[
{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1764, "culture": " Spanish\n", "content": "Produced by Adrian Mastronardi, Chuck Greif and the Online\nfile was produced from images generously made available\nby the Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at\n[Nota del transcriptor: la ortograf\u00eda del original est\u00e1 conservada.]\nDESCRIPCION\nDEL\nRIO PARAGUAY,\nDESDE LA\nBOCA DEL XAURU\nHASTA LA\nCONFLUENCIA DEL PARANA,\nPOR EL\nP. Jose Quiroga,\nDE LA COMPA\u00d1IA DE JESUS.\nBUENOS-AIRES.\nIMPRENTA DEL ESTADO,\nNOTICIAS BIOGRAFICAS DEL P. JOSE QUIROGA.\nEl P. _Jos\u00e9 Quiroga_, uno de los miembros mas ilustrados y laboriosos de\nla Compa\u00f1ia de Jesus en estas Provincias, naci\u00f3 en 1707 en Fab\u00e1s,\npeque\u00f1a aldea de la jurisdiccion de la Coru\u00f1a, en Galicia. La proximidad\nde este puerto, y la continua conmemoracion que se hacia en su familia\nde los viages de un deudo que frecuentaba las Colonias, avivaron su\nnatural deseo de visitarlas. Con este objeto emprendi\u00f3 el estudio de las\nmatem\u00e1ticas, en las que hizo r\u00e1pidos y asombrosos progresos; y cuando su\nedad le permiti\u00f3 realizar sus designios, se embarc\u00f3 para hacer su\naprendizaje n\u00e1utico. Toda su ambicion se reducia entonces \u00e1 adquirir los\nconocimientos que se necesitan para ocupar el puesto de piloto.\nEn uno de estos viages trab\u00f3 amistad con un religioso de la Compa\u00f1ia de\nJesus, que pasaba \u00e1 las Indias para tomar parte en los trabajos\nevang\u00e9licos de sus hermanos. La pintura que este le hizo de su\ninstituto, y de las ventajas que ofrecia \u00e1 los que manifestaban celo y\ntalentos, hicieron tan viva impresion en el \u00e1nimo del j\u00f3ven Quiroga, que\nse decidi\u00f3 desde luego \u00e1 tomar el h\u00e1bito de San Ignacio. Sus superiores\nle incitaron \u00e1 no abandonar sus estudios, en los que se hallaba bastante\nadelantado; y para que no le faltasen est\u00edmulos, le brindaron con una\nc\u00e1tedra de matem\u00e1tica, que fundaron expresamente en el colegio de Buenos\nAires.\nLos servicios del nuevo profesor, provechosos \u00e1 sus alumnos, lo fueron\nde un modo mas trascendental para el Gobierno, que por falta de un\nfacultativo, se hallaba \u00e1 veces en la imposibilidad de resolver\ncuestiones importantes para el servicio p\u00fablico. Tal era la de los\n_rumbos_ que debian seguirse en la medicion de las tierras del \u00e9gido de\nla ciudad, y que, por no haber sido bien determinados en las concesiones\nde los primeros pobladores, hacian dudar de sus l\u00edmites, quitando \u00e1 los\nt\u00edtulos de propiedad su principal requisito.\nEl gobernador D. Domingo Ortiz de Rosas, que en 1744 se hallaba\ninvestido del mando supremo de estas provincias, confi\u00f3 esta tarea al P.\nQuiroga, que desde entonces fu\u00e9 consultado con preferencia en todas las\nempresas cient\u00edficas.\nCuando la corte de Espa\u00f1a mand\u00f3 explorar los puntos accesibles de la\ncosta patag\u00f3nica, y los mas \u00e1 prop\u00f3sito para establecer poblaciones, \u00e1\nlos pilotos Varela y Ramirez, que vinieron \u00e1 bordo de la fragata _San\nAntonio_, se les asoci\u00f3 el P. Quiroga, cuyo diario sirvi\u00f3 al P. Lozano\npara redactar el que hemos publicado en el primer tomo de nuestra\ncoleccion.\nA su regreso de esta comision, los PP. de la Compa\u00f1ia le encargaron\nlevant\u00e1ra el mapa del territorio de Misiones:--obra vasta y dificil, no\nsolo por la naturaleza del terreno, sino por la falta de materiales y\nrecursos. A pesar de estas trabas, acept\u00f3 el P. Quiroga este encargo, y\ndespues de haber determinado con una prolija exactitud la posicion\ngeogr\u00e1fica de los treinta pueblos de Misiones, y la de las ciudades de\nla Asumpcion, Corrientes, Santa F\u00e9, Colonia, Montevideo y Buenos Aires,\nredact\u00f3 su mapa con los datos que le suministraron las relaciones editas\n\u00e9 ineditas de los misioneros, cuando no le fu\u00e9 posible adquirirlos\npersonalmente.\nEste trabajo, que no tiene en el dia mas m\u00e9rito que el de su prioridad,\nfu\u00e9 publicado en Roma en 1753, por el calc\u00f3grafo Fernando Franceschelli,\nque, conform\u00e1ndose \u00e1 la costumbre de su tiempo, le agreg\u00f3 en las\nm\u00e1rgenes varias noticias del Paraguay, y la tabla general de los grados\nde latitud y longitud, segun las observaciones del autor.\nUna de las partes mas incorrectas de este mapa es el curso del rio\nParaguay, y fu\u00e9 precisamente el que el P. Quiroga tuvo la oportunidad de\nrectificar poco despues, cuando en 1752 acompa\u00f1\u00f3 al comisario espa\u00f1ol,\nD. Manuel Antonio de Flores, encargado de poner el marco divisorio en la\nboca del Jaur\u00fa, en cumplimiento del articulo 6 del tratado, ajustado en\nMadrid en 13 de Enero de 1750.\nEste reconocimiento, \u00fanico fruto de aquella laboriosa negociacion, fu\u00e9\nel \u00faltimo servicio prestado al gobierno por este docto religioso, y es\ntambien el que mas honra su memoria. De este diario se vali\u00f3 D. Luis de\nla Cruz Cano de Olmedilla para la formacion de su gran mapa del Am\u00e9rica\nmeridional, que publicado en Madrid en 1775, y reproducido por Faden en\nLondres, en 1799, fu\u00e9 adoptado por Arrowsmith, en 1811.\nEste documento hubiera corrido la suerte de casi todos los trabajos de\nlos \u00faltimos jesuitas en estas regiones, \u00e1 no haber sido por el cuidado\ndel P. Domingo Muriel (\u00f3 _Ciriaco Morelli_, como se le antoj\u00f3 llamarse\nen sus obras), que lo insert\u00f3 en el apendice de su version latina de la\n_Hist\u00f3ria del Paraguay_ del P. Charlevoix, de donde lo hemos extractado.\nCircunscripto \u00e1 los deberes de su estado, el P. Quiroga se resign\u00f3 \u00e1 una\nvida retirada en el colegio de Belen, en donde le fu\u00e9 intimado el\ndecreto de la supresion de su \u00f3rden en 1767. Expulsado de su patria\nadoptiva, sin que le fuera permitido volver \u00e1 la propia, busc\u00f3 un asilo\nen Italia, donde acab\u00f3 sus dias, sin mas consuelos que los que\nproporciona la religion \u00e1 una conciencia libre de remordimientos.\n_Buenos Aires, Junio de 1836._\nPEDRO DE ANGELIS.\nDESCRIPCION DEL RIO PARAGUAY.\n_Origen del rio Paraguay, y rios que entran en \u00e9l, hasta su junta con el\nParan\u00e1._\nEl rio Paraguay tiene su or\u00edgen en una gran cordillera de serranias, que\nse estiende de oriente \u00e1 poniente por centenares de leguas, y pasa al\nnorte de Cuyab\u00e1. De esta cordillera bajan al sur muchos arroyos y\nriachuelos, que juntos forman un bien caudaloso rio, que comienza \u00e1 ser\nnavegable cincuenta \u00f3 sesenta leguas mas arriba del Xaur\u00fa. Y todo el rio\nParaguay, desde dicha cordillera hasta la ciudad de las Siete\nCorrientes, en donde concurre con el Paran\u00e1, es tambien navegable,\naunque sea con barcos grandes: pero estos no son los mejores para vencer\nlas corrientes, para lo cual mas aparentes son las fal\u00faas de remos, los\nbergantines ligeros y todo g\u00e9nero de jabeques.\nDesde el rio Xaur\u00fa arriba no sabemos que rios de consideracion entran en\nel Paraguay; pero es de creer que le entran algunos por la parte del\neste, pues cuando llega al Xaur\u00fa ya viene caudaloso. La boca del Xaur\u00fa\nest\u00e1 en 16 grados 25 minutos de latitud austral: y en 320 grados y 10\nminutos de longitud, contada desde la isla del Fierro h\u00e1cia el oriente.\nViene dicho rio de la parte occidental, y es navegable con canoas por\nalgunas leguas. Mas abajo del Xaur\u00fa se divide el Paraguay en dos brazos\ncaudalosos. El mayor corre con su canal estrecha, pero muy profunda, por\nmedio de los Xarayes: y por esta navegamos con nuestras embarcaciones\nsin embarazo alguno. El otro brazo corre por algunas leguas por la parte\noccidental de los Xarayes. Y en este, antes de volver \u00e1 juntarse con el\nprimero, acaso entrar\u00e1 el rio Guabis, que corre desde los pueblos de\nlos Chiquitos h\u00e1cia el oriente, \u00e1 no ser que el Guabis entre en un\nrecodo de la laguna del Caracar\u00e1, que se comunica con el rio Paraguay\ncasi en la parte inferior de los Xarayes.\nMas abajo de los Xarayes entra por la parte oriental en el Paraguay el\nrio de los Porrudos, en la altura de 17 grados y 52 minutos. Este rio es\nbien caudaloso, y en \u00e9l entra el de Cuyab\u00e1, como se dir\u00e1 en otra parte.\nOtro brazo de este mismo rio entra mas abajo, y le dan los Portugueses\nel nombre de _Canal de Chian\u00e9_, y por \u00e9l suben con sus canoas los\nPaulistas que navegan \u00e1 Cuyab\u00e1.\nEl rio Tacuar\u00ed, que trae tambien su corriente de la parte oriental,\nentra en el Paraguay por tres bocas, todas navegables. La mas\nseptentrional, por donde bajan los Paulistas, est\u00e1 en 19 grados. En la\nmisma parte del oriente entra con mucha corriente el rio Mbotete\u00ed, en 19\ngrados y 20 minutos. En la m\u00e1rgen austral del Mbotete\u00ed estuvo\nantiguamente una poblacion de espa\u00f1oles, que se llamaba Xerez, la cual\nse desampar\u00f3 por las persecuciones que padecian de los Paulistas. Estaba\nesta poblacion \u00e1 treinta leguas de distancia del rio Paraguay, \u00e1 la\nfalda de la gran cordillera que se estiende norte-sur entre los rios\nParan\u00e1 y Paraguay. En las grandes crecientes bajan por el Mbotete\u00ed\nmuchas _tacuaras_, \u00f3 ca\u00f1as muy gruesas, arrancadas de sus m\u00e1rgenes, de\nlas cuales se quedan muchas en las m\u00e1rgenes del rio Paraguay. Y es bien\nreparable, que en todo el m\u00e1rgen de este rio, desde el Mbotete\u00ed arriba,\nno se ve una tacuara.\nDesde el Mbotete\u00ed, bajando por el rio Paraguay, se halla el estrecho que\nahora llaman de San Xavier, entre unos cerros, en 19 grados y 48\nminutos. Uno de los cerros est\u00e1 en el m\u00e1rgen oriental del rio, y otros\ncuatro \u00f3 cinco se ven en la banda occidental.\nOtra notable estrechura tiene el Paraguay mas abajo de los tres cerros\nque estan \u00e1 la parte del occidente, llamados los Tres Hermanos, \u00e1 la\nfalda de otro alt\u00edsimo cerro, llamado Pan de Azucar, como doce leguas\nmas abajo de los Tres Hermanos, y es el mas alto de todos los que se\nencuentran desde la Asumpcion al Tacuar\u00ed. Est\u00e1 en la m\u00e1rgen oriental, y\ndesde all\u00ed se continua una cordillera h\u00e1cia el oriente. Hay en la parte\noccidental, en frente del Pan de Azucar, otro cerro peque\u00f1o, y en alguna\ndistancia, \u00e1 la parte del nord-oeste, se ve otro no muy grande. La\nestrechura sobredicha, y el Pan de Azucar, estan en 21 grados 17\nminutos.\nSe halla despues, bajando por el Paraguay, la boca del rio Tepot\u00ed en 21\ngrados 45 minutos. Luego al frente de una isla, \u00f3 algo mas arriba, est\u00e1\nla boca del rio Corrientes, llamado as\u00ed por la gran corriente que trae.\nEste rio tiene su or\u00edgen junto \u00e1 la fuente del Guatim\u00ed, que entra en el\nParan\u00e1 sobre el Salto grande. El rio Corrientes desemboca en el Paraguay\nen 22 grados y 2 minutos. A dos \u00f3 tres leguas de distancia se ve al\nsud-oeste el cerro de Galvan, que est\u00e1 solo en la banda occidental. Aqu\u00ed\nbaja de la parte del este un ramo de la gran cordillera. A la banda del\nsur de dicho rio hay tambien muchos cerros, y una angostura de mucha\ncorriente, con pe\u00f1asquer\u00eda \u00e1 los lados del rio, y se llama este paso\nItapuc\u00fa-guaz\u00fa. Est\u00e1 en 22 grados y 10 minutos. Mas abajo est\u00e1 una punta\nde cordillera que forma otra angostura, y remata dicha punta en pe\u00f1a\ncortada, y distar\u00e1 como ocho leguas del Itapuc\u00fa-guaz\u00fa.\nEntra mas abajo, por el m\u00e1rgen oriental, el rio Guarambar\u00e9 en 23 grados\ny 8 minutos, y en frente de la boca hay una isla. Por los 23 grados y 21\nminutos se hallan unas piedras esparcidas en medio del rio, por lo cual\nconviene en esta altura navegar con cautela. El rio Ipan\u00e9-guaz\u00fa\ndesemboca en el Paraguay, en la latitud de 23 grados 28 minutos. Su boca\ntiene al frente una isla. Baja este rio de los yerbales que estan al\nnorte de Curuguat\u00ed, y tiene su or\u00edgen cerca del Guatim\u00ed. En los 23\ngrados 51 minutos entra en el Paraguay, por el m\u00e1rgen occidental, el rio\nde los Fogones: y mas abajo \u00e1 corta distancia entra por la misma banda\nel rio Verde. Al frente de estos dos rios hay cuatro islas. Mas abajo en\nla Banda Oriental entra el Ipan\u00e9-min\u00ed en 21 grados y 2 minutos.\nMas abajo del Ipan\u00e9-min\u00ed, en 24 grados y 4 minutos, hallamos que la\naguja miraba derechamente al norte: y no se puede atribuir \u00e1 otra causa\nque \u00e1 la cercania de algun mineral de fierro \u00f3 de piedra iman, de lo\ncual hay bastante en la jurisdiccion del Paraguay. En los 24 grados y 7\nminutos entra por la Banda Oriental el rio Xexu\u00ed, que viene de los\nyerbales del Curuguat\u00ed, y se navega tal vez con barcos cargados de\nyerba, aunque con mucho trabajo, por los malos pasos que tiene. En los\n24 grados y 23 minutos entra, por la parte oriental, el Cuarepot\u00ed: en\nlos 24 grados y 29 minutos, el Ibob\u00ed. Mas abajo en los 50 minutos del\nmismo grado, entra por el mismo lado el Tobat\u00ed en un brazo del Paraguay,\nen cuya entrada \u00e1 la punta de la isla que est\u00e1 mas al sur (y es la\nprimera punta cuando subiendo se entra en dicho brazo) hay dos piedras\nque llegan \u00e1 la flor del agua, de las cuales conviene que se aparten los\nbarcos, \u00f3 que tomen el rumbo por lo mas ancho del rio, dejando \u00e1 la\nparte de oriente la isla. En el Tobat\u00ed entra, antes de su caida en el\nParaguay, el rio Capiat\u00e1.\nEn los 24 grados 56 minutos le entra al Paraguay, por el occidente, el\nrio Mboica\u00e9. En los 24 y 58, poco mas arriba del fuerte de Arecutacu\u00e1,\nentra por el oriente el Peribebu\u00ed: y mas abajo, en 25 gr. y un minuto,\nentra por la misma banda el rio Salado. Poco mas abajo, casi en la misma\naltura, entra por la m\u00e1rgen occidental el rio Pira\u00ed.\nLa ciudad de la Asumpcion est\u00e1 en 25 gr. 17 min. 15 segundos de latitud;\n320 gr. 12 min. de longitud, segun algunos demarcadores. Otros hallaron\n25, 16 de latitud; 320, 10 de longitud. Poco mas abajo entra por tres\nbocas, por la m\u00e1rgen occidental, el famoso rio Pilcomayo, que trae sus\naguas de las cerranias del Potos\u00ed, y corre por medio del Chaco. En los\n25 gr. 32 min. hace el Paraguay una estrechura, que tendr\u00e1 solo un tiro\nde fusil de una ribera \u00e1 otra, y est\u00e1 en este parage el fuerte que\nllaman de la Angostura. El Tebicuar\u00ed entra en el Paraguay por el\noriente, en 26 gr. 35 min. Bajan por este rio los barcos de Nuestra\nSe\u00f1ora de F\u00e9 y de Santa Rosa.\nEl Rio Grande, \u00f3 Bermejo entra en el Paraguay por occidente en 26 gr. 54\nmin.; y dista su boca de la ciudad de las Corrientes once leguas por al\naire, que por el rio son 17, \u00f3 18. Viene el Bermejo de las serranias que\nestan entre Salta y Tarija: atraviesa gran parte del Chaco: el color de\nsus aguas es algo bermejo. En junt\u00e1ndose con el Paraguay, inficiona las\naguas de \u00e9ste, de suerte que son poco saludables sus aguas, hasta que\nconcurre en las Corrientes con el Paran\u00e1. Se juntan los rios Paran\u00e1 y\nParaguay al frente de esta ciudad, que est\u00e1 situada sobre la m\u00e1rgen\noriental, en 27 grados y 27 minutos de latitud, 319 y 55 minutos de\nlongitud. Ll\u00e1mase ciudad de las Siete Corrientes, porque el terreno en\ndonde est\u00e1 la ciudad, hace siete puntas de piedra, que salen al rio, en\nlas cuales la corriente del Paran\u00e1 es mas fuerte. Desde aqu\u00ed pierde el\nnombre el Paraguay, porque el Paran\u00e1, como mas caudaloso conserva el\nsuyo hasta cerca de Buenos Aires, donde, junto con el Uruguay, corre\nhasta el mar con el nombre de _Rio de la Plata_: llamado as\u00ed, porque\nllevaron desde aqu\u00ed algunas alhajas de plata y oro los primeros\nconquistadores del Paraguay, las cuales alhajas habian traido los indios\ndel Paraguay en la primera entrada que hicieron \u00e1 los pueblos del Per\u00fa\ncon Alejo Garc\u00eda y sus compa\u00f1eros, segun se halla escrito en la\n_Argentina_ de Rui Diaz de Guzman.\n_De las naciones de indios que habitan en las riberas del Paraguay._\nPrimeramente en el mismo rio, y en sus islas, habitan dos parcialidades\nde indios Payagu\u00e1s, que andan por todo \u00e9l con sus canoas, y se mantienen\nde la pesca, y de lo que roban \u00e1 espa\u00f1oles y portugueses. Una\nparcialidad tiene su habitacion en la parte mas septentrional del rio, y\nsu cacique principal se llama _Quat\u00ed_. La otra suele estar con mas\nfrecuencia en la parte austral, en la cercania de la Asumpcion. El\ncacique principal de esta se llama _Ipar\u00e1_.\nEn la ribera del rio, comenzando desde su junta con el Paran\u00e1, habitan \u00e1\nla parte occidental, los Abipones, de los cuales buen n\u00famero est\u00e1\nreducido \u00e1 pueblos. Otros, con sus amigos los Tobas y Mocob\u00eds del rio\nBermejo, hacen correrias por las fronteras de Santa-F\u00e9, C\u00f3rdoba,\nSantiago del Estero, Salta y Juju\u00ed: y pasando algunas veces el Paran\u00e1,\nhacen sus tiros en la jurisdiccion de las Corrientes, y muchas veces\npasando el rio Paraguay y embosc\u00e1ndose en los montes, hacen notable da\u00f1o\nen los pueblos mas septentrionales de las misiones de Guaran\u00eds, y en las\nestancias de la jurisdiccion del Paraguay. Estos indios llegan por la\nparte occidental del Paraguay hasta el Pilcomayo.\nDesde el Pilcomayo comienza la tierra de los Lenguas, los cuales corren\ntoda aquella parte del Chaco, desde el dicho Pilcomayo hasta la tierra\nde los Mbay\u00e1s: y pasan tambien el Paraguay, para hacer sus tiros en las\nestancias de la Asumpcion. Estos indios no dan cuartel, ni admiten\nmisioneros.\nDesde el rio Xexu\u00ed, por una y otra banda, habitan los Mbay\u00e1s, repartidos\nen varias parcialidades. Sus principales tolderias estan de una y otra\nbanda del Paraguay, en las tierras mas inmediatas al sud del Pan de\nAzucar. Corren estos indios toda la tierra, desde el Xexu\u00ed al Tacuar\u00ed,\npor la banda oriental y por la occidental, hasta cerca de los Chiquitos.\nDesde el Pan de Azucar h\u00e1cia el norte habitan en la banda occidental los\nGuan\u00e1s. Estos son indios que trabajan sus tierras, para sembrar maiz; y\nhacen tambien sus sementeras \u00e1 los Mbay\u00e1s, pag\u00e1ndoles estos su trabajo.\nMas arriba del Tacuar\u00ed hay, en el rio de los Porrudos, otros indios\nsemejantes en el modo de vivir \u00e1 los Payagu\u00e1s, pero de mas valor, y\nexcelentes flecheros. Juzgo que no es nacion numerosa, pues no bajan con\nsus canoas al rio Paraguay. Los portugueses, que navegan por Xarayes\ndesde Cuyab\u00e1 \u00e1 Mattogroso, dijeron que en algunas arboledas que hay, en\nlos anegadizos de Xarayes, se dejaban ver algunos indios, aunque pocos.\nNo saben de que nacion sean. Pueden ser algunas reliquias de los\nXarayes. De aqu\u00ed para arriba no s\u00e9 que habiten indios algunos en las\nm\u00e1rgenes del rio Paraguay.\n\u00a7. III.\n_Montes y arboledas._\nEl Criador de todas las cosas nos di\u00f3 en las tierras adyacentes del rio\nParaguay un agradable objeto \u00e1 la vista, con la variedad admirable de\nmonta\u00f1as, cerros, llanuras y arboledas. Desde Corrientes hasta el rio\nXexu\u00ed, hay por una y otra banda bosques con mucha variedad de plantas.\nPero del Xexu\u00ed arriba es mayor el encanto de los ojos; porque unas veces\nse descubre un ramo de la cordillera todo poblado de \u00e1rboles, otras\nveces se presenta una campa\u00f1a llena de yerba muy verde, otras se ven\ninmensos palmares, de una especie particular de palmas, porque los\ntroncos son alt\u00edsimos y derechos, la madera dura y la copa redonda, con\nlas ramas semejantes \u00e1 los palmitos de que hacen las escobas en\nAndaluc\u00eda. Ni se puede hallar cosa mas \u00e1 prop\u00f3sito para formar con\npresteza los techos de las casas, pues en quitando la copa, y cortando\nel tronco por el pi\u00e9, ya no hay mas que hacer para aplicarlo \u00e1 la obra.\nEstos palmares son frecuentes desde el Xexu\u00ed hasta los campos de Xerez.\nY como los troncos estan muy limpios, andan los indios \u00e1 caballo por\nmedio de los palmares, sin embarazo alguno. Los racimos de datiles de\nestas palmas son menores que los de las palmas ordinarias: y los datiles\nson tambien menores \u00e1 proporcion. No s\u00e9 si son comestibles.\nGeneralmente hablando, todos los cerros y cordilleras tienen en sus\nvertientes muchos montes con \u00e1rboles alt\u00edsimos y de tronco muy grueso. Y\nno se puede dudar que se hallarian, entre tanta variedad, maderas\npreciosas. Nosotros hallamos por casualidad el \u00e1rbol de donde sacan la\ngoma guta, \u00f3 gutagamba, que es una goma de color amarillo muy fino. El\n\u00e1rbol alto, no muy grueso, la hoja semejante \u00e1 la del laurel.\nDesc\u00fabriose este \u00e1rbol dando algunas cortaduras por entretenimiento en\nla corteza de uno de esta especie. Luego sali\u00f3 por el corte la goma\nl\u00edquida, la cual pronto se cuaja en goma como se ve en las boticas.\nDesde el Mbotete\u00ed, navegando rio arriba, se halla el \u00e1rbol llamado\n_Cachigu\u00e1_, el cual tiene el tronco delgado, como de doce \u00e1 trece\npulgadas de di\u00e1metro. Su madera es colorada, de un color semejante al\nbermellon. Los portugueses de Cuyab\u00e1 usan de esta madera para te\u00f1ir de\ncolorado: dicen que la madera no pierde el color; y as\u00ed es esquisita\npara escritorios y otras obras de labores.\nDe los \u00e1rboles de la ca\u00f1afistula, \u00f3 casiafistula, se hallan montes en\nlas cercanias de los Xarayes, y crecen mas altos y gruesos que los\ncasta\u00f1os de Espa\u00f1a. La corteza del \u00e1rbol es blanquecina, semejante \u00e1 las\nde los nogales. El fruto son unas ca\u00f1as de palmo y medio, y algunas de\ndos palmos de largo. Tienen dentro granos grandes como las habas, y\nentre los granos cierta pulpa negra, que sirve para purga suave, y se\nvende en las boticas. El color de la ca\u00f1a, estando madura, es negro como\nel de la pulpa.\nEl \u00e1rbol _Taruma_ es cierta especie de olivo silvestre. Su tama\u00f1o el\nmismo que el de los olivos con poca diferencia, y aun la hoja no es muy\ndiferente. La frutilla es como las aceitunas peque\u00f1as, y tiene su hueso\ncomo aceituna. Los paraguayos comen esta fruta, aunque me pareci\u00f3 bien\ndesabrida. Seria bueno que probasen si de ella se podia sacar aceite: y\ntambien si prendian en los _tarumas_ los injertos de olivo.\n_Establecimientos de Cuyab\u00e1 y Mattogroso._\nLa ciudad de Cuyab\u00e1, segun algunos mapas de portugueses, est\u00e1 en 14\ngrados y 20 minutos de latitud austral, y segun se infiere de la\nlongitud en que se hall\u00f3 la boca del Xaur\u00fa, y la distancia en que est\u00e1\nde Cuyab\u00e1, podemos poner \u00e1 esta ciudad en 322 grados de longitud,\ncontada del Fierro, con corta diferencia. Su situacion es en la banda\noriental del rio llamado de Cuyab\u00e1, el cual hasta desembocar en el de\nlos Porrudos, corre de norte \u00e1 sur, y se navega hasta el puerto de\nCuyab\u00e1, que dista de dos \u00e1 tres leguas de la ciudad.\nPor la parte del norte se estiende por muchas leguas la gran serran\u00eda,\ndonde tienen su or\u00edgen los dos caudalosos rios Paran\u00e1 y Paraguay. Y de\nla misma, por la parte del norte, bajan al Mara\u00f1on los rios Topay\u00f3s,\nXingu, el rio de Dos Bocas, el Tocantins y otros.\nPor la parte del sur de Cuyab\u00e1 se estienden por muchas leguas los\nanegadizos de Xarayes: de suerte que por esta parte no se puede entrar \u00e1\nla ciudad sino por el rio. Ni es posible que pueda pasar de otro modo\ngente de \u00e1 pi\u00e9, ni de \u00e1 caballo. En tiempo de aguaceros se inunda casi\ntodo el espacio de sesenta leguas de norte \u00e1 sur, y casi lo mismo de\noriente \u00e1 poniente, que hay entre el rio de los Porrudos y las serranias\nde Cuyab\u00e1; y pueden en este tiempo atravesar embarcaciones desde Cuyab\u00e1\nal rio Paraguay, sin bajar \u00e1 los Porrudos: pero en tiempo de seca quedan\nreducidos los rios Cuyab\u00e1 y Paraguay \u00e1 sus canales estrechas y\nprofundas. Y aunque en el espacio intermedio quedan muchas lagunas, \u00f3 no\nqueda comunicacion, \u00f3 no se ha descubierto hasta ahora, por donde se\npueda atravesar en derechura de un rio al otro. Por lo cual, para\nnavegar en tiempo de seca desde Cuyab\u00e1 al Xaur\u00fa, y pasar \u00e1 Mattogroso,\nse hallan los portugueses necesitados \u00e1 dar una grande vuelta, bajando\nal rio de los Porrudos, y por este al rio Paraguay, por el cual vuelven\n\u00e1 subir mas de sesenta leguas hasta la boca del Xaur\u00fa.\nPor la parte del oriente tiene Cuyab\u00e1 muchas tierras habitadas solamente\nde indios infieles: y aunque hay camino para ir por esta parte al\nBrasil, es camino largu\u00edsimo, muy trabajoso y espuesto \u00e1 los asaltos de\nlos b\u00e1rbaros y de los negros alzados. Por estas causas pocos son los\nportugueses que emprenden el viage por tierra. La grande distancia del\nBrasil, y lo trabajoso del camino hacen que los caballos y mulas en\nCuyab\u00e1 se vendan \u00e1 precio muy subido: pues se vende un caballo ordinario\nen cien pesos, y una mula en docientos.\nPor el occidente, desde Cuyab\u00e1 \u00e1 Mattogroso, se estienden algunas\nmonta\u00f1as, que son ramos de la gran cordillera \u00f3 serran\u00eda de que hablamos\nantes. Los portugueses abrieron camino por estas monta\u00f1as, para tener\ncomunicacion con los de Mattogroso: pero es camino trabajoso, y\nsolamente para gente de \u00e1 pi\u00e9 acostumbrada al temperamento poco\nsaludable de aquel clima.\nLa ciudad de Cuyab\u00e1 no tiene muralla, ni artiller\u00eda, ni fortificacion\nalguna; porque con los anegadizos de los Xarayes, y con la suma\nnegligencia de los espa\u00f1oles, se juzgan bastante defendidos. Solamente\npara la guardia del Capitan General, y para defensa de los indios\ninfieles, mantienen una compa\u00f1\u00eda de soldados pagados \u00e1 quince pesos por\nmes. De estos se hacen varias reparticiones. Doce en dos presidios \u00e1 la\nfrontera de los infieles: otros doce en una canoa de guerra que sirve\npara escoltar las canoas que navegan \u00e1 San Pablo: y los restantes, hasta\nveinte, quedan en Cuyab\u00e1, y son toda la defensa de la ciudad.\nEl n\u00famero de habitantes de todas castas llegar\u00e1n \u00e1 cinco mil personas,\nde las cuales solo un corto n\u00famero son libres: los demas, \u00f3 son\nesclavos, \u00f3 tenidos y tratados como tales; porque \u00e1 excepcion de poco\nmas de doscientas personas que se hallar\u00e1n de gente blanca, las demas,\nmuchas son negros y mulatos, y muchos indios mestizos, que son tratados\nde los portugueses como si fueran esclavos: pues, aunque por ordenanza\nreal solamente \u00e1 los Payagu\u00e1s y \u00e1 los de otra nacion pueden hacer\nesclavos, pero en aquellas partes se sirven los portugueses de\ncualesquiera indios que puedan coger, y los tienen en esclavitud. Los\nindios mas inmediatos \u00e1 Cuyab\u00e1 por el norte son los Paresis y los\nBarbudos: estos nunca se rinden \u00e1 los portugueses, porque \u00f3 han de\nvencer, \u00f3 han de quedar muertos en la refriega. Por el nord-este estan\nlos Indios Bororos: estos tienen la simpleza de que, aprisionada por los\nportugueses alguna india de su nacion, luego se vienen los parientes\ninmediatos \u00e1 entregar y servir al portugues que la tiene en su casa. Por\nel sur, pasados los anegadizos, estan los Mbay\u00e1s de arriba, que al paso\nde los Paulistas por el Tacuar\u00ed los suelen acometer.\n_Minas de Cuyab\u00e1._\nEn todo el Brasil dan los portugueses nombre de minas \u00e1 los lavaderos de\noro. Y as\u00ed ni en Cuyab\u00e1, ni en otra parte alguna del Brasil, que haya\nllegado \u00e1 mi noticia, se trabajan minas propiamente tales. Pero hay en\nCuyab\u00e1 lavaderos de oro de 23 quilates, y en uno de los lavaderos de oro\nse hallan diamantes. Mas en estos a\u00f1os antecedentes, porque los\ndiamantes no perdiesen su estimacion, se prohibi\u00f3 por el Rey de Portugal\nsacarlos de Cuyab\u00e1. Los lavaderos se hallan en varias partes \u00e1 las\ncaidas \u00f3 vertientes de la gran Cordillera. Trabajan en estos lavaderos\nlos negros esclavos, y d\u00e1 cada negro \u00e1 su amo en cada semana tres pesos\nde oro en grano, que es la \u00fanica moneda que all\u00ed corre. Y se hacen las\ncuentas en las compras y ventas por octavas de oro, y cada octava son\ndos pesos. En algunas partes se halla oro en abundancia, pero no se\npueden aprovechar de \u00e9l, por faltar all\u00ed el agua para los lavaderos.\nLa grande distancia de Cuyab\u00e1 \u00e1 la costa del Brasil es causa de que los\ng\u00e9neros de Europa se vendan all\u00ed \u00e1 precio muy subido. Una camisa muy\nordinaria vale seis pesos, \u00f3 tres octavas de oro: un par de zapatos, lo\nmismo: una frasquera de vino y aguardiente, que en el Janeiro se diera\npor diez pesos, vale en Cuyab\u00e1 sesenta. Y \u00e1 esta proporcion se venden\nlos otros g\u00e9neros. Lo que all\u00ed sube \u00e1 precio exorbitante, y se tiene por\nel mayor contrabando, si va sin el despacho de la aduana, es la sal, la\ncual se lleva de Lisboa, y no se permite de otra parte.\n_Temperamento de Cuyab\u00e1 y frutos que produce la tierra._\nEn Cuyab\u00e1 y sus cercanias es el temperamento muy ardiente y h\u00famedo; y\nconsiguientemente se goza en toda aquella tierra de poca salud. La\nenfermedad mas frecuente es la que llaman los portugueses del _bicho_: y\nde la cual mueren muchos, porque no saben curarla. La enfermedad\nconsiste en una extremada laxitud del orificio con disenteria, y algo de\ncalentura. Los portugueses, persuadidos de que se cria dentro de la\ncarne algun bicho \u00f3 guzano, que causa aquellos efectos, pretenden \u00e1\nfuerza de jugo de limon y otros agrios, matar el bicho, y acontece no\npocas veces, que acaban con el enfermo. El cirujano D. Pedro Gracian,\nque naveg\u00f3 conmigo en un barco por medio de los Xarajes, hombre bien\ninteligente en su facultad, oyendo al alferez de Cuyab\u00e1 quejarse de que\ntenia entre su gente algunos enfermos del bicho; quizo informarse que\ncosa era el bicho, y en efecto fu\u00e9 \u00e1 ver los enfermos, y hall\u00f3 que no\nhabia tal bicho ni guzano, y se ofreci\u00f3 \u00e1 curarlos luego. Los\nportugueses porfiaban con mucha eficacia que no habia otra cura para\naquella enfermedad que el agrio de limon, con el cual talvez mezclaban\nag\u00ed, ajos y sal: pero el cirujano les mostr\u00f3 el error en que estaban,\npues tomando \u00e1 su cuenta el enfermo que tenian de mas peligro, \u00e1 dos\ndias se le di\u00f3 sano, sin haber aplicado cosa alguna de las sobredichas\npara matar al bicho, teniendo por cierto que no habia tal animal.\nLas aguas de lluvias, que all\u00ed corren por montes de ca\u00f1afistula, por\nparages cubiertos de las ca\u00f1as que caen de los \u00e1rboles, y por grandes\nmatorrales de otras plantas purgantes, con los excesivos calores y el\ndesvelo que ocasiona la multitud de mosquitos, son \u00e1 mi parecer la causa\nde aquella destemplanza y de aquella enfermedad. Los espa\u00f1oles, que\nsubimos al Xaur\u00fa, esperimentamos en aquel temperamento semejante\ndisenteria, con grande relajacion en el est\u00f3mago, que no tenia el calor\nnecesario para la digestion. A este accidente se ocurri\u00f3 con felicidad,\ntomando antes de comer un poco de mistela: remedio necesario en aquel\npais para no perder la salud.\nLos aguaceros son frecuentes en aquellas alturas; pero los mas fuertes,\nque hacen crecer extraordinariamente los rios, comienzan por el mes de\nDiciembre. Y crecen tanto los rios, que no hallando bastante abertura\npara salir las muchas aguas que bajan \u00e1 la llanura de los Xarayes,\nrebalsan inundando los campos, y formando por este tiempo un grande\nlago; aunque despues, en cesando los aguaceros, se desagua por el cauce\ndel rio Paraguay, y quedan solamente las canales de los rios, y algunas\nlagunas, descubri\u00e9ndose todo lo demas de aquella llanura, lleno de\npajonales impenetrables. Sin embargo de inundarse todo aquel espacio,\nhay en \u00e9l algunas arboledas de \u00e1rboles muy altos, cuyos troncos se\ninundan hasta tres y cuatro varas en alto. Y lo mas admirable que\nobservamos en los Xarayes, es que con estar todo el terreno anegado\nparte del a\u00f1o, hallaron las hormigas (de las cuales hay innumerable\nmultitud) modo de conservar sus hormigueros. Estos los fabrican de barro\nmuy fuerte en lo alto de grandes \u00e1rboles, con tal arte que queda como un\nhorno al rededor de una de las ramas superiores, y tan bien constru\u00eddo,\nque no le pueden ofender las lluvias ni los vientos. Y para que estos no\npuedan llevarse las hormigas, que suben \u00f3 bajan en tiempo de seca,\ntienen hecho del mismo barro fuerte un canal \u00f3 camino cubierto, que baja\nhasta el pi\u00e9 del \u00e1rbol, por el cual canal suben y bajan las hormigas con\ntoda seguridad.\nLos frutos que produce la tierra de Cuyab\u00e1 y su comarca, son maiz,\narroz, mandioca (en otras partes de Am\u00e9rica llaman _cazave_), pi\u00f1as,\npacobas \u00f3 pl\u00e1tanos, con otras muchas especies de frutas propias de los\nclimas ardientes de Am\u00e9rica, azucar, miel de ca\u00f1as y de abejas, de las\ncuales hay varias especies en los montes. El arroz se halla silvestre en\nlas m\u00e1rgenes del rio de Cuyab\u00e1 y de los Porrudos. No se coje trigo, ni\nvino, ni otros frutos de Europa. La falta de pan suplen los portugueses\ncon _farinha do pao_, \u00f3 cazave. Hay en Cuyab\u00e1 algun ganado vacuno,\naunque poco. En el Xaur\u00fa les compr\u00f3 D. Manuel Flores algunas vacas para\nla gente de los barcos, y pag\u00f3 veinte pesos por cada una. De lechones y\ncaza hay mas abundancia.\n\u00a7. VII.\n_Navegacion que hacen los portugueses del Brasil \u00e1 Cuyab\u00e1_.\nCada a\u00f1o van los portugueses comerciantes del Brasil \u00e1 Cuyab\u00e1 con una\ngran flota de canoas cargadas de g\u00e9neros, y vuelven con el producto en\noro y diamantes. La navegacion es larga y trabajosa: salen con sesenta \u00f3\nsetenta canoas de un puerto, que dista cuatro \u00f3 cinco leguas de San\nPablo, ciudad bien conocida en el Brasil. Bajan por el rio A\u00f1emb\u00ed, hasta\ncaer al Paran\u00e1. Por este navegan aguas abajo hasta la boca del rio\nPardo, que viene del occidente, y tiene su or\u00edgen de algunos riachuelos\nque bajan de la gran cordillera que se extiende del norte al sur, desde\ncerca de Cuyab\u00e1 hasta el monte de Itapu\u00e1 en las Misiones de Guaran\u00eds.\nSuben con sus canoas los portugueses, hasta que no pueden navegar mas\npor el rio Pardo: all\u00ed descargan los g\u00e9neros, y para pasar dos leguas de\ncordillera, que hay desde el Pardo hasta el rio Camapoan, transportan\nembarcaciones y carga en las carretas de un portuguez que para esto se\npobl\u00f3 en aquella cordillera, y tiene su interes en el transporte de\ndichas canoas. Antes que hubiese all\u00ed poblacion, pasaban las canoas en\nhombros de negros esclavos que llevan para remar. Transportadas las\ncanoas al Camapoan, las vuelven \u00e1 cargar, y navegan rio abajo hasta\nentrar en el Tacuar\u00ed. Por este navegan con algun cuidado, porque llegan\nhasta sus m\u00e1rgenes los indios Mbay\u00e1s corriendo la campa\u00f1a, los cuales\nson enemigos de los portugueses, y no pierden la ocasion de matar \u00f3\nllevar cautivo al que cogen apartado de la flota. Antes que lleguen \u00e1 la\ndesembocadura del Tacuar\u00ed en el Paraguay, ya se hallan con la canoa de\nguerra de Cuyab\u00e1, que al tiempo que acostumbran llegar los Paulistas con\nlas suyas, los estan esperando para defenderlos de los Payagu\u00e1s, porque\nlas canoas que llevan de San Pablo no bastan para su defensa, pues en\ncada una va solo un portuguez blanco, \u00f3 \u00e1 lo mas dos, y los negros\nremeros: pero estos no llevan armas. Los Payagu\u00e1s los suelen esperar con\nmultitud de canoas muy ligeras, en cada una de las cuales van seis \u00f3\nsiete hombres, y para no ser descubiertos, se meten con las canoas\ndebajo de las ramas de los \u00e1rboles, que llegan hasta tocar en el agua: y\ncuando van pasando los portugueses, los asaltan de improviso, y les dan\nuna descarga de flechazos, tirando siempre al portuguez blanco, y se\nechan sobre las canoas que pueden tomar; y recogiendo los g\u00e9neros y los\nnegros, se bajan \u00e1 la Asumpcion, donde los espa\u00f1oles por compasion\nrescatan \u00e1 los cautivos. Por evitar los portugueses estos asaltos y\nda\u00f1os que hacen los Payagu\u00e1s en sus flotas, han armado la canoa que\nllaman de guerra, para que las escolte desde el Tacuar\u00ed \u00e1 Cuyab\u00e1.\nEl armamento de la canoa de guerra consiste en un ca\u00f1oncillo de bronce\nde una vara \u00f3 algo mas de largo, con el cual disparan con presteza\nmuchos tiros. Y para esto llevan en sus cajones bien acondicionados los\ncartuchos, hechos de camellote en lugar de lienzo, porque de esta suerte\nevitan que quede algun fuego en el ca\u00f1on, y dicen que no se calienta\ntanto, aunque se disparen muchos tiros seguidamente con dicho\nca\u00f1oncillo. La presteza con que disparan, procede en parte de tener\ntodas las cosas \u00e1 punto, y poderse con facilidad manejar el ca\u00f1on por\nser tan corto, y en parte por ser cuatro bien ejercitados los que\nconcurren \u00e1 cargarlo: uno con el cartucho, otro con el taco y atacador,\notro con una espoleta que clava en el fogon lleno de p\u00f3lvora para no\ndetenerse en cebar, y el otro finalmente con el bota-fuego. El\nca\u00f1oncillo, aunque es bien reforzado, no tiene alguna diferencia de\notros ca\u00f1ones en su f\u00e1brica. Solamente la cure\u00f1a es algo diversa, porque\ncarece de ruedas, y est\u00e1 con su espigo dispuesta de tal suerte sobre un\nbanco de la canoa, que puede con facilidad volverse \u00e1 todas partes: y\nas\u00ed en disparando \u00e1 un lado, lo pueden volver y disparar al otro.\nLa tripulacion de la canoa de guerra se compone de doce soldados con su\nalferez, y ocho \u00f3 nueve negros remeros de pala con sus uniformes. El\nalferez tiene en la canoa para defensa del sol y de la lluvia su carroza\nmuy buena con cortinas y asientos. Los soldados llevan tambien en medio\nde la canoa su toldo acomodado para su resguardo. Los remeros van \u00e1 la\nproa y \u00e1 la popa, y uno con la pala sirve de timonero.\nPara dormir, as\u00ed los de las canoas de guerra como los de las de carga,\nse previenen buscando antes de anochecer algun parage en la m\u00e1rgen del\nrio, donde el monte sea muy cerrado, y tenga mucha maleza de abrojos y\nespinas, de lo cual hay en aquella tierra abundancia entre los \u00e1rboles.\nAll\u00ed arriman las canoas, y con machetes abren un semi-c\u00edrculo, \u00f3 media\nluna, donde arman la tienda del alferez. Esta tienda es de bayeta\naforrada en lienzo, por haber mostrado la experiencia, que esta especie\nde tiendas resiste mejor al agua. Tenia ocho pasos comunes de largo, y\nmas de tres varas de alto: y por cumbrera servia una muy gruesa tacuara,\n\u00f3 ca\u00f1a. Los soldados y los remeros cuelgan las hamacas de los \u00e1rboles, y\nlas cubren con una grande s\u00e1bana, que por ambos lados llega hasta el\nsuelo, la cual sirve para defender de la lluvia, y mas principalmente\nles sirve para defenderse de los mosquitos, de los cuales hay en\naquellos rios increible multitud. Para meterse en la hamaca sin que al\nmismo tiempo entren estos enemigos, es menester levantar la s\u00e1bana del\nsuelo, solamente lo preciso para meter arrastrando el cuerpo, sin dejar\nalgun hueco por donde puedan entrar, porque si entran no dejan de\ninquietar toda la noche.\nPara no ser sorprendidos de los infieles del rio, que son los Payagu\u00e1s,\ny otra nacion que solamente se deja ver en el rio de los Porrudos, dejan\nsiempre un soldado de centinela defendido de alguna estacada \u00f3 maleza,\nel cual tiene \u00e1 mano muchos fusiles cargados, para poder hacer fuego si\nse ofreciere, mientras acuden los otros soldados. Por la parte de tierra\nno es f\u00e1cil que puedan ser acometidos, por la impenetrable maleza del\nmonte, y por la vigilancia de algunos perros que llevan siempre consigo\nlos portugueses.\nLuego que llega la flota al rio Paraguay, para acortar el viage entran\npor un brazo estrecho del mismo rio: al cual brazo llaman Paraguay-min\u00ed,\ny hace con el Paraguay grande una isla de diez leguas de largo: y es \u00e1\nmi juicio, la que llamaron los antiguos _Isla de los Orejones_, pues la\npone la Argentina mas abajo de los Xarayes. Navegan, despues que salen\nde dicho brazo, por el rio Paraguay, hasta llegar \u00e1 un brazo estrecho\ndel rio de los Porrudos, y \u00e1 este brazo estrecho llaman el canal de\nChan\u00e9. En saliendo de \u00e9ste, navegan por el rio de los Porrudos arriba,\nhasta entrar en el rio de Cuyab\u00e1 que viene de norte \u00e1 sur. Finalmente\nnavegan por el rio Cuyab\u00e1 arriba, hasta llegar al puerto de la ciudad\ndel mismo nombre. Los trabajos que se pasan en tan prolija navegacion\npor tantos rios, y en clima tan ardiente, bien se echa de ver que ser\u00e1n\nmuchos y grandes; pero el mayor suele ser la continua guerra de los\nmosquitos que no cesan de molestar \u00e1 todas horas.\n\u00a7. VIII.\n_Situacion de Mattogroso._\nLa poblacion principal de Mattogroso est\u00e1 fundada nuevamente por los\nportugueses en la horqueta, que hacen antes de su junta los rios Guapor\u00e9\ny Serer\u00e9, que tienen su fuente muy cerca del or\u00edgen del rio Paraguay, y\ncorren h\u00e1cia el poniente. El Serer\u00e9 pierde su nombre luego que se junta\ncon el Guapor\u00e9: y este en la cercania de los Moxos corre con el nombre\nde gran rio Itenes: navegable desde la Villa Bella de Mattogroso hasta\nque se junta con el Mamor\u00e9, que va de sur \u00e1 norte, y ambos juntos forman\nel rio de la Madera, navegable hasta el Mara\u00f1on, aunque con el trabajo\nde algunos saltos, que los portugueses pasan facilmente, sacando \u00e1\ntierra las embarcaciones, y llevandolas algun trecho sobre trozos\nredondos de madera.\nDe la parte del norte del Guapor\u00e9, \u00e1 cuatro \u00f3 cinco leguas de la Villa\nBella est\u00e1 un cerro alto, y \u00e1 su falda \u00f3 caida estan los reales de\nminas, \u00f3 lavaderos de oro, y algunas habitaciones de portugueses, \u00f3\npeque\u00f1os pueblezuelos, llamados San Xavier y Santa Ana. Los portugueses,\nque van por el Xaur\u00fa \u00e1 Mattogroso, caminan por tierra, y pasando los\nrios Guapor\u00e9 y Serer\u00e9, van \u00e1 las minas, y volviendo \u00e1 pasar el Serer\u00e9,\ncaminando al sur, llegan \u00e1 Villa Bella. Creo que desde el Xaur\u00fa hay\nalgunos pantanos, \u00f3 monte cerrado: porque si no fuera as\u00ed, con tomar el\ncamino l\u00ednea recta, y pasar solo el Guapor\u00e9, acortaban mucho el viage.\nEntre el Xaur\u00fa y rio Paraguay tienen algunas estancias de ganados los\nportugueses de Mattogroso.\nToda la poblacion de Villa Bella de Mattogroso, cuando yo estuve en el\nXaur\u00fa, se reducia \u00e1 veinte y cinco ranchos de paja, y una casa de\npiedra, que hicieron entonces para el capitan general de Cuyab\u00e1, D.\nAntonio Rolin, que habia pasado \u00e1 vivir en la Villa Bella, para\nfomentar desde all\u00ed el establecimiento portugues en los Moxos: y en\nefecto pas\u00f3 despues el dicho caballero \u00e1 gobernar los portugueses en la\nestacada de Santa Rosa.\nTiene Mattogroso por el norte varias naciones de indios infieles, por lo\ncual toda aquella tierra hasta el Mara\u00f1on es incognita \u00e1 los europeos.\nPor el este se estienden las serranias de Cuyab\u00e1: por el sur estan las\nmisiones de Chiquitos. Algunos portugueses, caminando \u00e1 pi\u00e9, y\nmanteniendose de caza, llegaron al pueblo de San Rafael de Chiquitos en\nnueve dias, habiendo salido de Mattogroso: de donde puede colegirse la\ndistancia. Por el poniente estan las misiones de Moxos. No sabemos \u00e1\npunto fijo la distancia, pero se puede inferir algo de lo que me dijo un\nitaliano, que con una canoa baj\u00f3 \u00e1 los Moxos en siete dias, y no llevaba\nmas bogadores que otro compa\u00f1ero, que en dicha canoa huy\u00f3 con \u00e9l.", "source_dataset": "gutenberg", "source_dataset_detailed": "gutenberg -  Descripcion del rio Paraguay, desde la boca del Xauru hasta la confluencia del Parana\n"},
