW; JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1770\u201372, 100). Although the question of Jacky\u2019s tour was now no closer to being finally resolved than it had been in the spring, GW favored the inoculation, thinking that Jacky should be protected against smallpox whether he went abroad or not (GW to Boucher, 13 May 1770, writingsJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 3:12\u201315). But Mrs. Washington, while agreeing that the benefits were very desirable, feared exposing her son to the inoculating process, which, as practiced during this period, brought on a fatal case of the disease in 1 of every 50 to 60 inoculations (GW to Boucher, 20 April 1771, CSmH; king [1]Lester S. King. The Medical World of the Eighteenth Century. Chicago, 1958., 321). Consequently the decision on this matter, like the one on the tour, was postponed.\n5. Mr. Boucher went away again to Maryland. I rid to the Mill.\n6. Rid by Muddy hole & Doeg Run to the Mill & returnd by Posey\u2019s.\n7. Rid to the Mill and returnd to Dinner.\n8. Went a hunting but found nothing. From the Woods I went to my Mill & so home to Dinner. Doc\u27e8tor\u27e9 Ross Dind here & went away after.\n9. Went to Pohick Church and returnd to Dinner.\n10. Went up to the little Falls to Balendines Sale. Returnd in the Evening.\n John Ballendine was today attempting to satisfy all his creditors by leasing his enterprises at the falls and selling much of his other property, including about 100 hogsheads of tobacco, a large amount of wheat and corn, 50 head of sheep, one set each of blacksmith\u2019s and cooper\u2019s tools, some household furniture, 1,049 acres of land in Prince William County, and 91 acres in Fauquier County. However, he did not succeed in selling everything on this day, nor did all his creditors appear at the falls today to settle their accounts as he had requested, and a second sale and meeting of the creditors had to be called for 16 May 1771 (Va. Gaz., R, 29 Nov. 1770 and 2 May 1771).\n11. Rid to my Mill and Ditchers before Dinner.\n12. At home all day. Mr. Semple Dined here, & went away afterwar\u27e8ds.\u27e9 Doctr. Rumney came in the Afternoon and stayd all Night.\n13. Doctr. Rumney went away after breakfast and the two Mrs. Fairfax\u2019s & Miss Nelly Marbray dind here. Mrs. Geo. Fairfax returnd afterds.\n nelly marbray: possibly a member of the Marbury family of Prince George\u2019s County, Md. (mackenzie [1]George Norbury Mackenzie, ed. Colonial Families of the United States of America. 7 vols. 1907-20. Reprint. Baltimore, 1966., 2:488\u201389).\n14. Mrs. B. Fairfax & Miss Marbray went away after Breakfast & Mr. Peake dind here.\n15. I rid to the Mill and Ditchers by Poseys.\n16. Dined at Belvoir with Jacky Custis & returnd afterwards.\n17. Jacky Custis went to Annapolis & I to Court. Returnd in the afternoon.\n Jacky was not eager to return to school. \u201cHis mind,\u201d GW warned Jonathan Boucher, is \u201ca good deal relayed from Study, & more than ever turnd to Dogs Horses Guns\u201d (16 Dec. 1770, NNC). The court met 17\u201319 Dec. (Fairfax County Order Book for 1770\u201372, 157\u201368, Vi Microfilm).\n18. Rid to my Mill and to the Ditchers in the Fore and Afternoon.\n GW today completed a land transaction with Valinda Wade, paying her \u00a3175 for her share of the Wade family property on Dogue Run, which she and her two sisters, Sarah and Eleanor, had inherited. During the past few years Sarah had died unmarried, and Eleanor, who had married John Barry of Fairfax County, had recently died also, leaving a son William as her only heir. Because the 193\u2013acre tract had never been divided among the sisters, it became, following the deaths of Sarah and Eleanor, the joint property of Valinda and her underage nephew, whose business affairs were handled by his father. With this day\u2019s purchase, GW obtained Valinda\u2019s right to divide the land with young Barry on an equal basis (deeds of Valinda Wade to GW, 17 Dec. 1770, NjMoHP, and 18 Dec. 1770, CSmH). The property was important to GW not only because it lay near the rest of his land, but because it was involved in a question of riparian rights on Dogue Run. The millrace that GW was currently having dug would, when finished, deliver much water with increased force to the new mill as planned, but it would do so at the cost of diverting water from Dogue Run between the dam and the mill, the stretch on which the Wade-Barry property lay. According to common law, a property owner who suffered damages from having his water diverted without his permission could sue the responsible person every year the water was diverted. Thomas Hanson Marshall, who also owned land on the run in the affected area, apparently would not be able to claim such damages, because his land was uninhabited and mostly woodland, but the owners of the Wade-Barry tract, which was inhabited and farmed, would have grounds to sue GW (Robert H. Harrison to GW, 5 April 1770, DLC:GW).\n GW\u2019s purchase today from Valinda Wade solved only part of this problem. He still had to come to terms with William Barry\u2019s father either by purchasing the other half of the land or making some agreement about the riparian rights. However, John Barry was determined to drive a hard bargain and had refused thus far to cooperate with GW in settling the matter (George W. Fairfax to GW, 12 Mar. 1770, DLC:GW). The dispute would continue for several months.\n19. Went to Colchester on an Arbitration between McCraes Exrs. and John Graham\u2014no business done.\n Allan Macrae of Dumfries had died in 1766, and the executors of his will were Thomas Lawson, of the Neabsco iron furnace in Prince William County, and Capt. John Lee (1709\u20131789), who lived on Chopawamsic Creek in Stafford County (Va. Gaz., P&D, 11 Dec. 1766). John Graham (1711\u20131787), clerk of the Prince William County court, lived on the south side of Quantico Creek near Dumfries. He came to Virginia from Scotland about 1740 and acquired much land in Prince William County, including the tract on which Dumfries was established in 1749 (w.p.a. [1]W.P.A. Writers\u2019 Project. Prince William: The Story of Its People and Its Places. American Guide Series. Manassas, Va., 1941., 94). The dispute between Graham and Macrae\u2019s executors probably concerned debts he owed Macrae\u2019s estate; in Mar. 1771 he entrusted three slaves, some livestock and household furniture, and 200 acres of land adjoining Dumfries to two local merchants to be sold for the benefit of his creditors (Va. Gaz., R, 28 Mar. 1771). The arbitrators of the dispute, in addition to GW, were George Mason of Fairfax\nCounty and Thomas Ludwell Lee of Stafford County. They met again on 12 Feb. 1771.\n20. Returnd home.\n21. Rid to the Mill in the fore and Afternoon.\n22. Rid to the Mill & Mill Race in the fore and Afternoon.\n Jacky Custis had been indulged with a further reprieve from studying and apparently was now at Mount Vernon again; on this date GW recorded giving the boy \u00a32 6s. 3d. \u201cto buy Sundries at Fred[ericksbur]g\u201d (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 329). Jacky was probably sent to that town to spend the holidays visiting friends and relatives and engaging \u201cin his favorite amusement of Hunting.\u201d He returned to Annapolis about 2 Jan. with a professed \u201cdetermination of applying close to his Studies\u201d (GW to Jonathan Boucher, 2 Jan. 1771, writingsJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 3:36\u201337).\n23. Rid to the Mill before Dinner. At home afterwards alone.\n24. Rid to the Mill again in the fore and afternoon.\n25. Went to Pohick Church and returnd to Dinner.\n26. At Home all day alone.\n27. Went a fox Hunting and killd a fox in Company with the two Mr. Triplets and Mr. Peake who dined here.\n28. At the Mill in the Forenoon and Afternoon.\n29. Went a fox hunting in Company with the two Mr. Triplets & Mr. Peake, found no Fox. Upon my return home found Mr. & Mrs. Cockburn here.\n30. Mr. & Mrs. Cockburn went away. My Miller & his wife and Mr. Ball dind here.\n GW\u2019s miller was William Roberts, a Pennsylvanian who had signed articles of agreement with Lund Washington 13 Oct. 1770 engaging himself to run the new mill at Mount Vernon for \u00a380 a year plus the privilege of feeding a cow and raising domestic fowl at GW\u2019s expense (DLC:GW). Roberts was highly skilled in the business of grinding grain, a delicate art requiring great judgment in fixing the speed and interval of the millstones to produce good-quality flour with minimum waste. He was also, like John Ball, a capable millwright who could keep the mill in proper working order, and when he was not grinding grain, he could work in the nearby cooper\u2019s shop making\nbarrels needed for flour and other products. Aided by an apprentice miller whom he had brought with him. Roberts worked diligently and honestly for GW for several years, but an addiction to liquor eventually proved to be his undoing (GW to Robert Lewis & Sons, 6 Sept. 1783, and 12 April 1785, DLC:GW).\n31. I rid to My Mill in the forenoon and Afternoon. Nancy Peake came here.\n GW gave Nancy \u00a310 as a loan for her father, Humphrey Peake, who repaid the sum in June (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 307).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0035", "content": "Title: Acct. of the Weather in Decemr. [1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nDecr. 1st. Cold & Raw in the forenoon & constant Snow in the Afternoon.\n2. Clear, & tolerably pleasant, except being Cool. Wind at No. West.\n3. Clear & cool, Wind at No. West, & Ground hard froze As it has been for several days.\n4. Clear and Cool, Wind being Northwardly in the forenoon & Southwardly afterwards.\n5. Lowering & like for Snow in the forenoon\u2014but clearer afterwards.\n6. Warm Morning but Cold & blustering Afternoon. Wind No. West.\n7. Tolerably pleasant wind Southerly.\n8. Calm and pleasant Morning but windy & cool afterwards.\n9. Pleasant day and clear with but little Wind.\n10. Very pleasant. Calm, clear & warm.\n11. Lowery Morning and dripping Afternoon.\n12. Drisling all the forenoon. In the Afternoon Rain.\n13. Clear Morning & pleasant, but Cloudy & blustering afterwards from the No. Wt.\n14. Clear and not windy\u2014nor so cold as Yesterday.\n15. Calm and Pleasant forenoon\u2014a little lowering in the afternn.\n16. Quite Calm, clear, and exceeding pleasant.\n17. Very pleasant Morning, but Cloudy & blustering afterwards.\n18. Pleasant again tho a little Cool & frosty.\n19. Calm, clear, and Pleasant.\n20. Very pleasant, being clear and Calm.\n21. Lowering Morning with a little Rain\u2014but clear afterwards & windy.\n22. High wind all day from the North West\u2014but not very cold.\n23. Clear & pleasant Morning but windy afterwards & a little Cloudy.\n24. Cloudy & like for Rain but none fell.\n25. Snowing in the Morning, but clear afterwards and Cool. Snow about an Inch deep.\n26. Clear and pleasant with but little Wind.\n27. Frosty Morning but clear and pleasant afterwards.\n28. Clear and pleasant with but little Wind.\n29. Very pleasant and quite Calm but somewhat lowering.\n30. Exceeding pleast. calm and clear.\n31. Also clear and Pleasant.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-02-02-0005-0036", "content": "Title: [Remarks and Occurences in December 1770]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday 1st. Reachd home being absent from it Nine weeks and one day.\n11th. Agreed with Christr. Shade to drive my Waggon by the year for the doing of which I am to find him in Bed, Board, & Washing, and to pay him Eighteen pounds a year.\n Shade was employed by GW as his wagoner until the end of 1774 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 331; General Ledger BGeneral Ledger B, 1772\u20131793. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 39).\n19. Finishd digging & levelling the Mill Race from Piney Branch.\n The Piney Branch dam had also been completed, and water could now be diverted from the branch into the race.\n22. Began to Grind Sand in my Mill the Water being let in upon the Fore Bay.\n Dry sand was being ground between the new millstones \u201cto smooth down the sharp points\u201d on their faces. When the faces were fully finished and fitted together, they would be furrowed and dressed for grinding grain (craik [1]David Craik. The Practical American Millwright and Miller: Comprising the Elementary Principles of Mechanics, Mechanism, and Motive Power, Hydraulics, and Hydraulic Motors, Mill Dams, Saw-Mills, Grist-Mills, the Oat-Meal Mill, the Barley Mill, Wool Carding and Cloth Fulling and Dressing, Windmills, Steam Power, etc. Philadelphia, 1870., 298\u201399). The forebay was a deep reservoir at the end of the millrace, from which water was taken to run the waterwheel.\n27. Shut up Singer after She had been first lined by one or two Cur Dogs. Jowler being put in with her lind her several times; and his Puppies if to be distinguished saved.\n29. Truelove another Hound Bitch Shut up with Ringwood & by him alone lined.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0197", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, January 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[January 1770]\nCash\nJany\u2007\u20076\u2014\nTo Ditto [cash] of Mr H. Manley\nTo Cash recd for 2 Barrls White Fish\nTo Ditto recd on Acct of Subn to the V. Justice\nTo Ditto recd on acct of Do\nContra\nBy Thomas Bishop Cash Lent\nJany\u2007\u20077\u2014\nBy the Revd Mr [Charles Mynn] Thruston for his share of Land on the Ohio undr the Kings Procln\nBy Overseer Morris for encouragemt\nBy Jonathan Palmer\nBy Richd Lake Balle Acct for Work done on my House in Alexandria\nBy John Alton\nBy Jn. Parke Custis\nBy Mrs Washington\nBy Servants 1/3. By Hall & Gilpin for shoes 8/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0201", "content": "Title: To George Washington from John Armstrong, 24 January 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Armstrong, John\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from John Armstrong, 24 Jan. 1770. On 20 Mar. GW wrote to Armstrong: \u201cYour obliging favour of the 24th of Jany came to my hands.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0204", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, February 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[February 1770]\nCash\nFeby 4\u2014\nTo Cash won at Cards\nTo Ditto recd of Mr Jas Marshall for 15 C Shingles\nTo Ditto of Jno. Cannon\nTo Ditto recd from Joseph Thompson\nTo Ditto from my Br. Saml on acct of Intt on his Bonds to J.P. Custis\nContra\nFeby 3\u2014\nBy Mr Riddel for J.P. Custis\nBy My Br. Chas for James Brown for my \u27e8Comps\u27e9\nBy a dog (Spaniel)\nBy Mrs Johnston Balle of Lakes Order\nBy Ditto on acct of Mr [George] Wythe\nBy Chs Turner mending Dial\nBy Charity\nBy Hall & Gilpin for a pr of Shoes for J.P.C.\nBy Doctr [John] Hunters Exrs pd Thos Palmer\nBy mendg Coffee Pot 1/6\nBy Pocket Money to J.P. Custis", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0205", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Jonathan Boucher, 3\u201310 February 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Boucher, Jonathan\nRevd Sir,\nMount Vernon Feby 3d[\u201310] 1770\nThe uncertainty of your return from Maryland (as we heard that Potomack was Froze below Cedar Point) added to the difficulty, & indeed danger of crossing the Waters between this and your House are the Reason\u2019s of Jackys detention here so long. We therefore if he shoud be too late in comg hope your excuse for it.\nHe brings down several pair of very good London made Shoes, which being too small for him, it woud be acknowledged as a favour if you coud give him any assistance in changing of them for those of larger Size. Our Compliments are offered & I am Revd Sir Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington\n10th The bad Weather has detaind Jacky to this time from the date above.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0207", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Andrew Lewis, 1 March 1770\nFrom: Lewis, Andrew\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nAugusta March the 1t 1770\nI had not the pleasure of receiving your favour deated at Williamsburg the 20th of Last Decemr before Yesterday. all the officers that had the honr of Serving under you in the year 1754 as well as the Solds. must with gratitude acknowlidge the Service you have done them by obtaining a Location of their Lands. I am well pleased with Mr Walthes preserving the memorm I put in his hand and Laying it before you on that intristing occation. on my return from Fort Stanwix I thought it Highly necessary to make applecation to his Lordship and the Honble Council releative to our Claims of Land; as I found there were numbers of Pettitions preparing in order to procure the very Lands now granted to us. and had an entry made by the order of the Board that our claims to Lands were Justly founded, that we might be before hand with those Adventurers. I think with you that a meeting of the officers are esentialy necessary in order to consert measures how we shall proceed. and for my part I shall be attentive to any meathod you may think proper to propose for that purpose. with regard to the proportion of Lands that each shall injoy. I suppose that will be considered by his Lordship and the Council after the diffirent claims are Layed before them. there are a number of families settled on the Monangehala between the Long Narrows and the place known by the name of\nKnots, but since the officers claims to Lands were approved of, and expressly contrary not only to the rules of Goverment but to a Message from his Lordship sent by me and delivered to them that no Settlements should be made there before proparly Authorised. I hop the Sandy Creek will be included when the Boundeary Line Comes to be extended\u2014and I must confess I am at a Loss to know how we can proceed to have our Lands Layed off before that matter is fixed. I hope it will be soon. I mu[c]h approve of Mr Crawfords being appointed Surveyer not only because it will be of service to him but I think him better qualified for Such service by nature then most men\u2014I heartely wish I had the pleasure of conversing with you on the Subject of Your Letter. many things are to be considred before we can proced to the Laying off the Lands. and indeed not a Little depends on the meathod that may be taken in proportioning the Land agreeable to the Proclamation. but this can be best considered after the claims are all Layed in. after the Claimes are Layed be fore you I shall be greatly obliged to you for a few Lins with your Observations there on. I am with due respect, Dear Sir Your Most Obedt & very Humble Servt\nAndw Lewis", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0208", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Jonathan Boucher, 3 March 1770\nFrom: Boucher, Jonathan\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nCaroline [c.3 March 1770]\nIt gives Me infinite Uneasiness to find myself under a Necessity of making a disagreeable application to You; but so am I circumstanced that this is almost my last Resort, to preserve Me from a very distressg Situa[tio]n.\nDoubtless, You have heard of the calamitous Fate of poor Mrs Campbell. At the Best, her Situa[tio]n was piteous; but it was rendered much more so by her being deserted by every Friend & Relative. I never had an insensible Heart; but a Female reduced from Opulence to extreme Indigence & penury was an object I never could look on, unmov\u2019d. There were few of her Acquaintance who could not have been of more effectual Service to Her than I, who neither have a Fortune, nor have yet learn\u2019d how to make one. Yet (unluckily for Me in this Instance) I had Credit; & the Sheriff offering to trust Me for any Slaves I might chuse to purchase, till April, my Discre[tio]n yielded to my Humanity, & I bought, for Mrs Campbell\u2019s Use, to the Amount of \u00a3370. Of this Mr Claiborne promises to pay 50\u00a3 & Mr Roger Dixon \u00a3100, wc. He owed to Mrs Campbell: The Balance I am accountable for. Will it be in your Power, Sir, to lend Me this Sum? I am asham\u2019d almost to tell You, that if You cannot, I see no other Means of raising it with Certainty, but by selling my Negroes, which yet I cannot do without infinite Inconvenience. I have try\u2019d to collect it from outstanding Debts here in Virga, but in vain: I try\u2019d to borrow it in Maryland, equally in vain. So that, in Truth, I find myself reduc\u2019d to a chance of being broke up for a Sum not much exceeding \u00a3200. I am in Hopes Mastr Custis\u2019s Estate may be able to spare This,\nwhich I can only promise to pay again, if requir\u2019d, in any Time after a Year; & that You may run no Risque, I will either give You sufft personal Security, or a Mortgage of Negroes of much more Value than the Sum I ask.\nIt may appear to You perhaps, Sir, that I have been very improvident to be thus perplex\u2019d in raising \u00a3220; & This is but too true; for as I never had a Wish to become a rich Man, I have only endeavoured so to square my Expences, as that my Income might just ansr my own Occasions, witht ever dreamg of so unexpected a Demand as the present.\nLet me only add, that if You can by any Means, oblige Me with this Money, You will observe it must be before the first of April; & that your doing it will be conferring a very lasting Obliga[tio]n on, Sir, Yr most Obedt & very Hble Servt\nJonan Boucher\nMr Addison, who left This a few Days ago, has undertaken to purchase Me a waiting Boy, as I am in great Want of one; & to send Him over to your House, by Friday, in Hopes it may be in your Power to contrive Him down to Me. As Joe will probably have some Luggage, I fear He will not be able to bring Him, otherwise I believe He might witht hurtg his Horse. If You see He cannot, I beg You wd by no means send on purpose, but be so good as to let the Boy (if indeed I get one) stay with You, till some conven[ien]t oppty offers.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0209", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Hanson Marshall, 8 March 1770\nFrom: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nMarch the 8th 1770\nOn my way to my Quarter on this side (this day) I observed several Valuable Trees &c. cut down Worked and Working up, on my Land; as thay are on that Part the Land we was on Making An Exchange, for the Same Quantity in Maryland, Induses me to Immagen, you miss apprehended me in my offer\u2019s to you Relative to the same. Which I Remember well was neare as Followes, when I was at your House, I made this offer, that I would Exchange the Land I held Between the Mane Rode and Potomack River, for the same Quantity of Land (off Mr Alexanders) to be Laid off Sutable to my Plantation in Maryland, Provided I could have the same in Immediate Use, which was then Agreed to, Provided Mr Alexander could so Dispose the same; At Poseys sale You mentioned to me, you should be Glad to have that Matter setled Before you Went down the Cuntry, as you wanted (If the Exchange could be now made) to order sum Rales &ca cutt off the Part of Land, on which we Prevailed on Mr Alexander to cross the Rivr with me that Evining, in order to Look at the Land, and the Part I would Exchange for, which he did, th\u00f4 then did not chuse to give Any Determined Answar, On my Seing You the Next Day (at the Sale) I acquanted you Therewith, on which you seemed still desirous of being in sum Sertenty before you Left home, I then tould you, Immagened i\u27e8t\u27e9 Would make Litle Differance, for as soon as Mr Alexander\nshou\u27e8ld\u27e9 agree to the Part I was to Take of his Land, I would then Ac\u27e8quant\u27e9 Mr Land Washington thereof, when he might Proceed as you \u27e8should\u27e9 Instruct. I never could Get any Sertenty from Mr Alexand\u27e8er, Consequently\u27e9 could not give any such Information. Indeed on the first of Jany \u27e8last I sent\u27e9 to Mr Alexander \u27e8Pres\u27e9sing him to Let me be on sum Sertenty \u27e8Inclosing him\u27e9 a Ruff Dr\u27e8aft of\u27e9 the Plat of h\u27e8is Lan\u27e9d Shewing the Part \u27e8I would have\u27e9 \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 Would be made use of, until the Within Mentioned \u27e8Proposal\u27e9 was Complyed with. However As I impute this affair to sum Miss apprehension, Hope You will order a Stop, to Any further Damage, & Make No Doubt but you will Likewise make Satisfaction for what is already dun. I am Sir Your Most Hble servt\nTho. Han. Marshall", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0210", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Thomas Hanson Marshall, 9 March 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nSir,\nMarch 9th 1770.\nYour Letter of the 8th was delivered to me Yesterday; the contents of which gives me both surprize & concern\u2014That no\nmisapprehension of our agreement has happend on my side I think I coud almost venture to affirm and can make it appear by other testimony than my own otherwise as I have ever been extreamely cautious how I encroach upon the property of another I shoud never have aimd however conven[ien]t it might be to me at cutg a single stick of Timber from any Land I did not conceive to be my own as a proof of which you have only to recur to my frequent attempts to get you and Mr West together in order that the bounds of our Lands might be fully adjusted and trespasses avoided not knowing but my People might unwittingly make some Incroachments which I might neither know of or prevent till the Bounds were established.\nIn respect to the conversation that passd at my House I conceive that you must have forgot the most material part of it otherwise I must strangely have mistaken the sense & meang of it\u2014true it is you did propose to give up all the Land on the South Side the Main Road for the like qty of Mr Alexanders adjoing you in Maryland; but upon its being surmis\u2019d that there was apossibility that that Land might never be got; you said, that for so small a qty it made no difference, as I might pay you in Cash at the rate of 40/ Maryld Curry an Acre for it\u2014for This conversation I think was very particularly expressed, in as much as I ask\u2019d the question over again (in the presence of Lund Washington) in order that no misconstruction or mistake might happen; & from that moment lookd upon the slipe of Land between me & Mr French & the other slipe between French and Manley as my own to every intents & purpose how coud I do other wise? and what end did it answer to ascertain a Cash price, if I was only to obtain your Land by way of swap?