{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1764, "culture": " English\n", "content": "Produced by readbueno and the Online Distributed\nproduced from images generously made available by The\nInternet Archive)\n                        Considered as a POISON.\n                   [Price One Shilling and Sixpence.]\n                   AN ESSAY ON THE EFFECTS of OPIUM.\n                 With the most Rational Method of Cure,\n                        deduced from Experience.\n          Directing likewise the proper Means to be used when\n            Physical Assistance cannot be readily obtained;\n    Necessary to be universally known, for the Preservation of Life.\n             Apothecary to the Royal Hospital at Greenwich.\n                  \u2014\u2014 \u2014\u2014 Si quid novisti rectius istis,\n               Candidus imperti\u2014Si non, his utere mecum.\n               Printed for G. KEARSLY, in Ludgate-street,\n                         President and Fellows\n                      Royal College of Physicians.\n    Gentlemen,\nI Was induced to write this Essay, from a Desire of throwing a Light\nupon a Subject, hitherto but triflingly, and, at best, obscurely\ntreated. As I had no beaten Path to direct me, many perhaps are the\nErrors that may be traced through every Page.\nI do not boast an Ability to enforce my Sentiments with that energic and\nexpressive Beauty of Style some are so happy to possess. I am no Author,\nand can therefore only rely on your _Candour_, in Behalf of a simple\nRecital of such Facts as I have experienced.\nWhen I consider the Novelty of the Subject, and the Rareness of Patients\npoisoned with Opium, I am inclined to flatter myself, you will not\ndiscourage, but be rather inclined to cherish under your Wings, every\nEffort (however weak) that tends to elucidate so extensive a Branch of\nScience, as Physic. I beg the Honour of subscribing myself,\n    Gentlemen,\n      Your most obedient,\n          Humble Servant,\nSt. _Margaret's Church-Yard, Westminster, January 5, 1762._\nAmong People who are unacquainted with the Nature of Opium, it is a\nreceived Opinion,\u2014\u2014That as it will, when taken in proper Doses, lull\nPain, and procure Rest; so, in large Quantities, that it will terminate\na Life of Cares, by an _easy_ and _quiet_ Death; but it is not so: this\nargument is directly contrary to the Nature of our Existence, the animal\nOeconomy being so formed, as not to bear a total Solution, without some\nAgonies. Thus, when this Drug is received into the Stomach, in Quality\nof a Poison, easy Rest is denied, the Senses, roused by their threatened\nSolution, force the animal Powers into immediate Conflict with the\nnoxious Body, which produces Convulsions, and other dreadful Symptoms,\nthe Forerunners of Death.\u2014\u2014The Drug is besides of so strong a Nature,\nthat, though taken only into the Stomach, it can change the Colour of\nthe Skin, and even of the Linen wore next it; a Body also, many Hours\nafter Death, will smell so strongly of it, as to determine whether it\nwas the Instrument of Destruction used.\nI might have encreased the Bulk of this Essay, by expatiating on the\nEffects of Opium upon the arterial Fluid; I could inform you, that the\nPower of it is diffused by the Stimulus of the recurrent Nerves, to\ntheir Origin in the Cerebellum, whence, by Consent of Parts, the whole\nSystem partakes of the Affect, and the contaminated Fluid is propelled\nby them, through the Heart into the Arteries, and communicated to the\nmost distant Parts of the Body; also that the Skin is formed by very\nminute Fibres of the Nerves, interwoven with arterial Fibres and Veins,\nforming numerous Compages of secerning Vessels, &c. &c. but these are\nSubjects best suiting the medicinal Powers of Opium, which being\nderogatory from my Design, are purposely avoided, and, but that these\nPages are for the Perusal of more than the Circle of Physical Gentlemen,\nthe Cases alone would have been inserted, without even giving the\nnatural History of the Drug; for this same Reason, the Prescriptions are\nset down in _English_, and the whole Essay disrobed of technical\nExpressions, as far as the Subject will allow.\nIt will be thought, perhaps, that I have made too free with Dr. _Jones_,\nwho is the only _English_ Author that has wrote professedly on this\nSubject; but many of his Sentiments being directly opposite to mine, I\nwas under a Necessity of bringing them into an immediate Point of View.\nIt is therefore hoped, no Person will be so unfriendly, as to impute to\nme a Malevolence of Disposition, which is a Character I would always\ndiligently avoid.\n                      Considered as a POISON, &c.\nOpium is a Drug brought to us from the Eastern Countries (the Use of it\nwas first known to the _Greeks_ who gave it the Name of \u1f48\u03c0\u1f78\u03c2, _Succus_,\nwhich was collected from the _Papaver Hortense_, _Semine Albo_ of\n_Caspar Bauhine_) where the Plant, from which it is produced, grows in\ngreat Plenty, both wild and cultivated, and is the same with that of the\nwhite Poppy in _England_, the Heads of which are very large, and possess\na sleeping Power, many Degrees beyond any other Part of it; the Seeds\ncontained in these Heads are very numerous, and partake of this Quality\nin so small a Proportion, as to be scarce discernible, and rather help,\nfrom the soft Oil they contain, to correct the bad Effects of the acrid\nJuice of the Mother-Plant; they are therefore separated from the Heads,\nand used in Emulsions, being esteemed both cooling and emollient.\nDistinctions were formerly made of the Goodness of this Drug, according\nto the Places where it was gathered; that of _Thebes_ being the most\nfamous; but, as it is now, and has been for some Time past, an Article\nof general Traffic, not only in the Places where it grows, but\nthroughout all _Europe_, those Distinctions of Country, are necessarily\nlaid aside, and the only Difference now consists in its Purity, or\nAdulteration by the original Manufacturers or Venders.\nIt is a natural Supposition, and indeed the _Turkish_ Histories\nsufficiently demonstrate, that the original Use of Opium, or Extract\nfrom the Poppy, was first introduced to dissipate Anxieties, Pains, and\nPerturbations of the Mind, which appears not unlike the Use of\nintoxicating Drinks, so much requested in _Europe_. Labours of Mind and\nBody in every Person's Life, being somewhat considerable, a temporary\nRelief becomes indispensably necessary; and though Opium is not in\ncommon Use in _England_, such similar Advantages we instance of Tobacco,\nwith which alone the Soldier can perform his March, and the Sailor his\nService, through the rudest Storm, in a Night-watch upon Deck.\nIn _Europe_, we are not only fond of intoxicating Liquors, but add to\ntheir sleeping Qualities by the Use of Tobacco; Smoaking and\nSnuff-taking are fashionable, and Chewing not uncommon; all which\nMethods have, until familiarized to the Party, very disagreeable\nEffects, the Plant containing a corrosive Oil or Sulphur, with a\nvolatile Salt, which makes it partake the Quality of Opium, though in a\ndistant Degree; the _Chinese_, indeed, exceed us, they having a Narcotic\nWeed, which they smoak, a Species of the Poppy.\nTo treat upon the Effects of Opium, and the various Shapes wherein it\nmay be advantageously used for many Diseases, would frustrate my present\nDesign; therefore I shall confine myself to that Property, which makes\nit considered as a Poison; and by the Analysis of the various Powers it\ncontains, destroy, or in a great Measure prevent, the fatal Consequences\nwhich often attend the immoderate and imprudent Use of this Drug.\nThe great Doctor _Mead_, in his Tract upon Poisons, gives an Example of\nsuch a Power being in Opium, by pouring it, dissolved in warm Water,\ninto a Dog. Had that able Genius, adequate to the Task, pursued his\nExperiments with that Spirit wherewith he abounded, it would have yet\nadded to the Obligation the World owes him; but over the Means necessary\nto be used to counteract this Poison, and the Effects of it upon _human_\nBodies, he has drawn a Veil, and informs us, that the Cure is to be\ncompleated by acid Medicines, and lixivial Salts: Far be it from me to\ncomment upon the Principles of this Doctrine; he was too just not to be\nsensible of what he wrote; perhaps he thought the Subject of too\ndelicate a Nature to be made common, and as many People might then\nindiscriminately use it, it would take from that necessary Fear and\nCaution, which should prevent their experiencing the extensive Power of\nthis Drug; for there are many Properties in it, if universally known,\nthat would habituate the Use, and make it more in Request with us than\nthe _Turks_ themselves, the Result of which Knowledge must prove a\ngeneral Misfortune.\nFrom the Ease it affords to the Pains of Mind and Body, Opium obtained\nthe Name of _Laudanum_, derived from the _Latin Laudabilis_, or\n_Laudatum_; yet, though it has this Property of easing Anxieties and\nTorments of the most excruciating Diseases, the constant Use of it\nshould be rejected, as it will impair the Memory, destroy the Appetite,\nbring on a Stupor, and by Relaxation, weaken the whole Frame. That it\nimpairs the Nerves, is manifest, for applied to the Ear, to ease Pain,\nit may cause Deafness; to the Nostrils, to stop an H\u00e6morrhage, Loss of\nSmelling; and however applied, whether internally or externally, (unless\nvery sparingly) it will benumb the Part most immediately in Contact with\nit. When we consider the nervous Coats of the Stomach, and the Action of\nOpium upon them by constant Use, the Effects may easily be judged; and\nif a Person so habituated, is prudent enough to throw aside the Use of\nit, before he is betrayed into some fatal Disease, the Appetite is to be\nrestored by nervous Stimulants, Bracers, and Cold-bathing. Doctor\n_Jones_ advises gradual Decrease of the Opiate, and to use, instead of\nit, generous Wine in Moderation.\nThe Production of Opium is from the Fruits or Seed-vessels of the\nPoppy-Plants, commonly called the Heads; they are gathered while green,\nwhich (the Seeds being taken out) are bruised and pressed. The Juice\nthus collected from them is dried to a Substance, which being wrapped in\nLeaves, is formed into Balls or Lumps, generally under a Pound Weight,\nand in that Form transported to all the Markets of _Europe_.\nThough it is a received Opinion, that Opium, with us, and other\nCountries where not manufactured, has not near the Strength of that used\nby the People where it grows; yet in _Turkey_ they can venture to take\nit in larger Quantities; and hence it is manifest, that the Effects\nwould be more pernicious amongst them, if they did not use it in a most\npure State; and though Habit might conduce to the Constitution bearing\nit in much larger Doses, than we in _England_ dare give it, yet\ncertainly the constant Use of it, unless when of a most fine Texture of\nParts, must sooner prove hurtful, than the immoderate and constant\nDrinking of Wines, and Spirits; and by this Means, the Lives of the\nmajor Part of the Eastern Countries, where it is so much requested,\nwould drop in the Flower of their Youth, and whole Nations, in the Space\nof a Century, be depopulated.\nThe ancient Accounts of the Manner of gathering Opium, was, according to\n_Diascorides_, by the milky Juice being collected from Time to Time,\nthat distilled from the wounded Head of the Poppy; thus gathered, it is\nentirely pure, and being taken, gives no disagreeable Sensation to the\nStomach. This Extract being almost wholly volatile, immediately enters\ninto Action, and discharges itself by Perspiration, opening the Pores,\nand refreshing the Spirits, without any attendant Injury; and daily\nExperience will convince every one who will put it to the Tryal, that\nthe purer the Opium, in the greater Quantity it may be taken, unattended\nwith the Nausea, Vertigo, and Tremor, which are so often the\nConsequences of it with us, though used in small Doses. _Tournefort_,\nPage 292, _Materi\u00e6 Medic\u00e6_, informs us, that Opium, or Laudanum, does\nnot only pass off freely by Perspiration, but cures those Distempers\narising from Obstructions of the Organs of Respiration in hot Countries,\nwithout any Inconvenience whatever, which cannot be said of it, in such\nCases, in _England_, though assisted with volatile and cordial\nMedicines. This seems a palpable Contradiction to the Opinion of Doctor\n_Jones_, who says, that Opium may be taken in much larger Doses, in\nCold, than in hot Climates.\nIt is a natural Supposition, that when a Country produces a Commodity,\nin a Manner peculiar to herself, the Manufacturers will embrace the most\nready Means of collecting it. The first Consideration generally is, how\nto make the greatest Emolument with the least Labour; if the Opium,\nwhich is brought into _Europe_, were to be taken from the Head of each\nPoppy, by Incision, as is supposed by some Authors, the Produce would\nnot be sufficient to supply the Markets; for as the daily Collection of\nOpium, from one Head, could not exceed one Grain in Weight, and many\nmight fail even of that the Labour, Time, and Hands requisite to gather\none Pound only, must necessarily make that Article, five, if not ten\nTimes the Price it now bears. Though it is not improbable, that Opium,\nbeing a pure body, and wholly volatile, _may_ be gathered by Incision,\nYet it is not natural to suppose, that the Quantity of Opium, so nicely\nproduced can answer, in any moderate Proportion, what may be made by\ngathering the Heads, while green, grinding them, and expressing the\nJuice, which may be easily inspissated. _Vide Plin. Secund._ Lib. 20.\nSome Authors apprehend, that common Opium is not made alone from the\nHead, but from the impressed Juice of the whole Plant; and indurated by\nthe Sun's Heat, _See Mathiolus, Scaliger, &c._ But, if the Authority of\n_Pliny_ is not thought sufficient, _Geoffroy_ further refutes this\nOpinion; clearly proving, by extracting the Juice of the Leaves and Stem\nof the Poppy-Plant, that on the most strict Analysis, it is many Degrees\ninferior in Strength to the Properties of common Opium. This is also\nconfirmed by the Examination of the F\u00e6ces, or impure Parts, remaining\nfrom the Solution of our Opium, they having no Similitude to the woody\nFibres belonging to the Plant, which might pass with the Juice, by the\nForce of the Press, but to the light spongy Particles from the Apex or\nHead, with some little Grit.\nWe have several Instances of the f\u00e6culent Parts of inspissated Vegetable\nJuices increasing the Violence of their Operation; such are the Aloes of\nthe Shops, Scammony, and grosser Juice of the wild Cucumber, called\nElaterium. The _F\u00e6cul\u00e6_ of Opium, in the State wherein we receive it,\nwill clog the more fine Parts, and prevent their ready Passage through\nthe Pores of the Skin; and as the Time of its Duration in the Body, by\nsuch Means, is greatly increased, the Effects must necessarily remain\nlonger, and the deleterious Quality have more Power over the human\nSystem. _Wedelius_ says, _id certissimum habemus nunquam ab Opio ulla\ntimenda esse incommoda si bene sit depuratum_. Lib. 1. Sect. 2. Cap. 3.\nThere are several Plants which have a sleeping Property, though not in\nso great a Degree as the inspissated Juice of the Poppy, yet more\npoisonous, because they are not endued with that volatile Power to carry\nthemselves off. Thus we find the Juice of Hemlock, Mandrake, Nightshade,\nand several others of this Class, loaded with an acrid Salt, which, when\ninwardly taken, will corrode, vellicate, and cause an immediate\nInflammation in the Prim\u00e6 Vi\u00e6, to which the Nerves consent by a general\nConvulsion; and if any of these venene Powers remain long enough in the\nBody, to insinuate themselves into the Circulation, the debilitated\nBlood will become stagnant in, or lacerate, the capillary Vessels.\nExamples of these have been seen in _Indians_, who have taken Poison,\nwhich, though not of immediate Power to destroy Life, has manifested\nitself in Ulcers over the whole Body; and what is related of the Poison\nof the Seps H\u00e6morrhous, or H\u00e6morrhoid Serpent, is very extraordinary,\nthat it will make the Blood flow out from several Parts of the Body;\nwhich can only be accounted for by an extream Fluidity of the Blood, and\na consequent Velocity in Circulation, increased to such a Degree, as to\nlacerate the capillary Vessels, and thereby force them to part with\ntheir Contents.\nFrom the various and violent Effects I have observed to arise from the\nUse of different Parcels of Opium, I am inclined to think, that the\nJuice of some Narcotic Plant is frequently added to that of the Poppy,\nin order to increase the Quantity of the Drug; and _Bellonius_ observes,\nthat Traders in Opium have so far adulterated it, that four Ounces of\nthe pure Drug have sometimes been multiplied to a Pound. I myself have\nobserved, in the Use of two different Opiums upon one Subject, that the\none had a mild and proper Effect, and the other, through its\nChurlishness of Operation in the first Passages and Symptoms, on the\nfollowing Day, had the Appearance of Poison, though in an inferior\nDegree. Such may always be suspected of Adulteration with the acrid\nJuice of some other Plant, and when a Purging ensues the taking of\nOpium, it most probably arises from a Mixture with the milky Juice of\n_Spurge_; there being nothing in the Principles or Effects of the pure\nDrug, to excite Purgation. This I apprehend to be the Reason why solid\nOpium sometimes purges, and the Tincture very seldom, the Menstruum\nused, dissolving only the finer Powers.\nTo judge of pure Opium in the Lump, is a great Nicety, and what the\nBuyer ought to be very careful of, that it may answer his Intention of\neasing, and not injuring his Patient, if he designs using it inwardly;\nfor this Intent, some Authors have given Instructions; but how few are\nthey, who are assiduous to know the different Degrees of Strength each\ndifferent Lump may contain! It is thought enough, if it has the\nAppearance of Opium, and the stronger it is in Smell and Taste (provided\nit is not drossy) they think it will go furthest, and consequently is\nbest.\nThis Drug is to be chosen by Colour, Smell and Taste; the best Sort is\nof a Reddish-Brown; that which is deepened to Blackness, being fit only\nfor external Use, as we may expect it to be mixed with some other\nnarcotic Extract. To the Smell it should be pungent, almost to\nVolatility, without F\u0153tidness. When it proves very powerfully\nacrimonious to the Tongue (which the Opium we use, too often does) the\ninward Use of it should be rejected. The Right Sort is very bitter, and\nas such will be pungent to the Tongue, but will not leave a Soreness\nbehind, in the Manner of corrosive Bodies; it should not be chosen\nheavy, lest it should be mixt with Sand, to increase the Weight; nor\nvery dry, as some of its finer Powers might be then lost; and when cut\nin thin Slices, it may, by holding it to the Light, be easily\ndiscovered, if drossy.\nBurning it, in order to try the Purity, is recommended by some Authors;\nthe best, emitting a clear Flame; to which let me add, that being a\nresinous Body, it may, if pure, be moulded by Heat into any Form, and\nanswers the Characteristic observed of it by _Pliny_, Lib. 20. Cap. 18.\n_Sed maxime mirum, \u00c6stivo sole deprehendi. Syncerum enim sudat, & se\ndiluit, donec succo recenti simile fiat._\nAll authors agree, that Opium is very volatile, which Volatility must be\nthe Cause of its immediate action on the Stomach; this is likewise\nmanifest, by the following simple Experiment:\n\"Take a Portion of Opium, either sliced or grated, place it before the\nFire, near enough to dry without scorching; after remaining some time,\nyou will find the Strength of it considerably abated.\"\nThis Process was directed by the Ancients, to deprive it of its supposed\npoisonous Quality, but that is left behind in the grosser Body. The\neffects of it, thus managed, would not be so sudden, though used in\nlarge Doses, yet would prove, for Reasons given in a former Page, more\nsevere and permanent; by this Means, the fixt Salts and F\u00e6cul\u00e6 remain,\nand the volatile Spirit, which occasions the soft refreshing Sleep, is\nin a great Measure, evaporated.\nUnless Opium were a resinous Body, it could not retain its volatile\nPower, to bear transporting in the Form it does, much less endure to be\nkept in the Shops with little Loss. The burning of it proves the Truth\nof this Assertion, and if it were a mucous Gum, or viscous juice, it\nwould not flow by Heat, nor import its Strength to a spirituous, but to\nan aqueous Menstruum, after the Manner of Gum Arabic. It may be asked\nhere, in Opposition to this, how the Extract from Opium is made, in\nwhich Process the Opium, according to the College, is ordered to be\ndissolved in Water? In Answer to it, I presume, the Water is only an\nAgent, that prevents the Adustion of the Parts so exposed to intense\nHeat, which Menstruum, being partly imbibed by the Impurities of the\nDrug, causes a sufficient Separation, for the resinous Parts to become\nsoft enough to be pressed through a Bolter; by such Management, the\nf\u00e6c\u00e6s are entirely separated from the purer Parts, and the Water, though\nused most cautiously, and in as sparing a Quantity as possible, by the\nnecessary Evaporation, in order to reduce the pure Body to the former\nSubstance, loses more than it gains; and after all, in my Opinion, is\nnot so much to be depended upon, or has so mild an Effect as good Opium;\nnotwithstanding Doctor _Jones_'s Opinion to the to the contrary, and his\npartial Fondness, in giving the Name _Panacea_ to his Solution in Water.\nThe College of Physicians have ordered only two Preparations that retain\nthe Name of Opium, wisely considering, that those of the Ancients were\nso numerous, and so variously combined with other Substances, under the\nTitle of Correctors, that the Bulk in administering them was greatly\nencreased, and an Inconvenience arose oftentimes to the Patient, who not\nbeing able to take the Quantity of the Opiate required, thereby rendered\nthe Effect frequently precarious.\nOne Preparation, directed by them, is by Solution, as mentioned above,\nmerely to purify it from heterogeneous Particles, and thence called\n_Extractum Thebaicum_, or Extract of Opium; the other a Tincture or\nRe-Solution of that Extract, to be preserved in a fluid State with Wine,\nin the Proportion of two Ounces to one Pound, with an Addition of\nAromatics. This last Preparation, which is in more general Use than the\nExtract, is commonly known by the Name of _Laudanum_; though that\nEpithet was formerly used by Authors for various Preparations of the\nDrug, with the Appendage of Opiatum, Tartarizatum, _&c._ to characterise\ntheir Differences.\nI shall not enlarge upon Opium in a physical Sense, further than is\nnecessary to shew the poisonous Effects of it in over-large Doses, and\nas such, I confine myself to the Sort within every one's Knowledge, and\nto be commonly met with in the Shops.\nThe poisonous Effects of Opium, whether in a solid or fluid State, may\nbe considered in the same Light, as Ebriety from spirituous Liquors; a\nvery small Quantity will overcome a weak Constitution, while a strong\none will require much more; nevertheless, a weak Constitution, used to\nOpium, will bear as much, uninjured, as the strongest, if unaccustomed\nto the Use of it. In a general Sense, however, even in the most robust,\na Dose, exceeding three Grains, may be truly pronounced to be of\ndangerous and poisonous Consequence; and in some Cases, half that\nQuantity will prove sufficient. It operates sooner in a liquid, than in\na solid Form; in the former, admitting the Doses are too large, in half\nan Hour, and often in fifteen, or ten Minutes, unless Exercise\nintervenes; In the latter, in two Hours, sometimes in one, sometimes in\nhalf an Hour; the Injury produced by the Liquid, being more sudden and\ntransient, that of the Solid, more slow and lasting.\nThe Liquid, by a speedy Expansion, is frequently, and almost instantly,\nrejected by the Stomach, the other not; by which it is easily\ndiscoverable, that though the Effects of Opium, in a liquid State, are\nmore immediate, they are sooner counteracted, and more easily overcome;\nfor which Reason, every Vender of Medicines ought to be extreamly\ncautious to whom he sells this Drug, that it may not be converted to a\nwrong Use. However it is seldom known that a Person attempts to poison\nhimself with solid Opium, though frequently with the Tincture.\nThe general Effects of Opium, are as follow, _viz._ Upon almost\nimmediate taking, the first Symptoms are a Heat and Weight at the\nStomach, succeeded by an Extravagance of Spirits, even to violent\nLaughter, Listlesness of the Limbs, Giddiness, Head-ache, Loss of\nMemory, dead Look of the Eyes, imperfect Speech, Drowsiness, slow and\nfull Pulse, short and quick Breathing, Nauseas, and an extream florid\nComplexion. These Symptoms are the common Consequences of Drunkenness,\nas well as Opium, though not all at the same Time in one and the same\nObject, the Symptoms varying according to the Strength of the\nConstitution. The more violent and extream Effects are Itchings of the\nSkin, Madness, Vertigoes, Vomitings, Hickups, heavy and dead Sleeps,\nunequal Pulse, Contraction of the Jaw, Convulsions, profuse Sweats,\nuniversal Relaxation, Faintings, Coldness of the extreme Parts; and\nlastly, a cold Breath, a certain Indication of Death.\nBefore we treat of the Cure of these too violent and, too frequently,\nfatal Effects, it will be requisite to explain the Cause of this\nPoison's Power in the Prim\u00e6 Vi\u00e6, or Stomach. First then, let us consider\nthe component Parts, which, when examined by a chemical Analysis, are\nfound to contain a very large Portion of volatile Salt and Spirit; a\nf\u0153tid; corrosive, and sulphureous Oil; some little of a fixed Salt; and\na small Quantity of indolent Earth. Vide _Lemery_, _Mead_, _Geoffroy_,\nThe Principle of Action Consists of a volatile alkaline Salt, intimately\nunited to, and enveloped in, a corrosive sulphureous Oyl.\nThe Sensations of the Stomach are most evidently exquisite, by Hunger\nand Thirst; with which those other Senses of Smelling and Tasting are in\nimmediate Contact and Agency, which the wise Ordination of a supream\nHand, for the Preservation of Life, has proportionally distributed\nthrough every Part of the Creation, from Man down to the most small and\napparently insignificant Insect.\nBy the nice Sense of the Palate, we are able to judge in general, what\nis, and what is not essential to the Nutriment of the Body; which\nNutriment the Stomach, for the most Part, rejects when noxious. Some\nThings, indeed, are almost void of Smell or Taste, therefore not\nseemingly injurious to the external Senses, and thus may be accidentally\ntaken into the Stomach; or when those Senses are depraved; as Hemlock\nhas been often mistaken, and eat for Parsley; but when a Poison is\ntaken, the nocent Power is put into Action by the internal Heat, and\nproves a Stimulus on the nervous Coat of the Stomach. \"_Porro hujus\ntunic\u00e6 altior in Ventriculum insertio, intimum ac Citissimum illud inter\nStomachum & Gulam Commercium_ _facit; ita ut, si pars alter utra in\nVomitionem cieatur, mox altera in _\u03c3\u03cd\u03bc\u03c0\u03c1\u03b1\u03be\u03b9\u03bd_ adducatur: cumque eadem\ntunica, palatum aliasque Oris partes investiat, etiam h\u00e6 cum illis circa\nVomitionem mutuo consensu afficiuntur. Willis Pharmac. Rationalis_, Sec.\n2. Page 5. _Primarum Viarum Descriptio._\" Upon this Stimulus, Nature\nimmediately takes the Alarm, and sickens, which Sickness increases with\nthe Vellications, till the offending Power is discharged, or by sudden\nand violent Inflammation, the Stomach is withheld from discharging the\nVirus, when the human Mechanism suffers an universal Convulsion. If\ntherefore, by such powerful Efforts of the nervous System, the grosser\nParts of the Poison received, cannot be disengaged by proper and timely\nAssistance, the Nerves lose their Power; the Muscles can no more be\nbrought into Action, but remain in a State of Relaxation, and the whole\nBody must sink under the Calamity.\nThus the Actions of most Poisons, especially the Vegetable, when taken\ninto the Stomach, are nearly the same; all vellicating and inflaming the\nfirst Passages, yet the Analysis of them is materially necessary to\ndiscover the acting Principles wherewith they are compounded, that we\nmay more exactly point out their separate Cures. Dr. _Mead_ describes\nthe Effects of Poisons in the Prim\u00e6 Vi\u00e6, in so accurate and concise a\nManner, that I cannot do better than transcribe his own Words.\n\"Upon the Sense of a violent _Irritation_ and _Pain_, the Fluid of the\nNerves is presently, and in large Quantities determined to the Part\naffected; and this, if the _Stimulus_ be not over-great, will only be to\nsuch a Degree as is sufficient, by contracting the Fibres of the\nStomach, and Muscles of the Abdomen, to throw off the Cause of the\ndisagreeable _Sensation_; but the uneasy _Twitching_ being too terrible\nto be borne, the Mind, by a Kind of Surprize, does with _Haste_ and\n_Fury_ as it were, command the Spirits thither; thus the Business is\noverdone, and the Action of the Fibres becomes so strong, that the\nOrifices of the Stomach are quite closed; so that, instead of\ndischarging the noxious Matter, the _Torment_ is made greater, and the\nwhole _Oeconomy_ put into Confusion.\"\nThe Proportions of the volatile Parts of Opium are so very great, that\nwhen received into the Stomach, they presently enter into Action, which\nParts, being of an innate soporiferous, and stupefactive Quality,\npeculiar to this Poison, make some Progress before Nature is materially\nexcited to reject them, and is the Reason why the afflicted Person has\nSymptoms, at first, common only to Ebriety.\nThe combined Powers of Opium, consisting of Salts and Sulphurs, must be\ncorrosive to a certain Degree; on this Account it is reckoned a\nDepilatory; and when expanded in the Stomach, the innate active\nPrinciple, or volatile Salt, must necessarily inflame the Coats of it,\nas much as any other Poison of equal Power. To this Quality are owing\nall the dreadful Symptoms of Vertigoes, Vomitings, Madness, Sopors,\nConvulsions, &c. On the same Principles, the pleasing Sensations of a\nmoderate Dose may be explained; for, when taken into the Stomach, in so\nsmall a Quantity as may be requisite only to procure Rest or ease Pain,\nthe Divisibility of it, especially in a fluid State, is almost\nimmediate, the volatile Salts are presently brought into Action by the\nHeat of the Stomach, which, by their Rarefaction, cause an agreeable\nPlenitude, and in a much more eminent Degree, than the Effects produced\nby an hearty Meal, and arise from that grateful Sense of a moderate\nFullness of the Stomach, which so frequently inclines us to sleep; the\ncorrosive Power being so broke likewise, and expanded, cannot do more\nthan stupify the Part, and thereby induce the Subject meerly to rest,\nwithout any consequent Misfortune.\nThe first and most powerful Action of Opium being in the Stomach, the\nCure is to be begun by _evacuating and blunting the Acrimony of it_ as\nquickly as possible.\nThis Poison acts differently upon different Bodies, in Proportion to the\nStrength or Weakness of the Subject, the Time it has been taken, whether\nupon a full or empty Stomach, before or after plentiful Eating or\nDrinking; and indeed, through these Circumstances, the Power of it is so\nmuch varied, that they cannot be too particularly attended to. The\nQuantity taken should be known, as nearly as possible, if in a solid or\nliquid State, and whether the Party ever was habituated to the Use of\nthis Drug.\nThese Particulars are often difficult to be ascertained, owing either to\nthe Ignorance or Fright of the Bystanders; and it rarely happens that\nthe Patient is in a Condition to inform you himself; notwithstanding,\nNature in this, as in many other Cases, indicates a Cure. She must first\nbe assisted in disengaging herself from the Poison, by Vomit; though\nthis, if the Stimulus should be very violent, will encrease, rather than\ndiminish, the Inflammation of the Stomach; yet even an Excess in that\nParticular is better than to hazard the Opium remaining any Length of\nTime undisturbed, which would more endanger the Life of the Patient,\nunless of a very strong Constitution.\u2014\u2014The Symptoms therefore, as before\nmentioned, alone can direct us, namely, whether in the first Degree they\nare similar to those of Ebriety, in the second and more violent,\nconsisting of a heavy unnatural Stupor, &c. or third, and most extream,\nin Vertigoes, Convulsions, cold Sweats, &c.\nDoctor _Jones_ attributes the Sensations from, and indeed the whole\nAction of this Poison, to so close an Adhesion of the resinous Parts to\nthe internal Coats of the Stomach, that though the Stimulus thereby\noccasions frequent Vomitings, they cannot be disengaged from it, but\nmust necessarily be dissolved and digested, and therefore, where the\nPatient recovers, are carried off by Stool.\nNow, that the Poison cannot be attributed to the Resin it contains, as\nthis Author asserts throughout his Treatise, appears to me manifest; for\nupon an Analysis, the Power of Action consists in a volatile Salt,\nminutely blended with a corrosive Oil; which being expanded over the\nwhole Stomach, villicates and inflames the nervous Membrane thereof,\ncommunicating her Affects to the Brain, even to the Destruction of Life;\nunless overcome by Art.\u2014Were it the Resin only which occasioned the\nMischief, the Resin of any other Vegetable would probably perform the\nsame; but a Person may take a Quantity of any common Resin, which is a\nvegetable Production from the Pine, without these violent and dangerous\nEffects, therefore we cannot advise, with Dr. _Jones_, the taking of\nhighly sulphurous and rectified Spirits, in order to dissolve the Resin\nin the Stomach, lest, by such an additional Corrosiveness, the Stimulus\nand Contraction, instead of being diminished, should become more\nviolent. Nor can I more approve his recommending the Use of Lixivial or\nAlkaline Salts, unless formed into a saponaceous Body, with Water and\nOil.\nWe certainly know, that Lixivial and Alkali Salts will disunite and\ndissolve resinous Bodies, but not so expeditiously as these Cases must\nrequire; nor are we ignorant, that such Salts are greatly corrosive; as\nwe experience in the Composition of Cauteries; must they not therefore\nfurther encrease the Abrasion of the Vessels? We have read likewise, and\nindeed Experience confirms, that lixivial Bodies augment the Power of\nVolatiles; in that Sense, what can be expected from their Use, but\nExpansion, and an Encrease of the corrosive Power? Should we not rather\nendeavour to check the Activity of those Principles, by clogging and\nweakening their Powers, and to strengthen the fibrous Coats of the\nStomach, against the repeated Attacks of such an active Enemy?\nAs the Author before us, has been very minute and prolix upon this\nSubject, it may be necessary to examine his Principles, relative to the\nCure, somewhat further. The first Thing he judges most proper, and to be\ngiven with all possible Speed, is Salt of Tartar one Scruple, in a\nSpoonful or two of Brandy, or some other hot cordial Spirit, if Spirit\nof Wine be too hot. Herein we find, lest the Corrosiveness of the fixt\nSalt should not prove sufficient, if given separately, their Powers are\nto be united; and thus to be repeated even to every two Minutes. There\nis something whimsical in his directing the Person to be placed in the\nvery same Position as he was when he took the Opium, that the Spirit, or\nrather combined Solvent, should fall immediately upon the Resin, and\nthus instantaneously, as he expresses himself, dissolve and disengage it\nfrom the Coats of the Stomach.\nWhy a fixed Salt is to be given in a spirituous Body, I cannot\ncomprehend; the Salt being, in such a Liquid, indissoluble, and\ncertainly more corrosive. I fear too, that if it should immediately\ndissolve the Resin (which is a very improbable Supposition) it would\nonly encrease the Corrosiveness and Expansion of the Poison, whereby the\nStimulus would become excessive, and would inflame and contract the\nOrifices of the Stomach so powerfully, as to prevent the Benefit that\nmight arise from Vomiting, and so throw the Party into an immediate\nConvulsion; for this same Reason, I think his subsequent Direction, to\ntake the Alkali Salt and Spirit after every Vomiting, lest it should\nreturn from the Stomach without any Effect, very unnecessary; for the\nInflammation of the Oesophagus and Larynx would undoubtedly prevent such\na Kind of Remedy being administered very often.\nThe taking the Yolk of an Egg, to sheath the Salts of the Opium, and\nconfine their Power, and the Sapo Tartareus, stand both recommended by\nDr. _Jones_; the Egg particularly, with this additional Assertion, \"That\nit will be found by Experience (which is yet much wanted, because it has\nnot been used) \"to be the very best Help in these Cases.\"\nNotwithstanding this conjectural Opinion of his, he again recommends\nLixivial Salts and Spirit; and that their Use might not be neglected,\ntells you, if you should not have Salt of Tartar at hand, other Alkaline\nSalts will serve the Purpose; as of Wormwood, &c. but these being of a\nweaker Nature, their Quantity is to be encreased, at least, one third;\nand in great Urgency, from a Deficiency of them, their Ashes, or those\nof any Vegetable, may be taken; provided they are joined with Brandy, or\nold Wine; and that the Roughness of the Ashes will contribute not a\nlittle to wear off the Resin.\n_Geoffroy_ informs us, that the first Thing necessary to remedy this\nPoison, is to empty the Vessels by copious Bleeding, if Strength will\nadmit.\nThough this is a Practice I do not condemn, yet, as not having\nexperienced the Use, I cannot recommend it; for instead of relieving\nNature thereby, I should fear a Relaxation might be hurried on, which\nought to be prevented as much as possible.\u2014\u2014In Fact, the Stomach is the\nPlace of Action, and present Relief can only be obtained, rationally, by\nimmediate Applications to that Part.\nThe Effect of Opium upon the Venous Fluid, is not immediate, but\nsecondary; for when injected into a Vein, it will neither encrease the\nMotion of the Blood, nor coagulate it. Sir _Christopher Wren_ gives us\nan Instance of this, by transfusing a Solution of Opium into the Blood\nof a Dog, which, he observed, had no Effect upon the Animal, until it\nhad Time to reach his Brain, when the Dog became drowsy, and staggered;\nfrom which he was relieved, by being forced into Motion, and in a short\nTime afterwards grew fat. This, I think, proves, that the violent\nEffects of Opium are on the Nerves, and not upon the Blood, which, by a\nConsent of Parts, it can only rarify, and make more fluid. By\ndiminishing the Quantity of Blood in the Veins, the Secretions of Sweat\nand Urine are interrupted, and the Relaxation, so much to be dreaded, is\nforwarded.\u2014\u2014The great _Boyle_, and Dr. _Willis_, likewise mention\nExperiments of this Kind, made upon a Dog, but differ in their Accounts;\n_Willis_ asserting, that a Dog can bear a large Quantity of Opium, and\novercome the Poison: He gives an Account of one that had received, by\nTransfusion, three Ounces of liquid Laudanum into his Veins, and without\nany very violent Symptoms, or other Help, than the Exercise of a Whip,\nto keep the Dog in Motion, he perfectly recovered. The Effect which\nfollowed Laudanum, being poured into a Dog's Stomach, as Dr. _Mead_\nexperimented, is very different from that by Transfusion, for it\npresently convulsed and killed him; and upon Dissection, he found that\nthe Poison had not only inflamed the Coats of the Stomach, but abraded\nthe finer Vessels of the Brain.\nTo consider Opium in a true Light, respecting the primary Action of it\nin the Stomach, is, in my Opinion, to suppose it similar in Corrosivity\nto any other succulent vegetable Poison, with a peculiar _stupefactive\nPower, that characterizes it_.\nThe Effect then is to be counteracted, _by disengaging the Stomach from\nthe Poison as fast as possible, by every Means of Secretion, checking\nthe Virus of it, and exciting and supporting Nature with warm nervous\nStimulants_, untill she has freed herself entirely from the dangerous\nEffects of this powerful Drug.\nThese Circumstances considered, the ensuing Process is what I should\nrecommend.\u2014In the first State, before the Poison has had Power to act,\nand only Symptoms common to Ebriety appear (which is generally very soon\nafter it has been taken) let a Vomit be administered, to provoke the\nDischarge of it; as soon as possible; for Instance;\nTake of simple Spearmint-Water,\nOxymel of Squills; each one Ounce;\nPowder of Ipecacuanha-Root, half a Scruple; mix them for a Vomiting\nPotion.\nThe Person should, if possible, be diverted from immediate Sitting, or\nlying down, and frequent Draughts of a Water-Gruel; not too thin, be\ngiven to assist the Operation; which, if repeated, so as to procure four\nor five Vomitings, will bring with it the major Part of the Opium. This\nhappy Effect may be presently guessed by the Smell of what is discharged\nfrom the Stomach, and will be sufficient for the Time, if the Poison\ntaken was in a liquid State; but if in a Solid, the Vomiting should be\ncontinued, by giving fresh Gruel, even to six or seven Times; for by the\ncompact Form, and through the stupefying Power of Opium, it will be the\nlast Thing disengaged from the Stomach. The Strength of the vomiting\nPotion, if not deemed sufficient, may be encreased, according to the\nStrength of the Patient, with an Addition of the Powder of\nIpecacuanha-Root.\nThis Operation may soon be over, as it depends upon the Assiduity of\nadministering the Gruel; nor need there be much Time spent in making it,\nan Handful of Oatmeal being sufficient, mixing it in cold Water, and\npouring warm to it, without standing to settle, or straining; Broth,\nBeer-Wort, or even Water alone might do; but the Gruel being easily and\nquickly attainable by every one, I would recommend that, as the most\nproper; if the Patient's Stomach had been charged with Food, but a short\nTime before taking the Poison, this Vomiting may be found sufficient to\nperform the Cure; yet is, in my Opinion, too precarious to be solely\ndepended on. I mention this chiefly as a favourable Symptom, since the\nPower of Opium is to be much feared, when alone, in an empty Stomach, or\none, at most, charged with Fluids.\nThe next Thing requisite, is to place the Patient in a Bed, or Chair,\nnot in a lying, but sitting Posture, his Head supported, and Body\ncovered very warm, to promote a Sweat, but not so as to incumber him\nwith their Weight.\nThis is quite different from the Opinion of Dr. _Jones_, who recommends\nthe Patient to be kept cold, in Proportion to the Stupor, in order to\nbrace the relaxed Parts. If the Symptoms are extream, he advises the\nPerson to be exposed, stark naked, to the coldest Air, or thrown into\ncold Water; and when you have not the Conveniency of a Vessel large\nenough, you are to pump or dash cold Water over the naked Body. To this\nextraordinary Opinion, I shall beg Leave to oppose that of _Grevinus_.\nLib. 2. _de Venenis_, Cap. 16. Pag. 208. _Balnea cum sint Calida &\nHumida, cutim extendunt, Partes refrigeratas et exsiccatas corroborant,\n& per insensibilem transpirationem exhalare faciunt id, quod inter\nCarnem & Cutim relinqui potuit, Sanguinemque pristino vigori suo\nrestituunt._ Baccius likewise, Lib. 7. _de Thermis_, Cap. 23. Pag. 474.\nparticularly recommends the Use of warm Bathing, to the Recovery of\nthose who have taken Opium, and have appeared almost dead. Add to these,\nthe Opinions of most Authors for promoting the Secretions; which Opium\npowerfully interrupts, especially in cold Climates, according to\n_Tournefort_'s Observation; and _Willis_, _de Opii Nocumentis_, Page\n188. Who gives an Account of a robust Man, dying in four Hours, from the\nTime of taking the Laudanum, without the least Sleep or Evacuation.\u2014\u2014How\ndoes Dr. _Jones_ himself account for the Itching of the Skin, as a\nSymptom of Opium having been taken to Excess, but by the Obstruction of\nthe Pores? And what will open them so soon, and promote the other\nnecessary Secretions so readily, as a _warm_ Bath? I should never fail\ntherefore to advise the Use of a warm Bath, would Time admit of the\nPreparing it; the Recovery of the Patient depending much upon the most\nexpeditious Applications.\nTo return to the Point in View. We must correct what remaining Powers of\nthe Poison are left in the Body, after the Evacuations by Vomit, which\nare to be carried _off by Sweat_, observing the Use of cordial\nMedicines, to _support_, _strengthen_, and _brace the Frame_, using\nlikewise Blisters, which will not only rouse Nature by their Stimulus,\nbut derive a Portion of the Humours to themselves.\nTake of simple Penny-Royal-Water, one Ounce and a Half, Strong\nNutmeg-Water, Distilled Vinegar; each two Drachms. The Cardiac\nConfection, Powder of Mountain Valerian; each half a Drachm. Syrup of\nSaffron, two Drachms; Tincture of Castor; twenty Drops; mix these for\none Dose, to be taken immediately, and repeated every half Hour, to four\nTimes, and afterwards every second, third, or fourth Hour, as the\nExigency of the Case may require.\nThe Sickness of the Stomach, occasioned by a large Dose of Opium, brings\nme to consider the Power of Stimulants in the first Passages. As soon as\nthe Stomach becomes sensible of the Vellication therefrom, a nervous\nFluid is derived to the Part, and the Pectoral Muscles called into\nAction; this Struggle in the first Passages being excited, yet so\ndiscretionally as to avoid an Inflammation, puts the Party into a gentle\nSweat, by which, if promoted by Warmth and Diluents, Nature will breathe\noff the Virus.\nThus we may account for the Operations of alterative Medicines; these\nconsisting in a Stimulus, excited to such a Degree, as is just\nsufficient to bring the nervous Coats of the Stomach and Muscles into\nAction, and corresponds with that brought on by Exercise. _Vide_ Dr.\n_Willis. Phar. Ration. de Sudatione._ Pag. 117. A Diaphoresis is\nintroduced and promoted by the Consent of the arterial Fluid, which may\nbe practiced to a greater or less Degree, according to the Proportion of\nthe Stimulus; thus are the profuse Sweats brought on by Opium, according\nto the Quantity used, as likewise by the different Preparations of\nMercury and Antimony, and in fact, every other mineral or vegetable\nProduction, that may prove a Stimulative in the Prim\u00e6 Vi\u00e6.\nTo return to the Cure of the milder Effects of this Poison; the Patient,\nduring Vomiting, probably will be excited to Stool, by the Help of the\nOxymel of Squills first taken; if not, give a Sufficiency, according to\nthe Strength of the Subject, of Powder of Jalap, corrected with some few\nGrains of the Aromatic Species, to procure Stools; but not to any\nExcess, nor before some of the nervous cordial Medicines have been\ntaken, lest the necessary Sweats should be interrupted, and an immediate\nRelaxation introduced. Jalap, as a Purge, is to be preferred, it being\nmore certain in Effect, and a Root loaded with a Resin, that may carry\ndown with itself any mucous Part of the Opium, which may adhere to the\nCoats of the Stomach after Vomiting; for this Reason, both _Wedelius_\nand _Jones_ recommend aloetic Purges. Opium interrupts, for the most\nPart, the present Action of purging Medicines, wherefore they should be\ngiven in encreased Doses, to produce the desired Effect.\nThe Patient, though on the Bed, must, by every Art imaginable, be kept\nfrom immediate Sleep, by giving him Wine-Whey, frequently shaking him,\nand such like Methods, applying to the Nostrils and Temples, Oil of\nAmber, or other Antispasmodics, such as the Tincture of Assaf\u0153tida,\nSoot, Valerian, &c. and this more or less, as there may be Occasion, by\nwhich, and the Power of the Medicines already taken, and the continuing\nthe Use of _Correctors and Nervous Stimulants_, his Sweat will grow\nprofuse, and the Party not so inclinable to Sleep; or, if he should,\nthose Sleeps would not be permanent; which his Attendants should\nendeavour to prevent, never permitting any one to continue so long as\nhalf an Hour at a Time, between Whiles repeating the nervous Medicines,\nand the Draughts of strong Wine-Whey, in Proportion to such Inclination.\nIf, on the other Hand, the Sleep should be so powerful, as that the\nParty cannot easily be roused, Blisters must be applied to the Arms.\nThis Process, I persuade myself, will prove sufficient, in the first\nInstance, where the Opium has been recently taken, especially if the\nQuantity was not very large, and in such Cases, the Camphire Julip may\nbe very advantageously added to the above Regimen.\nIt is necessary to remember, that an _universal Relaxation_ must be the\nConsequence of a Conflict of the whole Mechanism; and from these several\nEvacuations in so small a Space, the human Frame must be weakened, by\nher Endeavours to extricate herself from the deleterious Effects of this\nPoison. This Inconvenience is easily repairable, by persevering in the\nUse of _cordial and bracing Medicines_, which should likewise be\ncontinued some Days, to bring the Frame to its pristine State; the\nPatient must live upon light, but good Nutriment, drink after Meals, in\nModeration, of generous Wine, and avoid Sauces with Butter, that all\nDanger of nervous Tremors, and Loss of Appetite, may be, as much as\npossible, prevented; but if such should happen to be the Consequence,\nthe Tincture of the _Peruvian_ Bark, with Elixir of Vitriol, in small\nDoses, will certainly remove them.\nAs I have condemned the Use of Alkalious Medicines, by endeavouring to\nprove the Impropriety of them, and as the great _Mead_ has mentioned\nthem indefinitely, it may be proper to examine their Antithesis, or\ncontrary Principle of Acids, the Use of which, as Sudorifics and\nBracers, to compleat the Cure, are indispensably necessary.\nAs we find, upon the Examination of Opium, by chemical Analysis, that it\ncontains a very large Proportion of a volatile Salt, and corrosive Oil,\nAlkalies will undoubtedly encrease the Volatility of the one, and\nCorrosivity of the other, and thereby assist their Expansion. On the\nother Hand, Acids condense Volatiles, and destroy their Power; and\nfurthermore, will prevent the Expansion of the corrosive Oil, by\nchecking the Activity of the Salts. We see, by putting the mineral Acids\nto volatile Spirits, they destroy their Volatility, and produce fixt\nBodies. _Vide Boerhave, de Regeneratione Salis Armoniaci, &c. process.\n20. Partis 3. de Operationibus Chemi\u00e6._ Likewise by a vegetable Acid,\nthus, when distilled Vinegar is poured to the Volatile Spirit of Sal\nArmoniac, the Volatility is destroyed, as in making the Spiritus\nMindereri. The Antients, sensible of this, used frequently to prepare\nOpium with vegetable Acids, to correct its Power; and by that Means\ncould give it in larger Doses; but this Practice, being in many Cases\ninconvenient, was laid aside.\nAcids are of two Sorts, either Mineral or Vegetable; the Mineral are the\nstronger, and very corrosive, being drawn from Fossils by the Help of\nintense Heat, as Vitriol, Nitre, _&c._ the Vegetable are Native, in\nFruits, as Citrons, Oranges, Limons, Limes, _&c._ in some Plants, as\nSorrell, &c. or produced by Fermentation, as Tartar and Vinegar.\nOpium being a vegetable Production, replete with a volatile, urinous\nSalt, what can be more efficacious to counteract the Power of it, than a\nvegetable Acid, which is not of a corrosive Nature, so as to prevent the\ntaking of it, even alone, into the Stomach without Injury? and this\nsurely cannot be said of a mineral Acid. _Wedelius_, Lib. I. Sect. 2. p.\n53. strenuously asserts the Use of Acids, _Acida enim Sulphura tum\nSalium tum aliorum obtundunt, pr\u00e6cipitant, invertuntque ac exhalationem\net resolutionem remorantur, quod infinitis Experimentis Chimicis\ndemonstrari posset_. And, he further says, p. 59. \"That Vinegar is a\nmost powerful Remedy for such as are poisoned with Opium, that it will\ncorrect the Acrimony and Heat of it, and thereby the volatile Parts will\nbecome mild, and as it were fixed.\"\nThe Affect of Opium upon the Nerves, being by Stupefaction, and a\nsubsequent Relaxation, what Principle can so readily restore them, as\nlight fermented Acids, and so soon promote, by their gentle Pungency, a\nDisposition to Sweat? The crude Acids of Fruits and Herbs are more sharp\nand contracting, than those by Fermentation; nor can they be used with\nSafety in such Quantities, though they stand particularly recommended. I\nprefer, therefore, the Acetum Stillatitium, or distilled Vinegar, it\nbeing an Acid of sufficient Strength, and of a pure Nature, which,\njoined with nervous and cordial Medicines, has fully answered my\nExpectations.\nDoctor _Jones_ mentions Acids in a secondary Degree, recommending the\nfixed and unfermented to be used, \"when the Resin is not at Stomach,\" as\nhe phrases it. That is, in other Words (as he places the whole noxious\nPower inherent in the Resin) when the Patient is not in Danger.\nNervous and cardiac Medicines have a known Property of comforting the\nStomach; the former, by a soft balsamic Power, sheathing the Acrimony,\nsuch are Valerian and Castor; and the other, by a warm stimulating\nNature, including Volatiles and Aromatics\u2014\u2014The Antients were very\nindustrious in the Use of Simples, and attributed many Cures to certain\nspecific Properties of Individuals, which saved them much Trouble in\nRatiocination of Time, Place, and other accidental Circumstances, that\nmight arise; of these there are numerous Instances, and among the\nNumber, some are distinguished as _Specifics_, for the Cure of those\npoisoned with Opium; the best of which, are Camphire, Castor, and\nCoffee; the former two are recommended by many Authors; the latter, by\nDoctor _Willis_, as is the Semen Elephantiasis by _Pliny_.\nI think, according to what has been said of the Action of Opium on the\nStomach and nervous System, that the Evacuations by Vomit, Sweat, and\nStool, with the Use of Acids and Cardiacs, become indispensably\nnecessary to expel the Virus, and prevent an after Relaxation. Can any\none nervous Principle produce all these combined Effects? I think\nneither of the abovementioned can; Nor do I know of any other that is\nsingly capable of it. The strong Power of Castor upon the Womb is so\nwell known, especially where the Party is pregnant, (which is generally,\nI presume, the Case, when Women take this Poison) that the Use of it\nought to be rejected; and I may almost venture to affirm, that, where a\nperson recovers by taking one kind of Medicine only, the Cure cannot\nrationally be accounted for, but through the native Strength of the\nConstitution; and, whoever depends upon that alone, must often fail of\nSuccess.\nBy the Method laid down for the Cure of the milder Effects of this\nPoison, the rational Means of treating the most inveterate is\ndiscovered, it being requisite only to encrease the Strength of the\nMedicines, in proportion to the opposing Power of the Poison, the\nConstitution of the Party, or other concomitant Circumstances.\nThese being premised; in the second Degree of Symptoms, and in the most\nviolent, I cannot do better (as I have happily experienced Success in\nboth) than recite the manner of Cure, as Circumstances occurred to me.\nIn the second Degree, _viz._ Convulsive Twitchings, Madness, Suppression\nof Breath, florid Complexion, fixt Eye, and faultering Speech\u2014\u2014The Party\nhad taken one Ounce of Laudanum, in different Proportions, with small\nPunch, in the Space of an Hour, and this upon an empty Stomach; being\nthus taken at Intervals, the Vellications in the Stomach were not so\nimmediately violent, as to make it be rejected; the Party conscious of\nhis Error, and fearful of the Consequences, when the Poison began its\nOperation (he being possessed of a strong Constitution) endeavoured to\ncounteract the Power of it by violent and incessant Walking, till\nNature, overcome by the Conflict, was no longer able to support herself.\nThe sleeping Power of the Opium being withstood, the Operation upon the\nanimal Spirits produced a Delirium; the Eyes were distorted, the Speech\ninarticulate, notwithstanding, his Pulse moved slowly, but with great\nDistention of the Vessel; I found also a cold, flaccid Moisture of the\nextream Parts, with convulsive Twitchings, and a violent Tremor, arising\nfrom excessive Exercise, and the Effect of the Poison upon the whole\nnervous System; and from the Length of Time the Poison had been taken,\nan almost immediate Solution was to be apprehended, after the Manner\nobserved by Doctor _Willis_, quoted in a former Page.\nI gave him a vomiting Potion, which, by the Help of a Quantity of Gruel,\nsoon operated; and presently after (the Vomiting being ended) a nervous\ncordial Draught, of the same Nature of that already described,\nencreasing the Quantity of Acid with Castor, (being a more powerful\nAntispasmodic) instead of Valerian. He was placed upright in Bed, and\nbeing covered warm, through the Assistance of the Medicines, in a short\nTime, fell into a profuse Sweat; he drank plentifully and frequently of\nwarm Whey; Blisters were soon after applied to the Arms: The first four\nDraughts were taken within the Space of two Hours: His Pulse thereupon\ngrew full, and regular, and the extream Parts warm. AS I perceived he\nlaboured under an Astringency of Body, and the Virulence of the Poison\nbeing now, in some Degree, carried off by Sweat, I gave him, of the\nPowder of Jalap, one Scruple, properly corrected as before; which\nperformed its desired Office. The Virus thus subdued, I reduced the\nQuantity of Acid in each Draught, and repeated them Night and Morning\nfor some few Days, with a Cordial Julep to take of, at Intervals, when\noppressed with a Languor of Spirits. By this Process the Patient\nperfectly recovered his Health.\nDoctor _Jones_ has observed, that when Opium causes a Purging, the\nPatient generally recovers; but is an Evacuation that rarely happens,\nwithout Art. A Constipation or bound State of Body is the general\nConsequence that ensues the taking this Poison; which to remove,\nrequires the Aid of brisk Purges, and those, for the most Part, in\nencreased Doses.\nIn the most extream and violent Degree, when a large Quantity of this\nPoison has been taken, and gained its full Power of Action, the Symptoms\nare, an Inclination, but Inability, to vomit, from the great\nInflammation of the Parts, Hickupings, heavy and dead Sleeps, unequal\nPulse, Convulsions, Contraction of the Jaw, profuse and cold Sweats,\nwith a total Relaxation of the extream Parts. In this State, I found a\nPatient, who had taken the Poison upwards of an Hour; she was lying on\nthe Bed, in a profound Stupor, interrupted only with Convulsions.\u2014She\ndid not exceed the Age of Eighteen, of a slender and delicate\nConstitution. I ordered her immediately to be raised to a sitting\nPosture in Bed, supported by Attendants on each Side; and then gave the\nfollowing Powder, mixed with warm Water, in a Spoon; as that was the\nreadiest Way the Medicine could be got down, some Force being requisite,\nand half of it, even then, was lost, by running out at the Sides of the\nMouth; yet the Stimulus of the remaining Quantity, which reached the\nOesophagus, or Mouth of the Stomach, was sufficient to cause an\nimmediate Inclination to vomit, and gave Opportunity for pouring down\nFluids.\nThe Powder was of Ipecacuanha, and _Russia_ Castor, each half a Drachm\nin fine Powder, mix them for one Dose. In the Space of ten Minutes I\nmight get down, I suppose, about one half of this Powder, and the warm\nWater, which we forced into her at the last, in some Quantity,\noccasioned her to vomit plentifully five or six different Times; her\nSenses yet were in no Degree returned; her Head falling upon the\nShoulder, as if lifeless; the Convulsions, however, ceased, and she grew\nwarm. I caused her then to be roused as much as possible, by a continual\nMovement of her Arms and Body; but to little Purpose. The following\nMedicines were then given:\nTake of the Powder of _Russia_ Castor, Mountain Valerian Root, each half\na Scruple, Aromatic Species, five Grains; and with a sufficient Quantity\nof Sir _Walter Raleigh_'s Cordial, mix them into a Bolus, to be taken\ndirectly, and repeated every half Hour, or oftener, as the Urgency of\nthe Case might require.\nTake of simple Spear-Mint Water six Ounces; strong Cinnamon Water,\ndistilled Vinegar, each one Ounce; Syrup of Clove Gilly-Flowers six\nDrams; mix them together into a Julep, of which give the Patient four\nSpoonfuls with each of the above Bolusses, and between whiles, when\nfaint.\nAssaf\u0153tida Drops were used likewise to her Nostrils and Temples, and\nBlisters applied to the Arms as expeditiously as possible.\nThese Bolusses being given as directed, and the Julep, or Wine Whey,\n(every two or three Minutes) she went into a profuse Sweat; and, in\nlittle more than an Hour from the Time I first saw her, recovered her\nSenses and Speech. These, however, were imperfect; then ensued Stools,\nand an universal Relaxation, with frequent, and almost continual\nFaintings; she was relieved from these by quick Repetitions of the\nJulep, which had been some little time neglected by those about her. She\ncontinued the Use of the Bolus, leaving out the Castor, and encreasing\nthe Quantity of the Valerian to a Scruple, with the Julep, for some\nDays; and in a Week was free from every bad Consequence. The Vertigo and\nTremor had entirely left her, and no Remains of the Disorder apparent,\nbut in the sallow Look of her Skin, and that continued some time. She\nwas with Child, and did not miscarry, notwithstanding the Quantity of\nLaudanum taken was one Ounce.\nIn these Cases, when the Virus of the Poison is weakened, it would be\nwrong immediately to omit the use of Medicines, since the future Illness\nthat would probably arise, might be prevented by the Power and Quantity\nof them being gradually decreased; for which Reason I shall lay down no\nRule, but leave to the Discretion of the Gentleman employed to act, as\nthe Weakness, or other consequent Symptoms attending the Patient, may\ndirect.\nI shall recite yet another Case of a Child, about eighteen Months old.\nThe Reader may very naturally doubt, how it was possible for a Child, so\nyoung as this, to be poisoned with Laudanum. Sorry am I to say, nothing\nis so easy; the Practice among Nurses to give to their Children the\nSyrup of the Sleeping Poppy, or other quieting Medicines, is too common;\nand particularly, one that goes by the Name of _Godfrey_'s Cordial;\nwhich is a Composition very binding, has Opium in it, and was never\ndesigned by the Author for such Purposes; but was calculated principally\nfor the Cure of Fluxes. By the Administration of such Things, a Nursery\nmay be kept quiet, which is Inducement enough to some Nurses, as they\nwill be enabled thereby to pursue their various Employments without\nInterruption, which could not be done with the same Ease, were the Child\nwaking.\nA Girl, at the Age of eighteen Months, had the Whooping Cough; to remedy\nwhich, her Mother was advised to get of a sleeping Medicine, called\nElixir Paregoricum, and to give the Child a certain Quantity of it every\nNight. What that Quantity was, or how much was given, I cannot\npositively say; but am certain, that it was sufficient to be in Effect\nvery violent; for a Struggle of Nature immediately ensued the swallowing\nof the Medicine to overcome Strangulation, caused by the Heat and\nconfining Power of it; presently after, the Child sunk into a heavy\nSleep, which continued near twenty-four Hours; and she bore, during that\nTime, all the progressive Symptoms of the Power of Opium, which\nencreased, as usual, to Convulsions.\nThe Use of Acid in this Case was, in a manner, forbid me, from the\nnatural Tendency of the Humours in young Children to such Ferments; I\ntherefore avoided it, till obliged by the Violence of the Effects\n(acting after _Harris de Morbis acutis Infantum_, p. 102. _Quod ad\nconvulsiones spectat, ab Acrimonia Materi\u00e6 Morbific\u00e6 propaginem Nervosam\nExtimulante ut plurimum pendentes, Testacea nostra, et maxime, si\nCastoreum iis adjiciatur, &c._\nAs my Patient had the nocent Dose given her at Night, the Effect was not\nperceived until the next Morning, when they found her, with her Eyes\nclosed, and insensible to the taking of Aliment and Drinks, in\nconsequence of which, I was called to her, and ordered as follows:\nTake of Castor Water, one Ounce and a half; Crabs Claws and Cordial\nConfection, each one Scruple; Syrup of Saffron, two Drachms; Tincture of\nCastor, twenty Drops; mix them, and give a large Spoonful often.\nA Blister was applied to the Back, notwithstanding which, the\nConvulsions encreased, with short Intervals of a total Relaxation, to\nwhich Infants are very liable in most Illnesses, owing to the natural\nMoisture of their Bodies; I then gave the following:\nTake of simple Pennyroyal Water, two Drachms; the Cordial Confection,\nhalf a Scruple; Powder of _Russia_ Castor, three Grains; strong Cinnamon\nWater and distilled Vinegar, each half a Drachm; mix them for a Draught,\nto be given as soon as possible.\nSoon after taking this Medicine, my little Patient recovered from her\nConvulsions, opened her Eyes, and cried.\nI then gave her a Powder of Rhubarb and Jalap corrected, which, in the\nCourse of the Day, produced several Stools, that smelt inexpressibly\nstrong; the Fits left the Child that Evening, and, in a few Days, she\nwas entirely recovered.\nIt is necessary to observe, that I continued her Testacea Powders for\nseveral Days, to correct any Disposition there might be to Acid Ferments\nin the first Passages, after their being so injured by the Power of the\nSleeping Medicine.\nIt is also remarkable, that, in this Case, the Effect of the Poison upon\nthe Child was not so sudden or violent, as on an Adult; for, I observed,\nthe Power of it was encreased the ensuing Day; whereas a grown Person,\nif he escapes the extream Action of the Opiate for the first twelve\nHours (which was about the Interval of Rest, from the Time of her taking\nit, until I saw her) his Symptoms afterwards grow mild, and he, in a\nManner, out of Danger. I presume that this After-operation of the Opium\non the Child, might be occasioned by a great quantity of Phlegm, that\nhad invested, at that Time, the Coats of the Stomach. The Phlegm raised\nby young Children, is commonly deglutiated, and thereby might defend her\nStomach from the Violence of the Poison, until such Time as a Portion of\nthat Phlegm had passed into the Intestines, and thence had given the\nOpiate Room to penetrate and cummunicate its full Power to the Body.\nI have now passed through the whole Process, which I have experienced in\nthis Poison; yet, shall further add, some general Rules, for the Use of\nPlaces, where Physical Advice cannot be immediately obtained; and, as\nthis may sometimes be the Case in Villages remote from Market-Towns, I\nhave held it my Duty to give every Insight, that might tend to the\nPreservation of Life in such Exigencies; though I would not recommend\nthis Method solely to be depended upon, without further Advice, where\nphysical Assistance is obtainable.\nA Person who has taken Opium to Excess, should forthwith be made to\nvomit several Times, by every Art imaginable, remembering the more quick\nand copious the Draughts of Liquor are given, the better Chance there is\nfor Success.\nLet the Party affected be kept as much as possible in continual Motion,\ngiving him, when he has done vomiting, a Glass of Sack or Mountain Wine,\nwith a Table Spoon-full of good Vinegar in it, especially when in\nTremors; in a languid and relaxed State, the Vinegar thus mixed should\nbe repeated frequently, (The Use of rich generous Wines were esteemed\nSpecific in this Case by the Antients; and among the rest _Hoffman_ and\n_Rondoletius_) and where Wine is not to be got readily, Water may be\nused, with Honey or Sugar dissolved in it, 'till the Liquor will bear an\nEgg.\nIf the Person is not capable of Motion, cover him very warm to promote\nSweat; to which the abovementioned Liquors, and strong Whey, will\ngreatly contribute. Use every Stratagem to keep him from Sleep, until he\nhas sweated an Hour, or thereabouts; he may then be suffered to sleep a\nlittle; but not for a Continuance, rousing him forcibly every fifteen or\ntwenty Minutes; if he should faint, or grow cold, add some grated\nGinger, or beaten Pepper, to each Draught of the Wine and Vinegar. If\nBeer or Ale Wort can be got, it may much help, by its mucilaginous\nParts, to check the Activity of Opium, and carry it off by Stool;\nlikewise the swallowing of Yolks of raw Eggs may contribute, as Doctor\n_Jones_ observes, and the drinking of Coffee, as recommended by the\nlearned Dr. _Willis_.\nI have endeavoured, throughout these Pages, to trace the exact Power of\nthis Poison\u2014\u2014I began with the natural History of the Plant from which it\nis collected, in order to reconcile different Opinions, by pointout the\nmost easy and rational Method of gathering it; which likewise\ncontributes to render the Analysis of the Drug more compleat. Thus we\ndiscover the Principles whereby Opium acts upon our Bodies, and are\nconsequently enabled more fully to counteract the obnoxious Parts of it.\nWithout enlarging upon the different Effects of Alkalis and Acids, I\nhave recited several Experiments in favour of the latter; and without\ninterfering with Specifics, and Antidotes, have pointed out a regular\nMethod, whereby the different Degrees of Power this Poison may have,\nwhen taken into the Body, may be remedied. Thus the Gentlemen of the\nFaculty have a kind of Rule how to act upon Emergencies of the kind,\nwhich the Rareness of the Case may not have given some of them an\nOpportunity to be acquainted with. That Knowledge which I have attained\nfrom my Experience, may undoubtedly be yet much improved by those\nPractitioners, who have Talents superior to mine; but for the\nunexperienced and retired, where physical Assistance is not readily\nattainable, a Method is here laid down, so easily practicable, that a\nLife, perhaps, may be saved thereby. This Consideration alone, that I\nmay possibly, some Time or other, be serviceable to a Fellow-Creature, I\nesteem an ample Return for disclosing my Sentiments upon this Subject,\nand a sufficient Satisfaction for the Trouble I have taken in the\nforegoing Pages.\nFINIS.\nTranscriber's Notes.\nThis Book is 300 years old and the advice given has been superceded and\nis of historical value only.\nThe original spelling and punctuation has been retained.\nI have been informed that some of the latin as printed is incorrect, but\nhave retained it as in the original Pamphlet.\nItalicized words and phrases are presented by surrounding the text with\nunderscores.\nEnd of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay on the Effects of Opium.\nConsidered as a Poison, by John Awsiter\n*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OPIUM ***\n***** This file should be named 52541-0.txt or 52541-0.zip *****\nThis and all associated files of various formats will be found in:\nProduced by readbueno and the Online Distributed\nproduced from images generously made available by The\nInternet Archive)\nUpdated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will\nbe renamed.\nCreating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright\nlaw means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,\nso the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United\nStates without permission and without paying copyright\nroyalties. 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{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-03-02-0016-0011", "content": "Title: [Marriage and Law Practice, 1764-1765]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n      In the Winter of 1764 the Small Pox prevailing in Boston, I went with my Brother into Town and was inocculated under the Direction of Dr. Nathaniel Perkins and Dr. Joseph Warren. This Distemper was very terrible even by Inocculation at that time. My Physicians dreaded it, and prepared me, by a milk Diet and a Course of Mercurial Preparations, till they reduced me very low before they performed the operation. They continued to feed me with Milk and Mercury through the whole Course of it, and salivated me to such a degree, that every tooth in my head became so loose that I believe I could have pulled them all with my Thumb and finger. By such means they conquered the Small Pox, which I had very lightly, but they rendered me incapable with the Aid of another fever at Amsterdam of speaking or eating in my old Age, in short they brought me into the same Situation with my Friend Washington, who attributed his misfortune to cracking of Walnuts in his Youth. I should not have mentioned this, if I had not been reproached with this personal Defect, with so much politeness in the Aurora. Recovered of the Small Pox, I passed the summer of 1764 in Attending Court and pursuing my Studies with some Amusement on my little farm to which I was frequently making Additions, till the Fall when on the 25th of October 1784 i.e. 1764 I was married to Miss Smith a Daughter of the Reverend Mr. William Smith a Minister of Weymouth, Grand daughter of the Honourable John Quincy Esquire of Braintree, a Connection which has been the Source of all my felicity, Although a Sense of Duty which forced me away from her and my Children for so many Years has produced all the Griefs of my heart and all that I esteem real Afflictions in Life. The Town of Braintree had chosen me, one of the Select Men, Overseers of the Poor and Assessors, which occasioned much Business, of which I had enough before: but I accepted the Choice and attended diligently to the functions of the Office, in which humble as it was I took a great deal of Pleasure. The Courts at Plymouth Taunton, Middlesex and sometimes at Barnstable and Worcester, I generally attended. In the Spring of 1765, Major Noble of Boston had an Action at Pownalborough, on Kennebeck River. Mr. Thatcher, who had been his Council, recommended him to me, and I engaged in his cause, and undertook the Journey. I was taken ill on the Road and had a very unpleasant Excursion. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon the fatigue and disgust of this Journey. It was the only time in my Life, when I really suffered for want of Provisions. From Falmouth now Portland in Casco Bay, to Pounalborough There was an entire Wilderness, except North Yarmouth, New Brunswick and Long reach, at each of which places were a few Houses. In general it was a Wilderness, incumbered with the greatest Number of Trees, of the largest Size, the tallest height, I have ever seen. So great a Weight of Wood and timber, has never fallen in my Way. Birches, Beaches, a few Oaks, and all the Varieties of the Fir, i.e. Pines, Hemlocks, Spruces and Firs. I once asked Judge Cushing his Opinion of their hight upon an Avaradge, he said an hundred feet. I believe his estimation was not exaggerated. An Hemlock had been blown down across the Road. They had cutt out a logg as long as the road was wide. I measured the Butt at the Road and found it seven feet in Diameter, twenty one feet in circumference. We measured 90 feet from the Road to the first Limb, the Branches at Top were thick: We could measure no farther but estimated the Top to be about fifteen feet, from the Butt at the Road to the Root we did not measure: but the Tree must have been in the whole at least an hundred and thirty twenty feet. The Roads, where a Wheel had never rolled from the Creation, were miry and founderous, incumbered with long Sloughs of Water. The Stumps of the Trees which had been cutt to make the road all remaining fresh and the Roots crossing the path some above ground and some beneath so that my Horses feet would frequently get between the Roots and he would flounce and blunder, in danger of breaking his own Limbs as well as mine. This whole Country, then so rough, is now beautifully cultivated, Handsome Houses, Orchards, Fields of Grain and Grass, and the Roads as fine as any except the Turnpikes, in the State. I reached Pownalborough alive, gained my Cause much to the Satisfaction of my Client and returned home. This Journey, painfull as it was, proved much for my Interest and Reputation, as it induced the Plymouth Company to engage me in all their Causes, which were numerous and called me annually to Falmouth Superiour Court for ten years.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0012", "content": "Title: Hannah Storer Green to John Adams, 20 February 1764\nFrom: Green, Hannah Storer\nTo: Adams, John\n      Boston Februry. 20th. 1764\n     I think myself greatly indebted to you, for the honor you do my judgment, in refering so important a debate to my decission; and I ought, in strict justice, to apologize for my not answering it before; however, I trust to your Candor to excuse the seeming neglect, I say seeming, for I have not been unmindful of you, but have well consider\u2019d the thing, and shall give you my thoughts upon the matter with freedom.\u2014But before I proceed to answer the grand point in debate, allow me to ask a question Viz. Why April is excluded? Is it because you will neither of you condescend? If so, you are neither of you fit Subjects for Matrimony in my opinion, and will not have my Vote in the matter; aya, Lysander you may stare if you please, thinking, I suppose, that you have apply\u2019d to the wrong person; however there is no drawing back now; and if this is the reason, you may depend upon it I shall not shew favor to either of you; but leave you to marry when you can agree, and to enjoy your\n      blessed Prerogative when you can, in Love, determine whose right it is\u2014but as I look upon you both as reasonable beings, I cannot fairly suppose the want of Condescention to be the reason; therefore I shall answer you without further delay. Well then to be honest (and honesty you love I know, because it saved you once, when you was tried for a Crime which richly deserved a Noose) I do not at all approve of March, \u2019tis too Blustering a month for Matrimony, neither do I think it necessary you should stay till May, but I would have you take the Medium, for April is a very salutary month for the purpose for then \n        \u201cFrom Southern Climes the chearfull Sun returns,\n        And the late frozen North then gently warms;\n        His subtile Penetration op\u2019rates so,\n        He does but look on Flowers and Plants they grow,\n        His loving Beams sweetly salute the Spring,\n        And dart their Virtue into every Thing.\u201d\n       Therefore April is the month I pitch upon you may be sure and I dare say you will find it far preferable to March, and tho\u2019 by it you remain a miserable Bachelor one month longer yet I hope it will be made up in years of Matrimonial happiness.\n     Tell Diana that I\u2019m set upon April, and that it will be the height of impropriety in her, to set up her will (in this case especially) in opposition to yours and mine, for I\u2019m sure you\u2019ll join with me now you know what wonderfull effects the April Sun has, however, A Word to the wise is sufficient, therefore I bid you Adeiu, with assuring you that\n      I am Your Friend and Well-wisher,\n      Caliope\n      P. S. No Slacks to be got; the history of a Letter (which waited a fortnight for your Lordship to convey to Diana) I will give her the first opportunity but the messenger waits now so once more Adeiu.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-02-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0013", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to Cotton Tufts, 2 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Tufts, Cotton\n      Dear Unkle\n      Weymouth April th 2. 1764\n     I should not have been unmindful of you, even tho you had not call\u2019d upon me to exert myself. I should be the most ungrateful of Mortals, if I did not always with Gratitude remember so kind a Benefactor, as you have been to me both in Sickness, and in Health.\n     How often has your kind hand supported me when I was more helpless than an Infant. How often have you revived me by your Vital Heat? And for how many Nights lodging am I indebted to you? Fain would I repay you, tho not in kind now. I fancy you are by this time too infectious for a Being of purity, to wish for any Communication with you. How do you feel? I think you are in good Spirits, at which I rejoice.\n     Our friend thinks you dieted too low. Says you look\u2019d as if a puff of wind would have blown you off your Horse, and that He could see through you, (which by the way is more than every one can) wants to hear how you fare, before he begins Lent. We have almost brought him over to the faith, tho\u2019 he still continues some what doubtful. Says if he was to follow his own judgment, he should not go into the method prescribed, but since his Friends advise other ways he will Submit. This looks like a pretty hopeful Speach, I wonder if one may not improve upon such a Heart? I expect nothing more from you, than saying, it is a good example Child, and if you value your own happiness you will in many cases follow it. Aye it may be so, but we wont dispute that point now.\n     Inclosed you will find two very curious Letters. I have had some doubt whether it would be best to send one of them, for indeed tis a very Saucy one, but tis in Character I believe\u2014and Nature I suppose you will say.\n     I shall send them by Mr. Eyers Ayers that you may have opportunity to see Dr. Perkins and more leisure for writing, than you would have if I waited till thursday when Tom will be down.\n     I see the Good Man has given you some account of himself. He will have it that he is temperate in all things, but I know Doctor you understand his constitution better than to believe him, tho you need not mention this, for perhaps Mercury will be no benifit to him upon that account.\n     As for News, we have neither Foreign nor Domestick, Civil nor Ecclesiastical nor so much as one word of Scandle Stiring, that I hear of.\n     I have been a very good Girl since your absence, and visited your Lady almost every day. She would have impowerd me to have written to you in her Name, but I told her I had no inclination at present to have any communication with any Man in the character of a wife, besides I who never own\u2019d a Husband did not know how to address one. I think she Supports your absence like a Heroine. She complaind a Day or two ago of a Tooth ake, which She Suspected to be the forerunner of some great event, Suppose you best understand what. Your Son Seems to be finely recoverd, has got his Neck at liberty again, and is as great a Rogue as ever. Our pale Face desires to be rememberd to you, keeps at the old notch, and according to Pope\u2014(\u201cNot to go back, is something to advance\u201d) may be say\u2019d to be a little better.\u2014Thus haveing run my rig, think it time to draw towards a close. By Tom hope to receive a token of remembrance, and to\n      hear that you are as Speckled as you desire to be. I am not affraid of your Virmin if you roast them well, otherways fear they will be too hard for my Digestion. I leave that to your care, and Conclude assureing you that no person wishes you more Health and Happiness than Your affectionate Niece,\n      Abll. Smith\n      Please to remember me to my Brother and tell him he should write to me, for he has little else to do.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-07-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0015", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 7 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      My dear Diana\n      Saturday Evening Eight O\u2019Clock 7 April 1764\n     For many Years past, I have not felt more serenely than I do this Evening. My Head is clear, and my Heart is at ease. Business of every Kind, I have banished from my Thoughts. My Room is prepared for a Seven Days\u2019 Retirement, and my Plan is digested for 4 or 5 Weeks. My Brother retreats with me, to our preparatory Hospital, and is determined to keep me Company, through the Small Pox. Your Unkle, by his agreable Account of the Dr. and your Brother, their Strength, their Spirits, and their happy Prospects, but especially, by the Favour he left me from you, has contributed very much to the Felicity of my present Frame of Mind. For, I assure you Sincerely, that, (as Nothing which I before expected from the Distemper gave me more Concern, than the Thought of a six Weeks Separation from my Diana) my Departure from your House this Morning made an Impression upon me that was severely painfull. I thought I left you, in\n      Tears and Anxiety\u2014And was very glad to hear by your Letter, that your Fears were abated. For my own Part, I believe no Man ever undertook to prepare himself for the Small Pox, with fewer  than I have at present. I have considered thoughrououghly, the Diet and Medicine prescribed me, and am fully satisfyed that no durable Evil can result from Either, and any other Fear from the small Pox or it\u2019s Appurtenances, in the modern Way of Inoculation I never had in my Life.\u2014Thanks for my Balm. Present my Duty and Gratitude to Pappa for his kind offer of Tom. Next Fryday, for certain, with suitable Submission, We take our Departure for Boston. To Captn. Cunninghams We go\u2014And I have not the least doubt of a pleasant 3 Weeks, notwithstanding the Distemper.\u2014Dr. Savil has no Antimony\u2014So I must beg your Care that John Jenks makes the Pills and sends them by\n      the Bearer. I enclose the Drs. Directions. We shall want about 10 I suppose for my Brother and me. Other Things we have of Savil.\n     Good Night, my Dear, I\u2019m a going to Bed!\n      Sunday Morning 1/2 After 10.\n     \u2014The People all gone to Meeting, but my Self, and Companion, who are enjoying a Pipe in great Tranquility, after the operation of our Ipichac. Did you ever see two Persons in one Room Iphichacuana\u2019d together? (I hope I have not Spelled that ineffable Word amiss!) I assure you they make merry Diversion. We took turns to be sick and to laugh. When my Companion was sick I laughed at him, and when I was sick he laughed at me. Once however and once only we were both sick together, and then all Laughter and good Humour deserted the Room. Upon my Word we both felt very sober.\u2014But all is now easy and agreable, We have had our Breakfast of Pottage without salt, or Spice or Butter, as the Drs. would have it, and are seated to our Pipes and our Books, as happily as Mortals, preparing for the small Pox, can desire.\n      5 o clock afternoon.\n     \u2014Deacon Palmer has been here and drank Tea with me. His Children are to go with us to Cunninghams. He gives a charming Account of the Dr. and your Brother, whom he saw Yesterday. Billy has two Eruptions for certain, how many more are to come is unknown\u2014But is as easy and more  (the Deacon says) than he ever saw him in his Life.\n      Monday. Ten O\u2019Clock.\n     \u2014Papa was so kind as to call and leave your Favor of April the Eighth\u2014For which I heartily thank you. Every Letter I receive from you, as it is an Additional Evidence of your Kindness to me, and as it gives me fresh Spirits and great Pleasure, confers an Additional Obligation upon me. I thank you for your kind and judicious Advice. The Deacon made me the offer Yesterday, which, for the very Reasons you have mentioned, I totally declined. I told you before We had taken our Vomits and last Night We took the Pills you gave me, and we want more. Lent We have kept ever since I left you, as rigidly as two Carmelites. And you may rely upon it, I shall strictly pursue the Drs. Directions, without the least Deviation. Both the Physick and the Abstinence, have hitherto agreed extreamly well with me, for I have not felt freer from all Kinds of Pain and Uneasiness, I have not enjoyed a clearer Head, or a brisker flow of Spirits, these seven Years, than I do this day.\n     My Garden, and My Farm, (if I may call what I have by that Name) give me now and then a little Regret, as I must leave them in more Disorder than I could wish. But the dear Partner of all my Joys and sorrows, in whose Affections, and Friendship I glory, more than in all other Emoluments under Heaven, comes into my Mind very often and makes me sigh. No other Consideration I assure you, has given me, since I began my Preparation, or will give me I believe, till I return from Boston any Degree of Uneasiness.\n     Papa informs me that Mr. Ayers goes to Town, tomorrow Morning. Will you be so kind as to write the Dr., that I shall come into Town on Fryday, that I depend on Dr. Perkins and no other. And that I beg he would write me whether Miss Le Febure can take in my Brother and me in Case of Need. For My Unkle writes me, I must bring a Bed, as his are all engaged, it seems. I have written him, this Moment, that I can not carry one, and that he must procure one for me, or I must look out Elsewhere. I shall have an Answer from him to night and if he cannot get a Bed, I will go to Mrs. Le Febures if she can take us.\n     Should be glad if Tom might be sent over, Fryday Morning. My Love and Duty where owing. Pray continue to write me, by every opportunity, for, next to Conversation, Correspondence, with you is the greatest Pleasure in the World to yr.\n      John Adams\n      P.S. My Love to Mr. and Mrs. Cranch. Thank \u2019em for their kind Remembrance of me, and my Blessing to my Daughter Betcy.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0016", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to John Adams, 8 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Adams, John\n      Weymouth April 8. 1764\n     If our wishes could have conveyed you to us, you would not have been absent to Day. Mr. Cranch and my Sister have been here, where they hoped to have found you. We talk\u2019d of you, they desire to be rememberd to you, and wish you well thro the Distemper. Mr. Cranch told me that the Deacon with his children design for Boston next Saturday and that they propose going by water\u2014that the Deacon would have you go with them, but I would by no means advise you to go by water, for as you are under prepairation you will be much more exposed to take cold, the weather too is so uncertain that tho the morning may look promissing, yet you know it is frequently very raw and cold in the afternoon. Besides if you should wait till then and Saturday should prove an unplasent Day, you will make it so much the longer before you get into Town. Suffer me therefore to injoin it upon you, not to consent to go by water, and that you have no need to do as Tom will wait upon you any day that you desire. Let\n      me know whether you took your vomit, whether you have got your pills and whether you have begun Lent\u2014how it suits you? I am very fearful that you will not when left to your own management follow your directions\u2014but let her who tenderly cares for you both in Sickness and Health, intreet you to be careful of that Health upon which depends the happiness of Your\n      A Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0017", "content": "Title: John Adams to Cotton Tufts, 9 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Tufts, Cotton\n      My dear Friend\n     I have nothing to do at present but to play with my Pen. I have long thought with Horace in his Dulce desipere: But now they tell me it is Utile dulci. I dare not think, for fear of injuring my Health, and for my soul I cannot set still without Thinking; so I am necessitated to keep my Pen in Motion to avoid it, and I believe you are well satisfyd it has answerd the End.\n     I rejoice to hear you have so fine a Prospect of passing easily through. Please to tell Dr. Perkins I depend on him. I dont know but your Neice has written you to ask Mrs. Le Febure to receive us. If she has you need not give yourself the Trouble, as I have this Moment a Letter from my Unkle, informing me, that he has procured us a Bed. We shall have an Hospital that deserves the Name. Deacon Palmers 3 Children, my Brother and myself at least if no more, will be at my Unkle\u2019s. And a tolerable Time of it, may we have!\n     My Gardens and my Farm, are complaining of Neglect, and Disorders, and all that: But I tell them, Patiens, Prudens\u2014next Year I\u2019le take better Care of Ye. Next Year, Ye shall have your Bellies full of Carrotts and Onions, and Beats, and Parsnips, and Cabbages and Potatoes, and every Thing that is good. But Ye must permit the little Villains call\u2019d the small Pox to have their Feast this Spring.\n     They tell me, that Dr. Mayhews Observations have received an Answer in England, a few Copies of which have straggled over to America. The Answer they say is extreamly elegant, delicate, genteel and all that. If so I believe the Dr\u2019s People had an old sermon last sunday. The Arch Bp. of Canterbury has the Credit of the Answer. If this Credit is just, the \u2014s Genius will be roused, and will produce something that Messrs. Reviewers will be puzzled to Name. I suppose you have heard or read, that they have Christend the Observations, the Devils Thunder Bolt, full of Contents weighty and urged home.\n     This Controversy I hope will prevent the future Waste of the societies Money in the Maintenance of Insects that are Drones in the Cause of Virtue and Christianity; but the most active and industrious of the whole Hive in the Cause of Hierarchical Policy. I should have concluded long ago, if I had not been absolutely idle, with the Name of your Fr\u2019d,\n      John Adams", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0018", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to Cotton Tufts, 9 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Tufts, Cotton\n      Dear Unkle\n      Monday eve\u2014Weymouth April 9. 1764\n     I suppose you have written to me, tho I have not received it, for Mr. Ayers left his pocket Book with the Letters at Roxbury. However full in the Faith that I have a Letter there, I return you my thanks for it.\n     We are all very sollicitious to hear from you; Brother has they tell us two eruptions; upon which I congratulate him. I hear also that he is in high Spirits, and more agreeable than ever he was. This cannot arise from the Distemper, it must certainly be oweing to the virtue and example of his Companion\u2014for if Evil communications corrupt good Manners, why may not those which are virtuous, have as great a tendency to inlighten the Mind and rectify the Manners?\n     Your Letters for Mr. Adams I had the curiosity to unfold (he serves me so sometimes) But was sufficiently satisfied. You blew up a train of Ideas\u2014not very delicate ones I assure you. What a Scene did you paint? The thought of it makes me Squemish. Mr. Adams returnd from Plymouth a fryday, and a Saturday morning\u2014left Weymouth, to see it no more for these 5 weeks, this Day received a line, wherein he informs me that he took his Vomit a Sunday morning; and his pill as you directed\u2014follows your prescriptions also in Diet\u2014and experiences the Truth of your observation. Says he never felt a clearer head, or a neater flow of Spirits than at present\u2014desires me to inform you that he with his Brother design for Boston next fryday\u2014that he should be obliged if you would engage Doctor Perkins\u2014and also write him word whether Mrs. Lefebure can accommodate him and his Brother, (without any damage to you) in case of Need, for his Unkle has written him word that\n      he has engaged to take in Deacon Palmers Children, and that he must bring a Bed. He has returnd him word, that he cannot carry one, and if his unkle cannot procure him one, he must look out elsewhere. He has not received an answer yet, but expects to hear to Night, if you can write by Mr. Ayers you will greatly oblige him.\n     Your Friends here want to see you; and long for the time of your return. My Aunt writes so I need say nothing more about her, than that she perseveres in the way of well doing. My Mother makes bugbears sometimes, and then seems uneasy because I will not be scared by them. I tell her we ought to conclude that you are comfortable, and that I cannot distress my self about you.\n      \u201cHe who directed and dispenced the past\n      O\u2019er rules the present, and shall guide the last.\u201d\n     Tis Bed time, even my Bed time, I therefore wish you a good Nights rest, and the continuance of your Spirits\u2014and a safe return is also wished you By your affectionate Niece,\n      A. Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-11-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0020", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 11 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      Wednesday Eveng. 11 April 1764\n     This is the last Opportunity I shall have to write you from Braintree for some Weeks. You may expect to hear from me, as soon after my Arrival at Boston as possible. Have had a peaceable, pleasant Day upon the whole. My Brother and I have the Wishes, the good Wishes of all the good People who come to the House. They admire our Fortitude, and wish us well thro, even some, who would heartily rejoice to hear that both of Us were dead of the small Pox provided no others could be raised up in our stead to be a Terror to evil Doers, and a Praise and Encouragement to such as they mortally hate, those that do well.\n     But I have attained such an Elevation in Phylosophy as to be rendered very little, the better or worse, more chearful or surly, for the good or ill Wishes or Speeches of such Animals, as those.\n     Amusement engages the most of my Attention. I mean that as I am necessitated to spend three or four Weeks in an Absolute Vacation of Business and study, I may not amuse myself, with such silly Trifles as Cards and Baubles altogether, but may make the very Expletives of Time, the very Diverters from Thinking, while I am under the small Pox of some Use or Pleasure, to me, after I get well. For this Purpose beg Papa, to lend me, all the Volumes of Swifts Examiner and send them over by Tom to yr\n      John Adams\n      Love and Duty where, and in Proportion as, it is due.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-12-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0021", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 12 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      Dr. Diana\n      Thurdsday. 5. Oclock. 12 April 1764\n     I have Thoughts of sending you a Nest of Letters like a nest of Basketts; tho I suspect the latter would be a more genteel and acceptable Present to a Lady. But in my present Circumstances I can much better afford the former than the latter. For, my own Discretion as well as the Prescriptions of the Faculty, prohibit any close Application of Mind to Books or Business\u2014Amusement, Amusement is the only study that I follow. Now Letter-Writing is, to me, the most agreable Amusement I can find: and Writing to you the most entertaining and Agreable of all Letter-Writing. So that a Nest of an hundred, would cost me Nothing at all.\u2014What say you my Dear? Are you not much obliged to me, for making you the cheapest of all possible Presents?\n     Shall I continue to write you, so much, and so often after I get to Town? Shall I send you, an History of the whole Voyage? Shall I draw You the Characters of all, who visit me? Shall I describe to you all the Conversations I have? I am about to make my Appearance on a new Theatre, new to me. I have never been much conversant in scenes, where Drs., Nurses, Watchers, &c. make the Principal Actors. It will be a Curiosity to me. Will it be so to you? I was always pleased to see human Nature in a Variety of shapes. And if I should be much alone, and feel in tolerable Spirits, it will be a Diversion to commit my Observations to Writing.\n     I believe I could furnish a Cabinet of Letters upon these subjects which would be exceeded in Curiosity, by nothing, but by a sett describing the Characters, Diversions, Meals, Wit, Drollery, Jokes, Smutt, and Stories of the Guests at a Tavern in Plymouth where I lodge, when at that Court\u2014which could be equalled by nothing excepting a minute History of Close stools and Chamber Potts, and of the Operation of Pills, Potions and Powders, in the Preparation for the small Pox.\n     Heaven forgive me for suffering my Imagination to straggle into a Region of Ideas so nauseous And abominable: and suffer me to return to my Project of writing you a Journal. You would have a great Variety of Characters\u2014Lawyers, Physicians (no Divines I believe), a Number of Tradesmen, Country Colonells, Ladies, Girls, Nurses, Watchers, Children, Barbers &c. &c. &c. But among all These, there is but one whose Character I would give much to know better than I do at present. In a Word I am an old Fellow, and have seen so many Characters in my Day, that I am almost weary of Observing them.\u2014Yet I doubt whether I understand human Nature or the World very well or not?\n     There is not much Satisfaction in the study of Mankind to a benevolent Mind. It is a new Moon, Nineteen Twentyeths of it opaque and unenlightened.\n     Intimacy with the most of People, will bring you acquainted with Vices and Errors, and Follies enough to make you despize them. Nay Intimacy with the most celebrated will very much diminish our Reverence and Admiration.\n     What say you now my dear shall I go on with my Design of Writing Characters?\u2014Answer as you please, there is one Character, that whether I draw it on Paper or not, I cannot avoid thinking on every Hour, and considering sometimes together and sometimes asunder, the Excellencies and Defects in it. It is almost the only one that has encreased, for many Years together, in Proportion to Acquaintance and Intimacy, in the Esteem, Love and Admiration of your\n      John Adams", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-12-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0022", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to John Adams, 12 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Adams, John\n      My Dearest Friend\n      Weymouth April 12. 1764\n     Here am I all alone, in my Chamber, a mere Nun I assure you, after professing myself thus will it not be out of Character to confess that my thoughts are often employ\u2019d about Lysander, \u201cout of the abundance of the Heart, the mouth speaketh,\u201d and why Not the Mind thinketh.\n     Received the pacquet you so generously bestowed upon me. To say I Fasted after such an entertainment, would be wronging my Conscience and wounding Truth. How kind is it in you, thus by frequent tokens of remembrance to alleviate the pangs of absence, by this I am convinced that I am often in your Thoughts, which is a satisfaction to me, notwithstanding you tell me that you sometimes view the dark side of your Diana, and there no doubt you discover many Spots\u2014which I rather wish were erased, than conceal\u2019d from you. Do not judge by this, that your opinion is an indifferent thing to me, (were it so, I should look forward with a heavey Heart,) but it is far otherways, for I had rather stand fair there, and be thought well of by Lysander than by the greater part of the World besides. I would fain hope that those faults which you discover, proceed more, from a wrong Head, than a bad Heart. E\u2019er long May I be connected with a Friend from whose Example I may form a\n      more faultless conduct, and whose benevolent mind will lead him to pardon, what he cannot amend.\n     The Nest of Letters which you so undervalue, were to me a much more welcome present than a Nest of Baskets, tho every stran of those had been gold and silver. I do not estimate everything according to the price the world set upon it, but according to the value it is of to me, thus that which was cheapest to you I look upon as highly valuable.\n     You ask whether you shall send a History of the whole voyage, characters, visits, conversations &c. &c. It is the very thing that I designd this Evening to have requested of you, but you have prevented my asking, by kindly offering it. You will greatly oblige me by it, and it will be no small amusement to me in my State of Seperation. Among the many who will visit, I expect Arpasia will be one, I want her character drawn by your pen (Aurelia says she appears most agreable in her Letters). I know you are a critical observer, and your judgment of people generally plases me. Sometimes you know, I think you too severe, and that you do not make quite so many allowances as Humane Nature requires, but perhaps this may be oweing to my unacquainedness with the World. Your Business Naturly leads you to a nearer inspection of Mankind, and to see the corruptions of the Heart, which I believe you often find desperately wicked and deceitful.\n     Methinks I have abundance to say to you. What is next? O that I should have been extreemly glad to have seen you to Day. Last Fast Day, if you remember, we spent together, and why might we not this? Why I can tell you, we might, if we had been together, have been led into temptation. I dont mean to commit any Evil, unless setting up late, and thereby injuring our Health, may be called so. To that I could have submitted without much remorse of Conscience, that would have had but little weight with me, had you not bid me adieu, the last time I saw you. The reflexion of what I that forenoon endured, has been ever since sufficient to deter me from wishing to see you again, till you can come and go, as you formerly used to.\n     Betsy sends her Love to you, says she designd to have kissed you before you went away, but you made no advances, and she never haveing been guilty of such an action, knew not how to attempt it. Know you of any figure in the Mathematicks whereby you can convey one to her? Inclining lines that meet in the same center, will not that figure come as nigh as any?\n     What think you of the weather. We have had a very promissing afternoon, tho the forenoon threatned a Storm. I am in great hopes that Sol will not refuse his benign influence tomorrow.\n     To-Morrow you leave Braintree. My best wishes attend you. With Marcia I say \n        \u201cO Ye immortal powers! that guard the just\n        Watch round his Head, and soften the Disease\n        Banish all Sorrow from his Mind\n        Becalm his Soul with pleasing thoughts\n        And shew Mankind that virtue is your care.\u201d\n       Thus for Lysander prays his\n      A Smith\n      PS Let me hear from you soon as possible, and as often. By sending your Letters to the Doctor believe you may get conveyance often. I rejoice to hear you feel so comfortable. Still be careful, good folks are scarce. My Mamma has just been up, and asks to whom I am writing. I answerd not very readily. Upon my hesitating\u2014Send my Love say\u2019d she to Mr. Adams, tell him he has my good wishes for his Safty. A good Night to you\u2014my fire is out. Pray be so kind (as to deliver) or send if they dont visit you, these Letters as directed.\n      Fryday morning\n     What a Beautiful morning it is, I almost wish I was going with you.\u2014Here I send the Books, papa prays you would be careful of them. I send you some tobacco to smoke your Letters over, tho I dont imagine you will use it all that way.\u2014A pleasent ride to you. Breakfast calls your\n      A Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0023", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 13 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      My dearest\n     We arrived at Captn. Cunninghams, about Twelve O\u2019Clock and sent our Compliments to Dr. Perkins. The Courrier returned with Answer that the Dr. was determined to inoculate no more without a Preparation preevious to Inoculation. That We should have written to him and have received Directions from him, and Medicine, before We came into Town. I was surprized and chagrined. I wrote, instantly, a Letter to him, and informed him we had been under a Preparation of his prescribing, and that I presumed Dr. Tufts had informed him, that We depended on him, in Preference to any other Gentleman. The Dr. came, immediately with Dr. Warren, in a Chaise\u2014And after an Apology, for his not Recollecting\u2014(I am obliged to break off my Narration, in order to swallow a Porringer of Hasty Pudding and Milk. I have done my Dinner)\u2014for not recollecting what Dr. Tufts had told him, Dr. Perkins demanded my left Arm and Dr. Warren my Brothers.\n      They took their Launcetts and with their Points divided the skin for about a Quarter of an Inch and just suffering the Blood to appear, buried a Thread about half a Quarter of an Inch long in the Channell. A little Lint was then laid over the scratch and a Piece of a Ragg pressed on, and then a Bandage bound over all\u2014my Coat and waistcoat put on, and I was bid to go where and do what I pleased. (Dont you think the Dr. has a good Deal of Confidence in my Discretion, thus to leave me to it?)\n     The Doctors have left us Pills red and black to take Night and Morning. But they looked very sagaciously and importantly at us, and ordered my Brother, larger Doses than me, on Account of the Difference in our Constitutions. Dr. Perkins is a short, thick sett, dark Complexioned, Yet pale Faced, Man, (Pale faced I say, which I was glad to see, because I have a great Regard for a Pale Face, in any Gentleman of Physick, Divinity or Law. It indicates search and study). Gives himself the alert, chearful Air and Behaviour of a Physician, not forgeting the solemn, important and wise. Warren is a pretty, tall, Genteel, fair faced young Gentleman. Not quite so much Assurance in his Address, as Perkins, (perhaps because Perkins was present) Yet shewing fully that he knows the Utility thereof, and that he will soon, practice it in full Perfection.