\nWhat you have added in respect to our conversation at Captn Poseys Sale concerning Rails & my desire of being put upon a certainty I readily grant; but if you conceivd that it related to the Land you had before given me the promise of I confess there was in that case a misunderstanding between us; for what I alluded to then was the other slipe on the No. side of the Road from French\u2019s Cornr white Oak there on to my Cr & Wades on the Branch which when I proposd to have aded along with the rest you woud give me no promise of; but said, if upon examinination it was found no ways injurious to yr Plantation you woud also let it go; it was this slipe that I then had in view when I spoke\nto you at Poseys Sale expressing a desire of knowing whether you woud part with or not; because this was the slipe that joind all along upon my Fence & had Rail stuff convenient for the end it was wanted it was for this purpose therefore that I pressd you to come over the 2d Morng of the Sale that we might ride & see whether you thought it injurious or not & resolve accordingl\u27e8y\u27e9.\nAs further proofs, that I not only believd the Ld to be my own; but also conceivd that you considerd it in the same point of view; Mr Manley told L.W. that he applyd to you to buy it himself & recd for answer that he need not give himself the trouble of makg any offer for it as you had already parted with it to me & Mr Alexander informd me, that in answer to yr Letter he had desired that you woud do what you pleasd with the Land he held in Maryld consistent with the Laws & customs of that Provence and that the next time he see you, you told him that the Tenant (part of whose Tenement you wanted) had Petitiond so hard for the priviledge of keeping his Plantation entire this year that you had agreed to do without it\u2014all these things corrisponding so exactly with the conversation that passd between us previous thereto left me no room to think there was the least occasion to wait for the formality of a regular conveyance of the land, before I made use of it (as I knew it was always in my power to pay for it whenever calld upon) & therefore having occasion for Timbers for my Mill I set to work upon that as most convenient to the Spot to which it was to be carried.\nThese things I have mentiond, to shew that I had no scruples in what I was doing, or even expected the least molestation; however upon the rect of yr Letter I have sent directions to the overseer of my Carpenters to cut down no more trees than what are already fallen (these to Work up) & to keep an exact Acct (upon Oath if required) of every piece of Timber that goes of[f] of the Land in order that I may settle the matter somehow or other with you when I see you which I hope will be very soon as I shall press Mr West to come down that we may ascertain the Bounds of all our Lands.\nIt gives me no small degree of concern, that this matter shoud be brought into question\u2014I have been askd by several people (from what I suppose Manley had said) if I had not bought that piece of Land & I readily acknowledged that I had so which I am sure I shoud not have done if I had entertaind any distrust of\nthe bargain as I shoud be very unwilling that any person shoud harbour a suspicion of my telling a falsehood upon this or any other occas. I therefore hope you will reconsider this matter & give me an answer favourable to what I conceivd a possitive agreement. I am Sir &ca", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0212", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Hanson Marshall, 12 March 1770\nFrom: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nMaryland the 12th March 1770\nYour\u2019s of the 10th Instt I Recd and have now before me, th\u2019o was not at home at the time it was brought to my House. Am Verry Sorry any Act of Mine Should give the Least Surprize, or Consern, to any Gentn Whatever, as it was not, or is, the Least of my Intentions so to do; As to any Testimony to make it appear there was no misapprehension, in Regard to the Proposals Made and agre\u2019d to between us, Relative to the slipes of Land, I have nothing more to say, then I am Possitive it was not my Intention, to make such an agreement as you mention, th\u2019o make not the Least doubt But you apprehended it in that light. I never had the least Doubt or Suspetion, that you would order the least Incrochment, on mine Or any other Persons Property (Disignedly) which was the Reasion I Imputed the Timber cut down on my Land, was owing to a Misapprehension, in our Bargain\u2014I have not forgot (I think) any Material Part of the Conversation that Passed between us, Relative to the Land; Nor never denyed any Part to my knowledg. The End that a cash Price was agreed to (as I took it) was upon its being mentioned there was a Possibillity of Mr Alexander\u2019s never haveing it in his Power to Convey the Land in Maryland, I then said, should that be the case, I would then Receive of a Certain Price in Cash per Acer for them slipes; this was my Sence and Meaning of the Matter, and thought I was understood so\u2014&c.\nYou signify that my Conversation with Mr Alexander and Manly is a Proof that I Looked on them slipes of Land to be sold to you, for a Certain sum of Cash. Beleve me Sir, you know me not, If you think I would alter in the Least, from any Bargain I had made, (agreable to my Sence and Meaning) had it have been a Matter of much grater consequence to me, then that now Between us; As to the Conversation I had with Mr Manly, If I Remember right was Nearly this\u2014At Poseys sale Manly was\nmentioning sumthing to me in Regard to the Slipe of Land of mine adjoining his Pla\u27e8ntation, tha\u27e9t he would Ither Rent or Purchase, I Repl\u27e8ye\u27e9d that I was on a Bargain for the same with Col: Washingto\u27e8n, or\u27e9 I might possabilly have said I had bargained for it, As I at \u27e8that time\u27e9 might not have had any Doubt, but the same Quantity of \u27e8Land\u27e9 would be given up to me in Maryland convineant to m\u27e8y\u27e9 Plantation, &ca.\nAs to what Mr Alexander informed you, of his answar to my Letr to him, said Answar will shew whether it is agreable to what You mention, And as to the Conversation Mr Alexander said Passed Between us when he last saw me, I must absolutely Deny. As No such Conversation Ever Passed between me and the Tenant, Consequently could not (in Truth) Pass between Mr Alexander And me; However on the Whole, I Declare, I Looked on our Agrement as I have already Expressed, That is, on the same Quantity of Land being given into my Possesion, Adjoining my plantation in Maryland, (the Ruf Draft Mr Alexander has will shew the forme) I was then to give you up them slipes of Land, Between the Road and River, and, in case Mr Alexander Should not be able (Hearafter) to make a good Right to the Land in Maryland, so as to Convey to me, then and in such Case, I was to Receive a sertain Price of You Pr Acer for them Slipes of Land above mentioned, this I was Ready to Comply with; My Letr to Mr Alexander will shew the application I made to him. Pressing him to Let me be on sum Sertenty, the Answar to which I have already given you; I never had the least Doubt But Col. Washington could at any time Pay a much Larger sum then them Slipes of Land would have cum to had I agreed for Cash, but as I did not nor now do Look on our agreement in that Light, That Matter never onest Entered my thoughts. I am Your Verry Hble servt\nTho. Han. Marshall", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0213", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Thomas Hanson Marshall, 16 March 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nSir\nMarch 16th 1770\nIn reply to your favour of the 12th, I have only to say, that I am really sorry we shoud misapprehend each others Intention\u2019s concerning the agreement we entered into at my House; but since we have done so, in respect to one part of it, and since I am under no sort of apprehension of having the mistake rectifyed by giving you possession of any part of Mr Alexander\u2019s Land adjoining you, or the whole, if required next year (unless a death shoud intervene to prevent it) I shoud be glad to know, if, in the meantime you will suffer me to go on and get the remainder of my Mill frame in the place I was cutting (there wanting but little to compleat the work as I got the chief part of the Scantling for it last Summer from my own Land) upon conditions of my paying you the customary price for all the Timber I may take off of these slipes in case I shoud not have it in my power to put you in Possession of as much of Mr Alexander\u2019s Land as these shall measure, at the determination of the present year?\nMr Alexander at the sametime he mentioned to me what he had wrote to you, & the conversation that passd between you and his Tenant (tho. different from what you Inclosd) also told me, that by some Law, or custom in Maryland relative to Landlords & Tenants, that if the Landlord neglected before some certain day to warn of the Tenant, that it was optional in the latter to obey the notice afterwards or not it may be impractacable therefore now, for him to give you possession of any part of the Tenanted Land, till the expiration of the present year, but there can be no doubts of his doing it then; & therefore, as these slipes of Land can never be of more essential Service to me than at this time; and as I see little, indeed no difference it can make to you to give me the use of them at this time, or 8 or nine Months hence\u2014I shoud be very glad if you coud oblige me therein, upon the conditions above mentioned especially, as it will be on\u27e8ly\u27e9 doing that now which I really thought was done before.\nI shoud be much obliged to you also for a Copy \u27e8of\u27e9 the Plat and Courses of Mr Alexanders Land pointing thereon the piece you want to get from him.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-19-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0214", "content": "Title: Indenture with Peter Gollatt, 19 March 1770\nFrom: Washington, George,Gollatt, Peter\nTo: \nThis Indenture made the Nineteenth day of March in the year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy\u2014Between Peter Gulatt, of the County of Fairfax, Blacksmith of the one part and George Washington Gentleman of the same County of the other part. Whereas the said George Washington by an Indenture bearing date the same day of these presents has bound to & put under the said Peter Gulatt a Negro Fellow or lad named Nat belonging to the said George Washington, for the Term of three years and a Mulatto Fellow name Julius, the property of John Custos for the Term of Six years to commence from the date of the said Indenture, to learn the Art and Trade of Blacksmiths and . . . the said Peter Gulatt will well and faithfully during the respective Terms and Times aforesaid Instruct and Learn the said Negro Nat & Mulatto Julius in the said Art and Trade according to the best of his power & ability; And also . . . will find and provide for the said Nat & Julius, good, sufficient and wholsome diet and will pay their Levies . . .\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0215", "content": "Title: From George Washington to John Armstrong, 20 March 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Armstrong, John\nDear Sir\nFairfax C[oun]ty Virga Mar. 20th 1770\nYour obliging favour of the 24th of Jany came to my hands sometime after the date thereof; & to which, I shoud have given an immediate answer, but was in hopes that by delaying of it a while, to have said something more to the purpose than I am like to do at present, in respect to the matter you did me the honour of mentioning, in behalf of yr Son.\nAt this time, I do not know one good opening for a young Practitioner in Physick any where within the Circle of my acquaintance\u2014true it is we have lost one of the two (Doctr Laurie) that used to supply Alexandria & the Country about it, but his incapacity to attend the calls of his profession made way long before his death, for the other (Doctr Rumney); who is well establish\u2019d in the business; & not like to be affected by a young Gentleman lately from the College of Philadelphia, one Mr Alexander, notwithstanding his large Family connexions in this County. From hence to Fredericksburg I thin\u27e8k\u27e9 there is not an opening that promises anything worth Mr Armstrongs embracing\u2014below that, Doctr Mercer from his acquaintance & enquiries, will be able to give you a much more satisfactory acct than I can.\nA Gentlemen of the turn of mind you describe your Son to be, regularly educated in the study of Physick, and modest of deportment, can never fail to command esteem that will improve upon acquaintance\u2014such I wish most of our young gentlemen were, but we have had some from the College of Edenburg (lately), that are rather too full of themselves. If Doctr Armstrong shoud take a turn into Virga any time this spring, I shoud be exceeding glad to see him at my house, and shoud think myself very happy if it was in my power to render him, or you, any \u27e8ac\u27e9ceptable Service.\nMrs Washington returns you many thanks for your good wishes, & joins very cordially with me in tendering our best respects to yourself & Mrs Armstrong. I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0216", "content": "Title: To George Washington from George Mercer, 28 March 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Mercer, George\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from George Mercer, 28 Mar. 1770. On 7 Nov. 1771 GW wrote to Mercer: \u201cI have been favourd with two Letters from You\u2014one of them dated the 28th of March 1770.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0217", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, April 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[April 1770]\nCash\nApl 12\u2014\nTo Willm Gardner weavg 13 Yds Cloth @ 1/3\nTo Andw Robinson for wheat &ca\n To G. \u27e8Sl\u27e9ackum for 20 Bls of Salt @ 2/6\u2013\u2013\u00a32.10.0 13 M Herrings @ 3/\u20141.19.255 White fish 10/\u20141.5.6 5 lbs. Bacon .3.4\nTo Cash for 3 M Herrings\nTo Mr Richd Watts Weaving\nContra\nAprl 6\u2014\nBy Mr Harrison for his opinion\nBy Postage of a Letter\nBy Andw Robinson in part for work\nBy Edwd Williams\nBy Joseph Gourt\nBy Expences at Cameron\nBy James Connel\nBy Andrew Robinson pr Acct\nBy Jonathan Palmer\nBy Augs. Darrell for Acct of Mrs S. Johnston\nBy Mr Christian Entrance for P[atsy] Custis and Milly Posey\nBy 175 Bushl Oyster shells @ 18/ Mill\nBy Willm Gardner for a Copper Kettle\nBy Captn Posey pr Acct\n By G. Slackum for 1257 \u27e8feet\u27e9 Inch & \u00bc P[lan]k @ 6/8\u2014\u00a34.3.9 Ditto 3696 Inch Do 6/\u201411.1.9\nBy Cash gave away\nBy William Skilling", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0219", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Hanson Harrison, 5 April 1770\nFrom: Harrison, Robert Hanson\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nAprill 5th 1770\nI am of Opinion that by the Common Law, you cannot divert the natural course of the Run by cutting of a Race through your own Land; It being stated by Mr Washington that thereby J. Barry would be deprived of Water Necessary for his Cattle &c.\u2014as on the Authorities\u20141 Bar Abridgement 45.54. Carth. 117. Com. 69. 5 Mod. &c.\nI also am of opinion that was a Jury by an order of Court founded on a petition preferred by you, agreable to the Directions of the Act of Assembly made in 1748 ch. 26 (Vid. the Act) to report that Introducing a Race thro. your Land, would deprive J. Barry or the person Intitled to the Land from Necessary water, that the Court would Reject your petition; and should they not do It, that Barry might maintain an Action upon his\nCase against you for any Damage or Injury Sustained by means of your diverting of his water; and that for every new Injury which would probably happen once every year, he might maintain a new action\u2014I must therefore Advise you to obtain his consent by an Instrument of Writing for that purpose\u2014If you should, you will still be Subject to the same Inconvenience from the Heir at Law or person Intitled to The Land after Barry\u2019s death unless you can procure his or \u27e8her cons\u27e9ent then or now, If of full age, as no Agreement of Barry can bind longer than his life he being Tenant by the Curtesy only. I am Sir Yr Most Obedt H. Servt\nRob. H: Harrison", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-08-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0220", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Hanson Marshall, 8 April 1770\nFrom: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nMaryland the 8th of April 1770\nYour\u2019s Acquanting me that Mr West had Promissed to be at your house this Afternoon, In order to Run the Dividing Line between Washington & Spencer, came to hand, Th\u2019o am afrade Shall not be able to give my self the Pleasure of Wating on You in the Morning, Owing to a Verry seveare Could, which affects me in Such a Manner, that I can scarsly git a Moment\u2019s Rest. Should I be Better in the Morning will wate on you Arly. However should I not, don\u2019t Doubt but you and Mr West will Lay the Dividing Line of, agreable to the True Intent and Desine thereof. I am yr Most Hble servt\nTho. Han. Marshall", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0221", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Hanson Marshall, 11 April 1770\nFrom: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nWednsday Evining 11th April 1770\nA\u2019m greatly obligd to you, for the Trouble you have Given your self in Leting me no Mr West is to be Down this Evining, or in the Morning; Th\u2019o cannot at this Time Promis my self the Least Prospect of Joining You, as Mrs Marshall (who has been much aleing for sum time Past) is this day so Ill, (that without a Great amendment,) cannot by any meens Leve her, Should that be the Case, Weather &c. Permeting You may Depend I will be over in the Morning Arly, I am Sir Yr Most Hble Servt\nTho. Han. Marshall\nN.B. Should I not be at your Hous by Eight oClock, in the Morning You may take for Granted I cannot Leve home.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0222", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Bryan Fairfax, 16 April 1770\nFrom: Fairfax, Bryan\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nApril the 16th 1770\nHaving been travelling five days and not getting home till 11 oClock last night, I find myself & Horses rather too much fatigued to go to Court as I intended.\nMr Montgomerie informed me at the last Court that he shd be up at this in order to have his power of Attorney fully proved\u2014and I wrote to Colo. Mason last week desiring to be informed of the date of his Power of Attorney, the one to Mr Montgomerie being dated the 6th of October 1769\u2014I have directed Joe to enquire for a Letter from Mr Mason and deliver it to You, and I shall be obliged to You to open it, and if the date is not posterior to that of Mr Montgomerie\u2019s and you incline to receive from him as Mr Savage\u2019s Attorney the three years Annuity due, being \u00a3300, and pay it to him as Mrs Savages, I am also willing, and your Receipt will be as effectual as a joint one from us both. Mr Montgomerie receiving the money as her Attorney will be answerable to her for it, and this may be a speedy way of getting the money paid to her\u2014for Mr Montgomerie told me he would settle it in that manner if agreeable to you.\nI purposed to have spoke to you in person upon the Subject but being much fatigued I am in hopes this Letter will answer the same End. I am Dr Sir Your most obedt\nBryan Fairfax\nI shall be obliged to You to excuse my not coming to Mr Montgomerie to whom I made a promise of being at Court, and I have hurried myself too much in order to perform it.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0223", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, May 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nCash\nMay 5\u2014\nTo Danl Ansdale for half a Bl of Corn\nTo Mrs Fairfax for weaving\nTo Cash recd of Doctr Carter Int. of Mrs McKenzies Bond\nContra\nMay 1\u2014\nBy Thos Bishop\nBy Mr Flemings Servant\nBy 8 Spades at Mill\nBy Charity\nBy Bishops Wife for Knitting\nBy Sciagusta\nBy Wm Skilling\nBy Thos Bird\nBy Servants 1/3\u2014Charity 5/\nBy Mrs Washington\nBy 6 Spades @ 6/ & Ferriage Mill\nBy Thos Bird\nBy Lund Washington\nBy Expences at Dumfries\nBy Ditto at Colemans 3/9. Do at Todds 4/\nBy Ferry at Ruffins 3/. pr of Shoes to Will 6/\nBy 4 Play Tickets 30/\u2014Club at Hay\u2019s 5/\nBy 1 Phial of Red Ink 1/3\u2014Gave away 2/6\nBy Postage of Letters & Coffee\nBy Club at Hay\u2019s\nBy Colo. Henry for a Map of Virginia\nBy Servants 2/6\u2014Club at Hay\u2019s 5/7\u00bd", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-05-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0224", "content": "Title: To George Washington from William Crawford, 5 May 1770\nFrom: Crawford, William\nTo: Washington, George\nDr Sir\nMay the 5th 1770\nInclosed is a Rough Draft of your Land and Calculated with the alowence of teen percent in the hundred.\nI did not Enter that Land for you on they teen Mile Creek as it Epear to me from the new Map Don by Mr Scull that the Monongahalia will be left out when they back Line is Run at that bent at the Mouth of they teen Mile Creek or at any Rate whare the Land Lyes.\nI ofard to pay the Office fees if they would Return me the Purches mony if that Land did not fall in Pensilvania the[y] would not agree to Return me the mony at any Rate.\nBut told me if I did not think it in Pensilvania not to Enter it as such Presedents would be attended with Confusion and Trouble to them Therefor I thought proper to Refair it till I went up and Run a Line from Fort-pitt till it Entersects the Line now Run which will Determine the matter without dou\u27e8t\u27e9 and if it should be in Pensilvania then the Clark will send me a Warrant sending to him as we have agreed on it I shall have the other Paece at the mouth of the Run Run out as soon as I go out as they Servayor will be there again I go out.\nThere is no sartentey about the Quit Rents what they will be and it is Suposed they will Open the office on the former Terms\nas no Land from Over the mountain has bin Enter Since they new manner of opning of it nor will any be fond of it which will oblidge them to Opin on the Former Terms.\nThe Endien Traders Land is to be Laid of on the north side of the Litle Khanaway from the mouth to the head and by they Lolarel hill till it falls in with the Pensilvania Line and then with it till it falls to the head or as far as it goes and so a straight Line West till it Entersects or stricks the Ohio which will Leve out great part of all the Land on the west side of the Monongahalia to the Ohio from the Proprioters Line as According to the Opinion of Such as Judge the matter the western Bounds will [be] a Crooked Line agreed to the Meanders of Dolawar River.\nThe Enden Traders have not got there Land Confirmd to them yeat from any Acount they have had \u27e8yeat\u27e9 Capt. Trent is still in Ingland wating to have it Setled.\nI Shall do Every thing in my Power to inform my self in Regard to the Lands where the[y] are to be Laid of till I see or hear from you I am your most Humble Sarvent\nW. Crawford\nN.B. When you com up you will see the hole of your Tract finisht and have it all Patent in on[e] Tract I spook to Mr Thilman about it and told him you wanted to Command som part of the River and he agreed the Servayor should Run it out and you pay all under one and have a patent for the hole in one.\nColo. Carlyle has promised me to show you Mr Sculls Map just Dun from the best intelligents Som Actual Survays Som from Report or best Accounts he co[u]ld Get.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0225", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Jonathan Boucher, 9 May 1770\nFrom: Boucher, Jonathan\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nCaroline, May the 9th 1770.\nThere are some particular Circumstances in my Affairs, at this Juncture, which make Me desirous to know your & Mrs Washington\u2019s final Resolution respecting Mr Custis\u2019s Visit to Europe. Should You think it adviseable for Him to go, & I be thought a proper person to accompany Him, I still am willing to do it, & on Terms which, I can hardly think, You will judge unreasonable. I mean not to take upon Me to advise You in the Matter; Yet, I cannot help giving it You as my Opinion, that, from what I know of Him, Travelling will be of peculiar Service to Him. And as He is now advancing fast to that period of Life, much the most hazardous, this Expedient, if ever adopted at all, should be resolved on Early, & put in Execution, at least, in two Years from this Time. The Expecta[tio]n of it will engage his Attention, & divert Him from what I think a very wrong System, tho. a very common one, with the Youth of Virginia: it is to be hoped too, that it will stimulate Him to pursue his Studies with greater Earnestness, when He recollects how often He must be put to the Blush, if He appears illiterate amongst Men of Letters, into whose Company, in Travelling, He will often fall. Surely, it will not be thought that I can possibly have any interested Views in this Matter. It is true, indeed, I wish to revisit my native Country; & I have too a strong Inclina[tio]n to see the difft parts of the World. In point of Prudence, however, I believe it were better for Me to remain contented as I am: I consider it in\nthis Light, that I am unconnected in the World, with no very violent Passion, but that of increasing my slender Stock of Knowledge, which I persuade myself I shall most effectually accomplish by a Tour thro\u2019 those Countries where Arts & Sciences have been most successfully cultivated. These, believe Me, are all the interested Motives I feel the Influence of: & if I have either heretofore or now, recommended it to Mr Custis to travel, it was from a full Conviction how necessary & how useful it wd be to Him. I have many Reasons for this Opinion, Some of which, I believe, are not unknown to You.\nHappening, at present, to be a good deal hurried, I have only Time to add, that I wou\u2019d by no means have mentioned this Matter to You now, had not my own affairs required it: & that I can never consent to his leaving Virga, unless He is first innoculated, which therefore should be resolved on as soon as ever You can be advis\u2019d of a good opportunity.