\n     The Doctors, having finished the Operation and left Us, their Directions and Medicines, took their Departure in infinite Haste, depend on\u2019t.\n     I have one Request to make, which is that you would be very careful in making Tom, Smoke all the Letters from me, very faithfully, before you, or any of the Family reads them. For, altho I shall never fail to smoke them myself before sealing, Yet I fear the Air of this House will be too much infected, soon, to be absolutely without Danger, and I would not you should take the Distemper, by Letter from me, for Millions. I write at a Desk far removed from any sick Room, and shall use all the Care I can, but too much cannot be used.\n     I have written thus far, and it is 45 Minutes Past one O Clock and no more.\n     My Love to all. My hearty Thanks to Mamma for her kind Wishes. My Regards as due to Pappa, and should request his Prayers, which are always becoming, and especially at such Times, when We are undertaking any Thing of Consequence as the small Pox, undoubtedly, tho, I have not the Least Apprehension att all of what is called Danger.\n      I am as ever Yr.\n      John Adams", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-14-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0024", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 14 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      Saturday. Two O Clock 14 April 1764\n     The Deacon and his Three Children are arrivd and the Operation has been performed, and all well. And now our Hospital is full. There are Ten, of Us, under this Roof, now expecting to be sick. One, of Us, Mr. Wheat, begins to complain of a Pain Under his Arm and in his Knees, and about his Back, so that We expect within a few Hours to see the Course of the Eruption and of the fever that preeceeds and accompanies it.\n     Your Friends, Miss Paine and Miss Nicholson have been here, and are gone. I delivered your Letters. Arpasia asked me, if you was five feet and six Inches tall? I replyd I had not taken Measure as Yet. You know the Meaning of this Question. She is neither Tall, nor short, neither lean nor fat\u2014pitted with the small Pox\u2014a fine Bloom. Features somewhat like Esther Quincy\u2019s. An Eye, that indicates not only Vivacity, but Fire\u2014not only Resolution, but Intrepidity. (Scandal protect me, Candor forgive me.) I cannot say that the Kindness, the softness, the Tenderness, that constitutes the Characteristick Excellence of your sex, and for the Want of which no Abilities can atone, are very conspicuous Either in her Face, Air or Behaviour.\n     Is it not insufferable thus to remark on a Lady whose face I have once only and then but just seen and with whom I have only exchangd two or three Words? Shes a Buxom Lass however, and I own I longed for a Game of Romps with her, and should infallibly have taken one, only I thought the Dress I was in, the Air I had breathd and especially the Medicine I had taken, would not very greatly please a Lady, a stranger, of much Delicacy. Poll. Palmer and I shall unquestionably go to romping very soon.\n     Perkins, Sprague and Lord, are the Physicians that attend this House. Each has a few Particulars in Point of Diet, in which he differs from the others, and Each has Pills and Powders, different from the others to administer, different at least in size, and shape and Colour. I like my own vastly the best, tho Dr. Lord is really a Man of sense.\n     I fear I must write less than I have done. The Drs. dont approve it. They will allow of nothing scarcly but the Card Table, Chequer Bord, Flute, Violin, and singing, unless, Tittle Tattle, Roll and Tumble, shuttle Cock &c.\n      Pray write as often as you can to yr.\n      John Adams", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-15-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0025", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to John Adams, 15 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Adams, John\n      Sunday Noon Weymouth April th 15 1764\n     Mr. Cranch informs me that Hones will go to Town tomorrow, and that I may not miss one opportunity, have now taken my pen to thank you for yours by Tom, and also for that which I have just now received by Mr. Ayres. You seem in high Spirits at which you know I rejoice. Your minute description of the persons you have seen, are very entertaining to me. I cannot consent you should omit writing, unless you find it prejudicial to your Health, if so I have not a word more to say. But, if amusement is all they require, why is not one amusement as good as an other, it may be those who forbid you cannot conceive that writing to a Lady is any amusement, perhaps they rank it under the Head of drudgery, and hard Labour.\n     However all I insist upon is that you follow that amusement which is most agreable to you whether it be Cards, Chequers, Musick, Writing, or Romping.\n     May not I hear from you by Hones? I shall take all possible care that the Letters I receive be well smoked before I venture upon them, enclose the Letters in a cover, but seal only the out side, Tom makes bungling work opening them, and tares them sadly.\n     As to any other of the familys being endangerd by them, there is no fear of that, they are very good, and let me enjoy my Letters to myself unless I vouchsafe they should see them. So Miser like I hoard them up, and am not very communicative.\n     Your Mamma doubtless would rejoice to hear from you, if you write you may enclose to me, I will take good care of it, if you want any thing I can serve you in, let me know, have you milk eno? You have a large number, who I suppose live upon it, write me if it would be agreable to You to have some.\n     Tis meeting time, the Bell rings. Adieue, my Friend\u2014My \u2014\u2014 add what else you please. And always believe me What I really am Your own\n      A Smith\n      My Love to Myra. We all desire to be rememberd to you. Your Daughter Betsy is a charming Girl, and Lisps her Love to her papa. My Regards to whom, and whenever you please to bestow them\u2014to your Brother in perticuliar. Once more adieue.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-17-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0027", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 17 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      Tuesday 17th. April 1764\n     Yours of April 15th. this moment received. I thank You for it\u2014and for your offer of Milk, but We have Milk in vast Abundance, and every Thing else that we want except Company.\n     You cant imagine how finely my Brother and I live. We have, as much Bread and as much new pure Milk, as much Pudding, and Rice, and indeed as much of every Thing of the farinaceous Kind as We please\u2014and the Medicine We take is not att all nauseous, or painfull.\n     And our Felicity is the greater, as five Persons in the same Room, under the Care of Lord And Church, are starved and medicamented with the utmost severity. No Bread, No Pudding, No Milk is permitted them, i.e. no pure and simple Milk, (they are allowed a Mixture of Half Milk and Half Water) and every other Day they are tortured with Powders that make them as sick as Death and as weak as Water. All this may be necessary for them for what I know, as Lord is professedly against any Preparation previous to Inoculation. In which opinion I own I was fully agreed with him, till lately. But Experience has convinced me of my Mistake, and I have felt and now feel every Hour, the Advantage and the Wisdom of the contrary Doctrine.\n     Dr. Tufts and your Brother have been here to see Us this Morning. They are charmingly well and chearfull, tho they are lean and weak.\n     Messrs. Quincy\u2019s Samuel and Josiah, have the Distemper very lightly. I asked Dr. Perkins how they had it. The Dr. answerd in the style of the Faculty \u201cOh Lord sir; infinitely light!\u201d It is extreamly pleasing, says he, wherever we go We see every Body passing thro this tremendous Distemper, in the lightest, easiest manner, conceivable.\n     The Dr. meaned, those who have the Distemper by Inoculation in the new Method, for those who have it in the natural Way, are Objects of as much Horror, as ever. There is a poor Man, in this Neighbourhood, one Bass, now labouring with it, in the natural Way. He is in a good Way of Recovery, but is the most shocking sight, that can be seen. They say he is no more like a Man than he is like an Hog or an Horse\u2014swelled to three times his size, black as bacon, blind as a stone. I had when I was first inoculated a great Curiosity to go and see him; but the Dr. said I had better not go out, and my Friends thought it would give me a disagreable Turn. My Unkle brought up one Vinal who has just recoverd of it in the natural Way to see Us, and show Us. His face is torn all to Pieces, and is as rugged as Braintree Commons.\n     This Contrast is forever before the Eyes of the whole Town, Yet it is said there are 500 Persons, who continue to stand it out, in spight of Experience, the Expostulations of the Clergy, both in private and from the Desk, the unwearied Persuasions of the select Men, and the perpetual Clamour and astonishment of the People, and to expose themselves to this Distemper in the natural Way!\u2014Is Man a rational Creature think You?\u2014Conscience, forsooth and scruples are the Cause.\u2014I should think my self, a deliberate self Murderer, I mean that I incurred all the Guilt of deliberate self Murther, if I should only stay in this Town and run the Chance of having it in the natural Way.\n     Mr. Wheat is broke out, and is now at the Card Table to amuze himself. He will not be able to get above a score or two. Badger has been pretty lazy and lolling, and achy about the Head and Knees and Back, for a Day or two, and the Messengers appear upon him, that foretell the compleat Appearance of the Pox in about 24. Hours.\n     Thus We see others, Under the symptoms, and all the Pains that attend the Distemper, under the present Management, every Hour, and are neither dismayed nor in the least disconcerted, or dispirited. But are every one of Us wishing that his Turn might come next, that it might be over, and we about our Business, and I return to my Farm, my Garden, but above all, to my Diana who is the best of all Friends, And the Richest of all Blessings to her own\n      Lysander\n     How shall I express my Gratitude to your Mamma and your self, for your Kind Care and Concern for me. Am extreamly obliged for the Milk, and the Apples. But would not have you trouble yourselves any more for We have a sufficient, a plentiful supply, of those, and every other good Thing that is permitted Us. Balm is a Commodity in very great Demand and very scarce, here, and there is a great Number of Us to drink of its inspiring Infusion, so that my Unkle, Aunt, and all the Patients under their Roof would be obligd, as well as myself, if you could send me some more.\n     I received Your agreable Favour by Hannes, this Morning, and had but just finished My Answer to it, when I received the other, by Tom.\n     I never receive a Line from you without a Revivification of Spirits, and a joyful Heart. I long to hear that\u2014something you promissed to tell me, in your next. What can that Thing be? thought I. My busy fancy will be speculating and conjecturing about it, night and day, I suppose, till your next Letter shall unriddle the Mystery. You are a wanton, malicious, what shall I call you for putting me in this Puzzle and Teaze for a day or two, when you might have informd me in a Minute.\n     You had best reconsider and retract that bold speech of yours I assure You. For I assure you there is another Character, besides that of Critick, in which, if you never did, you always hereafter shall fear me, or I will know the Reason why.\n     Oh. Now I think on\u2019t I am determined very soon to write you, an Account in minute Detail of the many Faults I have observed in you. You remember I gave you an Hint that I had observed some, in one of my former Letters. You\u2019l be surprized, when you come to find the Number of them.\n     By the Way I have heard since I came to Town an Insinuation to your Disadvantage, which I will inform you off, as soon as you have unravelled Your Enigma.\n     We have very litle News, and very little Conversation in Town about any Thing, but the Adulterated Callomel that kill\u2019d a Patient at the Castle, as they say. The Town divides into Parties about it, and Each Party endeavours to throw the Blame, as usual, where his Interest, or Affections, prompt him to wish it might go.\n     Where the Blame will center, or where the Quarrell will terminate, I am not able to foresee.\n     The Persons talked of are Dr. Gelston, Mr. Wm. Greenleaf, the Apothecary who married Sally Quincy, and the Serjeant, French a Braintree man, who is said to have caried the Druggs from the Apothecary to the Physician. But I think the Serjeant is not much suspected. After all, whether any Body att all is to blame, is with me a dispute.\n     Make my Compliments to all the formall, give my Duty to all the honourable, and my Love to all the Friendly, whether at Germantown, Weymouth or Elsewhere, that enquire after me, and believe me to be with unalterable Affection Yr.\n      J. Adams\n      40 minutes after one O. Clock Tuesday April 17th. 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-19-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0029", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to John Adams, 19 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Adams, John\n      Thursday Eve.\u2014Weymouth April th 19 1764\n     Why my good Man, thou hast the curiosity of a Girl. Who could have believed that only a slight hint would have set thy imagination a gig in such a manner. And a fine encouragement I have to unravel the Mistery as thou callest it. Nothing less truly than to be told Something to my disadvantage. What an excellent reward that will be? In what Court of justice did\u2019st thou learn that equity? I thank thee Friend such knowledg as that is easy eno\u2019 to be obtained without paying for it. As to the insinuation, it doth not give me any uneasiness, for if it is any thing very bad, I know thou dost not believe it. I am not conscious of any harm that I have done, or wished to any Mortal. I bear no Malice to any Being. To my Enimies, (if any I have) I am willing to afford assistance; therefore towards Man, I maintain a Conscience void of offence.\n     Yet by this I mean not that I am faultless, but tell me what is the Reason that persons had rather acknowledg themselves guilty, than be accused by others. Is it because they are more tender of themselves, or because they meet with more favor from others, when they ingenuously confess. Let that be as it will there is something which makes it more agreeable to condemn ourselves than to be condemned by others.\n     But altho it is vastly disagreeable to be accused of faults, yet no person ought to be offended when such accusations are deliverd in the Spirit of Friendship.\u2014I now call upon you to fullfill your promise, and tell me all my faults, both of omission and commission, and all the Evil you either know, or think of me, be to me a second conscience, nor put me off to a more convenient Season. There can be no time more proper than the present, it will be harder to erase them when habit has strengthned and confirmd them.\n     Do not think I triffle. These are really meant as words of Truth and Soberness\u2014for the present good Night.\n     Fryday Morning April th 20\n     What does it signify, why may not I visit you a Days as well as Nights? I no sooner close my Eyes than some invisible Being, swift as the Alborack of Mahomet, bears me to you. I see you, but cannot make my self visible to you. That tortures me, but it is still worse when I do not come for I am then haunted by half a dozen ugly Sprights. One will catch me and leep into the Sea, an other will carry me up a precipice (like that which Edgar describes to Lear,) then toss me down, and were I not then light as the Gosemore I should shiver into atoms\u2014an other will be pouring down my throat stuff worse than the witches Broth in Macbeth.\u2014Where I shall be carried next I know not, but I had rather have the small pox by inoculation half a dozen times, than be sprighted about as I am. What say you can you give me any encouragement to come? By the time you receive this hope from experience you will be able to say that the distemper is but a triffle. Think you I would not endure a triffle for\n      the pleasure of seeing Lysander, yes were it ten times that triffle I would.\u2014But my own inclinations must not be followed\u2014to Duty I sacrifice them. Yet O my Mamma forgive me if I say, you have forgot, or never knew\u2014but hush.\u2014And do you Lysander excuse me that something I promis\u2019d you, since it was a Speach more undutifull than that which I Just now stop\u2019d my self in\u2014for the present good by.\n     Fryday Evening\n     I hope you smoke your Letters well, before you deliver them. Mamma is so fearful least I should catch the distemper, that she hardly ever thinks the Letters are sufficently purified. Did you never rob a Birds nest? Do you remember how the poor Bird would fly round and round, fearful to come nigh, yet not know how to leave the place\u2014just so they say I hover round Tom whilst he is smokeing my Letters.\n     But heigh day Mr. whats your Name?\u2014who taught you to threaten so vehemently \u201ca Character besides that of critick, in which if I never did, I always hereafter shall fear you.\u201d\n     Thou canst not prove a villan, imposible. I therefore still insist upon it, that I neither do, nor can fear thee. For my part I know not that there is any pleasure in being feard, but if there is, I hope you will be so generous as to fear your Diana that she may at least be made sensible of the pleasure.\n     Mr. Ayers will bring you this Letter, and the Bag. Do not repine\u2014it is fill\u2019d with Balm.\n     Here is Love, respects, regards, good wishes\u2014a whole waggon load of them sent you from all the good folks in the Neighbourhood.\n     To morrow makes the 14th Day. How many more are to come? I dare not trust my self with the thought. Adieu. Let me hear from you by Mr. Ayers, and excuse this very bad writing, if you had mended my pen it would have been better, once more adieu. Gold and Silver have I none, but such as I have, give I unto thee\u2014which is the affectionate Regard of Your\n      A Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-19-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0030", "content": "Title: Cotton Tufts to Abigail Smith, 19 April 1764\nFrom: Tufts, Cotton\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      My Dear\n     It was not forgetfulness, that prevented my writing. You must not ascribe to forgetfulness my not writing to You for some time past, it was A Fear had a Letter from me at the Time of Eruption and for some days after would have been disagreable. You must think, that Distance of Place or Even Pain and Distress is not able to erase the tender Affection which I have for my Friends and You my Dear have a right to my Affection in particular having in the State of Childhood assisted You as a Physician for the same Reasons mentiond in Yours that I have a Claim to Yours. I never design\u2019d that You should have open\u2019d Pandora\u2019s Box, as such it seem\u2019d to be to You. All I can say upon the Affair is that if Your delicate Stomach receiv\u2019d a gentle Heave, You must comfort yourself with the trite saying \u201cPay for Peeping\u201d (I do not know whether I spell the word right).\n     I think You are grown very good at Weymouth and extremely peaceable, and quiet. But by this Time I believe You are full of News, and it will be a Wonder if a little Scandall dont drop\u2014for I can assure You there has been enough of it here in Town. Poor Wm. Greenleaf has been burnt, hang\u2019d, Gibbited and I dont now what\u2014and I am apt to think but with very little Reason. Time will perhaps discover something curious in this Affair.\n     I saw Your Friend Yesterday and the day before. He will have the Disorder lightly, for You must Note I am become Connoisseur in this Business.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0032", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to John Adams, 30 April 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Adams, John\n      Dear Lysander\n      Weymouth April 30. 1764\n     Your Friendly Epistle reach\u2019d me a fryday morning, it came like an Infernal Mesenger, thro fire and Brimstone, Yet it brought me tidings of great joy. With gratitude may this month be ever rememberd by Diana. You have been peculiarly favourd, and may be numberd with those who have had the distemper lightest. What would I give that I was as well thro it. I thank you for your offerd Service, but you know that I am not permitted to enjoy the benifit of it.\n     Yesterday the Dr. returnd to our no small Satisfaction. I think there is but one person upon Earth, the Sight of whom would have more rejoiced me. But \u201cnot Sight alone would please.\u201d It would therefore be adviseable to keep at an unseeable distance till any approach would not endanger.\n     I was yesterday at the Meeting of a Gentleman and his Lady. Cloathes all shifted\u2014no danger\u2014and no fear. A how do ye, and a how do ye, was exchanged between them, a Smile, and a good naturd look. Upon my word I believe they were glad to see each other. A tender meeting. I was affected with it. And thought whether Lysander, under like circumstances could thus coldly meet his Diana, and whether Diana could with no more Emotion receive Lysander. What think you. I dare answer for a different meeting on her part were She under no restraint. When may that meeting be? Hear you have sent for your Horse, the Doctor tells me that you rode out a friday, do not venture abroad too soon, very bad winds for invalids tho I hear you stand it like an oak.\u2014O by the way you have not told me that insinuation to my disadvantage which you promised me. Now methinks I see you criticizeing\u2014What upon Earth is the Girl after. Where is the connexion between my standing the distemper like\n      an oak, and an insinuation to her disadvantage?\u2014Why I did not expect that a short sighted mortal would comprehend it, it was a Complex Idea if I may so express myself. And in my mind there was a great connexion. I will show you how it came about. \u201cI did expect this purgation of Lysander would have set us on a level and have renderd him a Sociable creature, but Ill Luck, he stands it like an oak, and is as haughty as ever.\u201d Now mentioning one part of this Sentance, brought to mind the accusation of haughtiness, and your faults naturally lead me to think of my own. But here look yee. I have more than insinuations against you. \u201cAn intolerable forbiding expecting Silence, which lays such a restraint upon but moderate Modesty that tis imposible for a Stranger to be tranquil in your presence.\u201d What say you to that charge? Deny it not, for by experience I know it to be true. Yes to this day I feel a greater restraint in your Company, than in that of allmost any other\n      person on Earth, but thought I had reasons by myself to account for it, and knew not that others were affected in the same manner till a late complaint was enterd against you. Is there any thing austere in your countanance? Indeed I cannot recollect any thing. Yet when I have been most pained I have throughly studied it, but never could discover one trace of the severe. Must it not then be something in Behaviour, (ask Silvia, (not Arpasia for these are not her complaints) what it is) else why should not I feel as great restraint when I write. But to go on, \u201cWhy did he read Grandison, the very reverse in practice. Sir Charles call\u2019d forth every one\u2019s excellencies, but never was a thought born in Lysanders presence.\u201d Unsociable Being, is an other charge. Bid a Lady hold her Tongue when she was tenderly inquireing after your wellfare, why that sounds like want of Breeding. It looks not like Lysander for it wears the face of ingratitude.\u2014I expect you\n       to clear up these matters, without being in the least saucy.\n     As to the charge of Haughtiness I am certain that is a mistake, for if I know any thing of Lysander, he has as little of that in his disposition, as he has of Ill nature. But for Saucyness no Mortal can match him, no not even His\n      Diana\n      N.B. Remember me to Silvia and Myra.\n      Shall I hear from you by Mr. Ayers. If not do not fail writing by the Doctor who will be in Town a thursday. If he brings a letter suppose he will smoke it too, you understand me.\n      Yours unfeignedly,\n     A Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-04-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0033", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 4 May 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      Four O Clock afternoon May 4th. 1764\n     Returned from a Ramble in Town which began at 10 in the Morning. Dined with my Friend S. Adams and Wm. Checkley, and visited &c.\u2014so that this is the first Moment of my Knowledge of my Letters or the Dr. being in Town.\n     Once I have ridden to Dorchester Meeting House in a Chaise with Myra, another Day, round the Town, and over the Neck in a Chaise with Myra, and Yesterday I rode on Horse back into the Country twelve Miles out and in, with one of my Hospital Companions. We are all well but one, who is more hysterical than any ancient Maiden, in the Gout. An History of his Oddities, would be a Curiosity. But the Man is in no Danger, his small Pox is all gone, and he can eat his Pint of Chocolate, and drink his Bowl of Claret sangaree, as well as any Man.\n     I have had a fine Time of it. I drank Frontinac and Mountain Malaga, and eat Oysters in order to make the Pock fill well, till I filld up about 30 fine ones.\n     The Dr. waits and wont light.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-07-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0035", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 7 May 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      Boston May 7th. 1764\n     I promised you, Sometime agone, a Catalogue of your Faults, Imperfections, Defects, or whatever you please to call them. I feel at present, pretty much at Leisure, and in a very suitable Frame of Mind to perform my Promise. But I must caution you, before I proceed to recollect yourself, and instead of being vexed or fretted or thrown into a Passion, to resolve upon a Reformation\u2014for this is my sincere Aim, in laying before you, this Picture of yourself.\n     In the first Place, then, give me leave to say, you have been extreamly negligent, in attending so little to Cards. You have very litle Inclination, to that noble and elegant Diversion, and whenever you have taken an Hand you have held it but aukwardly and played it, with a very uncourtly, and indifferent, Air. Now I have Confidence enough in your good sense, to rely upon it, you will for the future endeavour to make a better Figure in this elegant and necessary Accomplishment.\n     Another Thing, which ought to be mentioned, and by all means amended, is, the Effect of a Country Life and Education, I mean, a certain Modesty, sensibility, Bashfulness, call it by which of these Names you will, that enkindles Blushes forsooth at every Violation of Decency, in Company, and lays a most insupportable Constraint on the freedom of Behaviour. Thanks to the late Refinements of modern manners, Hypocrisy, superstition, and Formality have lost all Reputation in the World and the utmost sublimation of Politeness and Gentility lies, in Ease, and Freedom, or in other Words in a natural Air and Behaviour, and in expressing a satisfaction at whatever is suggested and prompted by Nature, which the aforesaid Violations of Decency, most certainly are.\n     In the Third Place, you could never yet be prevail\u2019d on to learn to sing. This I take very soberly to be an Imperfection of the most moment of any. An Ear for Musick would be a source of much Pleasure, and a Voice and skill, would be a private solitary Amusement, of great Value when no other could be had. You must have remarked an Example of this in Mrs. Cranch, who must in all probability have been deafened to Death with the Cries of her Betcy, if she had not drowned them in Musick of her own.\n     In the Fourth Place you very often hang your Head like a Bulrush. You do not sit, erected as you ought, by which Means, it happens that you appear too short for a Beauty, and the Company looses the sweet smiles of that Countenance and the bright sparkles of those Eyes.\u2014This Fault is the Effect and Consequence of another, still more inexcusable in a Lady. I mean an Habit of Reading, Writing and Thinking. But both the Cause and the Effect ought to be repented and amended as soon as possible.\n     Another Fault, which seems to have been obstinately persisted in, after frequent Remonstrances, Advices and Admonitions of your Friends, is that of sitting with the Leggs across. This ruins the figure and the Air, this injures the Health. And springs I fear from the former source vizt. too much Thinking.\u2014These Things ought not to be!\n     A sixth Imperfection is that of Walking, with the Toes bending inward. This Imperfection is commonly called Parrot-toed, I think, I know not for what Reason. But it gives an Idea, the reverse of a bold and noble Air, the Reverse of the stately strutt, and the sublime Deportment.\n     Thus have I given a faithful Portraiture of all the Spotts, I have hitherto discerned in this Luminary. Have not regarded Order, but have painted them as they arose in my Memory. Near Three Weeks have I conned and studied for more, but more are not to be discovered. All the rest is bright and luminous.\n     Having finished the Picture I finish my Letter, lest while I am recounting Faults, I should commit the greatest in a Letter, that of tedious and excessive Length. There\u2019s a prettily turned Conclusion for You! from yr.\n      Lysander", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0036", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 8 May 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      Dr. Diana\n     This Morning received yours by Mr. Ayers. I can say nothing to the Contents at present, being obliged to employ all my Time in preparing for Braintree. I write only to thank you, and let you know I come home Tomorrow.\u2014But when I shall see Diana, is uncertain. In the Warfare between Inclination and Prudence, I believe Prudence must prevail, especially as that Virtue will in this Case be seconded by the sincerest of all Affections, that of Lysander for Diana.\n      Lysander", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0037", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to John Adams, 9 May 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Adams, John\n      Weymouth May. th 9 1764\n     Welcome, Welcome thrice welcome is Lysander to Braintree, but ten times more so would he be at Weymouth, whither you are afraid to come.\u2014Once it was not so. May not I come and see you, at least look thro a window at you? Should you not be glad to see your Diana? I flatter myself you would.\n     Your Brother brought your Letter, tho he did not let me see him, deliverd it the Doctor from whom received it safe. I thank you for your Catalogue, but must confess I was so hardned as to read over most of my Faults with as much pleasure, as an other person would have read their perfections. And Lysander must excuse me if I still persist in some of them, at least till I am convinced that an alteration would contribute to his happiness. Especially may I avoid that Freedom of Behaviour which according to the plan given, consists in Voilations of Decency, and which would render me unfit to Herd even with the Brutes. And permit me to tell you Sir, nor disdain to be a learner, that there is such a thing as Modesty without either Hypocricy or Formality.\n     As to a neglect of Singing, that I acknowledg to be a Fault which if posible shall not be complaind of a second time, nor should you have had occasion for it now, if I had not a voice harsh as the screech of a peacock.\n     The Capotal fault shall be rectified, tho not with any hopes of being lookd upon as a Beauty, to appear agreeable in the Eyes of Lysander, has been for Years past, and still is the height of my ambition.\n     The 5th fault, will endeavour to amend of it, but you know I think that a gentleman has no business to concern himself about the Leggs of a Lady, for my part I do not apprehend any bad effects from the practise, yet since you desire it, and that you may not for the future trouble Yourself so much about it, will reform.\n     The sixth and last can be cured only by a Dancing School.\n     But I must not write more. I borrow a hint from you, therefore will not add to my faults that of a tedious Letter\u2014a fault I never yet had reason to complain of in you, for however long, they never were otherways than agreeable to your own\n      A Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0038", "content": "Title: John Adams to Abigail Smith, 30 September 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Adams, Abigail\n      My dear Diana\n     I have this Evening been to see the Girl.\u2014What Girl? Pray, what Right have you to go after Girls?\u2014Why, my Dear, the Girl I mentioned to you, Miss Alice Brackett. But Miss has hitherto acted in the Character of an House-Keeper, and her noble aspiring Spirit had rather rise to be a Wife than descend to be a Maid.\n     To be serious, however, she says her Uncle, whose House she keeps cannot possibly spare her, these two Months, if then, and she has no Thoughts of leaving him till the Spring, when she intends for Boston to become a Mantua Maker.\n     So that We are still to seek. Girls enough from fourteen to four and Twenty, are mentioned to me, but the Character of every Mothers Daughter of them is as yet problematical to me. Hannah Crane (pray dont you want to have her, my Dear) has sent several Messages to my Mother, that she will live with you as cheap, as any Girl in the Country. She is stout and able and for what I know willing, but I fear not honest, for which Reason I presume you will think of her no more.\n     Another Girl, one Rachael Marsh, has been recommended to me as a clever Girl, and a neat one, and one that wants a Place. She was bred in the Family of one of our substantial Farmers and it is likely understands Country Business, But whether she would answer your Purposes, so well as another, I am somewhat in Doubt.\n     I have heard of a Number of younger Girls of Fourteen and thereabout, but these I suppose you would not choose.\n     It must therefore be left with you to make Enquiry, and determine for yourself. If you could hear of a suitable Person at Mistick or Newtown, on many Accounts she would be preferable to one, nearer home.\n     So much for Maids\u2014now for the Man. I shall leave orders for Brackett, to go to Town, Wednesday or Thurdsday with an Horse Cart. You will get ready by that Time and ship aboard, as many Things as you think proper.\n     It happens very unfortunately that my Business calls me away at this Juncture for two Weeks together, so that I can take no Care at all about Help or Furniture or any Thing else. But Necessity has no Law.\n     Tomorrow Morning I embark for Plymouth\u2014with a fowl disordered stomach, a pale Face, an Aching Head and an Anxious Heart. And What Company shall I find there? Why a Number of bauling Lawyers, drunken Squires, and impertinent and stingy Clients. If you realize this, my Dear, since you have agreed to run fortunes with me, you will submit with less Reluctance to any little Disappointments and Anxieties you may meet in the Conduct of your own Affairs.\n     I have a great Mind to keep a Register of all the stories, Squibbs, Gibes, and Compliments, I shall hear thro the whole Week. If I should I could entertain you with as much Wit, Humour, smut, Filth, Delicacy, Modesty and Decency, tho not with so exact Mimickry, as a certain Gentleman did the other Evening. Do you wonder, my Dear, why that Gentleman does not succeed in Business, when his whole study and Attention has so manifestly been engaged in the nobler Arts of smutt, Double Ententre, and Mimickry of Dutchmen and Negroes? I have heard that Imitators, tho they imitate well, Master Pieces in elegant and valuable Arts, are a servile Cattle. And that Mimicks are the lowest Species of Imitators, and I should think that Mimicks of Dutchmen and Negroes were the most sordid of Mimicks. If so, to what a Depth of the Profound have we plunged that Gentlemans Character. Pardon me, my dear, you know that Candour is my Characteristick\u2014as it is undoubtedly of all the Ladies who are entertained with that Gents Conversation.\n     Oh my dear Girl, I thank Heaven that another Fortnight will restore you to me\u2014after so long a separation. My soul and Body have both been thrown into Disorder, by your Absence, and a Month of two more would make me the most insufferable Cynick, in the World. I see nothing but Faults, Follies, Frailties and Defects in any Body, lately. People have lost all their good Properties or I my Justice, or Discernment.\n     But you who have always softened and warmed my Heart, shall restore my Benevolence as well as my Health and Tranquility of mind. You shall polish and refine my sentiments of Life and Manners, banish all the unsocial and ill natured Particles in my Composition, and form me to that happy Temper, that can reconcile a quick Discernment with a perfect Candour.\n      Believe me, now & ever yr. faithful\n      Lysander\n      In margin of first page: P.S. My Duty to my worthy Aunt. Oh! I forget myself. My Prophetick Imagination has rap\u2019d me into future Times. I mean, make my Compliments to Mrs. Smith. And tell Betcy I wont expose her Midnight Walks to her Mamma, if she will be a good Girl.\n      On an added leaf, somewhat torn: Since the enclosed was written my Mother has informed me, that Molly Nash and her Mother too asked her to get a Place for Molly with me. She is a pretty, neat, Girl, and I believe has been well bred. Her Mother is a very clever Woman. The Girl is about 17.\n      But my Mother says that Judah will do very well for your service this Winter. She is able to do a good deal of Business. And my mother farther says that she shall have no Occasion for her this Winter and that you may take her if you please and return her in the Spring, when it is likely she will have Occasion again for some Help and you will it is likely want some better Help.\n      This last Project is the most saving one. And Parcimony is a virtue that you and I must study. However I will submit to any Expence, for your Ease and Conveniency that I can possibly afford.\n      All these Things I mention to you, that you may weigh them , and I shall acquiesce with Pleasure in your Determination.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/04-01-02-0040", "content": "Title: Abigail Smith to John Adams, 13 October 1764\nFrom: Adams, Abigail\nTo: Adams, John\n      Saturday afternoon Boston Octobr. 13. 1764\n     When I wrote you by the Doctor I was in hopes that I should have been out the next day, but my disorder did not leave me as I expected and I am still confind extreemly weak, and I believe low spirited. The Doctor encourages me, tells me I shall be better in a few days. I hope to find his words true, but at present I feel, I dont know how, hardly myself. I would not have the Cart come a tuesday but should be extreemly glad to see you a Monday.\n      Yours,\n      A Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-02-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0048", "content": "Title: From John Adams to Samuel Quincy, 2 January 1764\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Quincy, Samuel\n     Braintree2 January 1764. RC (MHi:Misc. Bound Coll.). John Adams requests \u201cBrother Quincy\u201d to enter some legal actions for him and promises to bring Quincy\u2019s books to town next week. About forty actions are listed; of these, about half have been crossed out.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-15-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0049", "content": "Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Sewall, 15 February 1764\nFrom: Sewall, Jonathan\nTo: Adams, John\n      Dear Brother John\n      Boston 15th. Feby. 1764\n     You may remember we had some Confab. together about having the Small Pox in Concert. I intend next week (Thursday) to be inoculated by Doctr. Joseph Gardner at Point Shirley, and I expect to have Brother Thacher\u2019s Company; \u2014now if we could make a Triumvirate, I am perswaded it would be for our mutual Support, Com\u00adfort and Edification\u2014but if Brother Thacher should not have Courage enough, yet it would be a singular pleasure to me if you and I could be pockey Companions. I want three Weeks close Conversation with you, which will be about the Time we shall have, as I suppose. I can have a warm convenient Room, and a fine Woman to look after us, (Mrs. Bennet,) and Doctor Gardner will be in the House with us, till we are safe thro\u2019. John I beg you would accompany me, and pray let me know your Resolution imediately, by a Letter unless you can come to Town which you may do with the utmost Safety. If you are not down before the Court, let me know as soon as possible whether I shall secure you a Birth with me. If you can come to Town imediately upon the Rect. of this, it would be best, as we can conjointly settle preliminaries with the Doctr. &c. I think it much best to take it soon, and the Doctor is of this Opinion likewise. Brother, I feel a longing Desire to have you with me, and once more intreat and Command you not to let want of Courage, or any other Cause prevent your Complying with this Request from your Brother and Friend\n      JonSewall", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-21-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0050", "content": "Title: Report of the Braintree Committee for Repairing Highways, 21 May 1764\nFrom: Adams, John,Niles, Samuel,Hayward, Joshua,Braintree, town of\nTo: \n       Braintree,\n     The Committee appointed to Consider of Some Plan for Repairing the High ways having taken the Same into Consideration Report as follows (viz.)\n     That there be a Tax laid on Polls and Estates this present year for that purpose.\n     That the Tax on Polls be two shillings per Poll and the Same proportion on Estates according to the Last Town Tax.\n     That the assessors be directed as soon as may be to assess the Inhabitants accordingly and to deliver to the Several Surveyors a List of those Persons that are or may be assigned to their Respective districts with the Several Sums each one shall be Respectively assessed and that each Person so assessed shall have Liberty if he See Cause to pay the Sum he is assessed in said List or Tax in working on the High ways at the Rate of Two Shillings Per Day for a Man, Two Shillings Per Day for a pair of oxen, and eight pence Per Day for a Cart and Two Shillings Per Day for a Horse and Horse Cart. And if any Person or Persons shall refuse or neglect to work out his or their proportion at the Rates aforesaid on their being Legally Notified by the Surveyor in that Case the Surveyor or Surveyors shall return a List of Such Delinquent or Delinquents by the first of November next to the assessors with the Sum due from each one Respectively which Sum or Sums of Money remaining due on said Tax the assessors are directed when they make the next Town Rate to add to Such Delinquents Town Tax in a distinct Collumn by it Self and to impower the Several Constables in their Warrants to them to collect the Same and pay it in to the Town Treasurer. Excepting as hereafter expressed (viz.) That if it should be found unnecessary to Expend the full of that Proportion on the ways in the North Precinct that one half of Such Surplusage be returned to the Precinct Treasurer of that Precinct and for the use of that precinct and that the other half be returned to the Town Treasurer. And further. That all such Sums of money as shall come in this Way into the Town Treasury be appropriated to the Reparation of High ways in the Town and to no other purpose. And that each Surveyor be impowered to hire Persons at Customary Reasonable wages to work on the High ways to the amount of the Sum to be worked out by his district which Persons shall be paid by draughts on the Town Treasurer.\n      All which is Submitted.\n      Saml. Niles\n      Joshua Hayward\n      John Adams\n     The above Report being Read was voted accepted and the Reparation of the High ways within said Town to be managed in Conformity thereto the ensuing year.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0001", "content": "Title: Post Office Commissions to Abraham Hunt, 10 January 1764 (and 13 October 1775)\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John\nTo: Hunt, Abraham\nThe commission given by Franklin and William Hunter to Thomas Vernon as deputy postmaster at Newport, R.I., Dec. 24, 1754, is printed above, V, 451\u20132. With the text of that earliest known post-office commission signed by Franklin as deputy postmaster general appears a note listing five similar commissions known to the editors and stating that later these documents would not be printed individually in this edition at their respective dates. An unusual circumstance justifies an exception to that general statement.\nMr. Theodore Sheldon owns not only the original commission that Franklin and John Foxcroft, joint deputy postmasters general under the Crown, issued to Abraham Hunt as postmaster of Trenton, Jan. 10, 1764, but also the commission that Franklin, serving as postmaster general of the United Colonies, issued to Hunt, Oct. 13, 1775, after the beginning of the American Revolution. It is as unusual as it is fortunate that two commissions, issued more than eleven years apart to the same individual for the same office and signed by the same postmaster general, but under the authority of two different governments, should survive approximately two centuries later in the same private collection. The editors greatly appreciate Mr. Sheldon\u2019s willingness to permit the reproduction of these documents together here.\nComparison of the texts of the two commissions to Hunt shows that the printed portions of the second are in most respects an almost verbatim repetition of the first. The differences, however, are significant. The headings reflect the contrasting governmental authorities under which they were issued. The commission of 1764 testified to Hunt\u2019s \u201cLoyalty to His Majesty,\u201d while that of 1775 certifies instead his \u201cpublic Spirit.\u201d Franklin and Foxcroft issued the first one jointly, but Franklin acted alone on the other; Foxcroft had become a Loyalist. By the terms of the earlier document Hunt was to hold office for three years \u201cunless sooner removed by us\u201d; the later commission, reflecting the unsettled political situation between the outbreak of hostilities and the Declaration of Independence, is less precise as to the method or authority for its possible termination. The dating at the end of the second commission also omits all reference to the British regnal year, although in October 1775 the United Colonies were still nearly nine months away from formally renouncing George III and proclaiming themselves the United States.\nI\nBenjamin Franklin, and John Foxcroft, Esquires, Post-Masters-General of all His Majesty\u2019s Provinces and Dominions on the Continent of North-America.\n  To All to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting, Know Ye, That We \u2003the said Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft,\u2003 having received good Testimony of the Fidelity, and Loyalty to His Majesty, of \u2003Abraham Hunt, of Trenton, in New-Jersey, Gent.\u2003and reposing great Trust and Confidence in the Knowledge, Care, and Ability of the said\u2003Abraham Hunt\u2003to execute the Office and Duties required of a Deputy Post-Master, have Deputed, Constituted, Authorized, and Appointed, and by these Presents do Depute,  Constitute, Authorize, and Appoint the said\u2003 Abraham Hunt,\u2003to be our lawful and sufficient Deputy, to Execute the Office of Deputy Post-Master \u2003at Trenton in New-Jersey, aforesaid,\u2003 to have, hold, use, exercise and enjoy the said Office, with all and every the Rights, Privileges, Benefits and Advantages, to the same belonging, from the Day of\u2003 the Date hereof\u2003 for the Term of three Years, unless sooner removed by us, under such Conditions, Covenants, Provisoes, Payments, Orders and Instructions, to be faithfully observed, performed, and done, by the said Deputy, and Servants, as\u2003 he\u2003 or they shall, from Time to Time, receive from Us, or by our Order. In Witness whereof, We the said Benjamin Franklin, and John Foxcroft, have hereunto set our Hands, and caused the Seal of our Office to be affixed: Dated the \u2003Tenth\u2003 Day of \u2003January,\u2003 17\u200364,\u2003 in the\u2003 Fourth\u2003Year of His Majesty\u2019S Reign.\nB FranklinJohn Foxcroft\nII\nBy Authority of the Congress.Benjamin Franklin, Esq;Appointed Post-Master-General of all the United Colonies on the Continent of North-America.\n  To All to whom these Presents shall come, sends \u2003Greeting: Know Ye That I, the said Benjamin Franklin, having received good Testimony of the Fidelity and public Spirit of\u2003Abraham Hunt, of Trenton, in New Jersey, Gent.\u2003and reposing great Trust and Confidence in the Knowledge, Care and Ability of the said\u2003Abraham Hunt,\u2003 to execute the Office and Duties required of a Deputy Post-Master, have deputed, constituted, authorized and appointed, and by these Presents do depute, constitute, authorize and appoint the said \u2003Abraham Hunt,\u2003to be my lawful and sufficient Deputy, to execute the Office of Deputy Post-Master of \u2003Trenton, in New-Jersey,\u2003to have, hold, use, exercise and enjoy the said Office, with all and every the Rights, Privileges, Benefits and Advantages, to the same belonging, from the\u2003Thirteenth\u2003 Day of\u2003October, Inst.\u2003 for the Term of three Years, or until he shall receive a new Commission, or until the present be superseded under such Conditions, Covenants, Provisoes, Payments, Orders and Instructions, to be faithfully observed, performed and done, by the said Deputy, and Servants, as\u2003he\u2003or they shall, from time to time, receive from me, or by my Order. In Witness whereof, I, the said Benjamin Franklin, have hereunto set my Hand, and caused the Seal of my Office to be affixed: Dated the \u2003Thirteenth\u2003 Day of \u2003October,\u2003 177\u20035.\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0003", "content": "Title: Argument for Making the Bills of Credit Bear Interest, [13\u201314 January? 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nOn Dec. 20, 1763, the day Franklin resumed his seat in the Assembly after his long trip to New England, Governor John Penn transmitted to it letters from General Amherst and his successor as commander-in-chief, General Thomas Gage, demanding that the province raise and clothe one thousand men to act in concert with the regular troops against the Indians. In contrast to the negative reactions of the assemblies of New York, New Jersey, and Virginia to similar requisitions, the Pennsylvania House of Representatives promptly resolved, December 22, to provide the force required and, on January 6 after a holiday recess, voted to raise \u00a350,000 to meet the costs involved. Franklin had written Richard Jackson on December 19 that the Assembly and the newly arrived governor, John Penn, seemed to be on good terms, but he added cautiously: \u201cWhat Disputes may arise during the Session, I know not; but fear a Money Bill will revive the old ones.\u201d His fear was soon fully justified.\nOn January 10 the Assembly began to consider ways and means of raising the \u00a350,000 and continued the debate sporadically through the rest of the month. On the 11th two members were sent to ask the governor for a copy of his instructions on supply bills, since the Assembly was \u201ctruly desirous to avoid every Occasion of Disagreement with his Honour in their intended Grant to the Crown.\u201d Penn complied the next day, sending down copies of his eleventh and twelfth instructions. These provided that he was to approve no measure that allowed any money to be left to the disposal of the Assembly alone, excluding the governor from a voice in the matter; that he do his best to keep the quantity of bills of credit in circulation at any one time as low as possible; that any act for bills of credit must conform to the agreement between the Proprietors and the provincial agents ratified by the Privy Council in 1760; and that the bills of credit not be made legal tender for any quitrents \u201cor other sterling Payments\u201d due to the Proprietors, but that all such dues be payable in sterling exchange, unless an indemnity to the Proprietors be enacted to protect them from loss by the depreciation of the bills of credit.\nAfter receiving this information the Assembly spent virtually the whole of its sittings on January 13 and 14 debating ways and means of raising the supply. It seems highly probable that Franklin delivered the speech printed below on one of those two days. It is true that before he sent this copy to Richard Jackson in the following June he endorsed it \u201cDecember 1763,\u201d but the Assembly Votes give no indication that any discussion on the nature of a proposed supply bill took place during that month. The caustic reference in the fourth paragraph to the governor\u2019s instructions, \u201cwhich we have seen,\u201d suggests strongly that he made the speech soon after those instructions were read to the Assembly on January 11. Probably by the next June he had forgotten the precise sequence of events during the long controversy over the supply bill.\nIt seems clear from the record that by the end of the debate on January 14 the Assembly had informally agreed to raise the supply by an issue of paper currency to be financed chiefly by a general property tax, though the details of the measure and the procedures and rates of assessment remained to be determined. Much of the Assembly\u2019s time during the rest of the month was devoted to these problems of tax rates and property assessment in the several counties. Only on January 31 did the House resume the general discussion of \u201cways and means.\u201d\nAt the conclusion of the debate on that day three questions were put to vote: 1. Should the bills of credit be made legal tender \u201cin all Payments whatsoever\u201d? 2. Should they be made legal tender in all payments excepting \u201cthe Proprietary Quitrents, and their other Sterling Debts\u201d? 3. Should the \u00a350,000 \u201cbe struck in Provincial Notes, bearing Interest\u201d (Franklin\u2019s proposal)? All three questions were voted in the negative. Thus Franklin\u2019s speech, the longest in his lifetime of which the text survives, failed to persuade a majority of his fellow assemblymen to adopt his scheme.\nOn February 1 the House resumed the discussion, and this time a majority voted to issue bills of credit which would be legal tender \u201cin all Payments, the Proprietaries Sterling Rents only excepted.\u201d A committee was appointed to prepare the bill; it was introduced on February 10 and, after an extended debate, was passed on the 24th and ordered to be delivered to the governor.\nIt is unfortunate that the official journal of the Assembly is so barren of details on the debates that took place over this first supply bill of 1764. The deficiency is in some measure offset by a surviving fragment of a private journal kept by one of the members, Samuel Foulke, a Quaker assemblyman from Bucks County and obviously an admirer of Franklin. His record for January 1764, written as a consecutive narrative, deals first with the problems created by the massacres of the Indians on Conestoga Manor and at Lancaster and then, without giving specific dates, describes the Assembly\u2019s deliberations after receiving copies of the proprietary instructions relating to supply bills.\nThe members, Foulke wrote, seeing that \u201cit would be in vain to offer him [the governor] a Bill for raising money in the mode heretofore used in this Government, therefore, went into Consideration of new ways and Means for raising Money, which held the House Chiefly Employed for about four weeks, upon which Arose Very Serious and Arduous debates, in which B. Franklin and John Dickinson Greatly distinguished themselves; the first as a politician, the other as an Orator. The points Debated were whether we shou\u2019d make Exceptions in Our Money bill in favour of the proprietaries, with a respect to their Quitrents, &c., Or Emit a new Species of bills of Credit, not to be Enforced as Legal Tender to any Man, but [which] to give them Credit, were to bear an Interest to the possessor, and by that means avoy\u2019d any disputes with the proprietaries; the above-Named Gentlemen were for the latter. The Chief Speakers on the other side were Jos. Galloway, Jos. Fox, G. Ashbridge, and tho\u2019 the first Named had to my appre[hen]sion much the advantage of the latter in reason and argument, yet to my great surprise, when the Question was put, it was Carried in favour of the propriet\u2019s; such was the unaccountable Attachment of a majority of the Members to the usual mode of raising money, and their Ill Judged fear of going out of the beaten track to try a new Method of making money, which probably would have Exempted them and their Constituents from the necessity of wearing that Servile piece of furniture Call\u2019d a Neck-Yoke\u201d until it should please the King to take the government into his own hands, \u201cwhich I believe is the wish of every one who retains a Just sense of Freedom.\u201d\nThe adoption of Franklin\u2019s scheme for issuing interest-bearing notes instead of the familiar bills of credit might have settled the problem of legal tender, but that it could have prevented the controversy that did take place, as Foulke thought it would, is doubtful. Whether the \u00a350,-000 needed for the troops took the form of bills of credit or of interest-bearing notes, provision had to be made for the future retirement of this paper money. Taxation, including a general property tax, was necessary in any case. And once a bill was passed and sent to the governor containing clauses taxing the proprietary estates along with all others, trouble was almost certain to follow. As the events of the next months were to show, the Assembly\u2019s bill set the stage for one of the most acrimonious disputes between a Pennsylvania Assembly and a proprietary governor, and their supporters, that ever confounded the politics of the province. Franklin\u2019s plan, however meritorious in other respects, would probably have produced the same result.\nSir\nI have been long in this House, and have seldom seen Matters of more Importance under its Consideration; and never more Unanimity in sincere Desire of obtaining the Point in View, tho\u2019 we have not yet been so happy as to agree in the Mode of it.\nDuring the Course of these weighty Debates I have been pleas\u2019d to see some Members make use of Notes, who stood as little in need of such Helps in Speaking as any among us. It show\u2019d they gave a serious Attention to the Business before us; and it appear\u2019d rather respectful to the House, as they seem\u2019d willing to offer us on this Occasion, not their hasty Thoughts, but They have thus afforded us some good Lights; and I could wish to see the Practice more frequent, since I think Notes would be useful to others besides myself, who have bad Memories, and particularly so to me who am but a very indifferent Speaker.\nThree or four different Modes have been proposed of producing the Money we intend to give.\nThe first is, to strike the Sum, and make the Bills as heretofore a legal Tender to all, the Proprietaries not excepted. This I believe we are all pretty well satisfied is impracticable. We have seen the Instruction, and we know that whatever our Distresses are, the Proprietor has no Bowels; he never relents.\nThe second is, To make the Bills a legal Tender to all except the Proprietor\u2014according to the Instruction. This we cannot do, because it is unequal and unjust.\nThe third is, To make the Proprietor a particular Compensation. This is not only an unjust Preference given to one Possessor of Property above another, but in the Proprietor\u2019s Case is of dangerous Example.\nThe fourth is, To make the Bills a legal Tender in all Cases, perpetual Contracts only excepted; which will take in the Cases of all others whose Contracts are in the same Circumstances with those of the Proprietors. I must own the Equality of this Proposition pleases me. I would only wish to have the Exception extended to all Specific Contracts, past, present, and to come; I mean Contracts in which the kind of Money, or other thing to be paid, is particularly express\u2019d. All Contracts, Sir, are between two or more Parties, and intended by each for his own Advantage; the Parties are free Agents, they have their Eyes open and know what they do. If I want to purchase another Man\u2019s House, and he happens not to have sufficient Confidence in our Currency, but places his Affection upon Sterling, and will let me have the House at a Price I like, and afford me some Time for the Payment, provided I will oblige myself to pay in Sterling; If I like his Proposal, why should the Government interfere and say to the Seller take care what you do, I make such Contracts void by Law: The Seller then can have no Confidence in my Sterling Bond, if I should give it, and so the Bargain is broke off. Does the Government by such a Law think to favour me who was to have been the Debtor; I do not thank the Government. It has prevented me of a beneficial Bargain. It has hurt the Seller too, for his House sticks upon his Hands. If at length, to induce him to sell his House, and take the Risque which he thinks there is in the Currency, I agree to give him a greater Price than he would otherwise have required, the over Price I pay is so much Injury done me by the Government\u2019s officiously interfering in private Contracts. I do not mean to say, the Government has nothing to do with private Contracts; it ought undoubtedly to have a Power over them, but it is to enforce the Observance of them\u2014that\u2019s all\u2014unless the People were all Minors and Ideots. Again, If I sell a House to be delivered at some time hereafter, on a Contract to be paid in Sterling, and you come in with your Law in favour of my Debtor, that shall allow him if he pleases to pay me in Currency, at 33 and \u2153d. you, may with equal Justice, allow me, if I please, instead of a House to deliver him a Hogstie.\nI am therefore for leaving all specific Contracts to be executed according to their Tenor; and that our Bills, if they must be made a legal Tender, shall be such only in Common Dealings, where no specific Contract has been made.\nI know it is objected, that this will make our Currency of less Use, and by Degrees of little or no Use at all; for People will gradually get into the Way of making all their Contracts in Sterling. I answer, they will not, unless they find by Experience they can fulfill \u2019em; and if they can where is the harm of it? If our Currency becomes of less and less Use, it will hardly be in a swifter Proportion than we are like to have less and less of it, if we sink it as the Laws direct. And what is there amiss in having the Occasion for a particular Currency diminish as the Currency itself diminishes?\nBut it will be said, we cannot in this Country do without a Paper Currency, we must always have one. I own, I am not clearly of that Opinion; but if it be true that we must always have a Paper Currency, then it is my Duty to advise, that it be an honest One; that the Bills have Advantages in themselves, which shall support their Value, and prevent their Depreciating as their Quantity increases. That which in all Dealings is to be the Measure of all other Values, ought itself to have as steady and fixt a Value, as human Wisdom can contrive. Were we about to order a true Standard Yard to be made for regulating Long Measure throughout the Country, and a true Standard Peck for other Measure, I imagine we should think of some Substance to make them of that would be firm enough to preserve the Dimension given; and that no Man in his Senses would propose the Yard to be made of a knit Garter, and the Peck of a ribb\u2019d Stocking. At present every Bill that I receive tells me a Lie, and would cheat me too if I was not too well acquainted with it. Thirty Shillings in our Bills, according to the Account they give of themselves should be worth five Dollars; and we find them worth but four: They should be worth 22s. 6d. Sterling, and we find them worth scarce 17s. 2d. Sometimes indeed more or less as the Garter shrinks or stretches. When we sit here in Legislation, we have great Power, but we are not almighty. We cannot alter the Nature of Things. Values will be as they are valued or valuable, and not as we call them. We may stamp on a Piece of Paper, This is Ten Shillings, but if we do not make some other Provision that it shall always be really worth Ten Shillings, the Say-so of our Law will signify little. Experience in other Colonies as well as in ours, have demonstrated this. And indeed of what Force can it be to fix an arbitrary Value on the Bills, unless the Value of all Things to be purchased by the Bills could be fix\u2019d by the same Law. I want to buy a Suit of Cloth, and am told by the Seller, that his Price is 20s. a Yard. Very well, says I, cut me off 5 Yards, and here are five 20s. Bills for you. I beg your Pardon, says he, the 20s. that I mean is 20s. lawful Money, according to such an Act of Parliament: Your Paper Money is greatly depreciated of late; it is of no more than half its nominal Value, your 20s. is really worth but ten; so that if you pay me in those 20s. Bills you must give me ten of them for five Pounds. Don\u2019t talk so to me, says I, you are oblig\u2019d by Act of Assembly to take these Bills at 20s. each. Very well, says he, if I must take them so I must; but as the Law sets no Price on my Goods, if you pay me with those Bills at 20s. each, my Cloth is 40s. a Yard, and so you must still give me ten of them; and pray then what becomes of your Law?\nThe true Way in my Opinion to preserve a Value in our Paper Bills nearly equal to the nominal Sums we stamp on them; is to consider 1st. on what we found them; 2dly. what real Value that Fund gives them; and how much less that real Value is than the nominal One we set on them; and 3dly. in what manner a Compensation may be made to every Possessor of them for the Difference. If we do these Things rightly, we then act with Wisdom, Justice and Honour; becoming the legislative Body of a reputable Country.\nIn the first Place then we propose to found the Credit of these Bills on a Tax to be raised, which is to sink them as I understand in Six Years at one Sixth Part per Annum, for the due and punctual Performance of which there is to be the Sanction of a Law. If this be the Case, and allowing the Security to be good, of which I make not the least Doubt, (tho\u2019 some Colonies have by subsequent Laws postpon\u2019d the Payments they had engaged to make, for much longer Terms) I say, supposing the Law punctually executed, it is not difficult to come at the 2d. Point, which was to compute what real Value that Fund gives the Bills. When you pay them out, it is instead of so much real Money which you owe and ought to pay immediately, but not having the Money to pay, these are your Promisory Notes, obliging you to pay the whole Sum, not upon Demand, but in Six Years by annual Quotas; they are therefore in the nature of things, and between honest Men, really worth no more than the Sum that remains, when Interest for the Time is deducted; and allowing that publick Security is something better than private, I shall state that Interest at 5 per Cent only; then\nThe Interest of\n\u00a350,000 for the first\n  Year is\n2d\n  Year is\n3d\n  Year is\n4th\n  Year is\n5th\n  Year is\n6th\n  Year is\nTotal of Interest\nThis Sum, \u00a38750, taken from\nleaves\nfor the true Value of the promisory Notes, or as we call them, Bills of Credit, which is almost 20 per Cent less than their nominal Value; and if People should compute the Interest at 6 per Cent instead of 5, and have withal any reason to doubt the Punctuality of the Government as to the Time of Payment, their Value would be proportionally lower.\nWe have thus considered the Fund of our intended Bills, the full real Value that Fund can give them, and how much less that real Value is than the nominal Value we mark upon them. We come now to consider, in what manner a Compensation may be made to every Possessor of them for the Difference. The Method I shall venture to propose, disgustful as it may be to my Brethren at first Sight, is plain easy and honest, and I am persuaded that the more they consider it, the more reasonable it will appear, and the less they will be averse to it. It is merely this, Let the Bills bear an Interest of Five per Cent. Some Gentlemen, whose Judgment I esteem, I know have already declar\u2019d against this Method, and from very laudable Motives, a Concern for the Ease of the People they represent, already much burthen\u2019d with Taxes; and an Apprehension that a Tax to pay this Interest would greatly aggravate that Burthen. I have already shown them, that the proposed Interest will amount to much less than they conceiv\u2019d it; for by a hasty Calculation, they call\u2019d it 14 or \u00a315,000 whereas it appears to be but \u00a38750 for the Six Years, the Interest diminishing yearly as the Principal diminishes, which I suppose they did not advert to. I shall now endeavour to show, that the People must and will be tax\u2019d that Sum, over and above the \u00a350,000 whether a special Provision is made for it or not; whether the Bills express the Bearing of Interest or do not; in short a Sum equal to the Interest must and will be taken from the People, either in a way that is honorable to the Government, or in a Way that is dishonorable. And if I can make this appear, I think we shall not hesitate a Moment which to chuse.\nLet us now suppose the Bills struck and made a legal Tender as heretofore, without bearing Interest; and as we can more easily conceive the Matter by a single Instance, let us suppose that the Government is to pay me \u00a3600 for Provisions the Produce of my Farm, for Cloathing, Arms, Ammunition, Carriages, or any other Thing I have supplied for the Army. The Government tenders me the nominal Value of \u00a3600 in Bills. I enquire on what they are founded, and when they are to be paid. The Government tells me that the Fund is this; I am to be tax\u2019d \u00a3100 a Year for 6 Years, the Treasurer is order\u2019d to receive these Bills in Payment of my Taxes, and so in 6 Years they are all to be taken off my Hands. But Mr. Government (I might humbly expostulate and say), by this taking from me Six Years Taxes at once, you really take more from me than Six hundred Pounds. That Sum you ought now to pay me, and no Tax will be due from me this 12-Month, and then but a 6th. Part of the Sum will be due, and the rest from Year to Year.\nThe Interest of\n\u00a3600 for the\n1st.\n  Year will be\n    which I lose\n  The Interest of\n\u00a3500 for the\n  Year will be\n  The Interest of\n\u00a3400 for the\n  Year will be\n  The Interest of\n\u00a3300 for the\n4th.\n  Year will be\n  The Interest of\n\u00a3200 for the\n5th.\n  Year will be\n  and The Interest of\n\u00a3100 for the\n6th.\n  Year will be\nIn all\nSo that my real Tax for the Six Years is Seven hundred and five Pounds. Friend, says the Government you don\u2019t consider the whole of the Matter; I have made these Bills a legal Tender; you must take them, \u2019tis true; but then you may make any one else with whom you have Dealings take them again: So shuffle them off your Hands as fast as you can, let every body in their Turns have their Share of them, and so every one will lose his Share of the \u00a3105 you mention, in proportion to the Time that each Man keeps my Bills in his Hands. I thank you Mr. Government, I now understand you and am very much oblig\u2019d to you; for I find, that instead of intending to cheat me alone you only intend to cheat every Body.\nThe House will readily perceive that the Case of every Sum and Parcel of Money the Government shall pay out till the \u00a350,000 is expended will finally be the same with that of this \u00a3600 which is only the Representative of the whole.\nGentlemen have said, This Paying Interest is a dear Way of coming at Money; we should get it upon the best Terms we can: We can save the Interest by our Law that shall make the Bills a legal Tender. Power to do a dishonest or dishonourable Action, and a Convenience obtain\u2019d by doing it, if such a Thing could be, will not both together justify such an Action. But if we think we can by our Power save the Interest, and it is so good a Thing to avoid a Tax upon the People tho\u2019 it be to pay the People their just Due; let me propose an Improvement, by which we shall come at our Money on still better Terms. Why should not I be as desirous of easing the People as any Gentleman among us? It is only extending our Power then, one Step farther; and enacting that the Principal too shall never be paid any more than the Interest, but our Bills pass current for ever, and no Tax ever be laid to redeem them. I shall be told immediately that this would spoil their Credit and prevent their answering any End; they would lose all their Value. I am of the same Opinion, and I think too that they will lose a Proportion of their Value, if we do not pay the Interest; so that we shall really save Nothing by refusing it.\nIt has been objected that allowing the Bills to bear Interest would introduce the vile and mischievous Practice of Stock-Jobbing, I must own I do not see this, and that I cannot answer it because I do not understand it. Why should public Bills bearing Interest occasion Stock Jobbing any more than private Bonds? Such Bills have been and now are in Use in several of the Colonies, and I have never heard any Complaint or Mention of such Jobbing.\nOther Gentlemen have express\u2019d an Apprehension that such Bills would be refused and undervalued as no Law compelled the Taking of them. I own I have no such Apprehension. If the Bills are of convenient Denominations I think they will readily pass. Experience has shown it in other Governments. Interest is a powerful Motive; it will make Men break Laws, and do right without a Law.\nUpon the whole the Method I have propos\u2019d appears to me to have many Advantages. It will avoid that vile Dispute with the Proprietor, at the Time of all Times when we should be most careful to avoid it. It will avoid the Necessity, and the dangerous Example of any partial and unjust Provision in his favour; It will give the Bills a steady and more equal Value which is necessary to make them a proper Measure of other Values: It will be a Conveniency to all who have Occasion to keep Money by them for future Purposes, and of course turn out into common Currency Money that would otherwise remain in their Chests; It will draw great Sums home that are now in the Funds in England; It will cost the people no more in reality than Bills without Interest, and will in my Opinion be a Measure in every respect prudent, just and honourable.\nBut I submit, as I ought to do, my Sentiments to the Wisdom of the House.\nEndorsed: December 1763 Argument for making the Bills of Credit bear Interest\nB.F.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0006", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Bowdoin, 18 January 1764\nFrom: Bowdoin, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBoston, Janry: 18. 1764\nI am very glad to hear you got home Safe with your Daughter and Mr. Foxcroft without any further accident; and hope your arm has recovered it\u2019s former Strength.\nI here enclose, open for your perusal, a Letter to Mr. Canton on the Subject I spoke to you about. If any thing should occur to you to improve the Telescope further than what is noticed in said Letter, I shall take it as a favor you would mention it to Mr. Canton; and that you\u2019d be so good as to let my letter accompany your own. I hope we shall soon have the pleasure of seeing you again. An annual tour this way would contribute much to your health. Please to make my Compliments to your good lady, to your daughter and Mr. Foxcroft and believe me to be with the utmost regard Dear Sir your most humble &c. Whenever Mr. Winthrop shall deliver me \u00c6pinus, I will take care to send it to you.\nI would have a Micrometer of Dolland\u2019s Invention fixed to the Telescope. I intirely forgot to mention it in my letter to Mr. Canton. I shall be obliged if you\u2019ll mention in your Letter to him. The micrometer to be taken off and put on at pleasure, if when on and not wanted, it would stand in the way.\nThis is the Figure which the Foregoing Letter to Mr. Canton refers to.\nBenja. Franklin Esqr. in Philadelphia", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0007", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 20 January 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: Penn, John\nDuring the summer and early autumn of 1763 hostile Indians repeatedly attacked isolated settlements and farms on the Pennsylvania frontier, killing many whites, carrying others off into captivity, and driving the rest in terror from their homes to the relatively few garrisoned forts or the larger communities to the east. The small numbers of armed men authorized by the Assembly were quite inadequate to cope with the  raiding bands, and by the time cooler weather set in there were almost no settlers in the more exposed areas foolhardy enough to remain on their own lands.\nThe frontiersmen, both the refugees and those living in areas less vulnerable to attack, were vehemently critical of the seemingly do-nothing Assembly and violently hostile to the Indians\u2014to all Indians, that is, not only those who had gone on the warpath but also the relatively small groups that had come sufficiently under the influence of white men, chiefly Quakers and Moravians, to settle down on nearby land and live as peaceable neighbors. Rumors spread around that some, at least, of these Indians were giving secret aid and comfort to more active tribesmen. It is impossible to say now how many of these reports, if any, were based on solid fact; the important point is that many white men believed them and concluded that the only sound policy was to remove all Indians from the areas under white control, either by evacuation or by death.\nOn October 21 the provincial commissioners reported to the Assembly that they believed the Moravians at Bethlehem had been secretly supplying a nearby body of Christianized Indians with arms and ammunition, which the Indians in turn had supposedly been bartering with \u201cour Enemies on the Frontiers.\u201d These \u201cMoravian Indians\u201d were also believed to have been \u201cprincipally concerned\u201d in a series of murders in Northampton County. The commissioners recommended that these Indians be removed to some place \u201cwhere their Behaviour may be more closely observed.\u201d The House thereupon resolved that those who were \u201cwilling and desirous, from their Attachment to the Government, or regard for their own Safety,\u201d be invited to come down to some place the governor and Council should think \u201cmost safe and convenient for them,\u201d and that the government would pay for the expense of their removal and support.\nSome 127 Indians were thereupon moved to Philadelphia, arriving on November 11 in the company of a Moravian missionary, Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube. They encountered great hostility in the city. The first plan was to place them in the barracks, but a group of soldiers and their wives living there would have none of them and took up arms to hold them out. After standing around for five hours enduring insults from the populace as well as the soldiery, the Indians were taken to Province Island in the Delaware at the mouth of the Schuylkill River, on which stood several buildings normally used as a pesthouse, or quarantine hospital.\nSince early in the century a small group of Indians had been living on the Penns\u2019 Conestoga Manor near the borough of Lancaster. During the autumn of 1763 rumors had been spreading that they had been harboring at least one hostile Indian. In the first part of December some men from Paxton, farther up the Susquehanna, investigated at Conestoga and returned home with the report that they had seen several armed Indians there. That news was enough; early in the morning of December 14 about fifty armed riders burst into the little village, murdered the six Indians they found there, and burned down the cabins. Fourteen other Indians who lived at Conestoga were saved for the time being because they were away from home the night of the raid. When the news of this massacre reached Lancaster, the authorities rounded up the fourteen survivors and placed them in the workhouse, the strongest building in the borough, for safety. But the men from Paxton, who asserted later that one of these Indians was a murderer, descended upon Lancaster on December 27, broke down the doors of the workhouse, and dispatched all fourteen Indians, men, women, and children alike.\nOn December 21, two days after the Assembly had reconvened following an October adjournment, Governor Penn reported on a series of conferences he and his predecessor Hamilton had held with a group of friendly Indians living on the upper Susquehanna. They were \u201cuneasy at their present Situation\u201d and wished to come to live under the protection of the government. The Assembly would have to provide money, however, if it approved this proposal. In the same message Penn also reported on the massacre at Conestoga Manor on the 14th, done \u201cwithout the least Reason or Provocation, in cool Blood,\u201d and he told the House of the orders he had given the magistrates of the western counties \u201cto exert themselves, and endeavour, by all possible Means, to discover and secure the Principals concerned in this outrageous Act.\u201d He added that the survivors, then still lodged in the Lancaster workhouse, wanted to be transferred to Philadelphia or its neighborhood. The Assembly replied on the 24th with a brief message promising to provide funds to move both these groups of Indians to safety.\nWhen the assemblymen reconvened in January after a brief recess, they and the governor exchanged messages about the killing of the Indians in the Lancaster workhouse on December 27, and the Assembly unanimously resolved to provide funds for whatever additional force the governor and provincial commissioners might require \u201cto frustrate the further wicked Designs of the lawless Rioters.\u201d As early as November 22 rumors had begun to circulate that the country people, \u201cbecoming embittered because the authorities are taking no adequate measures for defense,\u201d were planning \u201cto come to the city in droves and destroy everything in revenge.\u201d Reports of a proposed march on the city increased, and after the events at Conestoga and Lancaster were known in Philadelphia it became clear that the major objective of such a march would be the killing of the Indians on Province Island. It seemed desirable, therefore, to get them away to some place of even greater safety.\nWhile the governor and Council were concentrating on this problem, the Assembly undertook to deal with another aspect of the general situation: the trial of the murderers at Conestoga and Lancaster, when and if they should be identified and caught. Granted the state of public opinion in Lancaster County, it seemed unlikely that any jury there would be likely to convict them, however strong the evidence might be. A committee of three, including Franklin, was therefore appointed to bring in a bill for the trial of capital offenses committed between white men and women and Indians. The measure they introduced, January 4, provided that those accused of such crimes should be brought to Philadelphia and tried there. But this measure, so contrary to the principle of common law that a criminal trial should take place in the county where the crime was committed, \u201cOccasion\u2019d such a Clamour in the House and out-a-doors that the house thought proper to let it lye after the first reading untill the present unhappy Commotion and ferment should have time to subside.\u201d The proposal was not revived.\nThe Indians on Province Island, alarmed for their own safety, petitioned the Assembly for a vessel large enough to take them all to England, but the governor and Council decided that a much more feasible plan was to send them to the protection of Sir William Johnson, superintendent of Indian affairs, on the Mohawk River in upper New York province. A detachment of Montgomery\u2019s Regiment of Highlanders, then in Philadelphia, was planning to set off early on the morning of January 5 for New York City, and its commander generously agreed to escort the Indians as far as that city. Letters were at once dispatched to Johnson and General Gage informing them of this action and also to Lieutenant Governor Cadwallader Colden of New York and Governor William Franklin of New Jersey asking permission to send the Indians through their provinces.\nWilliam Franklin cooperated quickly, but when the Indians had reached Perth Amboy, January 11, ready to cross over to Staten Island and enter the province of New York, they were halted. Word came that when Colden consulted the New York Council, its members unanimously advised him to refuse permission for the Indians to travel through that jurisdiction. New Yorkers regarded the Indians living on the east side of the Susquehanna as \u201cthe most obnoxious\u201d of any, Colden reported, \u201ca Number of Rogues and Thieves, Runaways from the other Nations,\u201d and not to be trusted. General Gage wrote Penn that under the circumstances he would arrange for some companies of the Royal American Regiment, who were about to march to Philadelphia, to escort the Indians back there. And so this group of displaced men, women, and children, numbering about 140 by now, were forced to retrace their steps. They reached Philadelphia on January 24 and this time were quartered in the barracks under guard of British regulars.\nWhen Penn learned of Colden\u2019s refusal to permit the Indians to travel through New York, he laid the situation before his councilors on January 16. Acting on their recommendation, he sent a message to the Assembly the same day, reporting what had happened and asking its opinion and advice as to how the government could most effectually give the Indians \u201cthat Protection and Security which, under their Circumstances, they have an undoubted Right to expect and claim from us.\u201d The Assembly was prevented from conducting business from the afternoon of January 17 to the afternoon of the 19th by a \u201csudden Indisposition\u201d of Speaker Norris, but when it did meet, a committee of four, including Franklin, was appointed to draft a reply. The message the committee prepared was sent to the governor on the 20th.\nMay it please your Honour,\nJanuary 20, 1764.\nWe have taken into our Consideration your Honour\u2019s Message of the Sixteenth Instant, with the Letters therein referred to, and are pleased to find the Governor so heartily disposed to afford the Indians he mentions \u201cthat Protection and Security which, under their Circumstances, they have an undoubted Right to expect and claim from us.\u201d We should be very glad, if it was in our Power, \u201cto point out the Manner in which this can most effectually be done;\u201d but as our \u201cOpinion\u201d must be founded on the Information we have received, we can only mention such Measures as appear to us at present to be most reasonable; submitting our Sentiments to the Judgment your Honour may form from any Intelligence you have since received, or any Circumstances that may hereafter happen.\nWe observe, with particular Pleasure, \u201cthe kind Part General Gage has taken in this Matter,\u201d in protecting these Indians, and directing the Escort, on their Arrival in this City, to receive \u201csuch Orders as you shall judge proper to give them.\u201d\nAs this humane and prudent Step of the General is equally calculated to secure these unhappy People, and preserve the internal Peace of this Province, while our own Troops are engaged in the Defence of our Frontiers, we shall be obliged to your Honour, if you will please to return his Excellency our Thanks for this generous and seasonable Act of Goodness.\nThe Indians, we apprehend, will be sufficiently protected by the Companies that compose this Escort, while they remain here. When these Companies march from hence, if there should appear to be the same Danger of any Outrage being committed against these Indians, that there seems to be at present, we are of Opinion, that it will be adviseable for your Honour to lodge them in some Place where they can be most easily and conveniently guarded by an armed Force, to be raised by your Honour for that Purpose.\nIt will be with the utmost Regret we shall see your Honour reduced to the Necessity of pursuing these Measures; but with an Abhorrence altogether inexpressible we should behold \u201cthese poor Creatures,\u201d who, desirous of living in Friendship with us, as Proofs of this Disposition quitting a Settlement that made them suspected, and surrendering their Arms, have delivered themselves, their Wives and Children, into our Power, on the Faith of this Province, barbarously butchered by a Sett of Ruffians, whose audacious Cruelty is checked by no Sentiment of Humanity, and by no Regard to the Laws of their Country.\nSuch a Massacre we have Reason to expect from the Persons who perpetrated such shocking Barbarities in Lancaster County, and their Abettors, unless they are deterred by a vigorous Exertion of Power, which never can be more properly employed than in vindicating the Honour and Dignity of a Government, enforcing an Obedience to the Laws, and repressing the dangerous Insolence of tumultuous Insurgents, who, guided by a blind Rage, undertake by open Force to controul the Conduct of the Administration, and counteract the best concerted Measures for the general Good.\nIt will therefore be agreeable to us, that your Honour would be pleased to order the Sheriff and Coroner of Lancaster County, and the Magistrates of that Borough, to come down, and give you the best Information that can be obtained of the Persons concerned in these Violences; that they being discovered and apprehended, due Punishment may be inflicted on such daring Disturbers of the public Peace.\nSigned by Order of the House,Isaac Norris, Speaker.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-23-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0008", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Bernard, 23 January 1764\nFrom: Bernard, Francis\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBoston, Jan 23. 1764\nI am favoured with yours of the 11th inst. and am much obliged to you for the trouble you have given yourself of sending a Messenger to Alexandria. I should have proposed this Measure long ago, if I had any Notion that the conveyance of letters to that Town had been so precarious: for tho\u2019 I have had sevral letters from him, yet I cannot find that any of my letters (from Aug. 30, when I sent a letter to Mr. Dunlap to be forwarded, to the present time,) have reached him. When he gets to Philadelphia, the easiest way of his return will be by Sea, if a good Vessell offers: but that I must leave to your Judgement. But I am desirous in all things that your trouble should be lessened as much as possible.\nI have less concern to trouble you with another business, because being intended for public Utility you will make it your own concern. I have a desire to endeavour to establish a Sturgeon fishery in the River Penobscot. And I have engaged a suitable Man for that purpose, who by means of the Garrison of the Fort there will have labour cheap: all that We want is a good receipt. The best pickled Sturgeon I ever eat, was cured at Trenton: and as your Neighbourhood to that Operator must give you some acquaintance with him, I would trouble you to get his receipt in as precise Words as possible: and you may assure him in such case that Penobscot Sturgeon shall not be sent to Philadelphia or New York or any other Market, that he may call his.\nI have a like desire to try the Pickling Salmon according to the New Castle Way. But I fear I shant be able to get a receipt from thence by the next Season: if you have one by you, I should be glad to be favoured with it. I am &c.\nBenj Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-25-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0009", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Solomon Williams, 25 January 1764\nFrom: Williams, Solomon\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonored Sir\nYou Will Pardon this Trouble and My Freedom In using your Name When I inform you that Mr. Webster for Whom is the Enclosed Desired me thus to Make use of your Name to Carry a Letter to him with the Assurance that he had your Favorable permission for it. Since I have this Occasion to Speak to you Allow me sir in the Crowd of your Admirers to Return you My Sincere Thanks for your Eminent Services to the literary World by your Wonderful discoverys and Improvements In Electricity. I wish you Increasing and abundant Success and honor in All your Generous Endeavors to promote the Improvement and happiness of Mankind. I am Honored Sir with Great Respect your very humble Servant\nS: W:\nCopy of the Cover of my Letter to Mr. Webster to Mr. Franklin.\nEndorsed: Copy of My Lr to Mr Pelatiah Webster", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-26-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0010", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Jackson, 26 January 1764\nFrom: Jackson, Richard\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nInner Temple 26 Jany 1764\nI have wrote to you by every Packet that has sailed and one that has not, I mean that of the present Month, which not being in England at the time, has been detained for the next, in the mean time, I write a line or two, by a Merchant Vessel that sails tomorrow or next day.\nI got pretty early intelligence of Major Barker\u2019s arrival in England, but at the same time was informed of his Resolution to go to America, there to look after take Possesion of, and cultivate his Estate; I had long before discovered that this was the Gentleman you had in view; but thought it best to see him myself which I did an hour after I had wrote my last Letter, which however has not yet gone.\nI found my Information well grounded and have no doubt he intends going to America in April. He is a sensible well-behaved man and as he has a great deal of military Merit, and is a friend of some Gentlemen of my Acquaintance who have long served in India, and who are too good Judges of Merit to bestow their friendship on one who did not deserve it, I think it is my Duty to recommend him to my friends in America and wish you would give him such Assistance as falls in your Way. Perhaps Mr. Hughes\u2019s Acquaintance with him may help him to the Purchase of any Part of Major Barker Estate that he may determine to sell, should he come to such a determination.\nMeasures are taken for bringing several American Questions before Parliament. They are so numerous that I am quite at a loss where to begin, and I am so employd not only in attending the House, but in combating what I deem the most dangerous Errors in American Politicks in 100 Places, in many of which I am to begin with first Principles, that I am fit for little but sleep when I return home. Mr. Allen knows somewhat of my Assiduity on these Subjects. I have Access to almost every Place any friends of the Colony\u2019s would wish to have Access to but I am not sensible of my making any Impression proportioned to my Endeavours, perhaps it is I, that am wrong.\nI have long since given up all hopes of preventing some Parliamentary Tax to be imposed on N America as well as the W Indies for the maintenance of the Troops kept there, how far it is necessary to keep any considerable Number I will not say, but I have long argued that those kept there are for the most part maintained for the Intrests of G Britain only.\nI am most averse to an Internal Tax, God knows how far such a precedent may be extended, and I have frequently asked, what internal Tax they will not lay.\nCustoms as well as Prohibitions on Trade, have been at all times, laid by England from the time of the long Parliament. I wish this to be the Rule of Conduct on this Occasion.\nThere is a Bill in Embryo for restraining your Paper Currency and of all N america within the limits prescribed to the N England Governments by the Stat 24 Geo. 2d. I have not seen the Draught of it, if it be prepared. They will certainly carry it, if they are determined so to do. My Compliments to my friends particularly the Governor of N Jersey and his Lady. It is 11 at Night and I have not dined. I am Dear sir your Affectionate humble Servant\nRd Jackson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-28-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0011", "content": "Title: The Postmasters General to the Lords of the Treasury: Memorandum on the American Postal Service, 28 January 1764\nFrom: Postmasters General\nTo: Lords of the Treasury\nThis document is preceded in the letterbook by a letter of the same date from Anthony Todd, secretary of the British Post Office, to Charles Jenkinson, secretary to the Treasury, indicating that the paper would be given to George Grenville \u201cthe beginning of next Week\u201d and that Jenkinson might \u201cdepend on a Copy of it.\u201d Todd probably prepared at least the draft of the memorandum, acting at the direction of the joint postmasters general, as an aid to the preparation of future legislation; much of its contents reflects his correspondence with Franklin and Foxcroft in America, and it clearly shows the influence of their suggestions for the improvement of the colonial postal service.\nMemorandum relating to some Improvements suggested to be made in the Management of the Post Office in North America.\nThe beginning of last summer Mr. Franklin and Mr. Foxcroft, Deputy PostMaster General for North-America, undertook a Survey, which was proposed to extend at least, through the whole present Post Roads, in order to examine every where into the state and Management of the several Post Offices; to make such new Regulations as should appear to be necessary; and to observe what Improvements, the Revenue might be capable of, in the different Colonies; That they might be able, upon their return, to offer their Sentiments on the several points, which have been referred to them by the PostMaster General; particularly, That of rendering Correspondence in the vast Empire of America of the greatest utility to His Majesty\u2019s Subjects; at the same time keeping in View the Improvements of the Revenue itself; though the Postage cannot for a long while, be expected to exceed the charges of Management, because in the Colonies, settled in part only, where the Towns are situated at a great distance from each other, there is a continual necessity of erecting new Offices; it is however satisfactory to find, That many Offices in Virginia, and other Colonies, in the like situation, which were once a Burthen and Charge, have lately been brought to bear their own Expence and even afford a prospect of soon becoming profitable; as a Country increasing in Wealth and Commerce, and so speedily multiplying its Inhabitants, cannot fail to keep pace in an Increase of Correspondence, especially, since the Posts in America are under the Management of persons of acknowledged Abilities, who have been furnished, from hence with every Light, which could possibly be collected; And the more to excite in them a laudable Zeal, they have been given to understand, that they cannot exert themselves, on any subject which will do them greater honour, or their native Country of America more signal Service, than rendering the intercourse of Letters, every day more and more safe, expeditious and frequent to their fellow Subjects.\nThey have already obeyed The PostMaster General, by remitting \u00a3494 4s. 8d. in full Payment of their Balance up to the 10th. of August 1761, and This is the first remittance ever made of the kind.\nThere is great reason to hope that the Packet Boats, which have been lately established between Falmouth and New York, as they are on no account to be interrupted in their regular Course, will contribute very materially to the Benefit of His Majesty\u2019s trading Subjects; and may likewise, in a little Time, be aiding to the Revenue of the Posts; though at present Those Boats are, in appearance, some Burthen; as the Postage of Letters, to and from New York immediately, does not quite support the Charge of the Vessells; but, the Increase of The Inland Postage, in both Countries, occasioned thereby, tho\u2019 it cannot be exactly ascertained, may perhaps nearly amount to the remainder of the Expence.