\nI beg my respectful Compts to Mrs Washington & Miss Custis: & am, very truly, Yr most obedt Humble Servt\nJonan Boucher\nP.S. I have shewn Jack what I have wrote, & desir\u2019d Him to think of the Project calmly & coolly, & then sit down, & write you fully his own Sentiments on the Subject.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0226", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Jonathan Boucher, 13 May 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Boucher, Jonathan\nSir,\nMount Vernon May 13th 1770\nYour favour of the 9th came to hand last Night, but I do not think myself prepared at this time, to give any conclusive answer\nto the questian you propounded, respecting Mr Custis\u2019s travelling to perfect his Education.\nIt is a matter of very great consequence, and well deserving of the most serious consideration, especially by one who stands in the degree of Affinity to him that I do\u2014A natural Parent has only two things principally to consider, the Improvement of his Son, and the Finances to do it with: if he fails in the first (not through his own neglect) he laments it as a misfortune; if exceeded in the Second, he endeavours to correct it as an abuse; unaccountable to any, and regardless of what the world may say, who do not, cannot suspect him of acting upon any other motives than for the good of the Party; he is to satisfy himself only: but this is not the case in respect to Guardians: they are not only to be actuated by the same motives which govern in the other case, but are to consider in what light their conduct may be viewed by those whom the constitution hath placed as a controuling power over them; because a faupas committed by them often incurs the severest Censure, and sometimes punishment; when the Intention may be strictly laudable.\nThus much Sir I have taken the liberty of saying to shew you in what light I consider myself (generally) as the Guardian of this youth: But before I coud adopt the measure finally, upon the extensive plan you seem to propose, and give a definitive answer; it woud be incumbent on me (as the person who is to acct for his worldly concerns as well as personal accomplishments) to have some regular System proposd; that it may be seen at one view how the expence & his Income are proportiond to each other. for th\u00f4 I am far, very far, from harbouring any distrust of your being influenced by any sinester views, or that you woud be unreasonable in your expectation\u2019s as his Governor, yet, some plan shoud be pointed out, some estimate formed, by which I am to be guided; otherwise, were I hastily to determine that a year or two hence (or as his Education and judgment ripened) he was to travel, and when that period arrivd it was found to be upon a plan too enlargd for his fortune and a stop thereby put to it, it might be a disappointmt to you which I shoud be sorry for, as I make it a point, at least endeavour to do so, not to deceive any one.\nFrom what I have said, you may possibly conceive that I am averse to his Travelling for the completion of his Education; but\nbe assured Sir I am not; there is nothing, in my opinion, more desirable to form the manners, and encrease the knowledge of observant youth than such a plan as you have sketchd out; and I beg of you to believe, that there is no Gentleman under whose care Mrs Washington and myself woud so soon entrust Mr Custis as yourself (after he is sufficiently instructed in Classical knowledge here) It may be depended on therefore, that the gratification of this passion in him, will never meet with any interruption from me; and I think I may venture to add from his Mother, provided he is disposed to set out upon such a Plan of Improvement as your good sense is capable of dictating to him; & provided also, that you will undertake to accompany & guide him in the pursuit of it: Add to this, that he will be content with such an allowance as his Income can afford; for here it is also necessary to observe, that tho. he is possessd of what is called a good Estate it is not a profitable one\u2014His Lands are poor, consequently the Crops short; and th\u00f4 he has a number of Slaves, Slaves in such Cases only add to the Expence\u2014About 60 and from that to 80 Hhds of Tobo is as much as he generally makes of a year; and if this is cleared, it is as much as can be expected considering the number of People he has to Cloath and the many Incident charges attending such as Estate.\nThis Sir, is all the answer I am capable of giving you at present. if you will do me the favour to be more explicit on this Subject in another Letter, I will not only think of the matter with the best attention to it I am master of, but advise with some of his, and my friends, whilst I am in Williamsburg as a justification of my conduct therein. and as to his being Innoculated for the Small Pox previous to such an Event, the propriety of it is so striking, that it cannot admit of a doubt\u2014In truth, my opinion of this is, that it ought to happen whether he travels or not, as this disorder will in the course of a few years be scarce ever out of his own Country. With very great esteem I remain Revd Sir Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0227", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Jonathan Boucher, 21 May 1770\nFrom: Boucher, Jonathan\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nSt Mary\u2019s [Caroline County], May the 21st 1770.\nSo hurried as You know Me to be at present, I flatter myself You will not even now expect more of Me than the Outlines of a Plan of Travelling: the filling it up may be the Work of further Leisure, & maturer Consideration. And, as I have Nothing to lay before You, but mere Conjectures & Opinions, unsupported by any Experience of my own, let Me again have Leave to remind You not to pay any greater Deference to These, or to any Opinions, than They are found fairly to deserve. It is a Project of sufft Importance to warrant yr collectg the Opinions of all who may be suppos\u2019d to have ever attended to, or thot of the Matter.\nTravelling, You are well aware, is still & long has been much in Vogue in our Mother Country; yet has it so frequently been attempted & executed in so absurd & preposterous a Manner, that it is now become a Question, whether, it be really useful or not. And as warm an Advocate as I profess myself for this method of completg an Educatn, I yet readily own that it is only some Persons to whom Travelling can possibly be useful\u2014& that there are perhaps equally many to whom it wd certainly be pernicious. The light, giddy, fantastical frothy & frivolous Characters amongst Us, wd only be made worse, & rendered incurable: but, let Sedentary Men talk as much as They please of the Loss of Time, the Expence, & the unsettled & roving Habits acquired by Travel, to Me it is beyond a Dispute, that to an observant Mind, & to a Person Endued wth Judgmt to draw profitable Knowledge fm the various Objects wc. various Countries are perpetually presentg, there is not ano[the]r so eligible a System to be taken to form & polish the manners of a liberal Youth, & to fit Him for the Business & Conversa[tio]n of the World. And if You will be pleased to apply this Remark to some living Instances to be met with even here, I am mistaken if it will not account for that Objec[tio]n so often started by the Opposers of this Plan\u2014that Such, & Such an one have travelled without being any better for it. Depend upon it, They were either originally unfit for the Experiment, or it has been conducted on wrong Principles. Let This be sd witht any Suspicion of my aimg to reflect on any Individuals: the Reflexion is not confin\u2019d to\nVirginia. But there is a certn Captiousness in some of yr Countrymen wc. I cannot but lament, tho. I very freely pardon as being but the Ebullitions of Zeal for thr Country, wc. will hardly allow a Foreigner (& such I must be called, in Spite of my sincere Attachmt to Virga & Virginians) to find Fault wth any Thing belonging either to Them or to their Country. But, as I am well convinced This is not the Case wth You, I return to my Subject.\nIt being then agreed, at least by You & Me, that, generally speaking, Travelling is useful & necessary, to young Persons in all Countries, let us, as more immediately interesting us, now more particularly enquire, if it be not peculiarly so to a Virginian & to Mr Custis. The peculiar Advantages wc. result to Youth from Travel, are sd to be first, an Easy Address, the wearing off national Prejudices, & the findg nothg ridiculous in national Peculiarities; &, above all, that supreme Accomplishmt wc. we call a Knowledge of the World. A Service so useful as to supersede or disgrace all the Rest: for I understand not the Phrase in the Sense in wc. Fops or Rakes use it, but mean by it that easy that elegant, that useful Knowledge wc. results fm an enlarged observan of Men & Things, fm an Acquaintance wth the Customs & Usages of various & distant Countries, fm some Insight into their Policies, Governmt, Religion & Manners: in a word, fm the Study & Contempla[tio]n of Men, as They present Themselves on the grt Stage of the World, in various Forms, & under diffg Appearances. This is that Master Science, wc. every G[entle]man shd know, & wc. yet no School nor College can teach Him. To apply this to the Country We live in where will You point out to Me another so circumscrib\u2019d in its Intercourse wth Mankind at large, as Virga? Saving here & there a needy Emigrant from Gt Britain, an illiterate Captn of a Ship, or a subaltern Mercht, to whom can a Virga Youth apply for a Specimen of the Manners &c. of any other People? Thus limited in the Oppty for observan, must not his Ideas necessarily resemble Those of a Caribbee Indian, mentioned by Lafitau, who, offended at being called a Savage, exclaimed, I know no Savages but the Europeans, who adopt none of our Customs; or Those of the Inhabitants of the Marian Islands, who, being persuaded that Theirs was the only Language in the Universe, concluded from thence that all other Men knew not how to speak? He finds his Lot cast in a Country amazingly fertile, & thence learns to\nconclude that even the rich Plains watered by the Nile, the Grecian Temple, the Roman Campania, the Spanish Andalusia, are all mean & contemptible wn compar\u2019d wth his low Grounds; &, pursuing this Train of Reasoning, soon supposes also like the Baron Thonder ten Tronck, that both his Country & Countrymen, are the finest of all possible Countries & People. Now, if it were only for the Sake of Truth & Decency, if it were but to avoid the Ridicule to wc. these palpable Absurdities expose Them, one cannot but wish our Youth cd be taught to open thr Eyes, & extend Them beyond thr own foggy Air & dirty Acres. But, This is not all: there is not a Country in the World, where a Man of Capacity cd be more eminently useful by promotg & Encouraging the Arts, than in Virga. Till very lately You cou\u2019d hardly any where see a piece of Land tolerably plough\u2019d, or a person who cd be persuaded that plowing made any Difference: & even yet it is more than probable, even Those who have made the greatest Improvemts in this most natural, most useful, & most amusing Art, fall infinitely short of Some other Countries. In a political View then, Travelling appears to be exceedingly necessary: since a Man may thus learn to double the Value of his Estate.\nI mentioned too the Improvemt of Manners; by wc. I mean an Ability for ingenious, manly, & useful Conversatn. For a Traveller who makes a proper Use of his opportunities, will be all of a piece, & return as polished in his Mind & Understanding, as in his Person. To this it is frequently objected that wt is gain\u2019d in Civility & Politeness, is lost in real Goodness & Virtue, by the various temptg Scenes of Vice to wc. a Youth must be exposed in the Course of his Travels. In Ansr to This, let Me observe that there are Some Tempers who cd not possibly be preserved fm the Taint of Vice, even wth the Benefit of a private Educatn. Or, grant it were practicable to retain the purity of their Morals by such narrow Regulans; do not You think that if, by this Means, They shd chance to have fewer Vices, They wd also have fewer Excellencies? And it shd be remembered that solitary Virtue, however pure & immaculate, is but imperfect Virtue: We are formed for Society, & the Business of the World is a Duty we owe to Society: & it is therefore our Duty to qualify ourselves for the performance of these Duties in the Best manr wc. is by prudent, & well conducted Travel.\nLet us now, if You please, as a Contrast to This, for a Moment figure to Ourselves the future History of our pupil, shd this Expedient not be approv\u2019d of. The chief failings of his Character are that He is constitutionally, somewhat too warm\u2014indolent, & voluptuous. As yet these Propensities are but in Embrio. Ere long, however, They will discover Themselves, & if not duly & carefully regulated, it is Easy to see to what They will lead. At best, He will soon lose all Relish for mental Excellence\u2014He will unwillingly apply to any Improvemts either in Arts or Sciences. Sunk in unmanly Sloth, his Estate will [be] left to the Managemt of some worthless overseer; & Himself soon be entangled in some matrimonial Adventure, in wc. as Passion will have much to say, it is not very likely Reason will be much listened to. I appeal to You, Sir, if This Acct be exaggerated, & if it be not sadly verified by many living Instances that have fallen under yr own observatn.\nThe Contrast is so striking, to Me, at least, it seems so, that I can not think it possible for any one to hesitate a Moment in determing. Let Me then hasten just to repeat wt I yesterday mentioned to You of the Manner in wc. I cou\u2019d wish my Scheme to be executed. In the first Place then, I wou\u2019d have him make the Tour of N. America, at least, the Northern Colonies, wc. might very well be done in six Months. And This chiefly to avoid the Absurdity of going so far to get acquainted wth other Countries ere He knew any Thing of his own. After This, He shd go to Engld, & there immediately be enter\u2019d in one of the Universities, not so much fm any Prospect of Advantages to be gain\u2019d by Study in the little Time He cd stay there, as that it wou\u2019d be by much the safest Place for Him. After a Winter or so spent there, He shou\u2019d be conducted thro\u2019 the principal Counties & Towns of the three Kingdoms, which wou\u2019d possibly take up nearly a Year: After This He might conveniently spend six Months in the Metropolis, & from thence set out on his Tour thro\u2019 Some of the principal Countries on the Continent, wc. He shd travel thro\u2019 not as a Virtuoso to collect Rarities, or as a Connoisseur, to gaze at excellent Pictures or magnificent Buildings, but rather like a Really sensible & Sentimental Traveller, such as Horace intimates Ulysses was, who travell\u2019d thro\u2019 many Cities to see the Manners of many Men. These are the Outlines of my Plan, which however I no otherwise recommend to You, than as my first\nThoughts, wc. I shall be proud to see improv\u2019d by Yrself or others. The Expence of the Undertaking yet remains to be spoken of, in estimating of which, I am even more at a Loss than in what I have heretofore mentioned. However, as I had much rather have my Judgemt called in Questn than my Inclinatn to comply wth every Request of Yours, I hesitate not to give You my Opinion, such as it is. I cannot then believe that it can possibly be executed in any such Manner as You wd wish, or as it ought, for less than \u00a31000 sterlg \u214cr ann: if so little; which I calculate in this Manner. It cannot be thot unreasonable that my appointmt, if finally I shd be pitch\u2019d upon to accompany Him, shd at least be equal to wt I relinquish here; as I take not into Acct the Injury I may thus eventually do to my future Prospects in Life, since This, I think, ought to be charg\u2019d to the Pleasure I propose to myself fm the Scheme. This then I set down at \u00a3250: My Expences & those of a Servt & a pr of Horses, at as much more: His own, & servt &c. at \u00a3250\u2014the remaining \u00a3250 I allot to Cloathg Him, & sundry other unforeseen Expences, such as Purchasg Curiosities, visitg public Places, &c. &c. For Aught I know, This may be too much\u2014tho\u2019 I hardly think it is: shou\u2019d it be so, as I know his Circumstances, it shd be my Study to propor[tio]n his Expences, as far as They possibly could, to his Income. And, whoever be his Preceptor, shd have it strictly in Charge Punctually to render You a faithfull Acct of every Disbursemt, that so You might have it in yr Power to subject Him to whatever new Regulans You might judge expedient.\nI am much Ashamed to lay before You so confused & ill digested a letter, wc. I beg You to impute to my Hurry, & my being constantly interrupted by Company: If, however, You can only collect from it the Substance of my Plan, & if That only appears tolerably plausible to You, I am not very anxious for the rest, relying so entirely as I do, on yr Candor to excuse any Inaccuracies You may meet wth in wt I have wrote. This only I have to request of You, that wn You consult any of yr Friends on this Matter, You will be so good as not to produce this Letter, which tho\u2019 I am not afraid to trust to You, I am yet unwilling shd be perused by Strangers.\nAs to Mr Custis\u2019s living wth Me in Annapolis, shou\u2019d I resolve to remove thither, as I suppose I shall, I have not any Thing to add to wt I yesterday told You. I purpose calling on Mrs Washington\nin my Way to Maryland, & shall then request Her immediately to write to You her Sentiments, so that I shall hope to be oblig\u2019d wth your final Resolution before I leave Annaps, which will hardly be before the Middle of next Month. I am, with much Esteem, very truly, Sir, Yr most Obedt & most Hble Servt\nJonan Boucher", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0228", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 21 May 1770\nFrom: Capel & Osgood Hanbury\nTo: Washington, George\nEsteemed Friend\nLondon 21st May 1770\nWe did ourselves the pleasure of writg Thee the 25th October last \u214c the Hanbury Capn Esten, since which we have not received any of Thy favors, which we are sorry for, being always glad to hear of Thy welfare. The principal occasion of this is to advise that we have sent Captain Necks in a new Ship call\u2019d the\nLunn & Lloyd for the accomodation of our friends, whom we earnestly solicit will give her a quick dispatch as the sale of her cargo greatly depends thereon, should it be convenient & agreeable to Thee either by him, or any other opportunity to favor us with any part of thy Crop, Thee may depend on the utmost of our abilities being exerted in the disposal of it to thy advantage\u2014We hope before this comes to hand Capn Esten will have taken his departure for this Port, & that such of our friends who have favor\u2019d us with their Tobo by him, will reap the advantage of an early market the present prices of Tobacco being from 3\u215b d. to 4d. \u214c lb. for exportation, & from 10\u00bcd. to 11\u00bdd. \u214c lb. home consumption, the very finest sorts will produce more.\nWe shall hereafter duly attend to the directions Thee gives us of inclosing the Letters &c. of John Park Custis, under cover to Thee untill we receive Thy instructions to the contrary.\nWe beg leave to advise that the business of the House will be continued as usual, under the firm of Osgood Hanbury & Co. from the 1st of August next to which time all our friends Accots Currt will be made out and forwarded as soon after as possible. We are sorry to advise that the duty on Tea is not likely to be taken off this sessions, whatever it may be the next every thing has been done that possibly could to get the whole Act repeal\u2019d, but without success\u2014It will afford great pleasure to hear of thy welfare by the return of Capn Necks, & remain with great regard & esteem\u2014Thy assured Friends\nCapel & Osgood Hanbury", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-25-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0229", "content": "Title: To George Washington from William Peareth, 25 May 1770\nFrom: Peareth, William\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nLondon the 25 May 1770\nIn May last I troubled Coll Hunter to get forwarded to you Messrs Colvill & West as Exectutors to the late Mr Colvill a letter from Newcastle, covering the Pedigree of Dulcibella Stott & Certificate of her then residing there which, had been formed in consequence of an Advertisment put into the News Papers by the direction of the Will of the said Mr Colvill.\nI then represented to you the distressed Circumstances this poor Woman was laboring under & how salutary a speedy relief would be to her, but above all beged to have some answer to satisfy her about her great Expectations, which I fear by Coll Hunter\u2019s account given me will never profit her much.\nI can hardly suppose my letter has miscarried as it was forwarded by one of this Gentlemans friends: I have seen him since I came to Town & he has assured me that if I would write to you, you would have the goodness to enquire if my letter was ever received, & to send me an answer thereto.\nIf there is a possibility of getting anything for this poor old woman, I hope you will be so charitable as to use your Interest in her Behalf; I however flatter myself that you will very soon favor me with an answer to this, directed to Newcastle upon Tine, setting forth the State of the Case, that I may satisfy her how Things are, which Coll Hunter say\u2019d I might depend upon your doing, if I made use of his name, the same as if he had given me a Line to you himself, to desire you would take this Trouble.\nI do \u27e8as\u27e9sure \u27e8y\u27e9ou I have no other Interest in the affair than a desire of getting this poor woman who now lives upon Charity a certain Information whether she is or is not to expect any advantage from the Will of the late Mr Colvill, for without some advice from one of you Gentlemen concerned there will be [no] satisfying her or making her easy about it.\nYou will excuse the Liberty I take in troubling [you] with this letter, if you will favor me with a speedy answer to it, you will very much oblige Sir your obt hble Servt\nWm Peareth", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0233", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Johnson, 18 June 1770\nFrom: Johnson, Thomas\nTo: Washington, George\nSir.\nAnnap[oli]s 18 June 1770\nI take the Liberty by the Revd Mr Boucher who as well as others have assured me of your Friendship to the Inland Navigation on Potowmack to inclose you a Subscription Paper which is intended to be put about at our Frederick Court next Week\u2014I have with some though too few others lately taken a View of the River from a little below Fort Frederick to Paynes Falls\u2014in our Voyage down we met with Nothing of any Consequence till we came to Catons Gutt what is called Houses Falls another Rift\u2014between that and Andietum and what is called Shepherds Falls a little below Shepherds Town being the only Obstructions\nand which might be easily removed at very small Expence. from Catons Gutt to Paynes Falls about 5 Miles Distance will we think be in prudence our present Object and 2500\u00a3 Pensylva. Currency it is thought by an Englishman in whom I have very great Confidence and a German who has been long employed in blowing Rocks will reduce Shannandore to allow a tolerable passage and make a towing Path\u2014If we once get through the Shannandore I need not remark that all the Force above may be easily drawn to a point at Seneca or any other Obstruction below which will admit of Improvement at a tolerable Expence. We choose to blow a passage rather than attempt Naviga. through Locks because the Falls no where appear too steep for Vessells to come down if they had but Room enough and this plan is the more eligable as it avoids a very strong Objection to Locks from the Freshes, &ca \u27e8&ca\u27e9 our Boat came through and we are satisfied loaded Battoes might with safety was there Room enough and a Channel deepned[.] I had the pleasure too to be fully satisfied there\u2019s no weight in a plausible Objection made some Time since that deepning the Water where there are at present Ledges of Rocks would draw off the Water and occasion Shallows above for suppose about 20 or 30 Feet in width is deepned 2 Feet for Instance what Effect can it have on a Body of Water constantly supplied of 200 or 250 Yards width besides an actual sounding and I was attentive to the Circumstance[.] I find the Water deep above those Ledges no where as I recollect less than 5 Feet generally more and sometimes double that depth. but suppose the warfs Timber or Stone might easily be placed in other Breaks of the Ledge of Rocks so as to keep the water to it\u2019s natural height by counteracting the new Draft by in a new Obstruction. Should this Mode of effecting the Navigation be generally approved I am not unapprized that the Scheme of raising Money by Subscription is liable to Objection and I think with many that this River justly claims the Attention of the Legislatures of both Provinces[.] I sincerely wish they could be both brought into one generous and grand Scheme and am sure that the vast Addition to Trade would soon repay almost any Expence but I fancy you and I are too well acquainted with the Difficulties of carrying points of Consequence through the three Branches of one Legisl[ature] to entertain Expectations that both Legislatures will soon concur circumstantially in the\nsame Scheme for clearing Potowmack\u2014If any Thing should be given in Maryland in a public way a Subscription will certainly be an essential Condition and from what I have understood in Virginia the plan of a Corporation Subscription of Shares & Tolls would be the most agreeable there. A great many of the interested in Maryland are willing to put their Hands into their own pockets at once and I believe the Germans of whom we have Numbers in good Circumstances are much disposed to it so that if the people of your Side can be brought to do their just part, I do not mean an Arithmetical exactness, I flatter myself the Thing is well within our power and that a considerable part may still be done this Year. To convince people of the immediate Advantages to themselves I make this Estimate.