\nAs the Survey of the Deputy PostMaster General in America must have been finished at the End of this Summer, an ample Report is expected from them, by one of the two next Packet Boats, with Maps delineated and adapted to the Post Roads of America; particularly, such as relate to the Posts to and from the Chief-Office of New York, which is at present the only regular Center of this important and extensive Correspondence; but, upon the establishment of the Three New Packet Boats, about to take place, to and from the Southern Parts of the said Continent, including the late immense Acquisitions, the PostMaster General has Thoughts of erecting another Central Chief Office at Charles Town, from whence the Correspondence may be brancht out and extended as occasion shall require, thro\u2019 the Neighbouring Southern Colonies, as well as be properly connected with That already establisht in the Northern Ones.\nAmongst the many Injunctions relating to the American Posts, which the PostMaster General has sent to Their Deputies there; No one has been more strongly enforced, than not to permit or suffer, any Letter or Packet, under any pretence whatever not even on the Government\u2019s Service, to pass free of Postage; The PostMaster General, by the Post Act of the 9th. of Queen Anne, having no such dispensing Power; and the least Inovation of this kind might spread itself in such a Manner, as to prevent That Revenue from ever becoming advantageous; or perhaps even sufficient to support the Charges of maintaining a well established Post through That extensive Empire.\nThe Law as it now stands with respect to Ship Letters seems only to have in View Letters coming by Shipping from parts beyond the Seas into the several Ports of Great Britain and Ireland, and not Letters going by Shipping to any of His Majesty\u2019s Islands, Colonies and Plantations in the West Indies, or America.\nIf a Clause to the purport of the Annext could be obtained obliging all Captains and other Officers of Ships, sailing to any of the Islands, Colonies, or Plantations aforesaid, upon their Arrival, and before they break Bulk, or are admitted to an Entry, to deliver their Letters into the Post Office of such Port, These Ship Letters would soon create a considerable Increase of the Post Office Revenue in That Country; And to encourage the Captains and others to deliver their Letters at the first Post Office, The Deputy PostMaster, to whom they are delivered, ought to be empowered to pay a Penny for each Letter or Packet, as is now practiced in Great Britain and Ireland.\nThis Regulation would be of the greatest use to the Merchants and Planters in all His Majesty\u2019s American Dominions; for at present their Correspondence is liable to very great Delays, by their Letters being exposed to be embezzled, detained, or opened, by the Persons, to whom the Ships, by which they send them, are consigned, particularly when such Persons happen to be in the same Branches of Commerce.\nThese, amongst others, are the Reasons given in the Post Act of the 9th. of Queen Anne, for the Clauses relating to Ship Letters coming to Great Britain and Ireland; And there can be no Doubt but the same Reasons are as well founded with respect to the Correspondence in the West Indies and America, and that after a very short Experience of the safety, Regularity and Expedition of delivering, and conveying Ship Letters, by the Post, all the Merchants there will be as well pleased with this Method, as Those in England are at present; and it is most certain That no Tax whatever is so chearfully paid here as the Postage upon Ship Letters.\nThe necessity of a regular Post between New York and Quebec, has been so strongly pressed by General Murray the Governor, and by such a Body of British Merchants residing there, as well as at Montreal, and other intermediate Places, that it has been undertaken about once a Month, on the Arrival of each Packet Boat at New York, except for a part of the Winter Season, at a much greater Charge than the Letters can be expected to produce; especially on Account of the high rate of Postage, for the Governors Gage and Murray have both taken Notice of the legal Postage being so high on Account of the Distance; that in Canada, which is represented to be in a manner destitute of Cash, and in all places where Money is equally scarce, the people will forbear to correspond until they find Occasions, by Friends, Travellers and the like, to send their Letters, which makes it to be wished, the Legislature might also enact to the purport of the 2d. Clause annexed, That the Rate of Postage for the greatest Distances between one place and another upon the Continent of America may not exceed 1s. 6d. for a single Letter and so in proportion.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0012", "content": "Title: A Narrative of the Late Massacres, [30 January? 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nNews of the massacre of six Indians at Conestoga Manor by men from Paxton and Donegal, two communities on the Susquehanna, on December 14, 1763, reached Governor Penn on the 16th. He laid the account before his Council three days later and informed the Assembly on the 21st. The House was in recess when word came to Penn on the evening of December 28 that \u201cupwards of a hundred men\u201d had ridden into Lancaster the afternoon before and slaughtered the fourteen Conestoga Indians placed in the workhouse for their own protection. The governor informed the Council the next day and on its advice wrote General Gage to ask that British troops at Carlisle be placed under Penn\u2019s orders \u201cto support the Civil Authority in the execution of the Laws in case of need, and to give a check to these daring attacks on Government.\u201d He also wrote Sir William Johnson begging him to \u201ctake the properest method\u201d of telling the Six Nations the truth of the affair and of \u201cremoving any disadvantageous Impressions they may have received from an imperfect account of the matter.\u201d After each of the attacks Penn issued a proclamation ordering all civil officers to use every possible means to identify the perpetrators. In the second proclamation he also offered a reward for the apprehension of the ringleaders.\nBy the time the Assembly convened again on January 2, the main facts of the attack on the Lancaster workhouse and the killing of the Indians there were common knowledge in Philadelphia. Not surprisingly, however, many conflicting reports of the details began to circulate both within and without the city:\nThe local officials in Lancaster, it was said, had done all they could to stop the attack; they had stood idly by, other rumors suggested, and it was even alleged that some officers had secretly abetted the rioters. There were British troops in Lancaster at the time, but their commander had refused to provide protection to the Indians; or, the troops were too scattered in billets around the town to be assembled in time to do anything before the rioters had galloped away; or, there were no British soldiers nearer than Carlisle, and they would have had no authority to interfere in any case. The Indians had been shot down quickly, they had been decently spared from the preliminary tortures red men usually inflicted on their white captives, and the bodies had been left untouched where they fell; or, the Indians had been hacked with knives and tomahawks and many of them scalped, and their bodies had been mutilated and then dragged into the street. For weeks after the affair at Lancaster these and other reports passed around, and many found their way into print in the pamphlets issued by sympathizers with the Paxton Boys or their opponents.\nPublic opinion soon became sharply divided. For once nearly all the proprietary officials, with the more substantial among their adherents, and the members of the \u201cQuaker Party,\u201d with their supporters both within and outside the Assembly, stood together in shocked and vigorous denunciation of the massacres. The ruthless slaughter of defenseless men, women, and children was both an attack on government, as Penn had called it when writing to General Gage, and an offense against all principles of justice and humanity, as the Quakers and many others maintained. Reports that the Indians sheltered on Province Island were to be the objects of similar annihilation led the advocates of peace and order to form a common front against the lawless men who threatened to alleviate the Indian menace by exterminating every tribesman within their possible reach.\nOn the other side stood many inhabitants of the western and northern counties and substantial numbers of the less well-to-do, and hence unenfranchised, residents of Philadelphia. More or less sympathetic, though not always so outspoken, were some adherents of religious bodies, notably Presbyterians and Lutherans, partly because of their long-standing denominational antagonism to the Quakers and Moravians, who had been known for years as the chief friends of the Indians. By no means all these people openly approved of the massacres, but many believed that the Paxton Boys had acted under great and perhaps ample provocation. They denounced the authorities for spending public funds to support and even coddle so-called \u201cfriendly,\u201d but actually dangerous, Indians while doing little to protect the settlers of exposed areas or alleviate the hardships and sufferings of those whites who had fled in terror from their ravaged homes.\nThroughout the month of January tensions continued to mount; more and more it became evident that if the men from Paxton and their allies should carry out their threats of coming to Philadelphia and, to use an expression of a later century, of \u201cliquidating\u201d the Indians sheltered there, they would find many sympathizers in the city, who certainly would do nothing to stop them and might even join them in their proposed attack.\nIn this situation Franklin came forward with an effort to influence public opinion against such violence as had already occurred and threatened to occur again. Just when his Narrative of the Late Massacres appeared from the press is not certain; it was not advertised in either of the Philadelphia newspapers. His reference, near the close, to General Gage\u2019s orders to Captain Robertson to stay with the Moravian Indians and guard them until he was relieved by other British regulars, makes certain that Franklin did not finish the writing until after January 16, when Governor Penn laid Gage\u2019s letter containing that information before the Council and Assembly. The pamphlet could hardly have been published much before the end of January because, as Franklin told Richard Jackson on February 11, they \u201chad only time to circulate [it] in this City and Neighbourhood before we heard that the Insurgents were on their March from all Parts.\u201d That news seems to have reached Penn by Thursday, February 2, when he appealed to the Assembly for the rapid passage of a riot act to deal with the impending situation. It would seem, therefore, that Monday, January 30, would be at least an approximate date for the publication.\nIn one respect this pamphlet differs considerably from most of Franklin\u2019s efforts to influence the public with his pen. At this time of great excitement and emotional stress, he played much more directly than usual on the emotions of his readers, their religious principles, and their feelings of pride and superiority as Englishmen or as Christians. The tone of the pamphlet is quite different from that, for example, of Plain Truth of 1747, a call to arms and to self-defense, also addressed to his fellow Pennsylvanians, or from that of the Canada Pamphlet of 1760, addressed to Englishmen in support of a proposed course of governmental action. In comparison, those writings were cool and temperate proposals and arguments addressed to common sense and self-interest; the Narrative is a stirring evocation of humanitarian sentiments and impulses and of the principles of morality and justice. Seldom in his life did Franklin, the rationalist, appeal so little to the reader\u2019s head and so strongly and so warmly to his heart.\nA Narrative, &c. [January 30?, 1764]\nThese Indians were the Remains of a Tribe of the Six Nations, settled at Conestogoe, and thence called Conestogoe Indians. On the first Arrival of the English in Pennsylvania, Messengers from this Tribe came to welcome them, with Presents of Venison, Corn and Skins; and the whole Tribe entered into a Treaty of Friendship with the first Proprietor, William Penn, which was to last \u201cas long as the Sun should shine, or the Waters run in the Rivers.\u201d\nThis Treaty has been since frequently renewed, and the Chain brightened, as they express it, from time to time. It has never been violated, on their Part or ours, till now. As their Lands by Degrees were mostly purchased, and the Settlements of the White People began to surround them, the Proprietor assigned them Lands on the Manor of Conestogoe, which they might not part with; there they have lived many Years in Friendship with their White Neighbours, who loved them for their peaceable inoffensive Behaviour.\nIt has always been observed, that Indians, settled in the Neighbourhood of White People, do not increase, but diminish continually. This Tribe accordingly went on diminishing, till there remained in their Town on the Manor, but 20 Persons, viz. 7 Men, 5 Women, and 8 Children, Boys and Girls.\nOf these, Shehaes was a very old Man, having assisted at the second Treaty held with them, by Mr. Penn, in 1701, and ever since continued a faithful and affectionate Friend to the English; he is said to have been an exceeding good Man, considering his Education, being naturally of a most kind benevolent Temper.\nPeggy was Shehaes\u2019s Daughter; she worked for her aged Father, continuing to live with him, though married, and attended him with filial Duty and Tenderness.\nJohn was another good old Man; his Son Harry helped to support him.\nGeorge and Will Soc were two Brothers, both young Men.\nJohn Smith, a valuable young Man, of the Cayuga Nation, who became acquainted with Peggy, Shehaes\u2019s Daughter, some few Years since, married her, and settled in that Family. They had one Child, about three Years old.\nBetty, a harmless old Woman; and her Son Peter, a likely young Lad.\nSally, whose Indian Name was Wyanjoy, a Woman much esteemed by all that knew her, for her prudent and good Behaviour in some very trying Situations of Life. She was a truly good and an amiable Woman, had no Children of her own, but a distant Relation dying, she had taken a Child of that Relation\u2019s, to bring up as her own, and performed towards it all the Duties of an affectionate Parent.\nThe Reader will observe, that many of their Names are English. It is common with the Indians that have an Affection for the English, to give themselves, and their Children, the Names of such English Persons as they particularly esteem.\nThis little Society continued the Custom they had begun, when more numerous, of addressing every new Governor, and every Descendant of the first Proprietor, welcoming him to the Province, assuring him of their Fidelity, and praying a Continuance of that Favour and Protection they had hitherto experienced. They had accordingly sent up an Address of this Kind to our present Governor, on his Arrival; but the same was scarce delivered, when the unfortunate Catastrophe happened, which we are about to relate.\nOn Wednesday, the 14th of December, 1763, Fifty-seven Men, from some of our Frontier Townships, who had projected the Destruction of this little Common-wealth, came, all well-mounted, and armed with Firelocks, Hangers and Hatchets, having travelled through the Country in the Night, to Conestogoe Manor. There they surrounded the small Village of Indian Huts, and just at Break of Day broke into them all at once. Only three Men, two Women, and a young Boy, were found at home, the rest being out among the neighbouring White People, some to sell the Baskets, Brooms and Bowls they manufactured, and others on other Occasions. These poor defenceless Creatures were immediately fired upon, stabbed and hatcheted to Death! The good Shehaes, among the rest, cut to Pieces in his Bed. All of them were scalped, and otherwise horribly mangled. Then their Huts were set on Fire, and most of them burnt down. When the Troop, pleased with their own Conduct and Bravery, but enraged that any of the poor Indians had escaped the Massacre, rode off, and in small Parties, by different Roads, went home.\nThe universal Concern of the neighbouring White People on hearing of this Event, and the Lamentations of the younger Indians, when they returned and saw the Desolation, and the butchered half-burnt Bodies of their murdered Parents, and other Relations, cannot well be expressed.\nThe Magistrates of Lancaster sent out to collect the remaining Indians, brought them into the Town for their better Security against any further Attempt, and it is said condoled with them on the Misfortune that had happened, took them by the Hand, comforted and promised them Protection. They were all put into the Workhouse, a strong Building, as the Place of greatest Safety.\nWhen the shocking News arrived in Town, a Proclamation was issued by the Governor, in the following Terms, viz.\n\u201cWhereas I have received Information, That on Wednesday, the Fourteenth Day of this Month, a Number of People, armed, and mounted on Horseback, unlawfully assembled together, and went to the Indian Town in the Conestogoe Manor, in Lancaster County, and without the least Reason or Provocation, in cool Blood, barbarously killed six of the Indians settled there, and burnt and destroyed all their Houses and Effects: And whereas so cruel and inhuman an Act, committed in the Heart of this Province on the said Indians, who have lived peaceably and inoffensively among us, during all our late Troubles, and for many Years before, and were justly considered as under the Protection of this Government and its Laws, calls loudly for the vigorous Exertion of the civil Authority, to detect the Offenders, and bring them to condign Punishment; I have therefore, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Council, thought fit to issue this Proclamation, and do hereby strictly charge and enjoin all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables, Officers Civil and Military, and all other His Majesty\u2019s liege Subjects within this Province, to make diligent Search and Enquiry after the Authors and Perpetrators of the said Crime, their Abettors and Accomplices, and to use all possible Means to apprehend and secure them in some of the publick Goals of this Province, that they may be brought to their Trials, and be proceeded against according to Law.\n\u201cAnd whereas a Number of other Indians, who lately lived on or near the Frontiers of this Province, being willing and desirous to preserve and continue the ancient Friendship which heretofore subsisted between them and the good People of this Province, have, at their own earnest Request, been removed from their Habitations, and brought into the County of Philadelphia, and seated, for the present, for their better Security, on the Province-Island, and in other Places in the Neighbourhood of the City of Philadelphia, where Provision is made for them at the public Expence; I do therefore hereby strictly forbid all Persons whatsoever, to molest or injure any of the said Indians, as they will answer the contrary at their Peril.\n\u201cGiven under my Hand, and the Great Seal of the said Province, at Philadelphia, the Twenty-second Day of December, Anno Domini One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-three, and in the Fourth Year of His Majesty\u2019s Reign.\n  John Penn.\n\u201cBy His Honour\u2019s Command, Joseph Shippen, jun. Secretary.\n\u201cGod Save the King.\u201d\nNotwithstanding this Proclamation, those cruel Men again assembled themselves, and hearing that the remaining fourteen Indians were in the Work-house at Lancaster, they suddenly appeared in that Town, on the 27th of December. Fifty of them, armed as before, dismounting, went directly to the Work-house, and by Violence broke open the Door, and entered with the utmost Fury in their Countenances. When the poor Wretches saw they had no Protection nigh, nor could possibly escape, and being without the least Weapon for Defence, they divided into their little Families, the Children clinging to the Parents; they fell on their Knees, protested their Innocence, declared their Love to the English, and that, in their whole Lives, they had never done them Injury; and in this Posture they all received the Hatchet! Men, Women and little Children\u2014were every one inhumanly murdered!\u2014in cold Blood!\nThe barbarous Men who committed the atrocious Fact, in Defiance of Government, of all Laws human and divine, and to the eternal Disgrace of their Country and Colour, then mounted their Horses, huzza\u2019d in Triumph, as if they had gained a Victory, and rode off\u2014unmolested!\nThe Bodies of the Murdered were then brought out and exposed in the Street, till a Hole could be made in the Earth, to receive and cover them.\nBut the Wickedness cannot be covered, the Guilt will lie on the whole Land, till Justice is done on the Murderers. The Blood Of The Innocent Will Cry To Heaven For Vengeance.\nIt is said that Shehaes, being before told, that it was to be feared some English might come from the Frontier into the Country, and murder him and his People; he replied, \u201cIt is impossible: There are Indians, indeed, in the Woods, who would kill me and mine, if they could get at us, for my Friendship to the English; but the English will wrap me in their Matchcoat, and secure me from all Danger.\u201d How unfortunately was he mistaken!\nAnother Proclamation has been issued, offering a great Reward for apprehending the Murderers, in the following Terms, viz.\n\u201cWhereas on the Twenty-second Day of December last, I issued a Proclamation for the apprehending and bringing to Justice, a Number of Persons, who, in Violation of the Public Faith; and in Defiance of all Law, had inhumanly killed six of the Indians, who had lived in Conestogoe Manor, for the Course of many Years, peaceably and inoffensively, under the Protection of this Government, on Lands assigned to them for their Habitation; notwithstanding which, I have received Information, that on the Twenty-seventh of the same Month, a large Party of armed Men again assembled and met together in a riotous and tumultuous Manner, in the County of Lancaster, and proceeded to the Town of Lancaster, where they violently broke open the Work-house, and butchered and put to Death fourteen of the said Conestogoe Indians, Men, Women and Children, who had been taken under the immediate Care and Protection of the Magistrates of the said County, and lodged for their better Security in the said Work-house, till they should be more effectually provided for by Order of the Government. And whereas common Justice loudly demands, and the Laws of the Land (upon the Preservation of which not only the Liberty and Security of every Individual, but the Being of the Government itself depend) require that the above Offenders should be brought to condign Punishment; I have therefore, by and with the Advice of the Council, published this Proclamation, and do hereby strictly charge and command all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables, Officers Civil and Military, and all other His Majesty\u2019s faithful and liege Subjects within this Province, to make diligent Search and Enquiry after the Authors and Perpetrators of the said last mentioned Offence, their Abettors and Accomplices, and that they use all possible Means to apprehend and secure them in some of the public Goals of this Province, to be dealt with according to Law.\n\u201cAnd I do hereby further promise and engage, that any Person or Persons, who shall apprehend and secure, or cause to be apprehended and secured, any Three of the Ringleaders of the said Party, and prosecute them to Conviction, shall have and receive for each, the public Reward of Two Hundred Pounds; and any Accomplice, not concerned in the immediate shedding the Blood of the said Indians, who shall make Discovery of any or either of the said Ringleaders, and apprehend and prosecute them to Conviction, shall, over and above the said Reward, have all the Weight and Influence of the Government, for obtaining His Majesty\u2019s Pardon for his Offence.\n\u201cGiven under my Hand, and the Great Seal of the said Province, at Philadelphia, the Second Day of January, in the Fourth Year of His Majesty\u2019s Reign, and in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-four.\n  John Penn.\n\u201cBy His Honour\u2019s Command, Joseph Shippen, jun. Secretary.\n\u201cGod Save the King.\u201d\nThese Proclamations have as yet produced no Discovery; the Murderers having given out such Threatenings against those that disapprove their Proceedings, that the whole County seems to be in Terror, and no one durst speak what he knows; even the Letters from thence are unsigned, in which any Dislike is expressed of the Rioters.\nThere are some (I am ashamed to hear it) who would extenuate the enormous Wickedness of these Actions, by saying, \u201cThe Inhabitants of the Frontiers are exasperated with the Murder of their Relations, by the Enemy Indians, in the present War.\u201d It is possible; but though this might justify their going out into the Woods, to seek for those Enemies, and avenge upon them those Murders; it can never justify their turning in to the Heart of the Country, to murder their Friends.\nIf an Indian injures me, does it follow that I may revenge that Injury on all Indians? It is well known that Indians are of different Tribes, Nations and Languages, as well as the White People. In Europe, if the French, who are White-People, should injure the Dutch, are they to revenge it on the English, because they too are White People? The only Crime of these poor Wretches seems to have been, that they had a reddish brown Skin, and black Hair; and some People of that Sort, it seems, had murdered some of our Relations. If it be right to kill Men for such a Reason, then, should any Man, with a freckled Face and red Hair, kill a Wife or Child of mine, it would be right for me to revenge it, by killing all the freckled red-haired Men, Women and Children, I could afterwards any where meet with.\nBut it seems these People think they have a better Justification; nothing less than the Word of God. With the Scriptures in their Hands and Mouths, they can set at nought that express Command, Thou shalt do no Murder; and justify their Wickedness, by the Command given Joshua to destroy the Heathen. Horrid Perversion of Scripture and of Religion! to father the worst of Crimes on the God of Peace and Love! Even the Jews, to whom that particular Commission was directed, spared the Gibeonites, on Account of their Faith once given. The Faith of this Government has been frequently given to those Indians; but that did not avail them with People who despise Government.\nWe pretend to be Christians, and, from the superior Light we enjoy, ought to exceed Heathens, Turks, Saracens, Moors, Negroes, and Indians, in the Knowledge and Practice of what is right. I will endeavour to show, by a few Examples from Books and History, the Sense those People have had of such Actions.\nHomer wrote his Poem, called the Odyssey, some Hundred Years before the Birth of Christ. He frequently speaks of what he calls not only the Duties, but the sacred Rites of Hospitality, (exercised towards Strangers, while in our House or Territory) as including, besides all the common Circumstances of Entertainment, full Safety and Protection of Person, from all Danger of Life, from all Injuries, and even Insults. The Rites of Hospitality were called sacred, because the Stranger, the Poor and the Weak, when they applied for Protection and Relief, were, from the Religion of those Times, supposed to be sent by the Deity to try the Goodness of Men, and that he would avenge the Injuries they might receive, where they ought to have been protected. These Sentiments therefore influenced the Manners of all Ranks of People, even the meanest; for we find that when Ulysses came, as a poor Stranger, to the Hut of Eumaeus, the Swineherd, and his great Dogs ran out to tear the ragged Man, Eumaeus drave them away with Stones; and\nUnhappy Stranger! (thus the faithful Swain\nBegan, with Accent gracious and humane)\nWhat Sorrow had been mine, if at my Gate\nThy rev\u2019rend Age had met a shameful Fate?\n------ But enter this my homely Roof, and see\nOur Woods not void of Hospitality.\nHe said, and seconding the kind Request,\nWith friendly Step precedes the unknown Guest.\nA shaggy Goat\u2019s soft Hide beneath him spread,\nAnd with fresh Rushes heap\u2019d an ample Bed.\nJoy touch\u2019d the Hero\u2019s tender Soul, to find\nSo just Reception from a Heart so kind:\nAnd oh, ye Gods! with all your Blessings grace\n(He thus broke forth) this Friend of human Race!\nThe Swain reply\u2019d. It never was our guise\nTo slight the Poor, or aught humane despise.\nFor Jove unfolds the hospitable Door,\nTis Jove that sends the Stranger and the Poor.\nThese Heathen People thought, that after a Breach of the Rites of Hospitality, a Curse from Heaven would attend them in every thing they did, and even their honest Industry in their Callings would fail of Success. Thus when Ulysses tells Eumaeus, who doubted the Truth of what he related, If I deceive you in this, I should deserve Death, and I consent that you should put me to Death; Eumaeus rejects the Proposal as what would be attended with both Infamy and Misfortune, saying ironically,\nDoubtless, oh Guest! great Laud and Praise were mine,\nIf, after social Rites and Gifts bestow\u2019d,\nI stain\u2019d my Hospitable Hearth with Blood.\nHow would the Gods my righteous Toils succeed,\nAnd bless the Hand that made a Stranger bleed?\nNo more.\u2014\u2014\nEven an open Enemy, in the Heat of Battle, throwing down his Arms, submitting to his Foe, and asking Life and Protection, was supposed to acquire an immediate Right to that Protection. Thus one describes his being saved, when his Party was defeated.\nWe turn\u2019d to Flight; the gath\u2019ring Vengeance spread\nOn all Parts round, and Heaps on Heaps lie dead.\n--- The radiant Helmet from my Brows unlac\u2019d,\nAnd lo on Earth my Shield and Jav\u2019lin cast,\nI meet the Monarch with a Suppliant\u2019s Face,\nApproach his Chariat, and his Knees embrace.\nHe heard, he sav\u2019d he plac\u2019d me at his Side;\nMy State he pity\u2019d, and my Tears he dry\u2019d;\nRestrain\u2019d the Rage the vengeful Foe express\u2019d,\nAnd turn\u2019d the deadly Weapons from my Breast.\nPious to guard the Hospitable Rite,\nAnd fearing Jove, whom Mercy\u2019s Works delight.\nThe Suitors of Penelope are by the same ancient Poet described as a Sett of Lawless Men, who were regardless of the sacred Rites of Hospitality. And therefore when the Queen was informed they were slain, and that by Ulysses, she, not believing that Ulysses was returned, says,\nAh no! --- some God the Suitors Deaths decreed,\nSome God descends, and by his Hand they bleed:\nBlind, to contemn the Stranger\u2019s righteous Cause,\nAnd violate all hospitable Laws!\n-----------------The Powers they defy\u2019d;\nBut Heav\u2019n is just, and by a God they dy\u2019d.\nThus much for the Sentiments of the ancient Heathens. As for the Turks, it is recorded in the Life of Mahomet, the Founder of their Religion, That Khaled, one of his Captains, having divided a Number of Prisoners between himself and those that were with him, he commanded the Hands of his own Prisoners to be tied behind them, and then, in a most cruel and brutal Manner, put them to the Sword; but he could not prevail on his Men to massacre their Captives, because in Fight they had laid down their Arms, submitted, and demanded Protection. Mahomet, when the Account was brought to him, applauded the Men for their Humanity; but said to Khaled, with great Indignation, Oh Khaled, thou Butcher, cease to molest me with thy Wickedness. If thou possessedst a Heap of Gold as large as Mount Obod, and shouldst expend it all in God\u2019s Cause, thy Merit would not efface the Guilt incurred by the Murder of the meanest of those poor Captives.\nAmong the Arabs or Saracens, though it was lawful to put to Death a Prisoner taken in Battle, if he had made himself obnoxious by his former Wickedness, yet this could not be done after he had once eaten Bread, or drank Water, while in their Hands. Hence we read in the History of the Wars of the Holy Land, that when the Franks had suffered a great Defeat from Saladin, and among the Prisoners were the King of Jerusalem, and Arnold, a famous Christian Captain, who had been very cruel to the Saracens; these two being brought before the Soltan, he placed the King on his right Hand, and Arnold on his left; and then presented the King with a Cup of Water, who immediately drank to Arnold; but when Arnold was about to receive the Cup, the Soltan interrupted, saying, I will not suffer this wicked Man to drink, as that, according to the laudable and generous Custom of the Arabs, would secure him his Life.\nThat same laudable and generous Custom still prevails among the Mahometans, appears from the Account but last Year published of his Travels by Mr. Bell of Antermony, who accompanied the Czar Peter the Great, in his Journey to Derbent through Daggestan. \u201cThe Religion of the Daggestans, says he, is generally Mahometan, some following the Sect of Osman, others that of Haly. Their Language for the most Part is Turkish, or rather a Dialect of the Arabic, though many of them speak also the Persian Language. One Article I cannot omit concerning their Laws of Hospitality, which is, if their greatest Enemy comes under their Roof for Protection, the Landlord, of what Condition soever, is obliged to keep him safe, from all Manner of Harm or Violence, during his Abode with him, and even to conduct him safely through his Territories to a Place of Security.\u201d\nFrom the Saracens this same Custom obtained among the Moors of Africa; was by them brought into Spain, and there long sacredly observed. The Spanish Historians record with Applause one famous Instance of it. While the Moors governed there, and the Spaniards were mixed with them, a Spanish Cavalier, in a sudden Quarrel, slew a young Moorish Gentleman, and fled. His Pursuers soon lost Sight of him, for he had, unperceived, thrown himself over a Garden Wall. The Owner, a Moor, happening to be in his Garden, was addressed by the Spaniard on his Knees, who acquainted him with his Case, and implored Concealment. Eat this, said the Moor, giving him Half a Peach; you now know that you may confide in my Protection. He then locked him up in his Garden Apartment, telling him, that as soon as it was Night he would provide for his Escape to a Place of more Safety. The Moor then went into his House, where he had scarce seated himself, when a great Croud, with loud Lamentations, came to his Gate, bringing the Corps of his Son, that had just been killed by a Spaniard. When the first Shock of Surprize was a little over, he learnt, from the Description given, that the fatal Deed was done by the Person then in his Power. He mentioned this to no One; but as soon as it was dark, retired to his Garden Apartment, as if to grieve alone, giving Orders that none should follow him. There accosting the Spaniard, he said, Christian, the Person you have killed, is my Son: His Body is now in my House. You ought to suffer; but you have eaten with me, and I have given you my Faith, which must not be broken. Follow me. He then led the astonished Spaniard to his Stables, mounted him on one of his fleetest Horses, and said, Fly far while the Night can cover you. You will be safe in the Morning. You are indeed guilty of my Son\u2019s Blood, but God is just and good, and I thank him that I am innocent of yours, and that my Faith given is preserved.\nThe Spaniards caught from the Moors this Punto of Honour, the Effects of which remain, in a great Degree, to this Day. So that when there is Fear of a War about to break out between England and Spain, an English Merchant there, who apprehends the Confiscation of his Goods as the Goods of an Enemy, thinks them safe, if he can get a Spaniard to take Charge of them; for the Spaniard secures them as his own, and faithfully redelivers them, or pays the Value, whenever the Englishman can safely demand it.\nJustice to that Nation, though lately our Enemies, and hardly yet our cordial Friends, obliges me, on this Occasion, not to omit mentioning an Instance of Spanish Honour, which cannot but be still fresh in the Memory of many yet living. In 1746, when we were in hot War with Spain, the Elizabeth, of London, Captain William Edwards, coming through the Gulph from Jamaica, richly laden, met with a most violent Storm, in which the Ship sprung a Leak, that obliged them, for the Saving of their Lives, to run her into the Havannah. The Captain went on Shore, directly waited on the Governor, told the Occasion of his putting in, and that he surrendered his Ship as a Prize, and himself and his Men as Prisoners of War, only requesting good Quarter. No, Sir, replied the Spanish Governor, If we had taken you in fair War at Sea, or approaching our Coast with hostile Intentions, your Ship would then have been a Prize, and your People Prisoners. But when distressed by a Tempest, you come into our Ports for the Safety of your Lives, we, though Enemies, being Men, are bound as such, by the Laws of Humanity, to afford Relief to distressed Men, who ask it of us. We cannot, even against our Enemies, take Advantage of an Act of God. You have Leave therefore to unload your Ship, if that be necessary, to stop the Leak; you may refit here, and traffick so far as shall be necessary to pay the Charges; you may then depart, and I will give you a Pass, to be in Force till you are beyond Bermuda. If after that you are taken, you will then be a Prize, but now you are only a Stranger, and have a Stranger\u2019s Right to Safety and Protection. The Ship accordingly departed, and arrived safe in London.\nWill it be permitted me to adduce, on this Occasion, an Instance of the like Honour in a poor unenlightened African Negroe. I find it in Capt. Seagrave\u2019s Account of his Voyage to Guinea. He relates that a New-England Sloop, trading there in 1752, left their second Mate, William Murray, sick on Shore, and sailed without him. Murray was at the House of a Black, named Cudjoe, with whom he had contracted an Acquaintance during their Trade. He recovered, and the Sloop being gone, he continued with his black Friend, till some other Opportunity should offer of his getting home. In the mean while, a Dutch Ship came into the Road, and some of the Blacks going on board her, were treacherously seized, and carried off as Slaves. Their Relations and Friends, transported with sudden Rage, ran to the House of Cudjoe to take Revenge, by killing Murray. Cudjoe stopt them at the Door, and demanded what they wanted? The White Men, said they, have carried away our Brothers and Sons, and we will kill all White Men; give us the White Man that you keep in your House, for we will kill him. Nay, said Cudjoe; the White Men that carried away your Brothers are bad Men, kill them when you can catch them; but this White Man is a good Man, and you must not kill him. But he is a White Man, they cried; the White Men are all bad; we will kill them all. Nay, says he, you must not kill a Man, that had done no Harm, only for being white. This Man is my Friend, my House is his Fort, and I am his Soldier. I must fight for him. You must kill me, before you can kill him. What good Man will ever come again under my Roof, if I let my Floor be stained with a good Man\u2019s Blood! The Negroes seeing his Resolution, and being convinced by his Discourse that they were wrong, went away ashamed. In a few Days Murray ventured abroad again with Cudjoe, when several of them took him by the Hand, and told him they were glad they had not killed him; for as he was a good (meaning an innocent) Man, their God would have been angry, and would have spoiled their Fishing. I relate this, says Captain Seagrave, to show, that some among these dark People have a strong Sense of Justice and Honour, and that even the most brutal among them are capable of feeling the Force of Reason, and of being influenced by a Fear of God (if the Knowledge of the true God could be introduced among them) since even the Fear of a false God, when their Rage subsided, was not without its good Effect.\nNow I am about to mention something of Indians, I beg that I may not be understood as framing Apologies for all Indians. I am far from desiring to lessen the laudable Spirit of Resentment in my Countrymen against those now at War with us, so far as it is justified by their Perfidy and Inhumanity. I would only observe that the Six Nations, as a Body, have kept Faith with the English ever since we knew them, now near an Hundred Years; and that the governing Part of those People have had Notions of Honour, whatever may be the Case with the Rum-debauched, Trader-corrupted Vagabonds and Thieves on Sasquehannah and the Ohio, at present in Arms against us. As a Proof of that Honour, I shall only mention one well-known recent Fact. When six Catawba Deputies, under the Care of Colonel Bull, of Charlestown, went by Permission into the Mohawks Country, to sue for and treat of Peace for their Nation, they soon found the Six Nations highly exasperated, and the Peace at that Time impracticable: They were therefore in Fear for their own Persons, and apprehended that they should be killed in their Way back to New-York; which being made known to the Mohawk Chiefs, by Colonel Bull, one of them, by Order of the Council, made this Speech to the Catawbas:\n\u201cStrangers and Enemies,\n\u201cWhile you are in this Country, blow away all Fear out of your Breasts; change the black Streak of Pain on your Cheek for a red One, and let your Faces shine with Bear\u2019s-Grease: You are safer here than if you were at home. The Six Nations will not defile their own Land with the Blood of Men that come unarmed to ask for Peace. We shall send a Guard with you, to see you safe out of our Territories. So far you shall have Peace, but no farther. Get home to your own Country, and there take Care of yourselves, for there we intend to come and kill you.\u201d\nThe Catawbas came away unhurt accordingly.\nIt is also well known, that just before the late War broke out, when our Traders first went among the Piankeshaw Indians, a Tribe of the Twightwees, they found the Principle of giving Protection to Strangers in full Force; for the French coming with their Indians to the Piankeshaw Town, and demanding that those Traders and their Goods should be delivered up; the Piankeshaws replied, the English were come there upon their Invitation, and they could not do so base a Thing. But the French insisting on it, the Piankeshaws took Arms in Defence of their Guests, and a Number of them, with their old Chief, lost their Lives in the Cause; the French at last prevailing by superior Force only.\nI will not dissemble that numberless Stories have been raised and spread abroad, against not only the poor Wretches that are murdered, but also against the Hundred and Forty christianized Indians, still threatned to be murdered; all which Stories are well known, by those who know the Indians best, to be pure Inventions, contrived by bad People, either to excite each other to join in the Murder, or since it was committed, to justify it; and believed only by the Weak and Credulous. I call thus publickly on the Makers and Venders of these Accusations to produce their Evidence. Let them satisfy the Public that even Will Soc, the most obnoxious of all that Tribe, was really guilty of those Offences against us which they lay to his Charge. But if he was, ought he not to have been fairly tried? He lived under our Laws, and was subject to them; he was in our Hands, and might easily have been prosecuted; was it English Justice to condemn and execute him unheard? Conscious of his own Innocence, he did not endeavour to hide himself when the Door of the Work-house, his Sanctuary, was breaking open; I will meet them, says he, for they are my Brothers. These Brothers of his shot him down at the Door, while the Word Brothers was still between his Teeth! But if Will Soc was a bad Man, what had poor old Shehaes done? what could he or the other poor old Men and Women do? What had little Boys and Girls done; what could Children of a Year old, Babes at the Breast, what could they do, that they too must be shot and hatcheted? Horrid to relate! and in their Parents Arms! This is done by no civilized Nation in Europe. Do we come to America to learn and practise the Manners of Barbarians? But this, Barbarians as they are, they practise against their Enemies only, not against their Friends.\nThese poor People have been always our Friends. Their Fathers received ours, when Strangers here, with Kindness and Hospitality. Behold the Return we have made them! When we grew more numerous and powerful, they put themselves under our Protection. See, in the mangled Corpses of the last Remains of the Tribe, how effectually we have afforded it to them!\nUnhappy People! to have lived in such Times, and by such Neighbours! We have seen, that they would have been safer among the ancient Heathens, with whom the Rites of Hospitality were sacred. They would have been considered as Guests of the Publick, and the Religion of the Country would have operated in their Favour. But our Frontier People call themselves Christians! They would have been safer, if they had submitted to the Turks; for ever since Mahomet\u2019s Reproof to Khaled, even the cruel Turks, never kill Prisoners in cold Blood. These were not even Prisoners: But what is the Example of Turks to Scripture Christians? They would have been safer, though they had been taken in actual War against the Saracens, if they had once drank Water with them. These were not taken in War against us, and have drank with us, and we with them, for Fourscore Years. But shall we compare Saracens to Christians? They would have been safer among the Moors in Spain, though they had been Murderers of Sons; if Faith had once been pledged to them, and a Promise of Protection given. But these have had the Faith of the English given to them many Times by the Government, and, in Reliance on that Faith, they lived among us, and gave us the Opportunity of murdering them. However, what was honourable in Moors, may not be a Rule to us; for we are Christians! They would have been safer it seems among Popish Spaniards, even if Enemies, and delivered into their Hands by a Tempest. These were not Enemies; they were born among us, and yet we have killed them all. But shall we imitate idolatrous Papists, we that are enlightened Protestants? They would even have been safer among the Negroes of Africa, where at least one manly Soul would have been found, with Sense, Spirit and Humanity enough, to stand in their Defence: But shall Whitemen and Christians act like a Pagan Negroe? In short it appears, that they would have been safe in any Part of the known World, except in the Neighbourhood of the Christians White Savages of Peckstang and Donegall!\nO ye unhappy Perpetrators of this horrid Wickedness! Reflect a Moment on the Mischief ye have done, the Disgrace ye have brought on your Country, on your Religion, and your Bible, on your Families and Children! Think on the Destruction of your captivated Country-folks (now among the wild Indians) which probably may follow, in Resentment of your Barbarity! Think on the Wrath of the United Five Nations, hitherto our Friends, but now provoked by your murdering one of their Tribes, in Danger of becoming our bitter Enemies. Think of the mild and good Government you have so audaciously insulted; the Laws of your King, your Country, and your God, that you have broken; the infamous Death that hangs over your Heads: For Justice, though slow, will come at last. All good People every where detest your Actions. You have imbrued your Hands in innocent Blood; how will you make them clean? The dying Shrieks and Groans of the Murdered, will often sound in your Ears: Their Spectres will sometimes attend you, and affright even your innocent Children! Fly where you will, your Consciences will go with you: Talking in your Sleep shall betray you, in the Delirium of a Fever you yourselves shall make your own Wickedness known.\nOne Hundred and Forty peaceable Indians yet remain in this Government. They have, by Christian Missionaries, been brought over to a Liking, at least, of our Religion; some of them lately left their Nation which is now at War with us, because they did not chuse to join with them in their Depredations; and to shew their Confidence in us, and to give us an equal Confidence in them, they have brought and put into our Hands their Wives and Children. Others have lived long among us in Northampton County, and most of their Children have been born there. These are all now trembling for their Lives. They have been hurried from Place to Place for Safety, now concealed in Corners, then sent out of the Province, refused a Passage through a neighbouring Colony, and returned, not unkindly perhaps, but disgracefully, on our Hands. O Pennsylvania! once renowned for Kindness to Strangers, shall the Clamours of a few mean Niggards about the Expence of this Publick Hospitality, an Expence that will not cost the noisy Wretches Sixpence a Piece (and what is the Expence of the poor Maintenance we afford them, compared to the Expence they might occasion if in Arms against us) shall so senseless a Clamour, I say, force you to turn out of your Doors these unhappy Guests, who have offended their own Country-folks by their Affection for you, who, confiding in your Goodness, have put themselves under your Protection? Those whom you have disarmed to satisfy groundless Suspicions, will you leave them exposed to the armed Madmen of your Country? Unmanly Men! who are not ashamed to come with Weapons against the Unarmed, to use the Sword against Women, and the Bayonet against young Children; and who have already given such bloody Proofs of their Inhumanity and Cruelty. Let us rouze ourselves, for Shame, and redeem the Honour of our Province from the Contempt of its Neighbours; let all good Men join heartily and unanimously in Support of the Laws, and in strengthening the Hands of Government; that Justice may be done, the Wicked punished, and the Innocent protected; otherwise we can, as a People, expect no Blessing from Heaven, there will be no Security for our Persons or Properties; Anarchy and Confusion will prevail over all, and Violence, without Judgment, dispose of every Thing.