\nLand Carriage 80 Miles at 1/ Pensylva. Curry per Mile per Ton or 38 Bushels of wheat is\nFrom Paynes Falls to Shannandore Semple now gives for Water Carre per Ton\nfrom the Mo. of Connegocheage to Paynes about the same Distance suppose the like\nLand Carriage from Seneca to the little Falls 12 or 14 Miles say 14\nsaved by Water Carriage except the small Expence of Carriage from the little Falls to Geo. Town or Bellhaven on each Ton\nBut what has weight with some though not enough are the \u27e8immense\u27e9 future Advantages which you much better that I \u27e8illegible\u27e9 favor and see of in making Poto. the Channel of Conveyance and Connection between the new Country westward and Britain.\nIf you sr should approve the Scheme of a Subscription and think any Thing can be done that Way in Virginia it will give us new Spirits on this Side\u2014if not I shall be greatly obliged by your communicating your Thoughts on the Subject.\nWhen I had the pleasure of seeing you at the Springs last Summer I mentioned that my Brother had obtained the Secret of curing Fits by simples he had several people under his Care who have been happily relieved the Cure was much slower than he reported and indeed he \u27e8even\u27e9 began to think that he had been deceived but he is now fully satisfied of the salutary Effects\nof \u27e8the\u27e9 Medicine which has been considerably improved lately, from his own actual Experiment on several Subjects and if, which I shall indeed be sorry to hear, the young Lady has as yet met with no Relief I shall procure and send you some with proper Directions\u2014Mrs Washington may be assured that no ill Consequence will follow from it. I am sr With great Regard Your most obedt humble Servt\nThs Johnson, Junr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0234", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Margaret Savage, 18 June 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Savage, Margaret\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Margaret Savage, 18 June 1770. On 15 Dec. 1770 GW wrote to Mrs. Savage: \u201cYour letter of the 18th of June came to my hands a few days ago.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0235", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 21 June 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Capel & Osgood Hanbury\nGentn\nWilliamsburg. June 21st 1770.\nOf this date I have drawn upon you for Two hundred and Fifty pounds Sterling in favour of Peyton Randolph Esqr., which sum you will please to pay, & place to Acct of Mr John Parke Custis. I am Gentn Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "06-27-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0236", "content": "Title: From George Washington to George William Fairfax, 27 June 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Fairfax, George William\nDr Sir\nMount Vernon June 27.\u27e8th\u27e9 1770.\nHerewith you will receive some Letters which I brought from Williamsburg; which place I left on Saturday in the After noon. The Assembly was not then up, a few Bills remaind unfinished which woud oblige the House to set again this Week\u2014little business of a Publick nature has been transacted\u2014private Bills have engrossd the time of the House almost wholely since the First meeting of it.\nA New Association is formd much upon the old Plan, but more relax\u2019d; to which the Merchants then in Town acceded\u2014Committees in each County are to be chosen to attend to the Importations, & see if our Agreements cannot be more strictly adhered to. There was nothing new when I left Williamsburg\u2014Yours & Mrs Fairfax\u2019s Friends were well, as I suppose your\nLetters advise\u2014I had many Complimts to you all (Colo. Fairfax Included) which as I am but a poor hand at delivering specially I must beg the favour of having them receivd in a Lump.\nI am very much obligd to you for the favour of getting Stone from your Quarries I understand it has assisted me much, as it is got at much easier than with me. My \u27e8compliments, in which Mrs Washington, &ca\u27e9 join\u2019s are tenderd & I shoud be glad to know how you all do\u2014After a little rest, and enquiry into the state of my business; I will do myself the pleasure of seeing you at Belvoir & paying my respects to Sir Thomas. I am Dr Sir Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0237", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, July 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nCash\nJuly 6\u2014\nTo Ditto [cash] recd from the Boston\u2019s Burser for my Bull @ 20/\nTo Cash of Harrison Manley\nTo Ditto of Mr Humpy Peake 6 Dollars\nContra\nJuly 3\u2014\nBy Charity 15/\u2014Gave the Armr 6\nBy Mrs Washington\nBy Willm Carlin\u2019s acct for self \u00a35.8.6 Ditto for Jno. Parke Custis 3.14.6\nDo\u2014\nBy Mr [John] Stedlar for Miss Custis 12.18.0 Ditto for J.P. Custis 8.12.\nBy Miss Custis Pocket Money 2.2. Milly Posey Do .7.6\nBy Augs. Darrell Sheriff of the lowr Parish\nBy Mrs Washington\nBy Mr Wm Adam Sheriff of the upper Parish\nBy David McCrae for 2 Horses \u00a321.4.0 Saml McChisney for 2 Do 13.10.\nBy Thos Pursley for Stackg 16 days @ 5/\nBy Cornels Palmer workg at Harvest\nBy John Alton\nBy Lund Washington\nBy Jno. P. Custis Pocket Money\nBy Thos Byrd for Cradling at Har[ves]t \u00a32.17.6 for Mowing Hay .9. Makg & fixg Cradles .9.\nBy Cash paid Edwd Williams\nBy Ditto to James Cleveland\nBy Willm Skilling Balle of Accts\nBy Charity 10/\u2014Oats &ca 2/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0238", "content": "Title: Memorandum List of Tithables, 16 July 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nA List of Tithables in Truro Parish Fairfax County\u2014given in July 16th 1770.\nGeorge Washington, Lund Washington\nThos Bishop, Wm Skilling, Thoms Davis. Ho. Servants: Breechy, Billy, Giles, Schomberg, Harry, Doll, Jenny, Betty, Moll, Sall, Sarah, Phillis, Winney, Sue, Kitt. Home Plann: Jack [&] Herculas\u2014Ferry men, Joe, Arlington, Peter, Sarah, Frank, Lydia, Ph\u0153be. Tradesmen: Jon[atha]n Palmer, Will, Michael, Davy, Tom, George, Ned, Jupiter, Peter, George, Lewis. Muddy hole: Jno. Alton, Will, Adam, Will, Sam, Morris, Kate, Nan, Sarah, Jenny. Doeg run Pl.: Morris, Matt, Bath, Jupiter, Robin, Bob, Paul, Hannah, Sue, Betty, Jone, Moll, Lucy. Mill Plann: Davy, Ned, Robin, Judy, Lucy, Jenny. In all 69 deduct 2\u201367.\nList of Tithables in Fairfax Parish July 16th 1770.\nJames Cleveland\nFrederick, Essex, Ben, Natt, Will, Neptune, Abram, George, Walley, Schomberg, Ruth, Peg, Murria, Doll, Daphne, Cloe, Nan, Judy, Milly. In all 20.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0239", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Thomas Johnson, 20 July 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Johnson, Thomas\nSir\nVirginia 20th July 1770.\nI was honourd with your favour of the 18th of June about the last of that Month and read it with all the attention I was capable of but having been closely engaged with my Hay & Wheat Harvests from that time till now I have not been able to enquire\ninto the Sentiments of any of the Gentlemen of this side in respect to the Scheme of opening the Inland Navigation of Potomack by private Subscription\u2014in the manner you have proposed\u2014and therefore, any opinion which I may now offer on this head will be considered I hope as the result of my own private thinking\u2014not of the Publick.\nThat no person more intimately concernd in this Event wishes to see an undertaking of the sort go forward with more facility and ardour than I do, I can truely assure you; and will, at all times, give any assistance in my power to promote the design; but I leave you to judge from the Tryal, which before this you undoubtedly have made, how few there are (not immediately benefited by it) that will contribute any thing worthwhile to the work; and how many small sums are requisite to raise a large one.\nUpon your Plan of raising money, it appears to me that there will be found but two kinds of People who will Subscribe much towards it\u2014Those who are actuated by motives of Publick Spirit; and those again, who from their proximity to the Navigation will reap the salutary effects of clearing the River. The number of the latter, you must be a competent judge of; those of the former, is more difficult to ascertain; for wch reason I own to you, that I am not without my doubts of your Schemes falling through, however sanguine your first hopes may be from the rapidity of Subscribers; for it is to be supposed, that your Subscription Papers will probably be opend among those whose Interests naturally Incline them to wish well to the undertaking & consequently will aid it; but when you come to shift the Scene a little and apply to those who are unconnected with the River & the advantages of its Navigation how slowly will you advance?\nThis Sir, is my Sentiment, generally, upon your Plan of obtaining Subscriptions for extending the Navigation of Potomack; whereas I conceive, that if the Subscribers were vested by the two Legislatures with a kind of property in the Navigation, under certain restrictions & limitation\u2019s, and to be reimbursd their first advances with a high Interest thereon by a certain easy Toll on all Craft proportionate to their respective Burthen\u2019s, in the manner that I am told works of this sort are effected in the Inland parts of England\u2014or, upon the Plan of Turnpike Roads; you woud add thereby a third set of Men to the two I have\n mentioned and gain considerable strength by it: I mean the monied Gentry; who tempted by lucrative views woud advance largely on Acct of the high Interest\u2014This I am Inclind to think is the only method by which this desirable work will ever be accomplished in the manner it ought to be; for as to its becoming an object of Publick Expence I never expect to see it\u2014Our Interests (in Virginia, at least) are too much divided\u2014our Views too confind, if our Finances were better, to suffer that, which appears to redound to the advantage of a part of the Community only, to become a Tax upon the whole\u2014tho^ in the Instance before Us, there is the strongest speculative Proof in the World of the immense advantages which Virginia & Maryland might derive (and at a very small comparitive Expence) by making Potomack the Channel of Commerce between Great Britain and that immense Tract of Country which is unfolding to our view the advantages of which are too great, & too obvious I shoud think to become the Subject of serious debate but which thro. illtimed Parsimony & supiness may be wrested from us & conducted thro. other Channels such as the Susquehanna (which I have seen recommended by some writers) the Lakes &c.\u2014how difficult it will be to divert it afterwards, time only can show. Thus far Sir I have taken the liberty of communicating my Sentiments on the different modes of establishing a fund but if from the efforts you have already made on the North side of Potomack it shoud be found that my fears are rather imaginary than real (as I heartily wish they may prove) I have no doubts but the same spirit may be stird up on the South side if Gentlemen of Influence in the Counties of Hampshire Frederick Loudoun & Fairfax will heartily engage in it and receive all occasional Sums from those who may wish to see a work of this sort undertaken, altho. they expect no benefit to themselves from it.\nAs to the manner in which you propose to execute the work, in order to avoid the Inconvenience which you seem to apprehend fr. Locks I profess myself to be a very incompetent Judge of it\u2014It is a general receivd opinion I know, that by reducing one Fall you too frequently create many; but how far this Inconvenience is to be avoided by the method you speak of, those who have examind the \u27e8illegible\u27e9 Rifts, the depth of Water above, &ca must be infinitely the best qualified to determine. But I am inclind to think that, if you were to exhibit your Scheme to the\nPublick upon a more extensive Plan than the one now Printed, it woud meet with a more general approbation; for so long as it is considered as a partial Scheme so long will it be partially attended to\u2014whereas, if it was recommended to Publick Notice upon a more enlargd Plan, and as a means of becoming the Channel of conveyance of the extensive & valuable Trade of a rising Empire; & the Operations to begin at the lower Landings (above the Great Falls) & to extend upwards as high as Fort Cumberland; or, as far as the expenditure of the money woud carry them; from whence the Portage to the Waters of Ohio must commence; I think many woud be envited to contribute their mite, that otherwise will not\u2014It may be said the expence of doing this will be considerably augmented\u2014I readily grant it, but believe that the Subscribers will encrease in proportion; at any rate I think that there will be at least an equal Sum raised by this means that the end of your plan will be as effectually answerd by it.\nYour obliging offer in respect to Miss Custis we chearfully embrace, & Mrs Washington woud think herself much favourd in receiving those Simples, & direction\u2019s for the use of them, which your Brother Administers for Fitts\u2014Miss Custis\u2019s Complaint has been of two years standing, & rather Increases than abates\u2014Mr Boucher will do us the favour of forwarding the Medicine so soon as you can procure & commit them to his charge which it is hoped will be as soon as possible.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0241", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Jonathan Boucher, 30 July 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Boucher, Jonathan\nDr Sir\nMount Vernon July 30th 1770\nThe Books you wrote for, I hope you will receive in good order by Joe, as I desired Lund Washington to pack them up carefully & see them put into the Portmanteau\u2014No thread came from Mr Addison\u2019s, nor any from Mr Digges\u2019s to which place I sent, thinking it might be contrivd there along with Jacks Key\u2019s. We coud easily have carried down, & most certainly shoud have done so if it had ever got this length.\nThat there shoud be a dissatisfaction, and Murmuring at the Virginia Association (by those who are more strictly Bound) I do not much wonder at; but it was the best that the friends to the cause coud obtain here, and tho. too much relaxd from the Spirit, with which a measure of this sort ought to be conducted, yet, will be attended with better effects (I expect) than the last; inasmuch as it will become general, & adopted by the Trade. Upon the whole, I think the People of Virginia have too large latitude, & wish that the Inhabitants of the North may not have too little: what I woud be understood to mean by it is, that their Publick Virtue may not be put to too severe a tryal to stand the Test much longer, if their Importations are not equal to the real necessities of the People, whether it is, or is not, I cannot undertake to judge but suppose they are not, by the defection of New York, & attempts (tho. unsuccessful as yet) in other places to admit a general Importations of Goods; Tea only excepted.\nSo soon as you are able to get the Simples from Mr Johnson Mrs Washington will be much obligd in having Joe sent with them\u2014We set out this day for Fredericksburg & expect to be back about the 9th or 10th of next Month. My love attends Jack. I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0242", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, August 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[August 1770]\nCash\nAugt 2\u2014\nTo Cash of Doctr [James] Craik for the use of the Surveyor of the 200,000 Acres of Ld Grantd the Sold[iers] by Govr [Robert] Dinwiddies Procln\nTo Do of Captn [Peter] Hog on the same Acct\nTo Do of Mr Jas Mercer in behalf of his Brother Geo: Do\nTo Cash won at Cards\nTo 3 Guineas of Mr [Walter] Magowan for a Gun Imported for him\nTo Cash of Jno. Cannon\nTo Ditto recd from Mr Hectr Ross\nContra\nAugt 3\u2014\nBy Mr James Hunter in full for Mill spindles Gudgeon\u2019s &ca.\u2014Mill\nBy Mr Heslop for self \u00a33.6.0 for Miss Custis 10.\nBy Mr Geo. Mitchell for J.P. Custis\nBy Mrs Washington\nBy Miss Custis\nBy Black Everlastg & trimgs 2 pr Bs.\nBy Mrs Washington to buy a ps. of Paduasoy\nBy Mr Brooke for new Carre to my Cht\nBy Mr Briggs Silk for Miss Custis\nBy Barber 1/\u2014Club at Weeden\u2019s 7/3\nBy Captn [George] Weeden for a Tent & Marquee\nBy repg Watch 5/\nBy Mr Hamilton for Miss Custis .8.6 By Doctr [Hugh] Mercer for Do 1.15.\nBy Club at Weedens 1/3\u2014By Servants 4/3\nBy Expences at Dumfries\nBy Mr Jno. Ball\u2014Mill\nBy Onions &ca 6/9\nBy John Harvey\u2014Mill\nBy Jno. Roberts 1042 Bls Oystr Shells @ 18/ M\nBy Charity\nBy Quit rents pr John Hough\nBy\u2014Rigdon on Acct of my Ho. in Alexa.\nBy Cash lent Mr Robt Rutherford\nBy Doctr [David] Ross for 1 T. 7 C. 3 Q. 24 lbs. of Iron @ 27/ \u00a338.1.9\u00bd Maryld", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0243", "content": "Title: Agreement with George Muse, 3 August 1770\nFrom: Washington, George,Muse, George\nTo: \n[3 Aug. 1770]. \u201cArticles of Agreement made and concluded upon this third day of August in the year of our Lord One thousand Seven hundred and Seventy, between George Muse of the County of Caroline . . . & George Washington . . . Witnesseth that the said George Muse hath this day agreed . . . to let the said George Washington . . . have one full third part of all the Land which he the said Muse now is, or hereafter shall be, entitled to under Govr Dinwiddies Proclamation of the 19th of Feby in the yr 1754. . . . In consideration whereof the said George Washington doth hereby agree for himself his Heirs \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 to be at all the cost and charges which shall \u27e8arise\u27e9 in Surveying and securing the said Muses share of the above Grant (the expense of Seating & Settling the same excepted) and permit him . . . to have . . . the other two thirds of the said share, free from any expense or cost . . . .\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0244", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Jonathan Boucher, 13 August 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Boucher, Jonathan\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Jonathan Boucher, 13 Aug. 1770. On 15 Aug. GW wrote to Boucher: \u201cYour favour of the 13th this Instant came to hand.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0246", "content": "Title: From George Washington to John Carlyle, 15 August 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Carlyle, John\nDear Sir\nMount Vernon August 15th 1770\nI laid your letter of the 26th Ulto (to me) before the Officers who met at Fredericksburg the first Inst.; but as they were unacquainted with the nature of your pretensions to a share of the 200,000 acres of Land granted in 1754 they did not choose to saddle you with any part of the expence, not conceiving that your commission as Commissary (if it is under that you claim) entitles you to any part of the Land which was offered to the Soldiery as an Encouragement to embark readily in the Service and march to the Ohio in defence of that Country, and whose lives from the nature of their calling, & the service they were to engage in, must necessarily be exposed to hardships and Dangers.\nThis piece of information I thought it incumbent on me to give you; at the same time I shall add that I am ready to receive any, & every claim, that shall be offered, & will faithfully lay them before the Governor & Council to whom it belongs to judge of the Right from the reason\u2019s which may be offered pro & con. I am Dr Sir Your very humble Servant\nG: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0247", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Jonathan Boucher, 18 August 1770\nFrom: Boucher, Jonathan\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nAnnapolis, Augt 18th 1770.\nJack comes a Day or two sooner than I intended, in Consequence of an Invitation from Mr Galloway, & Mr Magowan, to go to West River, which He does this Day. He brings You some Samples, which I hardly expect will please. Mr Antho. Stewart has a Cargo just arriv\u2019d, not yet opened, in which, He says, are Assortmts of Coating: Shou\u2019d you rather incline to wait for a choice out of These, if You will be so good as to give Me yr Directions, I will endeavour to attend to Them. Their common Rate of selling, for ready Money, is at 100 \u214cCent, which I think is cheaper than with You. A Vessel will clear out from hence for London, in abt a Week or ten Days. I will be careful of any Letters You may want to put on Board.\nThey are still going on wth thr Subscriptn for clearg the Potomac, &, as I am told, wth Spirit. Four hundred pounds are subscribed in this City; nor have They yet got all They xpect. Messrs Jacques & Johnson set off for Frederick to-morrow, & talk of fixing a Day for a general Meeting, before They return. Will it be convenient & agreeable to You to attend\u2014about a Month hence, if You have Notice in Time\u2014at the Spot, i:e: at, or near Semple\u2019s?\nDr Ross yesterday shew\u2019d Me a Letter He had just recd from Croghan at Pittsburg, which informs Him that a new Government is certainly determin\u2019d upon in that Western World\u2014& that either Coll Mercer or one Mr Wharton are to be appointed Governor. He speaks of its Boundaries &c. wth Certainty, as a Matter of Fact. Have You heard of it\u2014& the Particulars? It will be an immense Acquisition, if not immediately to the Wealth, certainly to the Strength of these Governments\u2014& a fine Field for a projectg Spirit to adventure in. I am, Sir, Yr most Obedt Hble Servt\nJonan Boucher", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0248-0001", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 20 August 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nMount Vernon Augt 20th 1770.\nThis Letter accompanies my Invoices for Potomack and York Rivers as also Mr & Miss Custis\u2019s\u2014Agreeable to the several Orders therein containd you will please to dispatch the Goods & by the first Ships bound to the respective Rivers\u2014Those for Potomack will come I hope by a more careful hand than the last did as I neither receivd the Goods nor Letters by Captn Saunderson till the middle of June nor coud ever discover in what Ship\u2014by what Captn\u2014or to what part of the Country they came (the duplicate by Peterson giving no insight into any of these matters but left me in full belief that the Ship was lost as such a lenght of time had elapsd between the date of your Letter and the receipt of it)\u2014In short I do not know to this hour how the Goods came to this River as it was by Accident I heard they were Stored at Boyds hole about 60 Miles from this place and was oblig\u2019d to send for them at my own expence which will often happen if they are sent into any other River than the one they are destind to; but why this shoud have been the case in the Instance before us I am at a loss to guess as there were two Ships Saild from London to Potomack after Johnstoun did; and a little\nbefore, or nearly about the time of the date of your Letter by Saunderson, to wit, Grig in the Service of Mollison and Walker belonging to Deberts, Lee, & Sayre.\nWhen I opend the Packages a piece of Duffield chargd \u00a34.13.0 was found eaten to a honey Comb (by Moth)\u2014whether this was the effect of long lying or carelessness of the Woolen Draper I shall not undertake to determine but certain it is, that I shall not be able to get a single Garment out of the whole piece\u2014By Merchants more accustomd to the Importation of Goods than I am, I have been told that it must have been packd up in the order I receivd it, as there is no such thing as Moths eating in a close Parcel\u2014If this really was the case, it is a species of Dealing which does not reflect much honr upon the reputation of Messrs Mauduit Wright & Co.\nBy Captn Peterson I have Shipd you 32 Hhds of Mr Custis\u2019s Tobo and all Mine consisting of 17 More the Sales of which I hope and flatter myself will be equal to other Tobacco\u2019s made in the same Neighborhood; but which give, me leave to add, has not been the case hitherto notwithstanding you seem to think that I cannot be otherwise than pleased with the last Acct you rendered.\nThat 11\u00bdd. a lb. is such a price as a Planter (in a tolerable good year) may afford to make Tobacco for I shall not deny; but it does not follow as a consequence that I shoud be satisfied therewith in behalf of myself & ward when a Succession of Short Crops have given a Universal start to Tobo and when I know (if the veracity of some Gentlemen with whom I conversed at Williamsburg when I was down there last is to be credited) that other Crops made in York & James City Counties not six Miles from Mr Custis\u2019s Plantations & mine, have sold at 12d. & 12\u00bd pr lb.; and the common transfer Tobo a large proportion of which we pay towards the support of a minister in York County, when priz\u2019d and ship\u2019d to London fetchd 12d. round What Reason can be Assignd then for my being pleasd with 11d. & 11\u00bd (averaging about \u00a312 a Hhd) when the commonest Arroneko Tobo fetchd this in every Port in Great Britain I know not; as it is by no means presumable that the Tobacco which Mr Valentine now makes, & Stems a fourth or a third of, in order to make it good, shoud be of Inferior quality to the general run of purchasd Tobaco; or worse than that, which he himself has applied\nto the Payment of the Minister\u2019s Salery; to do which, and to answer all other Publick Claims it is well known that the most indifferent of our (Inspectd) Tobo is always appropriated\u2014Upon the whole, the repeated disappointments which I meat with has reduced me to a delemma which I am not very well reconcild to\u2014To decline a Corrispondance either altogether or in part which has subsisted for so many years is by no means my Inclination; and to persevere in a Consignment which seems to lead to the prejudice of myself and ward, not only in the Sales of our Tobacco, but the purchase of Goods, is hardly to be expected.