\nWhen I mention the Baseness of the Murderers, in the Use they made of Arms, I cannot, I ought not to forget, the very different Behaviour of brave Men and true Soldiers, of which this melancholy Occasion has afforded us fresh Instances. The Royal Highlanders have, in the Course of this War, suffered as much as any other Corps, and have frequently had their Ranks thinn\u2019d by an Indian Enemy; yet they did not for this retain a brutal undistinguishing Resentment against all Indians, Friends as well as Foes. But a Company of them happening to be here, when the 140 poor Indians above mentioned were thought in too much Danger to stay longer in the Province, chearfully undertook to protect and escort them to New-York, which they executed (as far as that Government would permit the Indians to come) with Fidelity and Honour; and their Captain Robinson, is justly applauded and honoured by all sensible and good People, for the Care, Tenderness and Humanity, with which he treated those unhappy Fugitives, during their March in this severe Season. General Gage, too, has approved of his Officer\u2019s Conduct, and, as I hear, ordered him to remain with the Indians at Amboy, and continue his Protection to them, till another Body of the King\u2019s Forces could be sent to relieve his Company, and escort their Charge back in Safety to Philadelphia, where his Excellency has had the Goodness to direct those Forces to remain for some Time, under the Orders of our Governor, for the Security of the Indians; the Troops of this Province being at present necessarily posted on the Frontier. Such just and generous Actions endear the Military to the Civil Power, and impress the Minds of all the Discerning with a still greater Respect for our national Government. I shall conclude with observing, that Cowards can handle Arms, can strike where they are sure to meet with no Return, can wound, mangle and murder; but it belongs to brave Men to spare, and to protect; for, as the Poet says,\nMercy still sways the Brave.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-11-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0013", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 11 February 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: Penn, John\nThe plan of early January to send the Indians lodged on Province Island to Sir William Johnson for safety had failed because the New York authorities had refused to cooperate. Governor Penn received a letter on Saturday, January 21, from Capt. J. Schlosser of the Royal American Regiment saying that he had brought them back as far as Trenton, and Penn directed him to resume the march to Philadelphia on Monday. He informed the Council, and that body advised him to place the Indians in the barracks in the city, since the military guard would have good quarters and would be \u201cbetter able to secure and protect them from any Insults there than in any other place.\u201d They arrived on January 24.\nNews of the return of these Indians to Philadelphia spread rapidly, and it soon became apparent that the Paxton Boys and their sympathizers did not intend to leave them at peace in the city. On Saturday, January 28, Benjamin Kendall, a Philadelphia merchant, appeared before the Council and reported a conversation he had held with a Robert Fulton of Lancaster, whom he had met while returning from that town to Philadelphia two days before. Fulton had told him, he said, that in ten days \u201cfifteen hundred Men would come down in order to kill the said Indians, and that if Fifteen hundred were not enough, five thousand were ready to join them.\u201d Kendall tried to get Fulton to use his influence to stop the projected attack, but Fulton replied that \u201cif Gabriel was to come down from Heaven\u201d and tell them to stop they would not do so, \u201cfor they were of the same Spirit with the blood-ran, blood-thirsty Presbyterians, who cut off King Charles his Head.\u201d Fulton denied the rumor that the marchers intended to kill the Quakers of the city, as well as the Indians, but assured Kendall that they would kill any one who opposed them.\nThe tempo of events now began to quicken. On Sunday, January 29, Penn wrote to Capt. William Murray, commander of the British troops at Carlisle, ordering him to move his forces to Lancaster. On the Council\u2019s advice, he began to prepare instructions to Captain Schlosser at the Philadelphia barracks, directing him how to act in case of attack. On this matter Penn ran into legal technicalities, so on Thursday, February 2, he prepared a message to the Assembly asking for a \u201cshort Law\u201d to extend the British Riot Act of 1715 to Pennsylvania. The Assembly received the message on the morning of the 3d, took it into immediate consideration, and appointed two men to draft the bill. They did so at once and the Assembly passed it through its three readings by special order and presented it to Penn by six o\u2019clock of the same afternoon. Because of the speaker\u2019s illness the Assembly was meeting at the house of his brother, Charles Norris. Penn immediately went there; the speaker   broke with precedent and invited him into the room where the assemblymen were gathered, and Penn formally enacted the measure.\nOn Saturday morning, February 4, the provincial commissioners told Penn and the Council that a letter from an assemblyman in Lancaster County had reported that \u201ca very considerable number of the people living on the frontiers of that and other Counties, were actually assembling themselves\u201d to march on Philadelphia and kill the Indians there, and that the next morning, Sunday, was \u201cthe time fixed on for the execution of their unlawful design.\u201d The Council thereupon advised Penn to give Captain Schlosser written instructions to defend the Indians with his troops after the Riot Act had been \u201cfirst read by a proper Civil Officer.\u201d\nOn the Council\u2019s advice Penn sent around notices of a general meeting of the inhabitants to take place at the State House at four o\u2019clock that afternoon. The governor and Council, the members of the Assembly, the city magistrates, and a \u201cConcourse\u201d of inhabitants estimated at 3000 attended in spite of a pouring rain. Penn announced the impending approach of the frontiersmen, proclaimed the passage of the Riot Act, and called upon the citizens to take arms and join an Association for the defense of the city and the Indians. Some volunteers armed themselves at once and went to the barracks to support the regular troops; others, estimated at many hundreds, joined the Association and formed into six companies of foot and one of artillery and two troops of horse. According to Muhlenberg, many of the Germans in the city held back because of their sympathies with the frontiersmen, but others joined up, as did, surprisingly, a substantial number of Quakers in spite of the principles of their faith.\nAlso on Saturday the governor and Council sent spies \u201cup the different roads to observe the motions of the Rioters, and to bring intelligence of their Approach.\u201d The next morning the usual Sabbath calm was broken by the appearance at the barracks of a number of carpenters, hired by the governor, to build a \u201credoubt\u201d and \u201cseveral small fortresses or ramparts\u201d under the direction of Captain Schlosser. Cannon were brought up and fixed in place and, so far as seemed possible, the barracks were placed in a posture of defense.\nLate Sunday night\u2014Muhlenberg said it was about two o\u2019clock Monday morning\u2014the bells began to ring an alarm signaling that the Paxton men were coming. It was apparently during this night that, as Franklin put it later, the governor \u201cdid me the Honour, on an Alarm, to run to my House at Midnight, with his Counsellors at his Heels, for Advice, and made it his Head Quarters for some time.\u201d Orders had gone out to bring all the ferryboats on the Schuylkill to the Philadelphia side. Had this been done the marchers would have had difficulty getting over because the river was in freshet, but about eleven on Monday morning it was realized that the crossing at Swede\u2019s Ford, some fifteen miles up from the city, had been forgotten. New orders came too late; the Paxton Boys, numbering perhaps 250 and saying that more were to follow, had already crossed the river and marched down through Chestnut Hill to Germantown. The governor and his advisers sent several clergymen to meet the insurgents and use what influence they might have to stop the approach. Among those who went were Gilbert Tennent, the evangelist and pastor of the Second Presbyterian Church, two Anglicans, a Presbyterian \u201cprofessor from the Academy\u201d (probably Francis Alison), and Paul Daniel Brycelius, a Swedish Lutheran from Raritan, N.J., then temporarily in Philadelphia. They told the marchers that the city was preparing for defense, and that an attack would certainly lead to bloodshed. They underlined their warning to the astonished insurgents with the information that even many Quakers had taken up arms. The frontiersmen decided to pause at Germantown.\nEarly Tuesday morning, February 7, the governor and Council sent a delegation of prominent citizens to talk with the rioters. The group included Attorney General Benjamin Chew and William Logan of the Council, Franklin and Joseph Galloway of the Assembly, Mayor Thomas Willing, Daniel Roberdeau, a leading Anglican merchant and former assemblyman, and Dr. Carl Wrangel, pastor of Gloria Dei (Old Swedes\u2019) Lutheran Church. At Germantown they met the spokesmen of the insurgents, Matthew Smith and James Gibson. The conference lasted for several hours; the Paxton men stated their grievances at length, by no means all of which related to the Indians under guard at the barracks; the men from the city convinced Smith and Gibson that the government, the British troops, and the volunteer defenders meant business and that any attempt to use force would lead to a heavy loss of life. It was finally agreed that the Paxton men would disperse and return to their homes, leaving Smith and Gibson to come into the city and draw up a formal paper stating the grievances of the men for whom they were acting. The governor and Assembly would then give these matters just consideration.\nWhen the official party returned to Philadelphia in the evening and reported to the governor, the volunteer \u201cmilitiamen\u201d were dismissed with a speech of thanks. The next morning, however, a fresh alarm took place when a small party of the Paxton men entered the city escorting their spokesmen, Smith and Gibson. Rumors quickly spread that the insurgents were advancing in force; shops were closed, and hundreds of defenders reassembled under arms. Fortunately, no violence followed, and some of the frontiersmen were allowed to look over the Indians at the barracks to see if they could recognize among them any reputed murderers or other enemies. They found none. Although charges and countercharges continued to fly back and forth for days, the city soon returned to its accustomed routine, if not to its theoretical condition of brotherly love.\nOn Saturday, February 4, the day on which the mass meeting at the State House had organized the Association of volunteer defenders, Governor Penn had prepared and the Council had approved a message to the Assembly pointing out the difficulties under which he labored because there was no act in force to provide an organized militia which could be called out in cases of emergency such as then existed. The situation was made especially precarious, he said, because the regular troops guarding the Indians would soon \u201cbe necessarily ordered on Duty elsewhere, and be employed against our open Enemies.\u201d He therefore asked the Assembly \u201cto frame a Militia Law, in a manner as little Burthensome to the Inhabitants as possible, as the only natural and effectual means of preserving the publick Tranquility, and enabling the civil power to enforce the Laws and vindicate the Honour of the Government.\u201d\nThe Assembly had adjourned that Saturday morning before Penn\u2019s message could be delivered; because of the activities and excitement resulting from the approach of the Paxton Boys, no quorum could be brought together until the following Thursday afternoon. On Friday morning, February 10, Secretary Richard Peters presented to the House the governor\u2019s message of the 4th. Upon its consideration, the Assembly appointed a committee of seven, including Franklin, to draft a reply. They brought it in on Saturday morning; it was approved at once, and was ordered to be delivered to Governor Penn.\nMay it please your Honour,\nFebruary 11, 1764.\nYour Honour\u2019s Message of the Fourth Instant we received Yesterday, and as we are of Opinion that it contains Matters of the utmost Importance to the Welfare of this Province, we shall take the same into our most serious Consideration, and as soon as possible acquaint you with the Result; and notwithstanding the Rioters, upon their Approach near this City, and a Discovery of the spirited Resolutions of the Citizens to oppose their barbarous and illegal Designs, are dispersed, your Honour may be assured that nothing in our Power, consistent with the Trust reposed in us, shall be wanting for the Security of the Government, and the Protection of the Inhabitants, against the future Violences of such licentious People, who disturb the publick Tranquility, and trample on all Laws divine and human.\nSigned by Order of the House,Isaac Norris, Speaker.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-11-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0014", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 11 February 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Feb. 11. 1764\nI have just received your Favour by the extra Packet of Nov. 26. and am pleas\u2019d to find a just Resentment so general in your House against Mr. W.\u2019s seditious Conduct, and to hear that the present Administration is like to continue.\nIf Money must be raised from us to support 14 Batallions, as you mention, I think your Plan the most advantageous to both the Mother Country and Colonies of any I have seen. A moderate Duty on Foreign Mellasses maybe collected; when a high one could not. The same on foreign Wines; and a Duty not only on Tea, but on all East India Goods might perhaps not be amiss, as they are generally rather Luxuries than Necessaries; and many of your Manchester Manufactures might well supply their Places. The Duty on Negroes I could wish large enough to obstruct their Importation, as they every where prevent the Increase of Whites. But if you lay such Duties as may destroy our Trade with the Foreign Colonies, I think you will greatly hurt your own Interest as well as ours. I need not explain this to you, who will readily see it. The American Fishery, too, should be as little burthened as possible. It is to no purpose to enlarge on these Heads, as probably your Acts are pass\u2019d before this can reach you.\nIn my last I mention\u2019d to you the Rioting on our Frontiers, in which 20 peaceable Indians were kill\u2019d, who had long liv\u2019d quietly among us. The Spirit of killing all Indians, Friends and Foes, spread amazingly thro\u2019 the whole Country: The Action was almost universally approved of by the common People; and the Rioters thence receiv\u2019d such Encouragement, that they projected coming down to this City, 1000 in Number, arm\u2019d, to destroy 140 Moravian and Quaker Indians, under Protection of the Government. To check this Spirit, and strengthen the Hands of the Government by changing the Sentiments of the Populace, I wrote the enclos\u2019d Pamphlet, which we had only time to circulate in this City and Neighbourhood, before we heard that the Insurgents were on their March from all Parts. It would perhaps be Vanity in me to imagine so slight a thing could have any extraordinary Effect. But however that may be, there was a sudden and very remarkable Change; and above 1000 of our Citizens took Arms to support the Government in the Protection of those poor Wretches. Near 500 of the Rioters had rendezvous\u2019d at Germantown, and many more were expected; but the Fighting Face we put on made them more willing to hear Reason, and the Gentlemen sent out by the Governor and Council to discourse with them, found it no very difficult Matter to persuade them to disperse and go home quietly. They came from all Parts of our Frontier, and were armed with Rifle Guns and Tomhawks. You may judge what Hurry and Confusion we have been in for this Week past. I was up two Nights running, all Night, with our Governor; and my Rest so broken by Alarms on the other Nights, that the whole Week seems one confus\u2019d Space of Time, without any such Distinction of Days, as that I can readily and certainly say, on such a Day such a thing happened. At present we are pretty quiet, and I hope that Quiet will continue. A Militia Bill is ordered by the House to be brought in, our Want of such a Law appearing on this Occasion to every-body; but whether we shall be able to frame one that will pass, is a Question. The Jealousy of an Addition of Power to the Proprietary Government, which is universally dislik\u2019d here, will prevail with the House not to leave the sole Appointment of the Militia Officers in the Hands of the Governor; and he, I suppose, will insist upon it, and so the Bill will probably fall through; which perhaps is no great Matter, as your 14 Battallions will make all Militias in America needless, as well as put them out of Countenance.\nThe Bearer, Mr. Mifflin, is a valuable young Man, Son of a Friend of mine, and one for whom I have a great Regard. I beg Leave to recommend him to your Civilities. With the sincerest Esteem, and Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nR. Jackson Esqr.\nEndorsed: 11 Febry 1764 Benjn. Franklin Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0015", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Bernard, 13 February 1764\nFrom: Bernard, Francis\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBoston Feb 13. 1764\nI am favoured with yours of Jan 27. and have received one from my Son dated New York Feb 2 informing that being apprehensive of the badness of the Roads on the change of Weather, He had returned your Horse and intended to take his passage in the Newport packet boat with some other Gentlemen who were waiting for it. However He is not yet arrived.\nI am extremely obliged to you for your Care in this business and shall be impatient till I have an opportunity to make some return. In regard to the charge, if it will be more convenient to you to have it paid at philadelphia, than to draw for it here, I shall soon have an opportunity of ordering it there. I shall wait your orders. I am\nB Franklin Esq", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-15-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0016", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Catharine Greene, 15 February 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Greene, Catharine\nDear Friend,\nPhilada. Feb. 15. 1764\nI have before me your most acceptable Favour of Dec. 24. Publick Business and our public Confusions have so taken up my Attention, that I suspect I did not answer it when I receiv\u2019d it, but am really not certain; so to make sure, I write this Line to acknowledge the Receiving it, and to thank you for it.\nI condole with you on the Death of the good old Lady your Mother. Separations of this kind from those we love, are grievous: But tis the Will of God that such should be the Nature of Things in this World; all that ever were born are either dead or must die. It becomes us to submit, and to comfort ourselves with the Hope of a better Life and more happy Meeting hereafter.\nSally kept to her Horse the greatest Part of the Journey, and was much pleas\u2019d with the Tour. She often remembers with Pleasure and Gratitude the Kindnesses she met with and receiv\u2019d from our Friends every where, and particularly at your House. She talks of writing by this Post; and my Dame sends her Love to you, and Thanks for the Care you took of her old Man, but having bad Spectacles, cannot write at present. Mr. Kent\u2019s Compliment is a very extraordinary one, as he was oblig\u2019d to kill himself and two others in order to make it: but being kill\u2019d in Imagination only, they and he are all yet alive and Well, Thanks to God, and I hope will continue so as long as Dear Katy, Your affectionate Friend\nB Franklin\nMy best Respects to Mr. Greene, and Love to the little dear Creatures.\nI believe the Instructions relating to the Post Office have been sent to Mr. Rufus Greene.\nAddressed: To / Mrs Catharine Greene / at / Warwick / Rhode-island Governmt / Free / B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-21-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0018", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Francis Bernard, 21 February 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Bernard, Francis\nSir\nPhilada. Feb. 21. 1764\nI ought sooner to have answered yours of the 23d past, but the dangerous Riots and Tumults we have lately had here, took up all our Attention.\nI hope Mr. Bernard is well with you before this Time. As our Navigation was stopt by the Ice, and it was uncertain when our River would be open, and a good Vessel offer for Boston, I thought it might be best for him to proceed by Land, especially as he could have Col. Elliot\u2019s Company so great a Part of the Journey. They parted, however, at New York, Mr. Bernard meeting there with Company going in the Packet to Rhodeisland.\nI have no Receipts for Pickling either Sturgeon or Salmon, but will endeavour to procure you one for Sturgeon. In my Opinion a great deal depends on the kind of Salt to be used. For this I would refer you to Brownrigg\u2019s Book where you may find what Salt the Dutch use for their Herrings. There is an alcaline corrosive Quality in common coarse Salt, which must be corrected by some Acid, in the Boiling or Refining of it. The Dutch use Buttermilk, I think, for that purpose. I am, with great Respect, Your Excellency\u2019s most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nP.S. I send the Account of my Disbursements, which if you please may be paid to Mr. Jonathan Williams, Mercht. Boston, for my Account.\nGovernor Bernard\nEndorsed: Dr Franklin Feb. 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0019", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, 24 February 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Williams, Jonathan\nLoving Cousin\nPhilada. Feb. 24. 1764\nI have taken the Liberty to trouble you with a Box put this Day on board the Sloop William Capt. Ephraim Jones, directed for you. In it is a Portmantle and Mail Pillon belonging to Mr. Bernard, your Governor\u2019s Son, which please to send to the Governor\u2019s as soon as it gets to hand: Also a Parcel for Sister Mecom; and some Books on Inoculation, which I should be glad you could conveniently distribute in your Country gratis.\nJust before I left London, a Gentleman requested I would sit for a Picture to be drawn of me for him by a Painter of his choosing. I did so, and the Pourtrait was reckon\u2019d a very fine one. Since I came away, the Painter has had a Print done from it, of which he has sent a Parcel here for Sale. I have taken a Dozen of them to send to Boston and it being the only way in which I am now likely ever to visit my Friends there, I hope a long Visit in this Shape will not be disagreable to them. Be so good then, to take the Trouble of distributing them among such of my Friends as think them worth Accepting.\nThe Box, with perhaps a little Alteration, may serve to send the 10 Folio Volumes of Bayle\u2019s Dictionary in, of which I saw one or two at your House, the rest are at Cousin Hubbard\u2019s I suppose. I should be glad to have them the first Opportunity.\nMy Wife and Sally join in Love to you and yours and your Children, with Your affectionate Uncle\nB Franklin\nP.S. Perhaps the Prints might be acceptable to some of the following Persons\u2014viz.\nRevd. Dr. Mayhew\nRevd. Mr. Cooper\nRevd. Mr. Byles\nMr. Bowdoin\nMr. Winthrop of Cambridge\nMr. B. Kent\nMiss Betsey Hubbard\nCousin Rogers\nCousin Griffitts\nCousin Williams\nAnd my Sister will possibly like to have one for herself, and one for her Doctor Perkins.\nAddressed: To / Mr Jonathan Williams / Mercht / Boston / per the William / Capt. E. Jones. / With a Box\nEndorsed: Feby 24 1764 F", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0020", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Bernard, 1 March 1764\nFrom: Bernard, Francis\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBoston Mar 1 1764\nI am favoured with yours and shall immediately order the sum of \u00a340 1s. 10d. (which I suppose is at 7s. 6d. per dollar) to be paid to Mr. Williams. There is still wanting the charge at Annapolis. I have heard that there has been a Dutch trading Ship seized at Anchor at Sandy hook. As the forfeiture arises from importing &c. Is it not worth consideration whether the Governor\u2019s Share does not belong to the Governor of New Jersey? as Sandy hook is in that province and within the port of Amboy. I am &c.\nSee 15 Car 2\nB Franklin Esq", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-06-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0021", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee: Report, 6 March 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee\nTo: \nOn Feb. 25, 1764, a petition was read before the Assembly from a \u201cNumber\u201d of inhabitants of Philadelphia, praying that debates in the House be henceforth open to the public and asking the House to adopt \u201ca standing Order, that the Freemen of the Province shall have free Access, at all seasonable Times in future, to inform themselves\u201d about matters before the House, \u201cas is the Custom of the Honourable House of Commons in Great Britain, and elsewhere in his Majesty\u2019s Dominions.\u201d The petition was laid on the table, but on February 29, a committee of eight, including Franklin, was appointed \u201cto examine the Journals of the House of Commons, and the Usage and Practice thereof, in respect to the Privelege petitioned for by the said Inhabitants; and to enquire likewise what the Practice is in the other American Colonies.\u201d After receiving this report on March 6 the Assembly dropped the matter.\nIn Obedience to the Order of the House, we have examined the Journals of the House of Commons, and do find, that respecting the Practice and Usage mentioned in the Petition of divers Inhabitants of the City of Philadelphia, the standing Orders of that House have, for some Years past, been as follow, viz.\nOrdered,\n\u201cThat the Sergeant at Arms attending this House do, from time to time, take into his Custody any Stranger or Strangers that he shall see, or be informed of to be, in the House or Gallery, while the House, or any Committee of the House, is sitting; and that no Person, so taken into Custody, be discharged out of Custody, without the special Order of the House.\u201d\nOrdered,\n\u201cThat no Member of this House do presume to bring any Stranger or Strangers into the House, or Gallery thereof, while the House is sitting.\u201d\nAnd we are informed that, in Pursuance of these Orders, the Doors are kept, and no Stranger admitted, for whom Leave has not been expresly asked and given by the House.\nWith Regard to the Practice in the Colonies, we have not been able to obtain perfect Information concerning all of them; but we understand, that in the Provinces of Maryland and Virginia the Assembly Doors are left open, and Persons are permitted to stand without, so as to hear the Debates; but that in the neighbouring Provinces of New-Jersey and New-York the Practice is, as hitherto it has been in this Province, to keep the Doors shut, except at Hearings on contested Elections, or the like, which are usually public. Submitted to the House, by\nJohn Hughes,\nJohn Douglass,\nBenjamin Franklin,\nJohn Blackburn,\nWilliam Smith,\nJohn Montgomery,\nGeorge Ashbridge,\nJohn Tool.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0023", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 8 March 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. March 8. 1764\nI hear our Money Bill is to come down this Day from the Governor with a Negative. It comply\u2019d with four of the Stipulations made at the Council Board, viz. 1. The Proprietaries unappropriated Lands are explicitly exempted from Taxation. 2. Provincial Commissioners of Appeal are appointed. 3. The Paper Currency is made no legal Tender to the Proprietaries. 4. The Money is not to be dispos\u2019d of without the Governor\u2019s Consent. But the other Two, That the best of the Proprietor\u2019s located uncultivated Lands should be taxed no higher than the worst of the People\u2019s; and, That his Town Lots should be exempted from all Tax; these the House thought too unjust to be comply\u2019d with. So the Bill will be damn\u2019d, and the King\u2019s Service depriv\u2019d of \u00a350,000, to save the Proprietaries a trifling Tax: unless the House should comply and alter their Bill, which is very uncertain.\nVirginia has refus\u2019d to comply in the least with the General\u2019s Requisition; as you will see by the enclos\u2019d Papers.\nChief Justice Morris is dead, and another of the Jersey Judges, Mr. Nevil, being disabled by a Palsey, there seem\u2019d to be a Necessity of an immediate new Appointment. The Governor, by the Advice of his Council has accordingly appointed Charles Read, Esqr. (who was second Judge) to be Chief Justice, and Mr. Berrien to be Second in his Place. As these are Persons of good Character, and acquainted with the Law, I could wish to hear that the Appointment is confirm\u2019d at home. A Word from you, properly plac\u2019d, may do the Business.\nSometime last Spring I sent you a Catalogue of a large Collection of Ores, Minerals, and other Fossils of these Parts of America, which Collection is now in our Library; and I requested you would show it to our Friend Tissington. I never heard of your receiving it. I sent also Copies of sundry Schemes then on foot here for settling new Colonies.\nI shall write farther by a Ship that sails for London next Sunday. This vi\u00e2 Bristol, from, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nR. Jackson, Esqr\nEndorsed: 8 Mar. 1764 Benjn Franklin Esq", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-14-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0024", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Canton, 14 March 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Canton, John\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Mar. 14. 1764\nWhen I left London, I promis\u2019d myself the pleasure of a regular Correspondence with you and some others of the ingenious Gentlemen that compos\u2019d our Club. But after so long an Absence from my Family and Affairs, I found, as you will easily conceive, so much Occupation, that philosophical Matters could not be attended to; and my last Summer was almost wholly taken up in long Journeys. I am now a little better settled, and take the Liberty of Beginning that Commerce of Letters with you, in which I am sure to be the Gainer.\nI have little that is new at present to offer you. I have made no Experiments myself. Mr. Kinnersley has shewn me one, that I think is mention\u2019d in a Letter of his to me, which I left in London, and it is a beautiful one to see. By a Stroke from his Case of Bottles pass\u2019d thro\u2019 a fine Iron Wire, the Wire appears first red hot, and then falls in Drops, which burn themselves into the Surface of the Table or Floor. The Drops cool round like very small Shot. I enclose some of them. This proves that the Fusion of Iron by a Stroke of Lightning may be a hot and not a cold Fusion as we formerly suppos\u2019d, and is agreable to the Acct. publish\u2019d some Years since in the Transactions, of the Effects of Lightning on a Bell Wire in Southwark.\nMr. Kinnersley told me of a much stranger Experiment, to wit, that when he had sometimes electrify\u2019d the Air in his Room, he open\u2019d the Windows and Doors, and suffer\u2019d the Wind to blow through, which made no Alteration in the electric State of the Room, tho\u2019 the whole Air must have been changed; That he had even try\u2019d the same abroad in the open Air on a windy Day, and found the Electricity remain\u2019d long after the Operation, tho\u2019 the Air first electrify\u2019d must have been all driven away. This surpris\u2019d me, as it seem\u2019d to indicate that some fix\u2019d Medium subsisted between the Particles of Air, thro\u2019 which Medium they might pass as Sand can thro\u2019 Water; and that such fix\u2019d Medium was capable of Electrisation. I went to see it, but had however my Doubts that there might be some Deception in the Experiment; and tho\u2019 at first it seem\u2019d to succeed astonishingly, I afterwards found what I thought might occasion the Deception. As your little Balls, which were us\u2019d to discover the Electricity by their Separation, would be too much disturb\u2019d by the Wind when it blow\u2019d fresh, Mr. Kinnersley had put them into a Phial, suspended from the Bottom of the Cork. They were as easily affected there, by any Electricity in the outward Air as if they had not been enclos\u2019d; but I suspect that the Glass receives some Degree of Electricity from the electris\u2019d Air, and so kept the Balls separated after the electris\u2019d Air was blown away. I think Mr. Kinnersley was not quite satisfy\u2019d with that Solution of the Phenomenon. I wish you would try it when you have Leisure, and let me know the Result.\nAn ingenious Gentleman in Boston, who is a Friend of mine, desired me when there last Summer, to recommend a good Instrumentmaker to him, to make a Pedestal of a new Construction for his Reflecting Telescope. I accordingly recommended our Friend Nairne; but as it was a new Thing to Mr. Nairne, it might be well, for preventing Mistakes, to get some Gentleman accustomed to the Use of Telescopes in Astronomical Observations, to inspect the Execution; and I took the Liberty to mention you, as one who would be good enough to take that Trouble if he requested it. I find he has accordingly wrote to you, and sent his Telescope. If it may not be too much Trouble, I hope you will oblige him in it, and I shall take it as a Favour to me. I send you enclos\u2019d a second Letter of his. The Charge of Postage that you pay, should be put into his Account. I have no Improvement to propose. The whole is submitted to you.\nPlease to present my respectful Compliments to Lord Charles Cavendish and Mr. Cavendish, when you see them, to whom I am much oblig\u2019d for their Civilities to me when I was in England. Also to Mr. Price, Mr. Burgh, Mr. Rose, and the rest of that happy Company with whom I pass\u2019d so many agreable Evenings, that I shall always think of with Pleasure. My best Respects to Mrs. Canton, and believe me, with sincere Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Canton\nAddressed: To / Mr John Canton / Spital Square / Bishopsgate Street / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-14-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0025", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Fothergill, 14 March 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Fothergill, John\nDear Doctor,\nPhilada. March 14. 1764.\nI received your Favour of the 10th. of Decemr. It was a great deal for one to write, whose Time is so little his own. By the way, When do you intend to live? i.e. to enjoy Life. When will you retire to your Villa, give your self Repose, delight in Viewing the Operations of Nature in the vegetable Creation, assist her in her Works, get your ingenious Friends at times about you, make them happy with your Conversation, and enjoy theirs; or, if alone, amuse yourself with your Books and elegant Collections? To be hurried about perpetually from one sick Chamber to another, is not Living. Do you please yourself with the Fancy that you are doing Good? You are mistaken. Half the Lives you save are not worth saving, as being useless; and almost the other Half ought not to be sav\u2019d, as being mischievous. Does your Conscience never hint to you the Impiety of being in constant Warfare against the Plans of Providence? Disease was intended as the Punishment of Intemperance, Sloth, and other Vices; and the Example of that Punishment was intended to promote and strengthen the opposite Virtues. But here you step in officiously with your Art, disappoint those wise Intentions of Nature, and make Men safe in their Excesses. Whereby you seem to me to be of just the same Service to Society as some favourite first Minister, who out of the great Benevolence of his Heart should procure Pardons for all Criminals that apply\u2019d to him. Only think of the Consequences!\nYou tell me the Quakers are charged on your side the Water with being by their Aggressions the Cause of this War. Would you believe it, that they are charg\u2019d here, not with offending the Indians, and thereby provoking the War, but with gaining their Friendship by Presents, supplying them privately with Arms and Ammunition, and engaging them to fall upon and murder the poor white People on the Frontiers? Would you think it possible that Thousands even here should be made to believe this, and many Hundreds of them be raised in Arms, not only to kill some converted Indians supposed to be under the Quakers Protection, but to punish the Quakers who were supposed to give that Protection? Would you think these People audacious enough to avow such Designs in a public Declaration sent to the Governor? Would you imagine that innocent Quakers, Men of Fortune and Character, should think it necessary to fly for Safety out of Philadelphia into the Jersies, fearing the Violence of such armed Mobs, and confiding little in the Power or Inclination of the Government to protect them? And would you imagine that strong Suspicions now prevail, that those Mobs, after committing 20 barbarous Murders, hitherto unpunish\u2019d, are privately tamper\u2019d with to be made Instruments of Government, to awe the Assembly into Proprietary Measures? And yet all this has happen\u2019d within a few Weeks past!\nMore Wonders! You know I don\u2019t love the Proprietary, and that he does not love me. Our totally different Tempers forbid it. You might therefore expect, that the late new Appointment of one of his Family, would find me ready for Opposition. And yet when his Nephew arriv\u2019d our Governor, I consider\u2019d Government as Government, paid him all Respect, gave him on all Occasions my best Advice, promoted in the Assembly a ready Compliance with everything he propos\u2019d or recommended; and when those daring Rioters, encourag\u2019d by the general Approbation of the Populace, treated his Proclamations with Contempt, I drew my Pen in the Cause, wrote a Pamphlet (that I have sent you) to render the Rioters unpopular; promoted an Association to support the Authority of the Government and defend the Governor by taking Arms, sign\u2019d it first myself, and was followed by several Hundreds, who took Arms accordingly; the Governor offer\u2019d me the Command of them, but I chose to carry a Musket, and strengthen his Authority by setting an Example of Obedience to his Orders. And, would you think it, this Proprietary Governor did me the Honour, on an Alarm, to run to my House at Midnight, with his Counsellors at his Heels, for Advice, and made it his Head Quarters for some time: And within four and twenty Hours, your old Friend was a common Soldier, a Counsellor, a kind of Dictator, an Ambassador to the Country Mob, and on their Returning home, Nobody, again. All this has happened in a few Weeks!\nMore Wonders! The Assembly receiv\u2019d a Governor of the Proprietary Family with open Arms, address\u2019d him with sincere Expressions of Kindness and Respect, open\u2019d their Purses to him, and presented him with Six Hundred Pounds; made a Riot Act and prepar\u2019d a Militia Bill immediately at his Instance; granted Supplies and did every thing that he requested, and promis\u2019d themselves great Happiness under his Administration. But suddenly, his dropping all Enquiry after the Murderers, and his answering the Deputies of the Rioters privately and refusing the Presence of the Assembly who were equally concern\u2019d in the Matters contain\u2019d in their Remonstrance, brings him under Suspicion; his Insulting the Assembly without the least Provocation, by charging them with Disloyalty and with making an Infringement on the King\u2019s Prerogatives, only because they had presumed to name in a Bill offered for his Assent, a trifling Officer (somewhat like one of your Toll-Gatherers at a Turn pike) without consulting him; and his refusing several of their Bills, or proposing Amendments needlessly disgusting; these Things bring him and his Government into sudden Contempt; all Regard for him in the Assembly is lost; all Hopes of Happiness under a Proprietary Government are at an End; it has now scarce Authority enough left to keep the common Peace; and was another Mob to come against him, I question whether, tho\u2019 a Dozen Men were sufficient, one could find so many in Philadelphia, willing to rescue him or his Attorney-General, I won\u2019t say from Hanging, but from any common Insult. All this, too, has happened in a few Weeks!\nIn fine, every thing seems in this Country, once the Land of Peace and Order, to be running fast into Anarchy and Confusion. Our only Hopes are, that the Crown will see the Necessity of taking the Government into its own Hands, without which we shall soon have no Government at all.\nYour civil Dissensions at home give us here great Concern. But we hope there is Virtue enough in your great Nation to support a good Prince in the Execution of Good Government, and the Exercise of his just Prerogatives, against all the Attempts of Unreasonable Faction.\nI have been already too long. Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\nDr. Fothergill\nEndorsed: B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-14-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0026", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 14 March 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. March 14. 1764\nI wrote to you on the 8th Instant, intending that Letter via Bristol, but it goes with this.\nThe Bill I mention\u2019d is since come down with an absolute Refusal, as the Proprietary Instructions were not comply\u2019d with, to have his Town Lots exempted, and his best located unimprov\u2019d Lands rated no higher than the lowest of the People\u2019s. The House, extreamly desirous to grant the Money to the Crown, as they approve highly of the General\u2019s Plan, will break thro\u2019 all their Rules, and send up a new Bill complying with every Demand, and making every Amendment; but as they esteem those I have mention\u2019d to be contrary to common Justice and common Sense, tho\u2019 supported by the old Order in Council, they are highly provok\u2019d at the Governor\u2019s insisting on them. I wish some good Angel would forever whisper in the Ears of your great Men, that Dominion is founded in Opinion, and that if you would preserve your Authority among us, you must preserve the Opinion we us\u2019d to have of your Justice. That Decision was certainly unequal. A Lot the Proprietor lately sold to Mr. Stamper here, pays now, as they tell me, near \u00a37 Tax, which in the Proprietor\u2019s Hands would not (being to be rated as unimprov\u2019d Land) pay more than 7 pence half penny. And this not owing to any Improvement, but merely the Change of Owner. Some other of the Amendments to that and the Militia Bill (which is likewise return\u2019d) are very disgusting, appearing to be calculated for that purpose, and I foresee an immediate Breach; tho\u2019 the House had a sincere Desire to continue on good Terms with the Governor, and have accordingly treated him with the utmost Respect ever since his Arrival, shewing on all Occasions the greatest Regard to every thing he recommended to them. But the Proprietary Aversion to the People here appears now to be hereditary and inveterate, and the People\u2019s old Dislike to them and their Government will of course be revived. As yet nothing unkind has proceeded from the House; but yesterday another little Bill for collecting a small Tonnage to support a Lighthouse, came down refused, with a Message, that it was for no other Reason, than that the House had nam\u2019d the Officer in the Bill, and thereby made an Infringement of his Majesty\u2019s Prerogatives, which were intrusted to his the Governor\u2019s Care. The House had put in the Name because it was not proper to send the Bill up with a Blank; and had the Governor by way of Amendment, propos\u2019d another Officer, they would have made no Objection, having no particular Attachment to the Person, and the Office a Trifle; but they observe this first Occasion is readily snatch\u2019d at, to charge them with Disloyalty, tho\u2019 the King\u2019s Prerogative of appointing a Toll-gatherer at a Turnpike was what they had never heard of before, and this is no more. Violent Suspicions, too, now begin to prevail, that the armed Mob in the Country, tho\u2019 not at first promoted, has since been privately encourag\u2019d by the Governor\u2019s Party, to awe the Assembly, and compell them to make such a Militia Law as the Governors have long aim\u2019d at. What increases that Suspicion is, that the Assembly\u2019s Proposal of joining with the Governor in giving Answer to the Remonstrance presented by the Deputies of that Mob, was rejected, tho\u2019 intended merely to add Weight to that Answer, by showing that the Government was unanimous. The Proposal was approved by the moderate Part of the Governor\u2019s Council. He chose, however, to give his Answer separately, and what it was is a Secret; we only learn that they went home extreamly well satisfy\u2019d with the Governor, and are soon expected down again. To encrease our Confusions, a bitter Enmity has arisen between the Presbyterians and Quakers; abusive Pamphlets are every Day coming out on both sides, and I think there is some Danger of Mischief between them. All Parties begin now to wish for a King\u2019s Government. The Mobs strike a general Terror, and many talk of Removing into other Provinces, as thinking both their Persons and Properties insecure.\nI receiv\u2019d duly your Favours of Nov. 12. and 26. and of Decemr. 9. I have been so busy lately, that I could not attend to the Affair with Mr.Coxe, and have not talk\u2019d with him as I intended on the Subject of his Proposal, but shall soon, in order to have it clear and explicit. The Assembly think themselves much misrepresented and very ill used by General Amherst, but will not give the Treasury any Trouble about the Inequality of Division, and have pass\u2019d a Bill to refund the other Colonies. The rigorous Execution of the Sugar Act, occasions much Commotion among our Merchants in North America; and the Difficulty foreseen of making Returns to England for Goods, if the Trade is stopt with the Foreign Islands, begins to produce Schemes of Industry and greater Frugality among the People, which many suppose will be more advantageous to us than that Trade if it were quite open.\nThe Maryland People are no happier under their Proprietary Government than we are under ours. You will see this by a Pamphlet I send you that is lately publish\u2019d there. The Gentlemen of that Country have no Agent or Patron in London, and have begg\u2019d me to recommend them and their Affairs to your Protection. I think \u2019tis likely that at their next Session the Assembly will petition the Crown to take the Government, making the Proprietaries a Compensation. They have no Publick Money to defray the Charges of prosecuting such a Petition, but will raise a handsome Sum by Subscription. If you should think that Pamphlet can do them any Service, they send a Score of them, requesting you would cause them to be distributed so as to come into proper Hands, in which you need not appear, your Bookseller can send them.\nThere is a worthy Friend of mine, Mr. Joseph Chew, of New London, who writes me, that the Collectorship of the Customs there is vacant, and that he has apply\u2019d to be appointed. I should be glad he might succeed, and could wish, if not inconvenient, that you would speak a good Word for him. I am, with the greatest Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nP.S. Just as the London Ship was on the Point of Sailing, some Reasons occur\u2019d against sending my Letters in her. This therefore goes vi\u00e2 Bristol. But the Parcel of Pamphlets above mention\u2019d are gone in the London Ship.\nR. Jackson, Esqr.\nEndorsed: 14th Mar 1764 Benjn. Franklin Esq", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-14-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0027", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 14 March 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nDear Polly\nPhilada. Mar. 14. 1764\nI have received your kind Letters of Augt. 30. and Nov. 16. Please to return my Thanks with those of my Friend, to Mr. Stanley for his Favour in the Musick, which gives great Satisfaction. I am glad to hear of the Welfare of the Blunt Family, and the Additions it has lately received; and particularly that your Dolly\u2019s Health is mended. Present my best Respects to them, and to the good Dr. and Mrs. Hawkesworth when you see them. I believe you were right in dissuading your good Mother from coming hither. The Proposal was a hasty Thought of mine, in which I consider\u2019d only some Profit she might make by the Adventure, and the Pleasure to me and my Family from the Visit; but forgot poor Polly, and what her Feelings must be on the Occasion; and perhaps did not sufficiently reflect, that the Inconveniencies of such a Voyage to a Person of her Years and Sex, must be more than the Advantages could compensate.\nI am sincerely concern\u2019d to hear of Mrs. Rooke\u2019s long continu\u2019d Affliction with that cruel Gout. My best Wishes attend her, and good Mrs. Tickell. Let me hear from you as often as you can afford it: You can scarce conceive the Pleasure your Letters give me. Blessings on his Soul that first invented Writing, without which I should, at this Distance, be as effectually cut off from my Friends in England, as the Dead are from the Living. But I write so little, that I can have no Claim to much from you as Business, public and private, devours all my Time. I must return to England for Repose. With such Thoughts I flatter my-self, and need some kind Friend to put me often in mind that old Trees cannot safely be transplanted. Adieu, my amiable Friend, and believe me ever Yours most affectionately\nB Franklin\nMiss Stevenson\nEndorsed: Phil Mar 14 64", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0028", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Message to the Governor, 22 March 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: Penn, John\nThe Assembly passed its \u00a350,000 supply bill on February 24 and delivered it to Governor Penn. He held it until March 7 when he sent it back with a message of rejection. It was expressly contrary to the decree of the Privy Council of Sept. 2, 1760, he said, particularly in the following points: 1. In the manner of taxing the Proprietors\u2019 located, uncultivated lands in the country and their lots in cities and boroughs. 2. In subjecting part of the money to be raised to payment on drafts and certificates issued by order of the Assembly only, without the governor\u2019s consent or prior knowledge. 3. In its mutually contradictory statements stipulating how many commissioners of appeals were needed to settle cases of alleged overassessment brought before them.