\nThat my Goods are for the most part exceedingly dear bought and the directions which are given for the choice of particular Articles not always attended to, I have no Scruples in declaring\u2014The first is no otherwise to be proovd than by a comparison of the prices & quality\u2014the Second is to be evincd by numberless Instances; two of which I shall give as the most recent and Important\u2014Having occasion for Window Glass for a House I was building I sent for my quantity 9 by 11, & got it in 8 by 10\u2014this was a considerable disappointment, & no small disadvantage to me; but not equal to the one that followd upon the Heels of it: I mean the Chariot, which I begd might be made of well Seasond Materials, and by a Masterly workman; instead of which, it was made of wood so exceedingly Green that the Pannels slipd out of the Mouldings before it was two Months in use\u2014Split from one end to the other\u2014and became so open at the joints, tho. every possible care was taken of it, that I expect very little further Service from it with all the repairs I can bestow.\nBesides this, we frequently have slight Goods & sometimes old & unsaleable Articles put of upon us, and at such advancd Prices, that one woud be Inclind to think the Tradesmen did not expect to be paid in haste for them; for it is a fact incontestably true, that Linnens, & other Articles that have their prices proportiond to their respective qualities, are to be bought in the Factors Stores here almost as Cheap as we Import them, after the Merchant has laid on a sufficient advance for his profit\u2014Disagreeable it is to me to mention these things to you, but when it is considered that my own dealings are confind wholely, & my Wards principally to your House, it is not to be wondered at that\nI shoud be dissatisfied with the bought Goods, or a more indifft price for Tobo than is given to my neighbours.\nI am very glad that by meeting with Colo. Stewart you have got quit of the troublesome Doctr McLean\u2014the nett sum of \u00a3302 I shoud have been very well content to have receivd, as I lent this Money to that Gentlemen to be returnd or not, as it suited his convenience; never expecting, or desiring a farthing of Interest for the use of it.\nYou will perceive in looking over the several Invoices that some of the Goods there required, are upon condition that the Act of Parliament Imposing a Duty upon Tea, Paper &ca for the purpose of raising a Revenue in America is totally repeald; & I beg the favour of you to be governd strictly thereby, as it will not be in my power to receive any Articles contrary to our Non-Importation Agreement, to which I have Subscribd, & shall religiously adhere to, if it was, as I could wish it to be ten times as strict. I am Gentn Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-30-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0250", "content": "Title: To George Washington from John Parke Custis, 30 August 1770\nFrom: Custis, John Parke\nTo: Washington, George\nMy dear Sir\nAugust 30th 1770\nI have sent you, according to your directions patterns of all Mr Stewarts Beaver-coating with the lowest ready money prices fixd to each of them, which I have directed the Boy to leave with Mr Ramsay; When I cross\u2019d the River (the day I set off) I saw Mr Mason, who told me that Mr Chritian had been to his House, & told him, that he was to teach four Days at our House the next time; therefore I should be glad, if convenient to know before the Time whether I must come over, &c. likewise whether I shall have the lace taken of my green Coat, I think it had better be turnd by which means it will serve me very well this winter. I have nothing knew to tell you off. Mr Boucher has sent your\nletter by Captain Gorge Buchanan. Please to give my love to Mamma & Sister, & my compliments to all who enquire after me. I am with the greatest respect your most obedient Son\nJohn Parke Custis", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0251", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, September 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[September 1770]\nCash\nSeptr 15\u2014\nTo Ferriage money\nTo Cash of Mr Hector Ross\nTo Do of Mr Gilbt Simpson for Weavg\nContra\nSeptr 2\u2014\nBy Thos Bishop\nBy Mr Jacob Gooding 20 M[aryland] Dollars\nBy Dominicus Gubner\nBy Mrs Palmer for Butter\nBy Corns Palmer Mill\nBy Colo. [Fielding] Lewis to buy Butter with 9 Pistoles\nBy Charity 3/9\u2014Bishop\u2019s Exps. to P. Tobo 3/\nBy Jno. P. Custis\nBy Hatt from the Hatter in Alexa.\nBy Dominicus Gubner\nBy Mr John Muirs acct\nBy Mr Jno. Hite for Bath Coating &ca\nBy Mrs Washington expended in Alexa.\nBy Ditto for Pocket Money\nBy Doctr [William] Rumney\u2019s acct for self \u00a36.4.6 Miss Custis 5.1.0 Colo. [Fielding] Lewis 1.0.0\nBy Jno. Hull Mason for Work on my Mill\nBy Jonathan Palmer\nBy Mrs Washington two Guinea\u2019s\nBy Mr [Thomas] Flemings Servt for Oar\u2019s &ca", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0252", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Burwell Bassett, 9 September 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Bassett, Burwell\nDear Sir\nMount Vernon Septr 9th 1770\nIf this Letter reaches you in time, it will serve to ask if you have any commands to Yaughyaughgany, as I purpose to set out for that part of the World about the 3d or 4th day of Octr Next for a Short stay\u2014A Report prevails here that the Ministry have lately granted to a Company in England, a large Tract of Country on the Ohio (Including the Lands we have just given \u00a32500 Sterg for) to be formd into a Proprietary Government immediately\u2014If this is true I suppose our Governor must have Authentick Accts of it; in which case, & you have time, I shoud be glad to get a certain Acct of the matter, & how far it is thought this Grant will affect the several Orders of Council for Lands to the Westward of us\u2014& what in general is said & thought of it.\nPatcy is much as usual\u2014Mrs Washington is very well\u2014& the Family tolerable\u2014We all join in best wishes to yourself Mrs Bassett, & little ones & I am Dr Sir Yr Most Affecte Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0253", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Botetourt, 9 September 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Botetourt, Norborne Berkeley, baron de\nMy Lord,\nMount Vernon Septr 9th 1770.\nThe very obliging offer your Lordship was pleasd to make me in behalf of the Officers and Soldiers, who (under faith of Government) lay claim to the 200,000 Acres of Land on the\nWaters of Ohio promisd them by Proclamn in 1754 I postpond availing Myself of because it was evident to me from the knowledge I have of the back Country & the rapidity with which it is settling that any considerable delay in the prosecution of our Plan woud amount to an absolute defeat of the Grant inasmuch as Emigrants are daily Seating the choice Spots of Land and waiting for the oppertunity (when the Office is opend) of solliciting a legal Title under the advantages of Possession & Improvement\u2014two powerful Plea\u2019s in an Infant Country\u2014I therefore hoped My Lord, as the Officers and Soldiers who suffered in the cause of their Country still do hope, that notwithstanding your Lordship was of opinion that you coud not at that time vest them with an absolute Grant of the Land, that you woud nevertheless permit them to take such steps at their own expence and rick as others did for the security of their qty of Land agreeable to the Proclamation under which they claim; especially as the claim of the Soldiery may be considerd to all intents & purposes as a Compact between the Governt & them\u2014that the whole voice of the Country is in favour of it\u2014and that little doubts remd of these Lands falling within the limits of Virginia when the Bounda[r]y coud be establishd.\nThis My Lord was the light in which I viewd the matter\u2014in this point of view it also appeard to the Officers who lately met agreeable to my Summon\u2019s; but now, a report prevails that a large Tract of Country on the Ohio Including all the Land which this Governt Voted \u00a32,500 Ster. for the purchase & Survey of, is actually granted to a Company of Gentlemen in England & is to be formd into a seperate Governmt immediately. If this report be true, there is no doubt but that your Lordship has recd the most Authentick Accts of it, as it so essensially concerns the Interests and expectations of this Country\u2014dare I therefore My Lord presume to ask if your Lordship has recd any Advice of it? &, if so, whether there is any reserve in favour of all or any of the Orders of Council here? that I may from thence form some judgment of the Predicament we stand in and Govern myself accordingly. Such a piece of Information by Post to Alexa. might do essential Service to the Officers & many poor Soldiers who have confided in me to transact this affair for them, & woud be acknowledgd as a very singular honr conferd on Yr Lordships Most Obedt and Most Hble Servt.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0254", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Hanson Marshall, 17 September 1770\nFrom: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nMaryland the 17th Sepr 1770\nThe Tenant\u2019s on Mr Alexanders Land (on this side) Are Desirous of knowing what Part of the Lands will be Left, after Laying of the Quantety we are makeing an Exchange for; As you have all the Lands collected in one Plat (If I mistake not)\nthat is in Dogue Neck; If you will be kind Enuf to Let me know the Quantety of Land I hould (In slipes) on the South side of the Mane Roa\u27e8d\u27e9 that Leeds from the head of Dogue Creek (That is, from the \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 Landing Place) to the Gum Spring which Immagin you can Nearly do by your Plat, I can then satisfy the Tenants heare, by Strikeing and Sighting the Line, agreable to the Forme, have sighted in a Ruff Draft of Mr Alexanders Land, sent you. I am yr Verry Hble servt\nTho. Han. Marshall", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0255", "content": "Title: From George Washington to William Peareth, 20 September 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Peareth, William\nSir,\nFairfax Cty Virga Septr 20th 1770.\nYour letter of the 1st of May 1769 Inclosing the Pedegree of Dulcibella Stott came to the Exrs of the late Colo. Thos Colvill about 1st of Decr last as your other Letter of the 25th of May in the present year did to my hands about a Month ago.\nI am sorry it is not in my Power to give you, or the poor Woman you seem so anxious to serve, a more favourable Acct of the Surplus Money of our Testators Estate than I am now able to do\u2014The Settlement of this Estate has been greatly retarded by an unhappy Sale made by Colo. Thomas Colvil as Executor of his Brothr Jno. Colvil of a Tract of Land belonging to the latter for the Sum of between two & three thousand pounds Sterlg out of which as a principal Creditor he himself (that is Thos Colvil) was to receive a large part of the money\u2014This Land was sold to a Person neither very able, nor willing to pay for it; Bonds pass\u2019d, but no Conveyance of it made in the life time of Colo. Thomas Colvil and ever since his death we have been plagued with the letigeous person with whom the Contract was made\u2014It is still unsettled\u2014nor can I say when it will be finally adjusted; for want of which we are unable to discharge many of the Legatees & consequently cannot ascertain the Surplusage which is to be appropriated to the residuary Claiments tho^ something\nthere will be (but how much I really cannot say as I have had but little share in the Executorship of this Estate) and which it will be incumbent on us I believe either to lodge in the hands of the Chancellor, or in some Publick Office in Newcastle that the Person\u2019s claiming under the names of Stott, Wills[,] Richardson & Smith may ascertain the Identity of their Person\u2019s if living, or their leneage if Dead; for we find it will be almost impossible for us to do it in an Epistolary way under a Seven years Corrispondance; so numerous, & confused are many of the Claims which are put in for a share of this Estate under the respective names above mentioned. I am Sir Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0256", "content": "Title: To George Washington from William Grayson, 23 September 1770\nFrom: Grayson, William\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nSniggers Sepr 23rd 1770.\nI have met here to day, & so have your Evidences, agreable to appointment, but only two Commissioners have appear\u2019d which is not sufficient; Mr Scott is sent for, and on his arrival we shall proceed to business; when you may depend I shall do every thing necessary, on your behalf.\nMr Thomas Hite has this day acknowledg\u2019d, he has Thomas\u2019s bond for the money the land was sold for, and offered to relinquish his claim to the land provided I would undertake to pay the amount of the bond, which is abt \u00a312 & Interest; this I did not incline to do, as I had no instructions from you relative to such a proposal; and my own opinion was agt it, as I conciev\u2019d Thomas & his heirs were liable for it, & that the land was not subject to it in the hands of an assignee. I am Sir Yr Mo: Obedt servt\nWillm Grayson\nN.B. They have survey\u2019d the land, but as Marshall is not here I have not seen the survey. W. \u27e8G.\u27e9", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0259", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, October 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[October 1770]\nCash\nOctr 9\u2014\nTo Cash of Lt Jno. Savage his quota of advance towards Surveying the Soldiers Lands\nTo Ditto Recd from Colo. Adam Stephen on the above Acct in part\nContra\nOctr 3\u2014\nBy Cash sent Mrs Green of Annapolis Printg Advertisemt abt Poseys Ferry\nBy Luke Kenny Sadler his Acct\nBy Cash to Jno. P. Custis 20/\u2014By Do to M.P.C. 20/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0260", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Jonathan Boucher, 1 October 1770\nFrom: Boucher, Jonathan\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nAnnapolis 1st Octr 1770.\nI much wish\u2019d to have accompany\u2019d Jack, but cannot: & what is worse, We part on an Uncertainty, which may be disagreeable. I have some Thoughts of setting off for St Mary\u2019s this Week; & if\nI do get away, I can hardly expect to return again till I remove finally, which cannot well be sooner than the latter End of next Month. So that, if I do not come by Mount Vernon, Jack needs not come hither, till You or He hear from Me again. A quondam Schoolfellow of Jack\u2019s wrote to Me last Week to apply to Dr Stephenson of Baltimore to take Him to be inoculated. I have done so; & at the same Time mentioned Custis to Him. He seem\u2019d particularly desirous of having an Opportunity of testifying his Esteem for You by shewing Civilities to any person connected with You. And, cou\u2019d You by any means resolve on this Measure, I cannot but think the present a favourable Time, as there are now, or soon will be, many of his Acquaintances there on the same Errand.\n probably, ere long, You will find out that He has lost his Watch; & He deserves to be severely reprimanded for his Carelessness. I have the Watch, but do not care soon to put Him out of Pain.\nI heartily wish You an agreeable Tour thro\u2019 yonder Tramontane Regions, & am, very truly, Yr much obliged Frd & Servt\nJonan Boucher", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0262", "content": "Title: Account of Expenditures for Trip to the Great Kanawha, 6 October\u201330 November 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[6 October\u201330 November 1770]\nBy Expences in a Journey to the Ohio viz.\n[Md. Currency]\nAt Mosss Ordy\nLeesburg\nfor Sugar there\nDo Mug\nA Cirsingle at Leesburg\nExpences at Caudley\u2019s\nAt [Jesse] Pugh\u2019s\nCacapehon\nServants at Cresaps\nExps. at Romney\nSadle Cloth & Halter\nSundries\n[Va. Currency]\nBy a Bay horse of\u2014Parson\u2019s\na Grey Ditto of\u2014Nevil\n[Md. Currency]\nPaid for 4 Bearskins\n[Pa. Currency]\nAt Wises\u2019 Mill\nCorn there\nAt Gillam\u2019s\nLittle Meadows\nGreat Crossings\n[Md. Currency]\nGave a Servant\n[Pa. Currency]\nPaid at the Widow Miers\nServants at Fort P[itt]\nSmith there\n[Pa. Currency]\nNovr 21\u2014\nFerriage at Fort Pitt\nJno. Street\nSmith at Pittsburg\nCommissary for Provns\nfor a Lock\nPaid the Indians\nIndn Interpreter\nSaml Semple\nWidow Miers\nServants\n[Va. Currency]\nBy Cash pd Jno. Stephenson in Excha. of Horses\n[Pa. Currency]\nExpens. at the Gt Crossgs\nDitto at Kiliams\nDo at Cumberland\n[Va. Currency]\nBy a Horse of Wm Buffington pd Vale Crawford\n[Md. Currency]\nGave Vale Crawford\nServants\nExps. at Rinker\u2019s & Snickers\nDo at Wests &ca\nPensa Money\n[Md. Currency]\nis\n[Va. Currency]\nBy Cash pd Edwd Snickers on Acct of MillStones", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "10-14-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0264", "content": "Title: Bond of John Posey, 14 October 1770\nFrom: Washington, George,Posey, John\nTo: \n[14 Oct. 1770]. \u201cWhereas his present Majesty by his Royal Proclamation given at St James the 7th of October 1763, and Published in the Virginia Gazette on the 12th day of Jany 1764 was Graciously pleased to give & Grant to every Officer & Soldier according to their respective Ranks (as well Provencials as others) certain quantities of waste & ungranted Land in any of his Governmts in North America, wherever the same could be found; And Whereas the above named John Posey by having serv\u2019d as a Captn in the Second Regiment of the Virginia Troops Commanded by the Honble William Byrd is entitled under the said Proclamation to Three thousand Acres of Land in consequence thereof, which Land being inconvenient for him to seek after, he is desirous of selling his right thereto, and for a certain Sum agreed upon with the said George Washington the receipt of which he doth hereby acknowledge. . . .\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0266", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Cary & Co., 13 November 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Robert Cary & Co., 13 Nov. 1770. On 20 July 1771 GW wrote to them: \u201cSo much in answer to that part of your Letter of the 13th of Novr. . . .\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-13-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0267", "content": "Title: Invoice from Robert Cary & Company, 13 November 1770\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nLondon 13th Novr 1770\nInvoice of Cost & Charges of Goods Shipd on Board the Liberty James Walker Comr for Virginia upon the Acct & risque of George Washington and Consignd to himself\u2014Vizt\nTheo: Crowley & Co. Iron\nCask\nCask\n1 dozn Cowprs Drawg knives\n4 ditto Hollowg Do 1/9\n\u00bd dozn Dowling Bitts 3/\n\u00bd dozn Do Croes Iron\u2019s 8/\n6 Ditto Jointer Irons 6d.\n1 Dozn Exr. HL Hinges with Smooth Field Joints\n2 dozn Gimblets 8d.\n2 dozn Spike Do 3/6\n1 dozn Xcut saw files\n3 dozn la: Whipsaw Do 6/\n\u00bd dozn splintr Padlocks 4/6\n6 la: Padlock sorted 1/9\n6 plate Stock Locks with Barrs & Screws 3/2\nCask\nJno. Stabler Linnn\n12 fine Handrs. purple Lawn Chinese 23d.\n1 ps. fine Callico two Purples 12 Yards 26/\n1 fine white Do 14 yds\n2 ps. Irish strong y. wd. high bleachd No. 197 50 yds 15d.\n1 ps. Cambk & Duty 783 24/6\n1 ps. Do Do 785\nCase\nGlover & Co. Ozn[abri]gs\n6 ps. 687 Ells Hempen 8\u00bd\n5 ps. 353 A[u]n[e]s brown Rolls 176\u00bd Ells 2 pCt is 173 Ells 4\u00be\n1 ps. Hessen Wrapper\nPacking & Cartage\nFarrer & Garrett EarthW[are]\n1 Dozn handle Tease & Saucers Cream Colour\n1 Tea Pott 9d. 1 Milk 6d.\n6 Salts & Spoons\n1 la: Bowl\n1 Smaller Do\n2 Ditto\n2 Ditto\n4 Bowls\n2 Ditto\nBox\nTim[oth]y Bevan & Son Ap[othecar]y\nBlueStone 2 lb.\nSpirma Citi 2 lb.\nGlauber Salts 3 lb.\nSpt Turpentine 6 lb.\nFlour Sulpher 10 lb.\nCarraway Seeds 2 lb.\nMosch in grain \u00bd oz.\nStoughton\u2019s Bitters 4\u00bc lb.\nVenice Treacle \u00bd lb.\nDiascordium \u00bd lb.\nTinctr. Castor No. A 4 oz.\nGutta Vite 5 oz.\nSal Volatile 4 oz.\nSpts Sal. Armoniac 4 oz.\nSpt Hartshorne 1 lb. 7 oz.\nUniversal Balsam 9 oz.\nJames\u2019s Powder\u2019s 12 Paprs\nIvory Glister Pipes 6\nBottles Phials, Jarrs, & Potts\nBox & Cord\nA Chest Cord & Cordg\nJames Davis Shoes\n8 pr Womns Cala Pumps 5/\n2 pr Womn Calf Do 4/\n2 pr Womn Do Shoes 3/\nJos. Middleditch Grocery\n10 lb. Salt Petre 11d.\n2 lb. White Ginger 7\u00bd\n\u00bc lb. Mace 18/\n\u00bc lb. Nutmegs 9/4\n\u00bc lb. Cinnamon 17/\n\u00bc lb. Cloves 12/\nRichards & Co. Hose\n1 Dozn Men\u2019s Hose\nLeaver Legg\n1 ps. Duroy 24 Yds\n4 Dozn Coats 8d.\n4 Dozn breast 3\u00bd\nSilk Twist & thread\nThos Preston\n25 lb. la: Drop shott No. 1\nEleanor Brown Corks\n20 Groce Corks\nBag\nChas Wilkins Mustd\n8 half lb. Bottles Mustd 10d.\n1 Box\nBradshaw & Co. Line\n2 Cable Laid Deep Sea Lines @ 4/\nThos White Stays\n1 pr Turnd Stays\nWaltr Humphreys\n2 Dozn Hose No. 3 11/6\nLardner &ca Hab[erdasher]y\n10 lb. best Shoe thrd 18d.\n20 lb. Do Maidste Do 2/\n2 do Wh[ite]d Do 5/9\n2 Oz. Scotch Nuns Do 2/\n1 Oz. fine blue Marking Ditto\n4 Oz. Green Purse Twist 3/3\n4 Oz. Scarlet Do 4/\n3 Chip Bonnets 12d.\n1 White Sattin Do\nDeal Box\nEdwd Gilberd Stat[ionar]y\n\u00bd Rheam Superfine la: Writg Demy Cut\n\u00bd Rheam Demy Post 4to\n6 Papers best Ink Powder\n1 large Box of Wafers\nGeo: Ribright Protr\nA Round Protractr to Pattern\nWm Baker Turn[er]y\n2 large Dry Rubg Brushes Leaded 4/\n4 Clamps for Do 15d.\n1 Fine Lawn Sieve 12d.\n6 Course Hair Do 8d.\nThos Squire C[u]t[ler]y\n 2 pr Scissars @ 2/\n1 pr Ditto\n2 pr Ditto large 3/\nEntry out Searchrs Fees & Shipg Chargs.\nFreight Primage & Bills of Loadg\nPremo of \u00a3 Insd at 4 Gs. prCt & Policy\nComn @ 2\u00bd prCt\nE. Excepted Rob. Cary & Co.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0268", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Joseph Valentine, 21\u201323 November 1770\nFrom: Valentine, Joseph\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nI this day set off Mr Guys Vessell with your negros she did not get hear So soon ass I Expected them by their Letter by ten days they tel me they ware drove to Norfolk a Coming over the Bay they Bring you 500 Bushels of oats\nthe freight 3d. pr Bushel\nand 16 negros @ 15/ pr head\n\u27e8mutilated\u27e9 1 \u27e839\u27e9 lb. of Cotten\nand 167 lb. of wool from King Wm @ 35/\nSam Kitt Cupit parros Ceaser moll Bettey ha\u27e8nna\u27e9h Lucey moll dafney doll Brumswick & Jamy fanney old Brumswick \u27e8& alce\u27e9 16 & 6 Children poll Billey Suckey \u27e8Cloe\u27e9 Rachal & Janey 22 in all\u2014Sir whilst I was writeing the other Letter that Comes by the vessell and \u27e8the\u27e9 above \u27e8heare\u27e9 parros went off though he seemd to be ass willing and Ready to Come ass any off the Rest I went immediate in serch for \u27e8him\u27e9 but Cant find or h\u27e8ear\u27e9 any thing of him sence the negros & their things fild up the \u27e8Vessell\u27e9 so full that their was not Room to put any thing Else a board the vessel wai\u27e8ted\u27e9 the after noon and night for me to try if I Cud get parros but ass I Cud not they Came off with the Rest which is 15 of the Bigest and 6 Children\u2014please to Let me no what I must do with parros if I do get him.\nI thought it not proper to pay the freight tel the negros and other things was deliverd please to give them an order on me for the money if you dont pay it\u2014we have got Sum of our tobaco prisd but I Cant heare of any Ship \u27e8yet that will mutilated\u27e9 it to mr Carey our tobaco fired so bad that it turns out in striping very porely\u2014our Famileys has ben very Sickley this fall have no more to add at present but Remain Sir your most hble Sert\nJos. Valentine", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0269", "content": "Title: Memorandum to William Crawford, 24 November 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Crawford, William\n[Stewart\u2019s Crossing, Pa.] 24th Novr 1770.\nColo. Croghan and I being upon terms for a tract of 15,000 acres of Land, I have agreed to give him five pounds Sterling a hundred for this quantity, subject to a Quitrent of two shillings sterlg per hundred & no more, after the expiration of twenty years, provided you shall like the Land upon Examination of it. I must therefore beg the favor of you to deliver the enclosed letter to him (first taking a copy of it that you may be the better acquainted with my proposal) & if he directs you to proceed & look at the Land; then to examine it with the greatest care & attention, that you may be a competent judge of the quality & situation. The uncertain footing upon which the affairs of this Country seem to rest at present, will prevent me from making this purchase, unless I can get Lands that are really fine, & valuable in their nature for this reason I wou\u2019d not have you\nproceed to run out the Land on my Accot unless it answers the followg descriptions; 1st If the Land is very hilly & broken, I shou\u2019d not choose to be concern\u2019d with it at any rate, or at least, nothing wou\u2019d induce me to do so, unless those hills were of the richest kind; the growth of which shall be walnut, cherry, & such other sorts of timber, as denote the most luxuriant Soil.\n2d If, on the other hand, the Land shou\u2019d be level, or at least wavy, that is, in little risings, sufficient to lay it dry and fit for the Plough, I wou\u2019d put up with a soil less fertile but in either case I shou\u2019d expect the Tract to be well watered, & well timbered with a sufficiency of meadow ground upon it. To descend to a more minute description of Land is unnecessary, as this is sufficient to form a lively Idea of the kind I want.\nIt is not only probable, but what I expect, that Colo. Croghan will say, that he will pass his Bond to convey a title to the Land, and therefore require the money to be paid on the strength thereof\u2014To this I object, and you have only to reply, that if he accepts of the proposal I make him, you are (in that case) to view the Land, & if you approve of it, then to run it out in the manner, & agreeably to the directions above. If the Land is equally good I wou\u2019d choose to have it laid off as convenient to the Fort on the river as possible. I am &c.\nG.W.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "11-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0270", "content": "Title: From George Washington to George Croghan, 24 November 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Croghan, George\nDear Sir,\n[Stewart\u2019s Crossing, Pa.] Novr 24th 1770.\nCaptn Crawford (who I expect will be the bearer of this letter to you) has promised me, that so soon as he has rested a little from the fatigues of his last journey he will wait upon you in\norder to view the Lands you were offering for Sale. I have described the kind of Land to Capt: Crawford, I would choose to become the purchaser of, and if a sufficient quantity thereof, is to be found in a body, I will take Fifteen thousand acres; the money to be paid so soon as there can be a legal title made to the Land, at the rate of five pounds Sterling, for each hundred acres, subject to a Quitrent (after the expiration of twenty years) of two shillings Sterlg per hundred, & no more\u2014If you incline to part with the above quantity of Land, on these terms, Capt: Crawford will proceed to view; & may, in company with any person you shall choose, run it out: It rests therefore with yourself to direct Mr Crawford to go on the Land for the purposes above mentioned, or not; as it will be unnecessary for him to be at any further trouble if you do not incline to accept of the proposal.\nIf the Charter Government takes place in the manner proposed, I presume there will be Surveyors appointed to different Districts, in order that the Land may be run out as fast as possible; in that case I wou\u2019d beg leave to recommend Captn Crawford to your friendly notice as a person who would be glad to be employed, and as one who I dare say wou\u2019d discharge the duty with honesty & care\u2014thro\u2019 your means I am persuaded he might come in for a share of this business\u2014I am persuaded also, that he would not be wanting in gratitude for the favor. with very great esteem I remain Dr Sir Your most Obedt and much oblig\u2019d humble Servant\nG: Washington\nP.S. If you still decline being one of the proprietors of the new Governmt\u2014is it not better to sell, than resign? If so, what will you take for your share, provided your name stands confirm\u2019d in the charter?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0271", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, December 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[December 1770]\nCash\nDecr 14\u2014\nTo Cash recd from Mr R. Adam pr Lund Washington viz. 446 Dollars\n2 dble loons weight\n2 half Joes Do\n4 Guineas @ 26/3\n458\u00bd Pistoreens weigg\nContra\nDecr\u2007\u20075\u2014\nBy Cash to Jno. Ball pr Richd Talbott\nBy Ditto to Dominicus Gubner\nBy Ditto lent Wm Roberts\nBy Lund Washington to be accd for\nBy Mr Jno. Ball\nBy Charity\nBy Servants\nBy Jno. Parke Custis to buy Sundries at Fredg\nBy Jonathan Palmer\nBy Mr Humphrey Peake", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0273", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Bryan Fairfax, 6 December 1770\nFrom: Fairfax, Bryan\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nTowlston Decr the 6th 1770\nI am very glad to hear of your safe Return which I had begun to doubt of\u2014Poor Rockwood died on his way Home.\nI have inclosed a Letter which I received this Fall from Mr Montgomerie. Please to let me know your Determination, and if you should be inclinable (which I doubt of) to receive a payment from him, and make one to him as Mrs Savages Attorney, and\nwill inform me of the place it would be agreeable to you to meet him I will endeavor to be there if possible and the Weather tolerable. I am Dr Sir Yr most obedt\nBryan Fairfax\nI think Mr Montgomerie wd be answerable to Mrs Savage.\nI had almost forgot to inform you that Mr Harrison could not undertake the Suit vs. Mr Mason as he had been retained by him, and no Suit has been yet brought as I expected to have seen you soon after I received Mr Harrison\u2019s Letter; so that in Case you don\u2019t agree to Mr Montgomeries proposal, I hope you\u2019l direct the Suit to be brought by any one you think proper; For tho. we cant refuse an actual Payment from Mr Montgomerie we may one upon condition of repaying it to him.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0274", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert McMickan & Company, 7 December 1770\nFrom: Robert McMickan & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nKingston Jamai\u27e8ca\u27e9 7th Decr 177\u27e80\u27e9\nWe have receivd \u214c the Swift Captn sanford sixty nine Barrels Herrings shipt on your Account by Messrs Robt Adam & Co. of Alexandria, which we shall make sale of to the best advantage in our power. We have Shipt you the different Articles contain\u2019d in your Memo. to Captn sanford amotg \u27e8as\u27e9 \u214c Invo. inclosed to \u00a350.10.1 which we think may be nigh the Nt proceeds of your\nHerrings when Sold. We shall be glad to render you any agreeable Service Now in our power being with respect sir Your mo. Hbl. Servt\nRobt McMickan & \u27e8Co.\u27e9\n\u27e8Mutilated\u27e9 The purchase\u27e8d\u27e9 Rum we \u27e8p\u27e9ray will prove very good prov\u27e8ided\u27e9 you \u27e8can illegible.\u27e9", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-10-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0275", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Margaret Savage, 10 December 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Savage, Margaret\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Margaret Savage, 10 Dec. 1770. On 5 Sept. 1771 GW wrote to Margaret Savage: \u201c. . . about the middle of June I was favour\u2019d with yours, of the 10th Decr. . . .\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0276", "content": "Title: From George Washington to William Carr, 12 December 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Carr, William\nLetter not found: to William Carr, 12 Dec. 1770. On 17 Dec. Carr wrote to GW: \u201cYour favour of the 12th Currt came to hand Yesterday.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-12-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0277", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Bryan Fairfax, 12 December 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Fairfax, Bryan\nDr Sir,\nDecr 12th 1770\nHaving receivd your favour of the 6th I profess myself at a loss to know what answer to give to it, and to consult a Lawyer every time we are puzled by the duplicity of Mrs Savagess Conduct woud sink a large portion of her Annuity, or entail a heavy expence upon ourselves.\nI think as you do, that it woud seem odd to refuse a actual tender of Mrs Savage\u2019s Annuity from the Doctrs Agent at a time when we are threatning his Security with a Suit on this Acct; And I am of opinion, that if we do receive the money from him, we can not legally withhold payment thereof from her Attorney (who is one and the Same person) without submitting our Reasons for so doing to the Publick attention, and her Letters she has expressly requird may not be seen\u2014Without exposing these as the grounds of our refusal [we] can have no pretext to detain\nthe money in our h\u27e8ands\u27e9\u2014to keep it there woud contribute nothing to the rel\u27e8ief\u27e9 of Mrs Savages\u2019s necessities but very probably expose o\u27e8ur\u27e9selves to censure\u2014and to pay the money to any Person not legally authorizd to receive it woud I believe be equally Imprudent\u2014In short, view the matter in whatever light one will, there is nothing but doubts & difficulties before us; and I see no effectual method of serving Mrs Savage without falling into some snare which we may not easily extricate ourselves from for I must confess that I have no good opinion of Mrs Savages honour on the one hand\u2014On the [other] our attempts to serve her will give us little to expect from the Doctors Friendship if we shoud \u27e8drop into a faux pas\u27e9\u2014Upon the whole, can we, do you think, avoid coming to a Settlement with Mr Montgomerie without Incurring the Imputation of disengenuity on the one hand\u2014or being too plain in our Reason\u2019s for it on the other; If this can be done, I shoud be for letting that matter sleep till we coud write a joint Letter to Mrs Savage informing her of the predicament in which her Affairs respecting the Bond stands & to beg that she will \u27e8mutilated\u27e9teady & fixd to some point or no longer expect \u27e8us to be\u27e9come the dupes of her fickleness and folly. if y\u27e8ou\u27e9 think this method can be adopted no time shoud be lost in putting it in execution, if you think it cannot or ought not I am willing to pursue any other you shall advise as I own that I am more per\u27e8plexd the\u27e9 more I think of the matter. I am Dr Sir Yr Most Obedt S\u27e8ervt\u27e9\nGo: W\u2014n", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-15-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0278", "content": "Title: To George Washington from John Polson, 15 December 1770 [letter not found]\nFrom: Polson, John\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from John Polson, 15 Dec. 1770. On 24 June 1771 GW wrote to Polson: \u201cYour Letters of the 15th of Decr from Georgia and 20th of April from Charles Town, came duely to hand.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-16-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0280", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Jonathan Boucher, 16 December 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Boucher, Jonathan\nRevd Sir,\nMount Vernon Decr 16th 1770.\nAccording to appointment Jacky Custis now returns to Annapolis\u2014His Mind a good deal relaxed from Study, & more than ever turnd to Dogs Horses & Guns; indeed upon Dress & equipage, which till of late, he has discoverd little Inclination of giving into. I must beg the favour of you therefore to keep him close to those useful branches of Learning which he ought now to be acquainted with, & as much as possible, under your own Eye. without these, I fear he will too soon think himself above controul, & be not much the better for the extraordinary expence attending his Living in Annapolis, which I shoud be exceeding sorry for, as nothing but a hasty progress towards the completion of his Education, can justifie my keeping him there at such an expence as his Estate will now become chargeable with.\nThe time of Life he is now advancing into requires the most friendly aid and Council (especially in such a place as Annapolis); otherwise, the warmth of his own Passions, assisted by the\nbad example of other Youth, may prompt him to Actions derogatory of Virtue, & that Innocence of Manners which one coud wish to preserve him in: For wch reason I woud beg leave to request, that, he may not be suffered to Sleep from under your own Roof, unless it be at such places as you are sure he can have no bad examples set him; nor allow him to be rambling about at Nights in Company with those, who do not care how debauchd and vicious his Conduct may be.\nYou will be so good I hope, as to excuse the liberty I have taken in offering my Sentiments thus freely\u2014I have his welbeing much at Heart, & shoud be sorry to see him fall into any vice, or evil course, which there is a possibility of restraining him from. With very great esteem I remain Revd Sir Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-17-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0281", "content": "Title: To George Washington from William Carr, 17 December 1770\nFrom: Carr, William\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nDumfries 17th Decr 1770\nYour favour of the 12th Currt came to hand Yesterday which confirmd what Mr Lawson Told me regarding your wheat as you Manufacture yours it will not be in my power to procure a ship Load in this part of the Country being only desird to ship from one to 200 Barrells of Flower & that on condition its of Equal Quality with the Baltimore & Philadelphia. I am empowerd by Mr Russell to Settle & adjust some of his affairs here amongst which are his claim to Mr Jonstouns Estate the tract of Land adjoining You will I am informd clearly appear to be Mr Russells Property of this I am not certain as I have not yet got the title Papers Mr West wrote me lately I need not bring suit against him if Mr Russells title shoud be thought good he woud not dispute the Point with me\u2014I have been so busy this Fall that I really\ncoud not spare time to search Fairfax County office where all the papers relative to the Land may be found I shall look into this Matter immediately & then let you know how it stands you may be sure \u27e8Si\u27e9r your inquiries shall remain with me & Mr Russells \u27e8C\u27e9laim to the Land when the papers are procurd shall be forwarded to you so that if you are inclinable to Purchase from Mr West or Mr Russell you may be on a certainty[.] Should I have any orders to Buy Flower you shall know. I am Sir Your most Obt hble Servant\nWilliam Carr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-18-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0284", "content": "Title: To George Washington from George Mercer, 18 December 1770\nFrom: Mercer, George\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Colonel\nDublin [Ireland] Decr the 18th 1770\nI wrote you from hence about two Months since, at the Request of Mrs Savage, praying you to do, what her own Letter now she says repeats, and enforces. I believe the poor Woman has but a bad Time of it, as she is amongst other Things, at the tender Age of three score & ten, denied the Use of Pen Ink Paper & Romances, and a frequent Use of the Strap is substituted in the Place of those Amusements\u2014this she tells me herself, and an old Lady who visits me with her assures me\u2014it is\u2014but\u2014too\u2014true.\nThis Country affords no News\u2014various are the Opinions concerning a War\u2014all the Officers who had Leave of Absence are ordered to join their Regiments\u2014every Pacquet boat imports Us at least half a dozen\u2014and if We may judge by the Appearances at the Castle, all the Country seems to have got into his Majesty\u2019s Livery\u2014as \u00be of the Levee is always composed of red Coats.\nI wrote you several Letters on the Subject of the Lands We were promised by Govr Dinwiddie\u2019s Proclamation\u2014in my last, before I left England, I mentioned my having agreed with, or I may rather say prevailed with, the great Land Company here\u2014that the 200,000 Acres claimed by the Officers of the Virginia Troops, should be allowed, out of their small Grant; but I wish however the affair might be settled in Virginia, and I hope it is over by this, as the 25th of Octr is past.\nI hope to kiss your Hand in our native Country the Beginning of the Summer, as I shall go to England in a few Days, & put myself on Board the first Spring Ship bound to the Land of Promise. My Compliments wait on Mrs Washington. I am Dear Colonel Your obliged Friend & humble Servt\nGeo: Mercer", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "12-20-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0285", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Bryan Fairfax, 20 December 1770\nFrom: Fairfax, Bryan\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nTowlston December the 20th 1770\nI have received your Favor of the 14th and now inclose a copy of my Last Letter to Mrs Savage, wherein I have told her my Sentiments very freely\u2014and if you desire we should write a joint Letter when we have the pleasure of meeting I shall be agreeable to it. I can\u2019t conveniently go down till the middle of January so that at present I can\u2019t appoint any place of meeting even Mr Montgomerie\u2014I have some thoughts of being at Alexandria in January Court, but it will depend on the weather & Circumstances. But as to the Payment of the Money, I am inclined for my Part, either to settle it as Mr Montgomerie proposes, or to write to her to know whether she stills objects to the payment of the Money to Mr Montgomerie or not, and if she does to send over another power in room of the other to some other Person. I am Dr sir Yr most obedt Servt\nBryan Fairfax", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-08-02-0287", "content": "Title: Crops Made on the Custis Plantations by Joseph Valentine, 1760\u201370, 1770\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nEditorial Note\nThe table prepared by GW is one of three in the Custis Papers (ViHi) that GW constructed to present data relating to crop production on the Custis plantations for the eleven years from 1760 through 1770. In a second table, not printed here, to which GW gives virtually the same heading, GW breaks down these figures by tabulating for each year the number of hogsheads and the weight of his own dower tobacco and John Parke Custis\u2019s tobacco, \u201cIn the Leaf\u201d and \u201cStem\u2019d.\u201d He also indicates how many bushels of GW\u2019s corn were harvested in King William County and how many in York, as well as how many of Custis\u2019s bushels came from New Kent County, from\nYork County, or from the Eastern Shore. The third of these tables in the Custis Papers is an accounting of the income for John Parke Custis, and for GW, arising on the Custis property each year from rents, corn, wheat, oats, peas, pork, beef, mutton, veal, butter, wool, cider, leather, seine, carpenters, marsh, flat (boat) hire, slave hire, hay, and \u201cSundry.\u201d GW figured that in eleven years \u00a310,299.19.10 was made on these goods and services from the Custis plantations, which, it should be noted, did not include tobacco, the main money crop, of which more than a million pounds was sold in the eleven years. The Custis Papers contain sheets with more detailed tabulation from which GW drew to construct his three tables. For instance, there are Joseph Valentine\u2019s listings for most of the eleven years of the individual hogsheads with the gross and net weight of each and often with GW\u2019s notation indicating the plantation on which the tobacco in a particular hogshead was raised or by which overseer. The table printed here is GW\u2019s most succinct summary of crop production on the Custis plantations in the 1760s.\nTable of Crop Yields\nCrops of Corn, Wheat, & Tobacco made by Mr Josh Valentine from the year 1760 to 1770 Inclusive\nTobacco\nG. Washington\nJ.P. Custis\nTotal\nYears\nHhds\nWeight\nHhds\nWeight\nHhds\nWeight\naverage\nCorn\nWheat\nGW\nJPC\nTotal\nGW\nJPC\nTotal\nYears\nBarls\nBarls\nBarls\nBushls\nBushls\nBushels\naverage\naverage", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-24-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Madison/01-01-02-0006", "content": "Title: From James Madison to Richard Paterson, 24 March 1770\nFrom: Madison, James\nTo: Paterson, Richard\nMarch 24th. 1770.\nRecievd of Mr. Richard Patterson by order of Mr. Adam Hoops twenty two Shillings and six pence on acct. of Mr. Robert Patterson.\nJames Madison", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "04-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Madison/01-01-02-0007", "content": "Title: From James Madison to Richard Paterson, 3 April 1770\nFrom: Madison, James\nTo: Paterson, Richard\nApril 3d. 1770\nMr. Richard Patterson Please to let the bearer Mr. Wm. Livingston have fifteen Shillings on acct of your\nObliged Humble Servant\nJames Madison", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-23-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Madison/01-01-02-0008", "content": "Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 23 July 1770\nFrom: Madison, James\nTo: Madison, James, Sr.\nHond. Sir,\nNassau Hall. July 23d. 1770\nI reciev\u2019d yours dated June 4th. & have applied to Mr. Hoops as you directed; he says you must suit yourself in paying him, & if you should let him have a bill of Exchange it must be on your own terms: Forty Pounds \u00a340. New Jersey Currency is the Sum I shall have of him before I get home. my frugality has not been able to keep it below that, consistant with my staying here to the best advantage. I should be glad, if it should be convenient for you, to have my next year\u2019s stock prepared for me against I come home, for I shall not be able to stay in Virginia more than 4 weeks at most. Half Jos. pass here to the greatest advantage. I have spoken to several of the present senior class about living with you as Tutor, but they will determine on nothing unless they knew what you would allow them, as it would not be proper for them to remain in suspense \u2019till I should return here; If you should recieve this [in] time enough to send me an answer by the middle of September & let me know the most you would be willing to give, I think there would be a greater probability of my engaging one for you[.] Inclosed are the measures of my Neck & rists. I believe my Mother need not hurry herself much about my shirts before I come for I shall not want more than three or four at most. I should chuse she would not have them ruffled \u2019till I am present myself. I have not yet procured a horse for my Journey, but think you had better not send me one as I cant wait long enough to know whether or not you\u2019ll have an opportunity without losing my chance, most of the horses being commonly engaged by the Students sometime before vacation begins. If I should set off from this place as soon as I expect you may look for me in October perhaps a little before the middle if the weather should be good. We have no publick news but the base conduct of the Merchants in N. York in breaking through their spirited resolutions not to import, a distinct account of which I suppose will be in the Virginia Gazete before this arrives. their Letter to the Merchants in Philadelphia requesting their concurrence was lately burnt by the Students of this place in the college Yard, all of them appearing in their black Gowns & the bell Tolling. The number of Students has increased very much of late; there are about an hundred & fifteen in College & the Grammar School, twenty two commence this Fall, all of them in American Cloth.\nWith my love to all the Family I am Hond. Sir Your Affectionate Son\nJames Madison", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Madison/01-01-02-0009", "content": "Title: Notes on Commentary on the Bible, 1770\u20131773\nFrom: Madison, James\nTo: \n[Th]e Acts\n18.Rulers & great Men are like looking Glasses in the places where they live, by which many dress themselves. v. 8 &c.\nSt. Paul went to the Feast at Jerusalem, not to observe the Ceremony but to Preach to a larger Multitude that he knew would be there v. 21. &c.\nApollos, though mighty in the Scriptures, yet disdained not to be instructed farther by Aquila & Priscilla, for he knew only the Baptism of John. 24 &c\nLearned Men, it was a custom among the Jews to allow them a liberty, tho\u2019 no Priests, to teach in their Synagogues. ib[id].\nCh. 19Holy Ghost. have ye recd. the Holy Ghost since ye Believed. the Apostle does not mean in its Sanctifying operations, but in its miraculous Gifts v. 2d.\nSpirit of Prophecy, departed (as the Jews believe) from Israel after the Death of Haggai, Zachariah & Malachi. v. 2d.\nBaptizm, Christ\u2019s & John\u2019s were the same for Substance 2d.\nApostles did greater Miracles than Christ, in the matter, not manner, of them v. 11\nEvil Spirits, none were, that we read of in the old Testament, bodily possessed of, but many in the New, v. 13\nConjuring Books burnt by the believing Jews & Greeks at Ephesus amounted to 50 000 pcs. of Silver; \u00a3800\nSaints fall, intimated by Alexander the Copper Smith turning Apostate. v 33\nCh. 20.Sunday, why kept by the Christians, for the Sabbath v. 7\nSleepers under Gods word (at a Sermon), their wretched contempt of it. v. 9\nSt. Paul\u2019s travelling on foot from Troas to Assos: an happy example for all the Ministers of Christ. v. 13. &c\nTempt. to neglect the means for our own preservation is to Tempt God: and to trust to them is to neglect him v. 3 &c. Ch. 27. v. 31\nHumility, the better any man is, the lower thoughts he has of himself v. 19\nMinisters to take heed to themselves & their flock. v. 28\nBelievers who are in a State of Grace, have need of the word of God for their Edification & Building up therefore implies a possibility of falling v. 32.\nGrace, it is the free gift of God. Luke. 12. 32\u2013v. 32\nGiver more blessed than the Receiver. v 35\nCh. 21.Affections, Spiritual, are stronger than the natural. v. 1.\nClouds governed by Providence. v. 3d &c.\nSins, or Faults, committed before conversion should not be related to the prejudice of the late Sinner v. 8\nIsaiah, going barefoot, the reason of it. v. 11. Isa 20\nEzekiel, packing up his Stuff to remove. v. 11. Ezek. 12\nAgedness, how Honourable. v. 16.\nJews, 1000ds & 10 000ds of them believed in St. Pauls days, so, not a few, in the litteral sence, but probably many more saved. v. 20.\nTurky & Spaniards alluded to. v. 37 &c.\nSt. Paul, a Jew by Birth, & a Roman by immunity & privilege v. 39\nCh. 22.Baptism necessary to be complyed with. v. 16\nCarnal Reason, when against the command of God, should be laid by. v. 19\nCh. 23Conscience[:] it should be inform\u2019d as well as followed. v. 1.\nHerod mentioned ib[id].\nMagistrates, are not to be treated with ill words, nor flattered v. 4\nSadducees, deny the Resurrection & the existence of Angel or Spirit v. 8\nTitles of civil Honour & Respect given to persons in place & power, are agreable to the Mind & will of God. v. 25 Ch. 26. v. 25\nMagistrates must do nothing blindfold or blindly. Should know a Cause before they give sentence or Judgment about it. v. 35.\nCh. 24.Persecution, a persecuting Spirit claps Wings to a Person[.] it makes him swift in his Motions & Zealous in his application & Endeavours. v. 1.\nFlattery. Tis Hell and Death to flatter Sinners, or suffer ourselves to be flattered by them v. 2 &c\nJudgments & Plagues are staved off for the sakes of God\u2019s holy & faithful Servants v. 5 &c.\nSedition may be committed three ways; by the Head, by the Tongue, and by the Hand. v. 10 &c\nChurch of Rome mentioned. v. 14\nCh. 25.Politicians (Carnal) do not so much consider what is Just & Righteous in it\u2019s own nature as what is of use & Advantage to themselves be it Right or wrong v. 9 &c\nDung-hill Cocks of the World know not the Worth of the pearl of Price v. 19 &c.\nCh. 26.Hope is the great excitor of Industry and Endeavour}v. 6 &c.\nExpectation puts it upon Action\nPower[:] there is a compelling power and constraining Force in Example v. 11.\nMinisters[:] great is the dignity of Gospel Ministers they are God\u2019s Messengers v. 16. &c.\nUnconverted has little reason to expect to convert others by their Ministry\nCh 27.St. Paul\u2019s hazardous voyage to Rome, alluded to the Church in her Militant State here on Earth. v. 12. &c. and the danger of spending our youthful days in folly &c.\nCh. 28.Sinful inferrences are drawn from sorrowful premises. v. 4\nCharity[:] no duty more certainly rewarded in another World; so is it frequently rewarded in this, as was Publius, by the miraculous cure perform\u2019d on his Father for his Charity to Paul. v. 8.\nMinisters of the Gospel[:] it is the great Duty of them, prudently to prevent, if possible, or presently to remove all Prejudices which may be taken up by their People against their Persons, knowing that, if they have a prejudice against their persons, they will never relish their Doctrine, nor be benefitted by their Ministry. v. 20.\nHope (for the) [sake?] of Israel I am bound: That is; for the Object of Israel\u2019s Hope, or the Messiah which they so long expected, & so much hoped for. v. 20.\nSun, the same that softens the Wax hardens the Clay v. 24 See St. Mark. Ch. 14 V. 66 &c.\nGospel stiled the Salvation of God v. 28. & why.\nInquisition & Rome, mentioned, at the end.\nGospels.\nMat. Ch 1stJesus is an Hebrew name and signifies a Saviour v. 1.\nChrist is a Greek name and signifies Anointed. v. 1\nPollution[:] Christ did by the power of his Godhead purify our nature from all the pollution of our Ancestors v. 5. &c\nUntil signifies in Scripture as much as never. v 25\nVirgin Mary had no other Child (probably) but our Saviour. v. 25\nCh. 2Bethlehem signifies the House of Bread v. 4 &c.\nRachel is not here the name of a Person but a place v. 18\nCh. 3Ministers, none to assume the Office before they are sent v. 1.\nPapists mentioned v 3. & concerning Auricular confession v. 6\nHermits lives not supported from the instance of John the Baptist preaching in the Wilderness\nSacrament. bad persons upon a profession of Repentance & promise of Amendment may be admitted to the Sacrament. v. 6.\nSins of Omission as Damnable as Sins of Commission v. 10. neglects of Duty as Damnable as Acts of Sin.\nGrace, where there is most, there is the greatest sense of the want of it. v. 14.\nCh. 4.Adoption[:] Satans grand design is first to tempt the children of God to doubt of it. v. 3\nCh. 5.Christians who allows themselves in the least Transgression, either of omission, or commission is in a Damnable State. v. 19.\nCh. 6.Prayer, a form o[b]served by our Saviour & which ought to be used by us. v. 9.\nForgiveness, an indispensable Duty. v. 14\nCh. 7.Gifts, distinguished from Grace. v. 21 &c.\nCh. [8.]Marriage not censured nor condemned in Ministers of the Gospel nor the Apostles v. 14\nSt: Matt. Ch. 9.Souls, departed are under the conduct of Angels, good or bad to their places of Bliss or Misery. perhaps at their seperation they are not, immediately fi[xed in?] their eternal Mansions v. 24.\nShepherds, or Labourers in Christs Harvest; the idle & lazy, are not so in his Acct. 3[6 &c.]\nHe who doth not instruct his Flock & feed them with the sincere Milk of the Word, from an Heart full of Love to God, & compassion to Souls, deserves not the Name of a true Shepherd\nDr. Whitby.\nCh. 10.Apostles, they were Disciples, before they were Apostles. v. 1\nGrace, the want of it doth not disannul a Ministers Office, nor hinder the Lawfulness of his Ministry. Judas, though a Traitor, was yet a Lawful Minister. V. 4.\nLost Sheep, the Israelites so call\u2019d because they were lost in themselves & were in great Danger of being eventually & finally lost, by the Ignorance & Wickedness of their spiritual Guides v. 6.\nPreachers, must not be strikers v. 10\nSoul, dies not with the Body. 28 V.\nChrist\u2019s coming. We must distinguish betwixt his intentional Aim, & the accidental Event of it. v. 34\nReward, There is some special & eminent Reward due to the faithful Prophets of God above other Men. v. 41\nCh. 11.Teaching is in order to the Conversion of Sinners:}v. 1.\nPreaching in order to the Edification of Saints.\nPunishment, there are Degrees of it among the Damned. v. 24\nCh. 12.Idle words are such as savour nothing of Wisdom nor Piety v. 38 36\nCh. 13.Unbelief obstructs Christs gracious works in Heaven. v. 58\nCh. 21.All reformation of manners must begin first at the House of God. v. 13\nSt. Luke, Ch. 2d.\u2014the idle are fit for nothing but Temptation to work on. v. 8 &c.\n\u2014Such Women whom God has blessed with safety of deliverance should make their first visit to the Temple of God to offer up their Praises & thanksgivings there v. 22d. &c\nIt is said of some Turks that after they have seen Mahomets Tomb, the[y] put out their Eyes, that they may never defile them after they have seen so glorious an object. v. 29.\nParts & abilities for the ministerial function are not sufficient to warrant our undertaking of it without a regular Call\nSome Proverbs of Solomon.\nChap. 9.V. 7. He that reproveth a scorner getteth to himself Shame &c.\n8. Reprove not a Scorner, lest he hate thee.\n10..17 \u2014\u2014\u2014; but he that refuseth reproof, erreth\n26 As Vinegar to the Teeth, and smoke to the Eyes, so is the Sluggard to them that send him.\nXI.13. A Tale-bearer revealeth Secrets: but he that is of a faithful Spirit concealeth the Matter 12: v. 23\n15. He that is surety for a Stranger shall smart for it: & he that hateth suretyship, is Sure. VI. 1. XVII:18\n25. The liberal Soul shall be made Fat &c.\nXII.22. Lying Lips are abomination to the Lord: but they that deal truly are his delight.\nXIII.12 Hope deferred maketh the Heart Sick &c.\n24 He that Spareth his Rod hateth his Son: But he that loveth him chasteneth him betimes\nXIV.29 He that is Slow to wrath is of great understanding: but he that is hasty of Spirit exalteth folly.\nXV.Argumt. Ceremonies to be retained for 3 Reasons from Melancthon\n1. A Soft Answer Turneth away wrath: but grievous words stir up anger\n3 The Eyes of the Lord are in every Place, beholding the evil and the Good.\n5 A Fool despiseth his Father\u2019s Instruction: but he &c\nXVI5. Every one that is pround in heart, is an abomination to the Lord. &c\n11 A Just weight & balance are the Lord\u2019s: all the weights of the bag are his work\n16 How much better is it to get Wisdom than Gold: & to get understanding rather to be chosen than Silver\n24. Pleasant Words are as an Honey-comb, sweet to the Soul & health to the Bones\n25. There is a way that seemeth right unto a Man, but the end thereof are the ways of Death\u2014XIV. 12.\n28. \u2014\u2014\u2014; a Whisperer seperateth chief Friends\n32. He that is Slow to anger, is better than the Mighty; &c\nXVIII8. The Words of a Tale-bearer are as Wounds, & they go down into the innermost parts of the Belly\n13. He that Answereth a Matter before he heareth it, it is folly & shame unto him.\n21. Death & Life are in the Power of the Tongue; & they that love it, shall eat the fruit thereof.\n22 Whoso findeth a Wife findeth a good thing, & obtaineth favour of the Lord.\nXX3 \u2019Tis an honour for a Man to cease from strife: but a fool will be medling;\n9 Who can say I have made my Heart clean; I am pure from my sin\n10 Divers weights and measures are abomination to the Lord. v. 23\n14 It is naught, it is naught, saith the buyer: but when he is gone his way then he boasteth\n\u2026 In one of these notes, referring to a chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, where the Bereans are mentioned as \u201cmore noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily whether these things were so,\u201d he commends their conduct \u201cas a noble example for all succeeding Christians to imitate and follow\u2026 .\u201d\nIn a paraphrase on the Gospel of St. John, referring to the passage in which Mary Magdalene is represented as looking into the Holy Sepulchre and seeing two angels in white, one sitting at the head and the other at the feet, where the body of the Saviour had lain, he makes the following reflection:\n\u201cAngels to be desired at our feet as well as at our head\u2014not an angelical understanding and a diabolical conversation\u2014not all our religion in our brains and tongue, and nothing in our heart and life.\u201d\nIn the same spirit, commenting on the chapter of Acts, where Jesus says to St. Paul, who had fallen to the earth under the light which shined round about him from heaven, \u201cArise, and go into the city, and it shall be told thee what thou shalt do,\u201d he subjoins this as the proper deduction from the passage: \u201cIt is not the talking, but the walking and working person that is the true Christian.\u201d\nOn doctrinal points, the following brief memoranda and references taken from many others of a like character, may serve to show both his orthodoxy and his penetration:\n\u201cOmnisciency\u2014God\u2019s foreknowledge doth not compel, but permits to be done.\u201d Acts, ch. II. v. 23.\n\u201cChrist\u2019s divinity appears by St. John, ch. XX. v. 28.\u201d\n\u201cResurrection testified and witnessed by the Apostles. Acts, ch. IV. v. 33.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "02-21-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0023", "content": "Title: From Thomas Jefferson to John Page, 21 February 1770\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Page, John\n I am to acquaint Mrs. Page of the loss of my favorite pullet; the consequence of which will readily occur to her. I promised also to give her some Virginia silk which I had expected, and I begin to wish my expectations may not prove vain. I fear she will think me but an ungainly acquaintance. My late loss may perhaps have reac[hed y]ou by this time, I mean the loss of my mother\u2019s house by fire, and in it, of every pa[per I] had in the world, and almost every book. On a reasonable estimate I calculate th[e cost o]f t[he b]ooks burned to have been \u00a3200. sterling. Would to god it had been the money [;then] had it never cost me a sigh! To make the loss more sensible it fell principally on m[y books] of common law, of which I have but one left, at that time lent out. Of papers too of every kind I am utterly destitute. All of these, whether public or private, of business or of amusement have perished in the flames. I had made some progress in preparing for the succeeding general court, and having, as was my custom, thrown my thoughts into the form of notes, I troubled my head no more with them. These are gone, and \u2018like the baseless fabric of a vision, Leave not a trace behind.\u2019 The records also and other papers, which furnished me with states of the several cases, having shared the same fate, I have no foundation whereon to set out anew. I have in vain attempted to recollect some of them, the defect sometimes of one, sometimes of more circumstances, rendering them so imperfect that I can make nothing of them. What am I to do then in April? The resolutions which the court have declared of admitting no continuances of causes seemed to be unalterable. Yet it might surely be urged that my case is too singular to admit of their being often troubled with the like excuse. Should it be asked what are the misfortunes of an individual to a court? The answer of a court, as well as of an individual, if left to me, should be in the words of Terence,\u2018homo sum; humani n\u00eel a me alienum puto.\u2019\u2014but a truce with this disagreeable subject.\n Am I never more to have a letter from you? Why the devil don\u2019t you write? But I suppose you are always in the moon, or some of the planetary regions. I mean you are there in idea, and unless you mend, you shall have my consent to be there de facto; at least during the vacations of the court and assembly. If your spirit is too elevated to advert to sublunary subjects, depute my friend Mrs. Page to support your correspondencies. Methinks I should with wonderful pleasure open and peruse a letter written by so fair, and (what is better) so friendly hands. If thinking much of you would entitle me to the civility of a letter, I assure you I merit a very long one. If this conflagration, by which I am burned out of a home, had come before I had advanced so far in preparing another, I do not know but I might have cherished some treasonable thoughts of leaving [thes]e my native hills. Indeed I should be much happier were I nearer to Rosewell and Sever[n] hall. However the gods I fancy were apprehensive that if we were placed together we s[houl]d pull down the moon or play some such devilish prank with their works. [I r]efl[ect oft]en with pleasure on the philosophical evenings I passed at Rosewell in my last [visit]s there. I was always fond of philosophy even in it\u2019s dryer forms, but from a ruby [lip] it comes with charms irresistible. Such a feast of sentiment must exhilarate and lengthen life at least as much as the feast of the sensualist shortens it. In a word I prize it so highly that if you will at any time collect the same Belle assembl\u00e8e on giving me three days previous notice, I shall certainly repair to my place as a member of it. Should it not happen before I come down I will carry Sally Nicholas in the green chair to Newquarter, where your perryauger (how the devil should I spell that word?) will meet us, automaton like, of it\u2019s own accord. You know I had a waggon which moved itself; cannot we construct a boat then which shall row itself? Amicus noster, Fons, quo modo agit, et quid agit? You may be all dead for anything we can tell here. I expect he will follow the good old rule of driving one passion out by letting another in. Clavum clavo pangere was your advice to me on a similar occasion. I hope you will watch his immersion as narrowly as if he were one of Jupiter\u2019s satellites, and give me immediate notice, that I may prepare a dish of advice. I do not mean, madam, to advise him against it. On the contrary I am become an advocate for the passion: for I too am c\u0153lo tactus. Currus bene se habet. He speaks, thinks, and dreams of nothing but his young son. This friend of ours, Page, in a very small house, with a table, half a dozen chairs, and one or two servants, is the happiest man in the universe. He possesses truly the art of extracting comfort from things the most trivial. Every incident in life he so takes as to render it a source of pleasure. With as much benevolence as the heart of man will hold, but with an utter neglect of the costly apparatus of life, he exhibits to the world a new phaenomenon in philosophy, the Samian sage in the tub of the Cynic. Name me sometimes Homunculo tuo, not forgetting little Dic-mendacium. I am determined not to enter on the next page lest I should extend this nonsense to the bottom of that also. A-dieu je vous commis, not doubting his care of you both.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0024", "content": "Title: To Thomas Jefferson from Thomas Nelson, Sr., 6 March 1770\nFrom: Nelson, Thomas, Sr.\nTo: Jefferson, Thomas\n I was extremely concerned to hear of your Loss the account of which had reached us some time ago. As I have a pretty good collection of Books, it will give me pleasure to have it in my power to furnish you with any you may want. The bearer carries 4 pr. dovetail-hinges for doors, 2 Mortise locks, 20 Pullies, and 20 pr. of Shutter-hinges. I have none of the sort proper for the Leaves, which may be either the common small dovetail or H hinges. I am Sir Yr. most obedt. hble Servt.,", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "03-06-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0026", "content": "Title: To Thomas Jefferson from John Page, 6 March 1770\nFrom: Page, John\nTo: Jefferson, Thomas\n I have heard of your Loss [and] heartily condole with you, but am much pleased with the Philosop[hy] you manifest in your Letter which I this Moment received. I will very soon convince you that I had not forgot you, for I have a Letter at Home which I wrote some Month[s] since, and will send you in[close]d in another as soon as I [\u2026 .] I snatched up my Pen [\u2026] these few Lines not wi[thstanding] the hurry and Confusion we are in. Poor Mrs. Burwell died about an hour ago. I have only time to wish you all Happiness and Carr and long Continuance of his.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "07-11-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0033", "content": "Title: From Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Adams, 11 July 1770\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Adams, Thomas\n I take the liberty of interceding for your friendly aid to Mr. James Ogilvie a gentleman of my acquaintance now in London. Purposing last fall to go to Britain for orders he made the usual application to the commissary for his recommendatory letter to the bishop. This man, partly from an evil disposition to defeat the wishes of some gentlemen, no favorites of his, who bore a warm friendship to Mr. Ogilvie, and partly from that elation of mind which usually attends preferment without merit and which has no other object in view but to hang out to the world it\u2019s own importance, peremptorily refused his recommendation. The cause of refusal which he assigned unfortunately gave the lie to his own conduct of a few weeks before. He thought Ogilvie not qualified for the sacred function because he did not possess a critical knowlege of the Greek; tho\u2019 but a very few weeks before he had thought his sadler properly qualified who was not only a stranger to the characters, but perhaps even to the present existence of that language. He did however condescend to promise Ogilvie that he would not oppose his ordination with the bishop; a promise which seems to have been made with no other than the wanton purpose of sporting with truth: for tho\u2019 Ogilvie sailed within a few days after receiving this promise the commissary\u2019s letter found means to be before him, and to lodge with the bishop a caveat against his ordination. Here then the matter rests, till his friends can take proper measures for counteracting the designs of this worthy representative of episcopal faith; and as he is obliged to remain in London in the mean time and probably went unprovided for so long a stay, I would ask the favor of you, and I shall deem it a very great one, to procure him credit with your mercantile friends in London for any monies of which he may be in need, for the repaiment of which I enter myself security. I do not know that I can proffer you any reward for this favor, other than the sublime pleasure of relieving distressed merit, a pleasure which can be properly felt by the virtuous alone. I would hope at the same time that the receipt of interest might prevent any pecuniary injury from such advancements. Should you find it convenient to lend such assistance you will be pleased to give Mr. Ogilvie notice of it by a letter directed to him at Mrs. Ballard\u2019s Hungerford street in the Strand. I would also beg in that case that you would embrace the first opportunity of doing it, as we are totally in the dark what may be the necessities of his situation. You will be pleased to excuse the freedom and perhaps impropriety of this application. My feelings are warm in the cause of this gentleman, and having no connections or correspondence on that side the water I apply to the single friendship from which I could hope effectual aid to any person there in whose welfare I am interested. Nevertheless if this aid should be attended with inconvenience I expect and insist that you shall decline it with the same freedom with which I ask it. And be assured that I am with much sincerity Your friend & humble sert.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-26-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0035", "content": "Title: To Thomas Jefferson from Alexander McCaul, 26 August 1770\nFrom: McCaul, Alexander\nTo: Jefferson, Thomas\n The last time I had the pleasure of writting you accompanied an Account of some Books you ordered which were unfortunately lost, I received the order from London but they are not to come to hand time enough to be sent by this Opportunity. They will be sent you soon and if they come too late for you you\u2019ll be so good as dispose off them to the best advantage. This will be delivered you by the bearer Mr. William Mitchell whom I beg leave to recommend to your Civilitys. He goes out employed by our Company to Collect their long Winded outstanding debts. Since the begining of our Concern two of our principall partners are dead and their Sons, want to know the true value of their Subject in Virginia which they cannot do without such a Measure as this. We do not mean by this to give up our trade, on the Contrary we mean still to carry it on and to have it more in our power to do it to purpose by having less of our Money in the hands of Negligent Slothfull planters. I have desired Mr. Mitchell in all his General Court business soley to employ you, And I must further beg the favour of you at some leisure time to instruct him in some ordinary Matters that he may not be at a loss. A Collector should certainly understand as much of the law as relates to the Recovery of debts.\n It would give me pleasure to hear from you, and if I could render you any service in this part of the World your commands would Oblige me. I have sent out a Nephew to live some time with Richd. Harvie. He is Young and auward being always used to the Country. If youll take some notice of him it would much Oblige me. I am with much esteem Dr Sir your very hl Servt.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-28-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0036", "content": "Title: Thomas Burke to Neil Jamieson, 28 August 1770\nFrom: Burke, Thomas\nTo: Jamieson, Neil\n I yesterday received a Letter from Mr. Jefferson relative to the Suit Intended against Coll. Tucker\u2019s Executors wherein he has Judiciously considered the several points upon which our Inquiry can properly turn in Chancery and an Abstract of his reasoning follows.\n \u201cThe Question whether Mr. Hunt is to be considered as a Bill of Exchange or Simple Contract Creditor is properly triable at Law and will be finally determined upon the Suit Hunts vs Tuckers Executors on which the Hunts have appealed. The Subjecting Coll. Tucker\u2019s Lands to American as well as British Debts under the act of parliament 5 Ge: 2d is foreign to the Jurisdiction of Chancery. I should rather advise that Executions be levied on the Lands by American Creditors. It would be fair, as the point is undetermined, to Indemnify the Sheriff, and Should he not withstanding this to levy the Executions I should think him liable. The next Object is, if this cannot be done, to oblige the Hunts and Creditors by Specialties to levy their Executions on the Lands and to leave the personal Assets to American Creditors by Simple Contract or if already leavied to let the Latter come in their place on the Lands. The 4th to prove a devastavit (or Waste) in the Executors and Subject them to make it good out of thier own Estates. The 5th to compel Mrs. Tucker to restore the Goods She purchased collusively or to restore to the Creditors their real value and lastly to prevent Taylor from recovering a greater proportion of the money due to him on Marriage Promise than other Creditors. This last point Mr. Jefferson thinks will be determined by the Suit now before the Court of Hustings or by appeal removed to the General Court. Now as Mr. Jefferson is of Opinion the most matterial Question will more properly be determined at Law we are next to consider how Such determination will Affect the original design of the Inquiry. If Executions are levied as Mr. Jefferson Advises they must be in the names of the particular plaintiffs in the Judgements, and perhaps no one or two plaintiffs would Chuse to run the Hazard of an Appeal. But I should apprehend all those who were determined to prosecute the Suit in Chancery even to an Appeal might more chearfully engage in this last design on Such Terms as the following Vizt. That all the money to be levied upon the Lands (tho levied in the names of particular Creditors) should be applied for the Satisfaction of the Joining Creditors, and all Expences of Law Suits and Appeals be born by them all in proportion and again the same Creditors to have a proportional Advantage of the money that might be recovered on the Questions brought before the Court of Chancery. The reason why I recommend Such a proceeding as this is because I am exceeding clear in my own Opinion that the Question on the 6 of Geor: 2d, altho\u2019 it may go against us here, yet will Indubitably be for us on an Appeal home. Herein I am Strengthened by the uniform Construction of the Neighbouring Colonies upon that act and the clear and conclusive Oppinion of Mr. Dulany and also because I think it the most Speedy and Eligiable Way of determing this, by far the most Important Question, Since all were agreed to prosecute to all length the most tedious Way, I see no reason why they should not prosecute Jointly in this most Speedy Way. Thus then I would advise\u2014Let Executions be Immediately levied on the Lands at Suit of the Joining Creditors or so many of them as the Lands will Satisfy. Let them Join in Indemnifying the Sheriff let the money levied by the Executions be applied to the Satisfaction of their Several claims So far as it will go on an Average and let them Jointly bear the Expence of Law Suits and Appeals then let those who are not Satisfied Join nominally in the Bill in Chancery which is to Litigate the other Questions, and let the monies recovered be averaged among the Joining Creditors, or the Expences proportionally born by them. By this Means in my humble Opinion will the Matters of greatest Importance be tried in the most Speedy Manner, and perhaps more to the advantage of the Creditors Joining against Mr. Hunt than it would otherwise be for a reason Obvious enough when it is considered that the Lands are not Sufficient to Satisfy Mr. Hunts Claim and that the personal Assets are already consumed in paying Debts of Superior Dignity. If Mr. Hunt has no preference (which I am convinced of) then the Executions are legally levied and the money will be left where the Law places it: on the other Hand if he has a preference the money must be refunded to him and the Creditors remain where they were. Now if Hunt has or has not A preference will be determined when Hunt Sues the Persons who will receive the money for the Lands and Charges them as having received money to his Use. Upon this they will defend them selves under the act of Parliament and whether the Act Subjects Lands to one Debt as well as an other will be the Question. This as I have already Observed will very probably go against us here because the general Court have a Standing Rule that the Question is never to be agitated again unless the Matter be sufficient for an Appeal and then they are resolved upon having it finally determined at home. I must now Submit whether the above method will not be most desireable and Should be glad to be informed whether it is approved of by the gentlemen Concerned and whether they will Indemnify the Sheriff. I must also observe that no time should be lost because it may be fatal. I must beg the favor of you to communicate this to them, and also Inform them that I am ready in behalf of Messrs. Cortlandt & Cuyler to come into the above Scheme. I should also wish that Mr. Thomas Stabler might be consulted on behalf of Mr. Reese Meredith. I shall Impatiently wait the Answer, and beg it may be Speedy that I may have time enough to prosecute the Suit before the October Court. I am Sir &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "09-03-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0037", "content": "Title: To Thomas Jefferson from Thomas Burke, 3 September 1770\nFrom: Burke, Thomas\nTo: Jefferson, Thomas\n I received yours of July 15th a few days past, and Immediately communicated your Sentiments and my own relative to the Suit of Tuckers Creditors vs his Executors to the persons concerned and endeavoured to enforce what you recommended which was Intirely agreeable to my own Opinion. I also recommended the Joining Creditors to undertake all the Enquiries at their common Expence and to average all that may be recovered amongst them. This I recommended lest any one or two Creditors might not chuse to risque an Appeal which I apprehend will be Inevitable. But when I came to consider in what manner Executions were to be levied I found myself altogether at a loss how to proceed probably owing to my Ignorance of the Proceedings on the Act of Parliament or Indeed of any methods of levying Executions except what are pointed out by the Common Law, the older Statutes, or our own acts of Assembly. In whatever View I turn these I cannot discover that Execution can be levied in Hands of Executors without A Sc: fac: when the Judgements have been obtained against the Testator or against the Executors, when Assets, the Latter of these is our Case, all our Judgements are in that predicament; and unless the act of Parliament makes Lands Assets in their Hands I cannot See what use even a Sc: fac: against them will be of, and if the Lands are only Assets in the Hands of the Heir, I presume he must be in Court Before any Execution can go against his Inheritance. The same reasoning will hold good with regard to the H\u00e6res factus mutatis mutandis. But on the other Hand if the Act makes them Assets, and it has been adjudged that no Sc: fac: is Necessary, I should be glad to have your direction and Opinion relative thereto. I have Just read an Abstract of the Law in these Words. \u201cAll real Estates shall be chargeable with all Just Debts Whatsoever as they are by the Law of England liable to Satisfaction of Debts due by Bond or other Specialties, and Subject to like remedies and proceedings in any Court in any of the Plantations in the same manner as personal Estates are there.\u201d Now Sir if this Law Extends to charging Lands in the Colonies with provincial Debts (which I am very clear in) The only Question, I think will be what would be our remedy against personal Estates under our Circumstances? Can we take Execution against the personal Estate without bringing A Sc: fac: against the Executors? If we can, I make no Question but we also can against the Lands Since they are subject to the Same remedies. I shall leave these Things Sir to your determination; fairly confessing my Ideas are not clear enough to enable me to act or Judge Effectually. Upon reconsidering this Matter, I incline Strongly to conclude No Sc: fac: is Necessary because I find the Rule laid down in many Books, but clearly in Ld. Raymond, that a Sc: fac: is only Necessary when persons who are not parties to the Judgement are to be charged therewith, or have the Execution. This then cannot be the Case, because the Executor is party to the Judgement altho they are Conditional. I suppose then the way is to Issue the Execution and let the Sheriff Nulla Bona or devastavit as he finds the Case. In our Case then if we Indemnify him and Shew him Assets I must agree with you that if those Assets Should Afterwards be found Chargeable, the Officer would be liable. I know it is an Idea amongst us, that a Sc: fac: must Issue against the Executors on Such Conditional Judgements before Execution. But I can find no Precedent and know no Statute or rule of Law on which it can be founded. If I am wrong I doubt not your giving me Such Instructions as will Intirely remove my difficulties. Altho I have fatigued you so long on this Subject, I must beg your Patience while I offer a few Considerations on the other Points. You will recollect that Coll. Tucker in the begining of his Will, previous to any particular dispositions, directs his Just Debts to be paid; also that he has left certain Lands to be Sold for performing his Will. Now Sir I will premise that if by Virtue of 5th: G: 2d all his Estates were Assets for the payment of Debts of what kindsoever, then his Will need not be Considered, because it must be postponed to the payment of Debts which is all we are to Consider: I need not repeat Sir that this is my Opinion Nor my Reasons for thinking so, because I have before declared them to you, and they will Occur to you, but if it should not be the case, let us enquire how far his Will makes those Lands Assets. And here let me also premise that he could not make any disposition by his Will which could Operate against Law. Therefore the Bond Creditors could not be prevented from recovering from the Executors, or the personal Estate, or be compelled by his Will in Case of a Deficiency of Assets to take an Average of their Claims when they have a prior Right to be fully Satisfied. We must Set it down then, that the Creditors by Specialty must be paid, and all that remains for Consideration is how far his Will Subjects his [heirs?] to the payment of his Simple Contract Debts. Had he died Intestate Chancery would Subject them as far as personal Estate had been Applied in paying Spec. Therefore the Spec. being paid, It is not matterial what Estate they were paid from, if the Will Subjects all his Lands to pay his Debts, and that it does I stronly Incline for the Reasons, and Authorities which follow. His first direction in his Will, Seems clearly to me to Intend a Charge upon his Estate for payment of his Debts in preference to all other Dispositions, and that his Succeeding Dispositions were only to take place in case of his Estate being fully Sufficient for them after his Debts paid, and when he made his Will he had Expectations that his Estate would have been Sufficient for all his purposes, and what prevented it were Subsequent Accidents. Still the Charge remains on what is left, and Indeed no man has any Estate until his Debts are paid, the rest is \u00c6s alienum. But if that general Charge can make that Estate Assets which was not so before, or by Law, Seems to be our grand Question, and this I will endeavour to discuss. (here are Inserted Paragraphs from 2d Bac: Abr: [Bacon\u2019s Abridgment] 65 and Vern: [Vernon] 225 & 690 Quoted). Not to tire you with any more Cases, I shall only refer you to that of Harris vs Ingledew 3d P: W: [Peere Williams] 91 which is as Strong in our Favor as any Words could make it, the Words being \u201cas to all my Worldly Estate, my Debts being first Satisfied I devise the Same as follows\u201d And clearly held that the Lands both Freehold and Copyhold were Subject because nothing is devised until the Debts are paid. In this Case the Subject is so elegantly and Judiciously treated I think I can not better Support my Opinion than by refering to the perusal of it. Taking it for granted then that the Will Subjects the Lands, the next Question arising is are they legal or Equitable Assets? In Walker vs Meager. 2d P: W:552 it is laid down by Lord Chancellor King that Equitable Assets in the Hands of the Executors, must be applied as legal Assets are, and in Frumould vs: Dedire 1st: P:W: 430, 431 the Distinction is taken between Lands devised for payment of Debts and Lands charged with the Debts and descending charged, which I apprehend to be our Case, and in which Case the Ld. Chancellor said the Specialties Should be first Satisfied. The reason why I have Investigated the last Question is because I Apprehend if the Lands are now Subjected under the Will, the Judgements must be paid in their legal Order Since Each has now the Same Superority one over the other that one Specialty can have over another Vizt priority of time. And again if Mr. Hunt has any preference, which is most Extraordinary and unaccountable, the Enquiry may as well cease Since the Lands will not be Sufficient to pay him. Indeed I should apprehend the very Will would prevent Such a Claim, for surely it will not be denied that a man may pay his American Debts with his Lands, tho he must pay his British with them. If then they are Subject to one as well as the other what gives him any preference? Real Estates can be no exclusive fund for British Debts; and Supposing a Man had no real Estate, is his Executor Obliged to give his British Creditors the Preference? I think a man would be deservedly laughed at who would advance such a possition, and surely when real and personal assets are made Assets alike he can have no claim to A Privilege; and an American Creditor having first Intitled himself would most assuredly be first Satisfied. We are come at length then to Conclude on this Head, If Lands in Virginia are Subject by Act of Parliament to every Species of Just Debt without Distinction, then the Lands are liable to our Recovery. If they are not Subject by Statute yet they may be so by the Will. If so By the Will They are Assets, and must be Applied in legal Order In which Order Mr. Hunt only can come in Turn (for his Debt has no Dignity, and the utmost they can claim is a right to take the Lands in Execution, when provincial Creditors might Not, and if they have not taken them, surely they cannot prevent an other man who has as good a right, which I suppose we have by the Will). I must own I have thought Mr. Waller\u2019s prohibitting the Sale of Coll. Tucker\u2019s Lands when advertised by the Executors a most unwarrantable proceeding, for tho\u2019 my Lands may be Subject to the payment of a British Debt, or rather to an Execution for a British Debt when recovered, has the person who Sues me any kind of right to prevent my Selling those Lands before he recovers his Judgement, because he may chuse to levy his Execution, when he gets one, on that part of my property? This indeed would be to bind the Property of the Lands from the time of contracting the Debt, a Length which I believe the Notion was never carried. Surely there can be no reason to prevent Coll. Tucker or even his Executor from giving the preference to any Creditor in equal Degree, and if he was authorised by his Testator to Sell all his Lands and pay off other Creditors before Mr. Hunt could get a Judgement has he not a right to do So? This reasoning must hold Just unless it be contended that the British Debt is a specific Lien upon the Lands, a position hard to be maintained. As to Marshalling the Assets I believe it would answer little purpose since the personal Estate is already Exhausted in paying Specialties, and there are not Lands Sufficient even to pay Mr. Hunt. You have the Copy of the account Sales and Appraisement, you will see the Iniquity appearing in them, and Covin I believe may be proved. The Purpose you mention for making Mrs. Tucker a party is certainly a good one, And Mr. Taylors claim will depend upon whether Coll. Tucker\u2019s Promise was a Voluntary one or for valuable Consideration. Mr. Taylor made no Settlement. Q: is the Promise not Voluntary. It is a Settled Point that even Voluntary Bonds must be postponed to Simple Contract Debts afortiori A Promise. I am at length come to an End of this Tedious Letter, during the writing of which I have suffered many Interuptions, and have turned over many Volumes. But as I can do nothing Conclusively until I hear from you again I must beg of you to write as soon as possible. Mr. Coles will be coming Down in a Little time. I shall write again as soon as I hear from the gentlemen on James River. I remain Sir with much Esteem &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "05-09-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-15-02-0620-0002", "content": "Title: I. John Wayles to John Thompson, 9 May 1770\nFrom: Wayles, John\nTo: Thompson, John\nDr Sir\nDining with Mrs. Waller yesterday, prevented my speaking with [you] on the Subject of the Assignment farther. You will send me the copy by some safe hand, if you cannot come our way yourself. My Idea of the thing is, that after securing yourself you apoint a trustee for Farell & Jones for the Surplus. This I believe is the Spirit of the Agreement. Hubbard & Bakers partnership can have nothing to do with the Effects, but must resort to the Securitys given if there\u2019s any deficiency on either side.\u2014Give the attorney No uneasiness about his Bond. I shall run the Risque of his death, and will take his Bond to Cancell these when I see him next. This you may tell him from Your Obedt Sevt,\nJ Wayles", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "08-07-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-27-02-0591", "content": "Title: To Thomas Jefferson from Samuel Jordan, with Jefferson\u2019s Notes, 7 August 1770\nFrom: Jordan, Samuel,Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Jefferson, Thomas\nSir\nI some time Since received a letter from Colo. Randolph of Tuckahoe requesting I would inform him what I knew of his right to Leatherwood land and as you are or will be his Lawer I trouble you with it which is as follows. There was leive granted by the Council to Colo. Peter Jefferson Charles Lynch and Ambross Smith to take up fifteen Thousand Acres of Land adjoining Randolph & Co. at the Wart mountain extending toward the Branches of James\u2019s River. One third of said order was purchas\u2019d by Colo. William Randolph of Tuckahoe of Colo. Jefferson\n the other two thirds Colo. Lomax purchased. By virtue of said order I directed the Survey on Leatherwood I think in 1747. Soon after it was cavited by Reid, Jones & Co. and on hearing, the Council gave it against Lomax and Randolph, and I think Lomax pray\u2019d an Appeal. After that the Contending Parties agreed that If the Council would grant them leive to take up twenty Thousand Acres of Land on Beaver, and Reedy Creeks and some creeks below leatherwood to take place before any other order or entry where Right was not that the appeal should be drop\u2019t and they the contending parties become one company [on which?] the council did grant such order, and I directed the Survey [\u2026] them. Since that I know nothing but by information which is [that] Reid, Jones &c took the last Survey\u2019d Lands for their parts and Sold them to Ennis, Rose, and Copeland and they have them in possession and that the Survey on leatherwood remains between Lomax and Randolph as if never disputed which was the reason I never mentioned the circumstance of the Cavit to Colo. Randolph. If you\u2019ll be kind enough to let me know by Mr. Nicholas or otherwise how my causes stands it will greatly oblige Sr. Yr Very Hble Servt\nSaml Jordan\n[Notes by TJ:]\nLomax\nS. Jordan\u2019s letter.\nv.\nLomax et al\nThat was joint ord. conc. to Lom, Rand, Reid, Jones & al.\nThat was division\nThat those on Leatherwood (15,000 as.) left to Lom & Rand.\nthe rest to Reid, Jones et al.\nwho conveied to Innis, Rose, Copeld.\nAug. 14. I wrote to Jordan\nthat I expected T. M. Randolph was not conce[rned?] if there was ever actual division\nthat if was no division he must a[\u2026]\ninclosed subpoena ad test.\nthat expected would prove effects on the land.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1770}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1770", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/02-01-02-0004", "content": "Title: Memorandum Books, 1770\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: \n Crede ratem ventis, animum ne crede puellis,\n Namque est faemine\u00e2 tutior unda fide:\n Faemina nulla bona est; sed si bona contigit ullae\n Nescio quo fato res mala facta bona est. \n Inclosed writs in Harrison v. Bernard and Howell v. Netherland to Carter H. Harrison.\n Committed my opinion in Dr. Campbell\u2019s case to writing.\n Donaghe v. Leeper. Delivd. Summses. to pl.\n Waterson\u2019s and Johnston\u2019s cases. Recd. by Hugh Donaghe 308 English half crowns = \u00a348\u20132\u20136, 4 half Joes = \u00a39, 1 Caroline and Portugal peice of gold \u00a33\u20135\u20137 \u00bd, two doubloons = \u00a38\u201312 and two pistoles = \u00a32\u20133 the whole amountg. to \u00a371\u20133\u20131\u00bd.\n Wm. Waterson (and Co.) v. John Walker (N. Carolina). Enter petn. for 359 acres on both sides Mud lick run and on the So. side of a bra. of Roan. called Goose creek patd. by Francis Besty Oct. 1. 1747. Qu. if Augusta or Botetourt? Botetourt.\n Id. v. eund. 112 acres Botetourt on both sides Mud lick run and on So. side of Goose creek a bra. Roan. patd. by Francis Besty Mar. 20. 1745. but search Aud.\u2019s office first if q. rents not paid in both these.\n Samuel Crockett (Augusta) v. Elizabeth Robinson daur. and heir of John Robinson decd. (Botetort). Enter petn. for 150. acres Botetort part of 400 patd. by John Robinson July 26. 1746. on both sides the So. fork of Goose creek now called Roanoke. The pl. has an equitable right, and J. Madison sais he will pay an extra fee if he recovers. No q. rents pd. Octob. 1769.\n John Stewart (Augusta) v. James Callison (Augusta). Enter petn. for 275. acres on a bra. of the little river of the Calf pasture on the East side of the Laurel hill part (perhaps) of a larger tract patd. by Wm. Beverley. See Beverly\u2019s deed to James Carlile for this land Apr. 9. and 10. 1745. recorded in S. O. and which mention the date of the patent. Aug. or Bot.? Carrd. forward to 1773. Jan. 8.\n Greenlee v. Gray and v. Peteat. Recd. 52/6. The pl. sais this petn. was entd. 250. instead of 450 acres, and that I had promised to have rectified, therefore if not rectified (for I do not remember) do it now, by dismissg. old and entering new petn. Charge no new fee if I do.\n Johnston\u2019s cases. I am directed by J. Madison to dismiss them all and enter them anew in Waterson\u2019s name except those v. Boyd. 94. v. Myass (which he sais is agreed) and v. Daniel.\n Johnston v. Dennis Getty. 204 acres on the head of Lee\u2019s run a branch of Catawbo. This caveat must be dismd. the lands having been patd. Sep.\u2003\u20031765. so enter a petn.\n Id. v. Thos. Tosh. 63 acres on the No. fork of Roanoke. This was patd. Sep. 1767. so the caveat must be dismd. and no petn. entd. because the three years not lapsed.\n Waterson\u2019s cases. Sent by T. Walker to Walthoe the \u00a371\u20133\u20131\u2013\u00bd received of Hugh Donaghe, and assumed to pay myself what should be wanting for the following Summes. (being all).\n v. Bullett 400, v. Thompson, v. Tosh, v. Vernon, v. Walker, v. Armstrong, v. Arnold, v. Allen, v. Arboust, v. Aberman, Bird, Boggs, Brown, Bennett, eund., Bumgardner, Bogert, Bird, Blane, Burnside, Brackenridge, Buchanan, Beard, Craig, Campbell, Custard, Conner, Carr and Ruddle, Crockett, Campbell, Croswell, Christian, eund., Clifton, Cunningham, Campbell Crow, Crawford, Carpenter, A. Colier, M. Colier, Coates, Campbell, Custard, Campbell, Circle, Campbell, Craig, J. Carpenter, S. Carpenter, G. Docherty, M. Docherty, Dennis, Davis, Davidson Dean, Evans, Farguson, Goodwin, Gwynn, eund., Gregg, Good, Gillespy, Grattan, Gregg and Hill, Hanna, eund., U. Humble, M. Humble, Hays, Harrison, Hamilton, Hinkle, Harper, Harrison and Skidmore & Borah, Henderson, Hays, Harrison, Jackson Jordon, eund., Johnson, Jordon, Jones, Kinley, Kyzer, Kimsey, eund., Kyzer, Wm. Lewis C. Lewis, S. Lawrence, W. Lawrence, A. Lewis, Leely, Lanciscus, Law, Logan, eund., Lecher, eund., Larkin, Monsley, Millar, Mackenzie, MacCrahan, Maclure, McCallom, Mclellan, McConnel, Millar, Mullen, McNeece, McNare, Mitchel, Millar, Mitchell, McCutcheon, Matthews, Milleron, McCoy, Neigley, Jno. Neely, Jas. Neely, Ofriel, Poage, Paxton Pickle, Peters, Patrick Rhoades, Reador, Richardson, Richeson, Rhoades, W. Ramsay, Reaugh, J. Ramsay Reaugh, Reid Robinson, Summers, Skillern, Shannon and Lowry, Shannon, Smith, Stone, Skidmore, Schoolcraft, Skidmore Harrison and Skidmore, Smothers, Simpson and McMurry, Seewright, Sympson, Smith, Seewright, Scott, Stephenson, Trimble Thomas, Thompson, Trimble, Thompson> paffed by the Britifli Parlia- \nment for the exprefs purpofe of raifmg a \nrevenue upon us without our content, is re- \npealed ; till the American board of Com- \nmimoners of the Cuftoms is diiTolved ; the \ntroops recalled, and things are reftored \nto the ftate they were in before the late ex- \ntraordinary meafures of adminiftration took \nplace. \nBefides thefe letters of Governor Bernard, \nwe find others written by General Gage, \nand Commodore Hood. And we cannot \nbut obferve, that although both thefe gen- \ntlemen were perfect (bangers in the town, \nthey have yet taken fuch extraordinary free- \nThe general, in particular, has written in such a positive manner that these gentlemen, if they received the character of the town or any of its individuals from Governor Bernard, may unwittingly give high discretion to every reader concerning their candor and impartiality. If these gentlemen knew anything at all about the state of the town, they would have been long convinced, if they knew anything at all, that the Governor was too deeply interested in misrepresentation to be credited in a matter of such importance. Therefore, common justice would have dictated a suspension of their public testimony to the prejudice of the community, until they could have had the opportunity of doing it upon impartial inquiry or their own observation.\n\nThe General seems to have early imbibed some sort of prejudice against a town that had been previously prejudiced in his favor.\nThe Governor informed Lord Hillborough in a letter that the General had lent Captain Montrefor from New-York to assist the forces as an Engineer and enable them to recover and maintain the castle, and other ports, upon intelligence that the people in and around Boston had revolted. Now even the Governor himself declares this to be a mistake, and states that things were not as bad as that came to be. With two constant and regular posts between this town and New York, each carrying intelligence from one to the other in the course of a week, and especially since he might reasonably expect authentic accounts of such an important matter in a shorter time, it is strange if the General's mind was unsettled.\nbiased, he strongly relied on private advice to form his measures, according to the Governor. It was an important measure for the town: Col. Dalrymple, who commanded the regiments, deviated from the authority of these new orders, as the Governor declares, and altered the plan, which was to land only one regiment. Perhaps it was under the influence of these private advices and \"the narrative of the town-meeting,\" which the Governor also mentions as influential on the General's measures and which possibly was a narrative of the Governor's own writing, that worked upon the General's imagination, inducing him to give his opinion to his Lordship that \"the intentions of the town were suspicious.\"\nThe troops from Halifax arrived at the right time, and such unprovoked expressions are found in the letters of both gentlemen, particularly the General's. As they share the spirit of Governor Bernard, and as the sentiment of this Province is fully apparent in the recent resolves of the house of representatives, we shall avoid troubling the public with particular remarks on them. Instead, we borrow an expression of great authority: \"treat them with the contempt they deserve.\"\n\nThe Town of Boston, at their previous mentioned meeting, came into the following resolution:\n\nRESOLVED, that the letters and memorials of Governor Bernard and the Commissioners of the customs in America, transmitted by them respectively to his Majesty's Ministers, and laid before the Parliament.\nResolved, that this town has reason to rejoice in the measure taken by the honorable house of representatives, in the late session of the General Assembly, by presenting their dutiful and loyal petition to His Majesty, for the removal of Governor Bernard and the commissioners, who have shown an implacable enmity to this town and made virulent efforts to traduce it even to His Majesty himself, thereby causing great displeasure to the inhabitants.\nThe governor, Mr. [name], from the government of this Province, and the town express their most ardent prayer that His Majesty's prayer may be graciously heard and granted.\n\nResolved, that General Gage and Commodore Hood, in their various letters to His Majesty's Ministers and servants, have discovered an unreasonable prejudice against the town. And the General, in particular, in declaring in his letter to the Right Hon. the Earl of Hillborough, one of His Majesty's Secretaries of State, that \"in truth there was very little government in Boston\"; and in using other expressions alike, has done great injustice to the town and an irreparable injury.\n\nIt is furthermore the opinion of the town that the readiness he has discovered to receive [petition or grievances] is not genuine.\nReceived unfavorable impressions of it, and the public testimony he was prevailed upon to bear again against it, before he could have time to make an impartial enquiry, betrayed a want of candor unbe becoming his station and character.\n\nResolved, that many of the letters and memorials aforementioned are false, scandalous, and infamous libels upon the inhabitants of this Town, Province and Continent, of the most virulent and malicious, as well as dangerous and pernicious tendency : and that\n\nthe Selectmen be and hereby are directed to apply and complain to proper authority, that the wicked authors of those incendiary libels, may be proceeded against according to law, and brought to condign punishment.\n\nFINIS.\n\nLot-3S\nOT\nIf\nWS J-\nV", "source_dataset": "Internet_Archive", "source_dataset_detailed": "Internet_Archive_LibOfCong"} ]