\nOn March 10, \u201cafter a considerable Debate,\u201d the House appointed a committee to bring in a new supply bill, this time for \u00a355,000. With unprecedented speed the committee reported the bill on the same morning. After two days\u2019 debate the Assembly passed and sent it to Penn on March 14. No copy of the original \u00a350,000 bill has been found, but the short time the committee devoted to preparing its successor indicates that they could have made few changes to meet the governor\u2019s objections. A surviving copy of the very long bill passed by the House on March 14, certified by Charles Moore, clerk of the Assembly, is in the American Philosophical Society Library and provides a basis for understanding Penn\u2019s chief objection to both bills.\nThe critical issue was the assessment of the Proprietors\u2019 located but uncultivated lands. The \u00a355,000 bill (and clearly also the rejected \u00a350,000 bill) provided that such lands should not be assessed \u201chigher than the lowest Rate at which any located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants thereof, under the same Circumstances of Situation, Kind and Quality [italics added], shall be assessed\u201d; and that ungranted land of the Proprietors lying in boroughs and towns should be deemed located, uncultivated lands and assessed accordingly. The words printed in italics above were the crux of the problem. They do not appear in the corresponding passage of the stipulations incorporated into the order in council of Sept. 2, 1760. The question was: did the Privy Council intend that the Proprietors\u2019 located, uncultivated lands should be assessed at the same rates as comparable lands of the inhabitants, or that even the best of such proprietary country lands and town lots should be assessed at only the same rate as the worst country lands of other taxpayers? In the protracted dispute the Assembly contended for the first interpretation as the only just one, while the governor insisted that the literal second interpretation represented the true intention of the Privy Council.\nPenn returned the \u00a355,000 bill to the Assembly, March 19, with a verbal message stating that it was liable to the same objection as its predecessor on this matter of the proprietary lands. The Assembly immediately sent two members to the governor to ask what he took to be the intention of the stipulation in the order in council. He replied the next day, quoting the pertinent clauses of the order and adding that the words were \u201cso express and certain as to admit no Doubt or Ambiguity.\u201d He asked the House \u201cto insert in the Bill the above Clauses in the very Words of the Decree.\u201d The Assembly immediately tried to pin him down to a direct assertion \u201cthat the best and most valuable of the Proprietaries Lands and Lots should be taxed no higher than the worst and least valuable of the Lands or Lots belonging to the People.\u201d He shrewdly refused to use any such words and declined to enter into any dispute \u201cabout the Intent or Meaning of the Agents in the Stipulation they made\u201d (Franklin, one of those agents, was there in the Assembly), but Penn insisted that the lords of the committee of the Privy Council \u201cmost certainly understood the Force of the Words they made use of to convey their Ideas,\u201d and that \u201cthe English Language does not afford Words more forcible, clear and explicit\u201d than those contained in the disputed stipulation.\nThereupon the Assembly resolved without dissent on the morning of March 21 to adhere to the bill as it stood, and appointed a committee of eight members, including Franklin, to prepare a message to the governor. The committee presented its draft message the same afternoon, and \u201cafter some Alterations\u201d it was agreed to and ordered transcribed. On the morning of the 22d the message was again read, was signed by the speaker, and sent to Governor Penn.\nMay it please your Honour,\nThe House, upon Review of the Messages that have passed between your Honour and them, concerning the Money Bill, beg Leave to declare, that they had the sincerest Desire to comply with the Requisitions of His Majesty\u2019s General, and therefore immediately, at your Honour\u2019s Instance, voted the Number of Men required, and the Sum necessary to raise, cloathe and pay them; and are sorry they should be obliged to say, that the Delays and Difficulties they have met with in compleating a Bill to carry that Vote into Execution, have arisen wholly from the Intervening of Proprietary Interests and Instructions, which your Honour, who are \u201cno Stranger to the long Disputes and Differences that unhappily subsisted, for many Years, between the two Branches of the Legislature, on Bills of the like Nature,\u201d must know were ever the great and sole Obstruction to His Majesty\u2019s Service in this Province.\nTo prevent a Revival of those Disputes, the House have, in the present Bill, complied, to the best of their Understanding, with the Opinion of the Lords of the Committee, approved by His late Majesty, respecting our Supply Bills, and therefore had the greatest Reason to hope that no Objection could now arise to its Passage.\nBut your Honour is pleased to refuse your Assent to the Bill, unless in two of the six Alterations proposed by their Lordships, the very Terms by them made use of in their Report are inserted in the Bill, alledging that you cannot in Duty deviate from them.\nSuch a Reason for not passing this Bill appears the more extraordinary to us, as the six Articles in that Report are evidently Heads only of proposed Amendments, and do not appear to be ever intended as formed Clauses, the very Words of which were to be inserted in our future Supply Bills.\nFor Instance, one is, \u201cThat the real Estates to be taxed be defined with Precision, so as not to include the unsurveyed waste Lands belonging to the Proprietaries.\u201d Can it be thought that these Words ought to make a Part of the Bill? Another is, \u201cThat the Governor\u2019s Consent and Approbation be made necessary to every Issue and Application of the Money to be raised by Virtue of such Act.\u201d Another, \u201cThat Provincial Commissioners be named to hear and determine Appeals brought on the Part of the Inhabitants, as well as of the Proprietaries.\u201d Another, \u201cThat the Payments by the Tenants to the Proprietaries of their Rents, shall be according to the Terms of their respective Grants, as if such Acts had never been passed.\u201d All these appeared to us to be merely Heads of Provisions to be made in the Bill, and the Provisions are accordingly made, though in very different Words, but such as fully and particularly express the same Meaning: Thus the last, \u201cThat the Payments by the Tenants to the Proprietaries of their Rents, shall be according to the Terms of their respective Grants, as if such Act had never been passed,\u201d is provided for in the Clause that makes the Paper Money a legal Tender in all Payments whatsoever, by adding these Words, \u201cthe Sterling Rents due, or to become due, to the Proprietaries of this Province only excepted;\u201d which Words we conceived would effectually answer that Purpose. And these Changes your Honour has not disapproved. If the \u201cvery Terms\u201d of the Order in Council are so sacred that they must be made use of, and no other, and your Honour cannot in Duty deviate from them, the House are at a Loss to account for your agreeing to all those Alterations, and particularly to the latter, without the least Objection.\nTheir Lordships Words, relating to the Points now under Consideration, are these:\n\u201cThat the located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Proprietaries, shall not be assessed higher than the lowest Rate at which any located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants shall be assessed.\u201d And, \u201cThat all Lands not granted by the Proprietaries within Boroughs and Towns, be deemed located uncultivated Lands, and rated accordingly, and not as Lots.\u201d\nThose Provisions in our Bill are thus expressed, viz.\nAnd be it further enacted and provided nevertheless, that the located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Proprietaries of this Province shall not, by Virtue of this Act, be assessed higher than the lowest Rate at which any located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants thereof, under the same Circumstances of Situation, Kind and Quality, shall be assessed; and that all Lands not granted by the Proprietaries within Boroughs and Towns, be deemed located and uncultivated Lands, and rated accordingly, any Thing in this Act to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding.\nWe thought, may it please your Honour, that we had herein expressed the true Intention of those two Articles; but you have been pleased to let us know that you think otherwise, and that, in your Opinion, \u201cthe Words made use of in those Articles convey a meaning very different from the Provisions made respecting these Matters in the present Bill.\u201d We then, by a Message, requested your Honour would be pleased to acquaint us, what Meaning you conceive they do convey. This you have refused. We then endeavoured to conjecture, from the former Tenor of Proprietary Measures, what Sense your Honour might possibly be willing to understand them in; and by another Message, after setting forth, that as your Honour and the House differed in their Opinion of the Meaning of those Articles, it was very probable the Commissioners and Assessors of the several Counties, who were to execute the Act, might, if the same Terms only were used, differ likewise in their Opinion, and thence differ in the Modes of Taxation, we requested you would be pleased to acquaint us, whether you understood the Meaning to be, that the best and most valuable of the Proprietaries Lands and Lots, should be taxed no higher than the worst and least valuable of the Lands belonging to the People? This your Honour has been pleased neither to own nor deny; but continue to insist, that the Words of those Articles are so clear and explicit, that any Additions to them will rather tend to perplex than explain them; and therefore urge us again to put them, and no others, in the Bill.\nWe beg your Honour would be pleased to reflect for a Moment, how absurd it would be for the two Branches of the Legislature to agree to pass an Act in Terms which both of them have, in public Messages, declared beforehand that they understand very differently; and particularly, how extremely wrong in the Assembly, when the other Branch, the Executive, will not declare what it understands by those Terms, but reserves that till the Law shall come to be executed.\nUnder these Circumstances it is impossible for us to use, in this Bill, the Terms unexplained, which your Honour insists upon.\nWe do therefore unanimously adhere to our Bill, and once more earnestly request your Honour would be pleased to pass the same without further Delay, as His Majesty\u2019s Service, and the present deplorable Circumstances of the Frontiers, require its being carried into immediate Execution. Signed by Order of the House,\nIsaac Norris, Speaker.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0029", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 24 March 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: Penn, John\nGovernor Penn apparently spent most of the morning of March 23 composing a reply to the Assembly\u2019s message of the 22d (see immediately above). He signed it in the afternoon and sent it to the Assembly. In it he expressed his deep concern that in the critical military situation the supply bill must be lost unless the Assembly should insert the clauses of the Privy Council report, but he insisted that the failure of the supply would not be his fault. He reviewed the dispute up to date and then for the first time stated flatly what he believed the disputed stipulations to mean: \u201cThe only Construction I can put upon them or that they can bear, without torturing is, that if Five, Ten, or Fifteen Pounds, is the lowest at which any such Lands of the Inhabitants are assessed, none of the located uncultivated Lands of the Proprietors shall be assessed higher.\u201d If, as the Assembly had asserted in their previous verbal messages, the wording of the Privy Council\u2019s stipulations was so ambiguous as probably to cause varying interpretations among the local assessors, he explained, the provincial Board of Appeals provided for in the bill would quickly bring about uniformity of assessment.\nUpon hearing this message the Assembly voted, again without dissent, to adhere to the bill as it stood, and appointed a new committee of eight, including Franklin, to prepare a response to the governor. The committee presented its draft on the 24th; \u201csome Alterations\u201d were made; it was agreed to, transcribed, signed by the speaker, and sent to Penn the same day.\nThe rising temper of the Assembly can be readily detected in the phraseology of the final paragraphs of this message.\nMay it please your Honour,\nWe have considered your Honour\u2019s Message of Yesterday Afternoon, sent down to us with our Supply Bill, and are extremely concerned to find, that notwithstanding His Majesty\u2019s Service, and the present Situation of our Affairs, which you well describe in the first Lines of the Message, do so plainly mark the Utility and Necessity of passing that Bill, yet it must, you are pleased to say, be rejected.\nWe are sensible that your Honour did make to a former Bill the Objection you mention, concerning the incidental Charges; but as the House long since dropt that Bill, and, out of Zeal for the Service, broke through their Rules, and in the same Sitting prepared and presented another Bill, free from that Objection, we cannot conceive why it is repeated here, unless to swell, in Appearance, the Number of supposed Faults in the present Bill, with which it has nothing to do.\nIt obliges us now, however, to explain that Matter. The incidental Charges of the current Year are well known, and cannot be, as your Honour unkindly says, \u201cevery Thing that the Assembly shall please to certify to be such.\u201d The Sum they may amount to, is not indeed so certain, varying a little in different Years; but was always, and must be small, compared to the Sum granted in the Bill. The Course relating to them, even since the Order of Council, has been, for the Governor to request an Estimate of the Particulars, and for the House to give it, as near as they could; and his passing the Bill, after receiving such Estimate, was understood, both by him and the House, to be his Consent to that Application, and those Issues. The Clause was inserted in Compliance with that Practice, and your Honour might, and would, have had the Estimate as soon as it could be prepared, on the least Intimation; but it seems you were better pleased with the Opportunity you supposed it gave you, of making some Charge against us, as contravening the fourth Article in the Order of Council, viz. \u201cThat the Governor\u2019s Consent and Approbation be made necessary in every Issue and Application of the public Money.\u201d It was a Matter of so small Consequence, that we did not think it worth a Word of \u201cControversy,\u201d at such a Time, and therefore, in the new Bill, totally dropt the Clause, leaving those incidental Charges to be provided for in some other Way we might afterwards agree upon; but your Honour chuses to repeat the Accusation, though now so evidently out of Time.\nYou are pleased to say, \u201cyou know of no other certain Rule of judging of the Intentions of another, than by the plain Import of the Words made use of to convey them.\u201d We beg Leave to point out to your Honour another Rule, and, we think, a better. Laws and Ordinances, though composed by the wisest Men, in Councils and Parliaments, practiced in using the greatest Clearness and Precision, are sometimes found to contain Obscurities and Uncertainties, which those who are to execute them, find difficult to clear and settle: It is no Reflection on such Bodies, to say this: Every Thing human is subject to Imperfection: But where the Words are, by Construction, capable of two opposite Meanings, the one manifestly unjust and unequal, and the other perfectly consistent with Justice and Equity, we conceive it a good Rule to judge that the Intention is with the latter. Respect to the Body forming such Law requires it. Common Candour demands it. Now, in the present Case, the Intention of the Lords of the Council, in certain Words by them made use of, is to be judged of by your Honour and the Assembly, in order to form a Law agreeable to them. The House, in the Bill, put a Construction on them, conformable to common Justice and Equity; your Honour was pleased to tell us, that the Words have a very different Meaning, but for some Time refused to say what you conceived that different Meaning to be, insisting on our using the very Words, without Explanation. It was not till after three Messages, requesting your Honour\u2019s Judgment of that Meaning, and several Days spent in our Endeavours, that we have been able to obtain it; and now that we have it, and consider it, we do not wonder it should be so long refused. It is at length this, \u201cThat if Five, Ten, or Fifteen Pounds, is the lowest at which any such [i.e. located uncultivated] Lands of the Inhabitants are assessed, none of the located uncultivated Lands of the Proprietaries shall be assessed higher.\u201d Had we been fortunate enough to have used these Words in our Bill, we now have Reason to believe your Honour would not have referred us back to the very Terms of the Report, and insisted, that any Amendments or Additions of ours would rather tend to perplex than explain those Terms. But your Honour must know, that many of the located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants cannot, from the Nature of them, be, in Justice, assessed higher than Five Pounds per Hundred Acres, while the best of their Lands must by the Law be assessed at Fifteen Pounds. And can your Honour think it just, that because the worst, and least valuable of the Peoples Lands are rated at Five Pounds, the best, and most valuable of the Proprietaries Lands should be assessed no higher, when it is well known they select and locate the best in every new Purchase, before the People are allowed to take up any? Your Honour will not say this, because it is inconsistent with all our Notions of common Honesty. The same Modesty which so long prevented your Honour\u2019s confessing to us your Opinion of the Meaning of those Words in the Order of Council, will prevent your insisting on that Meaning as a just One. And for our Parts, we dare not put so iniquitous a Construction on their Lordships Words. Respect and Decency forbid it.\nYour Honour tells us, that you cannot, \u201cconsistent with your Duty,\u201d pass this Bill. If Duty to the Crown is meant, can your Honour seriously attempt to persuade us, that the Crown will be offended with a Proprietary Governor, for giving up an unjust Proprietary Claim to Partiality in Assessments in Favour of Proprietaries private Estate, where no Point of Government, or Prerogative of the Crown, is concerned? But perhaps your Honour means Duty to the Proprietaries, as your honoured Father and Uncle; if so, we must allow that Duty well supported, and enforced by your own private Interest; for such a Partiality in Favour of Proprietary Estates, must not only be extremely agreeable to the present Possessors, (from our Acquaintance with them for some Years past we speak it) but, if it can be established, will be highly advantageous to their Posterity.\nYour immediate Predecessor, Governor Hamilton, assured a former Assembly, that \u201cnothing was further from his Thoughts, than to desire that the Proprietaries Estate should be exempted from paying a proportionable Part of the Supplies for the current Service.\u201d And, \u201cthat it was of the Essence of free Governments, that the Money raised for public Services should be assessed equally upon all Ranks and Conditions of Men, otherwise the highest Injustice may be committed under the Sanction of Law.\u201d There seems now some Reason to apprehend, that these equitable Sentiments of that Gentleman might possibly have a Share in occasioning his Removal; and we shall not wonder if your Honour, from a nearer Connection with the Proprietaries, has imbibed others extreamly different.\nThe Inconvenience we mentioned that might arise from the Assessors of different Counties differing in their Opinion of the Meaning of the Terms you require in the Bill, your Honour apprehends will be removed by Means of the Provincial Commissioners of Appeal; which we own we do not see. The Assessors of different Counties may not only fall on different Modes of Taxation, as they differently understand those unexplained Terms, but should Half the Assessors in one County understand them one Way, and the other Half the other, no Tax can be laid, or Money raised in that County, till they agree. The Provincial Commissioners of Appeal too, being nine, and five of them a Board, three of which can determine, may, being of different Opinions, give different Judgments at different Sittings, as often as three, the Majority of a Board, happen to be taken from those who are of one or the other Opinion; besides, though the Assessors below should, from a right Understanding of the unexplained Words, act rightly, if the Provincial Commissioners, for Want of Explanation, understand the Words in the wrong Sense, they may, on Appeals, overthrow every right Assessment in the Province. In short, we conceive that much Confusion must arise from the using of Terms in a Law, that the Governor and the Assembly both declare they understand so differently. We may both be separately clear in our Conceptions of their Meaning, but our differing so widely in those Conceptions, seems to indicate at least some Ambiguity or Obscurity in the Terms; and we believe this is the first Time that ever the Enacting an Obscurity in a Law was insisted upon, in Hopes that some who were to execute it, might possibly see more clearly through it than the Legislators themselves.\nYour Honour is pleased to profess great Concern for the \u201cSafety and Security of the Province, and for the Blood of His Majesty\u2019s brave Subjects, which may be spilt on the Frontiers, for Want of a Law to provide for their Protection,\u201d and yet refuse to pass this Bill, unless gross Partiality in taxing is established by it in Favour of the Proprietary Estates. You have twice told us, that \u201cyou are not unacquainted with the long and various Contests on this Subject that have been agitated between the legislative Branches here, nor with the Evils and Miseries which were entailed on the Frontier Inhabitants by those Disputes:\u201d As you must then know that those Contests arose solely from Proprietary Injustice, you cannot be ignorant to whom all those Evils and Miseries ought to be imputed. And, on a little further Reflection, will find that you do really \u201cflatter yourself,\u201d as you well express it, when you imagine, that \u201cnone of the ill Consequences which may ensue from the Failure of this Bill can justly be imputed to\u201d You. Your Honour has refused to pass it at present, and our Affairs lay us under a Necessity of making an Adjournment; but we now acquaint you, that the Bill continues to lie ready for your Assent, and that we shall chearfully return on your Summons, whenever, upon more mature Consideration, you shall find yourself willing to enact it into a Law. In the mean Time, if any ill Consequences ensue from the Delay, they will undoubtedly add to that Load of Obloquy and Guilt the Proprietary Family is already burdened with, and bring their Government (a Government which is always meanly making Use of public Distress, to extort something from the People for its own private Advantage) into (if possible) still greater Contempt.\nFor our own Parts, we consider the Artifices now using, and the Steps taking to enflame the Minds of unthinking People, and excite Tumults against the Assembly, as concerted with a View to awe us into Proprietary Measures: But as these Seats were given us from no Solicitations of ours, and as we have no private Interest to serve by retaining them, nor any Pleasure in the Possession of them, we are very willing to quit them, whenever our Constituents think proper to relieve us, by chusing other Representatives, which our annual Elections give them frequent Opportunities of doing. And for the present Safety of the Persons and Properties of the good People of this Province, since the Governor will not pass the equal Militia Bill we offered him, but upon Terms of great Addition to Proprietary Power, which we hope, and are persuaded, no future Assembly will agree to, we must for the present depend on ourselves and our Friends, and on such Protection as the King\u2019s Troops can afford us, which we hope, by the Blessing of God, will be sufficient to defend us, till His Majesty shall graciously think fit to take this distracted Province under His immediate Care and Protection.\nSigned by Order of the House,Isaac Norris, Speaker.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0030", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Resolves upon the Present Circumstances, [24 March 1764]\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: \nAs soon as the Assembly had considered on March 10 the governor\u2019s message of the 7th rejecting the \u00a350,000 supply bill and had appointed a committee to bring in a new \u00a355,000 bill, it named a second committee of eight members, including Franklin, \u201cto draw up and bring in certain Resolves upon the present Circumstances of this Province, and the Aggrievances of the Inhabitants thereof.\u201d The committee reported on March 24 immediately after the Assembly had approved the reply to the governor of that date (see immediately above). The House \u201cdeliberately considered\u201d the draft resolutions and \u201cafter some Alterations\u201d adopted them, in each case, according to the record, without a dissenting voice. Soon afterwards the Assembly adjourned to May 14.\nThis \u201cNecklace of Resolves,\u201d as Franklin called it to his friend William Strahan a few days after its adoption, encompassed virtually all the major complaints of the Assembly against the proprietary government. Some of the grievances were of long standing, others of more recent origin; some were solidly grounded in frustrating experience, others were trivial or perhaps unjustified on the basis of any impartial examination of the circumstances. Taken together, however, they summarize the case which the party dominant in the elective body proposed to make against proprietary authority in the existing system of government of Pennsylvania. To use a modern analogy, they constituted a platform for the Assembly election of 1764.\nThat this dominant party did not necessarily represent the views of a majority of the inhabitants is obvious from any examination of the distribution of seats in the Assembly. The city of Philadelphia with two seats, and the three counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, and Chester with eight each, together held twenty-six of the thirty-six seats in the House of Representatives, although they included only a little more than half the taxable inhabitants of the colony in 1760. That such a distribution of seats, however fair it had once been, was no longer equitable in a truly democratic sense after the five newer counties had attained substantial populations, can hardly be debated. It may be remarked in passing, however, that equality of representation was far from being a generally accepted principle at this time in the English-speaking world. Pennsylvania\u2019s system was at least as fair at this period as were the systems of several other rapidly growing colonies, and its basis of representation was much more equitable than that of the British House of Commons before 1832.\nAt the same time, an objective analysis of the political system in Pennsylvania leads to the conclusion that control of the executive branch of government by a private (and nonresident) family which was also vested with extensive rights to the soil as a source of personal income was no longer an appropriate basis of operation in the 1760s, however useful it had been for the first settlement of the colony eighty years before. Conflict of public and private interest on the part of the Penns was virtually inescapable. In this respect the Assembly\u2019s position was fundamentally sound.\nThese two undesirable conditions, both long in development, reached crisis proportions simultaneously in 1764, largely as the result in both cases of the Indian uprising that demanded active measures of defense and consequent expenditures of money. A paradoxical alignment of political forces ensued. The \u201cdemocratic\u201d inhabitants of the more exposed counties rose up against the dominant group whose chief political strength lay in the old eastern counties. They accused the Assembly and its leaders of a selfish indifference to the needs of the frontier areas, and in consequence formed a political alliance with the supporters of the essentially obsolete and undemocratic proprietary regime. The dominant party in the east, believing itself to be the champion of the \u201cpeople\u2019s\u201d rights against the \u201cself-interested\u201d proprietary family, saw the colony in danger of losing the gains the party had so long struggled to obtain, and the party itself in danger of losing its position of political leadership.\nThe apparent solution, from the Assembly party\u2019s point of view, however naive it may seem in retrospect, was to seek the elimination of the Proprietors from the scene and the assumption of governmental control directly by the Crown. This idea had been privately discussed among the leaders, including Franklin, for about six years. With substantial experience in London, Franklin may not have been as optimistic as some of his fellow assemblymen that royal government would bring Utopia to Pennsylvania. He apparently believed, however, that his colony suffered under special disadvantages experienced nowhere else except in Maryland and that the removal of the Proprietors from a share in the government of Pennsylvania would be a permanent advantage to its people, placing them for the first time in a position of equality with the inhabitants of a majority of the English colonies. In his opinion, we may conclude from his writings of this period, the matter of the claims of the western settlers to political equality with the east was a secondary issue that could be ignored while the more pressing question was being resolved.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n1. That it is the Opinion of this House, that the Proprietaries of this Province, after having delegated their Powers of Government, can be justly or legally considered in no other Light than as private Owners of Property, without the least Share or constitutional Power of Legislation whatever.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n2. That the Obstructions and Delays the Measures of the Crown have so repeatedly met with in this Province, during the late War, were solely owing to Proprietary Instructions, respecting the private Interest of the Proprietaries.\n  Resolved, N. C.D.\n3. That all the Mischiefs to the Province, which the Governor mentions in his late Messages, as occasioned by those Obstructions, are therefore chargeable wholly to the Proprietaries.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n4. That it is high Presumption in any Subject to interfere between the Crown and the People; and by his private Instructions to a Deputy Governor, enforced by penal Bonds, prevent the Crown\u2019s receiving, and the Peoples granting, the Supplies required, and necessary for the Defence of His Majesty\u2019s Province.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n5. That it has appeared fully to the Assemblies of this Province, on due Enquiry made, that no Injustice has been done the Proprietaries in the Taxation of their Estates, and that not the least Cause has been given them to apprehend any such Injustice.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n6. That the Assemblies of Pennsylvania have, in many Instances, and for a long Course of Years, shewn their affectionate Regard for the Proprietary Family; that Family and its Deputies having received from the mere Benevolence of the People, within these last Forty Years, near Four-score Thousand Pounds.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n7. That in return for this Goodness of the People of Pennsylvania, the present Proprietaries have, ever since their Accession, been endeavouring to diminish and annihilate the Privileges granted by their Honourable Father, to encourage the Settlement of the Province.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n8. That from an Attachment to Proprietary Interest, and to increase the Revenue of their Deputies arising from Licences, the Benevolence of the People in granting the same has been grosly abused, and publick Houses and Dram-shops have been encreased to an enormous Degree, to the great Corruption of Morals in the Populace, and Scandal of the Government; and that, from the same Causes, reasonable Bills presented to Proprietary Governors, for restraining or preventing this Evil, have been from time to time refused.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n9. That after Indian Purchases made by the Proprietaries, their causing to be located and surveyed the best Tracts of Land for themselves and their Dependants, to lie waste in great Quantities for a future Market, is the Cause that our Frontiers are so thinly and scatteringly settled, whereby the poor Inhabitants there have been rendered less able to defend themselves, and become a more easy Prey to the small skulking Parties of the Enemy.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n10. That the Proprietaries having a Monopoly of the Lands of this Province, has enabled them to hold up the vacant unlocated Lands at exorbitant Prices, and the more, as they pay no Quitrent, but a small Acknowledgment only to the Crown, pay no Taxes for those Lands, and are under no Obligation of settling them in any limited Time.\n  Resolved, N.C.D.\n11. That their exorbitant Demands in the Price of Lands, have driven many Thousands of Families out of this Province into Maryland, Virginia, North and South-Carolina, where Lands are to be had reasonably; the Frontiers of all those Provinces being chiefly settled with People from Pennsylvania, who likewise carried away with them great Sums of Money, and thereby this Province has been doubly weakened, in the Loss of People to defend it, and of Substance and Improvements taxable towards its Defence.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n12. That it was therefore the more unreasonable in the Proprietaries to contend as they have done, first, that they should not be taxed at all; then that their Quit-rents should not be taxed; then that their located uncultivated Lands should be exempted; and put the Province to great Expence, in getting those Points decided against them at Home; while their Estate was equally to be defended with others, and the Province, on whom they would throw the Burden, was at the same Time so greatly weakened by Proprietary Avarice only.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n13. That the present Proprietary Demand, of having the best and most valuable of their located uncultivated Lands, rated and assessed no higher than the worst and least valuable of the located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants, is equally unreasonable and unjust with any of their former Claims.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n14. That the Proprietaries taking Advantage of Times of public Calamity to extort Privileges from the People, or enforce Claims against them, with the Knife of Savages at their Throat, not permitting them to raise Money for their Defence, unless the Proprietary arbitrary Will and Pleasure is complied with, is a Practice dishonourable, unjust, tyrannical and inhuman.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n15. That the Proprietaries contending for the Power of appointing Judges during their Pleasure, who are to determine in all Causes between the Proprietaries and their Tenants, the Inhabitants of the Province, is unjust, renders the Liberties and Properties of the Subject precarious, and dependant on the Proprietary Will and Pleasure, and is by no Colour of Reason supportable.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n16. That the bad Light this Province unhappily stands in with our gracious Sovereign and His Ministers, has been owing to Proprietary Misrepresentations and Calumnies.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n17. That it is the Opinion of this House, that the late Militia Bill offered to the Governor was equal and just, with regard to the Freemen of the Province, and sufficient for all good Purposes. And that the sole Appointment of the Officers, insisted on by the Governor, however willing the House might be to comply with the same under a Royal Government, would be an Addition to the Proprietary Power, that by no Means can be safely trusted by the People in their Hands.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n18. That the Fines proposed by the Governor, for Offences in the Militia, are enormously high, and calculated to enslave the good People of this Province.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n19. That the Power insisted on by the Governor, of marching any Number of the Militia to any Part of the Province, and keeping them there during any Time, at Pleasure, without the Advice and Consent of the Commissioners, who are to pay them, is a Power that may be used so as greatly and unnecessarily to harrass the Freemen of the Province, and cannot safely be trusted in the Hands of a Proprietary Governor.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n20. That Courts-martial proposed in the Governor\u2019s Amendments to the Militia Bill, to be held by Officers of the sole Appointment of a Proprietary Governor, with the Power of Life and Death over the Inhabitants of the Province, may be used greatly to their Prejudice, as a destructive Engine of Proprietary Power.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n21. That the House, in the present Supply Bill, from a dutiful Respect to the Judgment of their Lordships of the Privy Council, and an earnest Desire of promoting His Majesty\u2019s Measures, wisely concerted for the Protection of this Province, have fully complied with the same: And that the Sense in which some of the Articles of their Lordships Report is understood and explained by the Governor, is inconsistent with Reason and Justice, and what therefore their Lordships cannot be supposed ever to have meant or intended.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n22. That it is the Opinion of this House, that the Governor\u2019s rejecting the said Bill does not arise from its not being conformable to that Report, but because it is not formed agreeable to Proprietary Instructions.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n23. That the House having fully complied with their Duty to His Majesty, and the good People of this Province, in offering an equitable Supply Bill to the Governor for his Assent, all the Distresses and Mischiefs that shall happen on the Failure of the said Bill, are justly imputable to an undue Influence of the Proprietary Interest and Instructions on the Governor.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n24. That the sole executive Powers of Government being in the Hands of the Proprietaries, together with the very extensive and growing Power arising naturally from their vast and daily increasing Property, must in future Times, according to the natural Course of human Affairs, render them absolute, and become as dangerous to the Prerogatives of the Crown as to the Liberties of the People.\nResolved, N.C.D.\n25. That it is therefore the Opinion of this House, that the powers of Government ought, in all good Policy, to be separated from the Power attending that immense Property, and lodged, where only it can be properly and safely lodged, in the Hands of the Crown.\nAnd as all Hope of any Degree of Happiness, under the Proprietary Government, is, in our Opinion, now at an End,\nResolved, N.C.D.\n26. That this House will adjourn, in order to consult their Constituents, whether an humble Address should be drawn up, and transmitted to His Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to take the People of this Province under His immediate Protection and Government, by compleating the Agreement heretofore made with the first Proprietor for the Sale of the Government to the Crown, or otherwise, as to His Wisdom and Goodness shall seem meet.\nOrdered,\nThat the foregoing Resolves be made public.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-29-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0034", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 29 March 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir\nPhilada. March 29. 1764\nIn my last I inform\u2019d you that the Agreement between the Governor and Assembly was not likely long to continue. The enclos\u2019d Paper will show you that the Breach is wider now than ever. And \u2019tis thought there will be a general Petition from the Inhabitants to the Crown, to take us under its immediate Government. I send you this early Notice of what is intended that you may prepare Minds for it, as they fall in your Way. If I can have time I will send you a Copy of the Bill we last sent up, and which was refused. But if it goes not by this Vessel, we shall send it via Lisbon in one that sails in a few Days.\nBe assured, that we all think it impossible to go on any longer under a Proprietary Government. By the Resolves you will see, that never was greater Unanimity in any Assembly. Enclos\u2019d I send you a Draft of what I think will be pretty nearly the Petition, that you may see the Tenor of it. Note, There was an Agreement between the First Proprietor W. Penn, and the Crown, for the Sale of the Government at \u00a311,000 of which \u00a32,000 was paid him. Note also, that the Crown has a great Sum in the Proprietaries Hands, half the Quitrents of the Lower Counties belonging to the Crown, of which the Proprietaries are Receivers, and I believe have never render\u2019d any Account.\nYou will endear yourself to us forever, if you can get this Change of Government compleated.\nI write in great haste; but am Dear Friend, Yours most affectionately\nB Franklin\nP.S. Besides the general Petitions of the Inhabitants the Assembly will present an Address to the same Purpose.\n Endorsed: 29 Mar 1764 Benjn Franklin Esq", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-31-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0036", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 31 March 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. March 31. 1764\nI wrote to you pretty largely on the 14th Instant, and yesterday a small Letter enclosing a Newspaper, with the late Proceedings of the House. In the former I acquainted you, that our first Money Bill was rejected by the Governor, and that the House would prepare another, which they accordingly did, and herewith you have a Copy of it. By that, and by the Messages, you will see why it did not pass. We are now in the utmost Confusion, Tumults threatned and daily expected, no Money to pay the Troops that have been some time raised, nor any likelihood of obtaining any; violent Animosities between the Presbyterians and Quakers, and nothing in which we seem generally to agree but the Wish for a King\u2019s Government. I enclose you a Copy of the Petition, that is now handing about, and \u2019tis said will be pretty generally sign\u2019d throughout the Province; tho\u2019 some Pains are taken to prevent it, by frightning the Presbyterians and Quakers with the Bugbears of Bishops and Tythes as if they were necessary Consequences of a Royal Government. For my own Part, I think it impossible to go on longer with the Proprietary Government; the Treatment given by the Governor to the House in return for their most respectful Behaviour towards him, showing the rooted Dislike of that Family to the People; and the sudden Flame in which they (the Assembly) broke out again, showing that the old Coals were only covered, and that the Ill-will is as fix\u2019d as it is mutual: Whence continual Jarrs must arise, and of course Obstructions to all necessary Business. I therefore wish most devoutly for a Change, and join with our other Friends of the Assembly in requesting all your Endeavours and Interest in bringing it about. We confide in the Opinion you once gave on the Case stated, that our Privileges could not, on such a Change, be taken from us, but by Act of Parliament; and we hope there will be no Necessity of Applying to Parliament on this Occasion, as an unfulfill\u2019d Agreement still subsists, (if we are rightly inform\u2019d) between the Crown and the Proprietary for the Sale of the Government for 11, or \u00a312,000 (See W. Penn\u2019s Will) of which \u00a32000 has been paid; and much more than the Remainder must be in the Proprietaries Hands; as Half the Quit-Rents of the three Lower Counties belong to the Crown, and the Proprietaries are Collectors of the same for the Crown, and have never, as I have heard, accounted or paid anything: So that the Agreement may easily be compleated. Tho\u2019 perhaps the Crown may, on Enquiry, find that the present Proprietaries have not the Right of Selling, as being the youngest Branch of the Penn Family; if so, Mr. Life can probably tell where young Springet may be found, who no doubt would willingly surrender to the Crown for such a Sum; as he seems not able to contend for his Right. You will observe in the Resolves the great Unanimity of the House. When they meet again in May, if the Petitions are generally sign\u2019d, they will be sent to you accompanied by one from the House, together with some Cash. You can never, I am persuaded, do us any Service more acceptable, than procuring for us the desired Success to those Petitions.\nI this day saw Mr. Daniel Coxe, and mention\u2019d to him your Doubt of the Intention of their Proposals which he immediately explain\u2019d as I understood it; and said that he should in a few Days see his Uncle (William Coxe) now in the Country, would mention the Matter to him, and they would write jointly and explicitly to you upon it.\nBy the London Ship I sent you 20 of the Maryland Pamphlets. Since the Ship sail\u2019d, I receiv\u2019d the enclos\u2019d from Mr. Ringold, with some Errata, which they wish might be corrected with a Pen. Your Clerk can easily do it, if they are not distributed before this comes to hand. I send you their Supply-Bill also, and the Messages relating to it. The Maryland Assembly will at their next Sitting, as I am told, agree to a Petition for a King\u2019s Government, and I believe the Transacting that Matter will come into your Hands likewise. I mention this, that you may, if you think proper, be occasionally preparing Minds for both. Please to present my best Respects to the Speaker; and believe me ever, with the greatest Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nR. Jackson Esqr\n Endorsed: 31st. Mar 1764 B: Franklin Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0037", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Bernard, 9 April 1764\nFrom: Bernard, Francis\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBoston, Ap 9. 1764\nI am favoured with yours of the 28th of March and have ordered \u00a312 12s. philadelphia currency to be paid to Mr. Williams for which I am obliged to you. The present state of the College here makes it more expedient to send my Son to philadelphia: but I am desirous he may be boarded where he may be under a proper restraint. I have heard that Dr. Ellison takes boarders: I should like to have him with the Doctor for whom I have a great regard: I should be obliged to you if you would speak to him if it is proper, and let me know his answer. Give me leave to trouble you to send the inclosed by the first Vessel bound for Madeira. I am &c.\nB Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-12-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0038", "content": "Title: Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of Our Public Affairs, 12 April 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThe Resolves of March 24 and the assemblymen\u2019s immediate adjournment for seven weeks \u201cin order to consult their Constituents\u201d (above, pp. 123\u201333) brought forcefully to public attention the project for a formal appeal to the King to assume direct control of the government of Pennsylvania. A vigorous campaign for support of the scheme began almost at once, as did a similar campaign in opposition to it. Each side produced a series of articles and pamphlets in defense of its position and in attack upon its opponents\u2019 writings. Franklin\u2019s broadside Explanatory Remarks on the Assembly\u2019s Resolves (above, pp. 134\u201344), five days after the adjournment, seems to have opened the debate on behalf of the anti-proprietary party. At about the same time, or very soon afterwards, an anonymous pamphlet generally attributed to Hugh Williamson, called The Plain Dealer, No. I, appeared in support of the existing system of government and in strong attack on the Quakers. It asserted, and undertook to show, that this faction was responsible for \u201calmost all the contentions, and all the miseries under which we have so long struggled.\u201d A reply soon followed in the form of An Address to the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the Province of Pennsylvania, attributed to Joseph Galloway. It pointed out that the Assembly had voted \u201cupwards of \u00a3500,000\u201d for defense during recent years, with a resulting annual tax on the inhabitants of 1s. 6d. per pound (7.5 percent) on the yearly value of their property; if there was a failure of defense, it was the fault of the governor, who had appointed the provincial military officers and had exercised general control of the actions of the troops.\nFranklin re-entered the lists with his Cool Thoughts. This \u201cLetter to a Friend in the Country\u201d attempted both to explain the advantages Pennsylvania would attain by direct royal government and, more importantly perhaps, to convince doubters that the change would not deprive the inhabitants, especially those of non-Anglican religious affiliation, of any rights or privileges they already enjoyed under the existing system. To these ends Franklin cited the experiences of other colonies which had undergone somewhat similar changes from proprietary to royal government, and of Massachusetts, where the charter of 1691 had greatly increased the direct authority of the Crown.\nFranklin\u2019s party gave this pamphlet and Galloway\u2019s Address wide circulation. Copies of Cool Thoughts were \u201cthrown into the Houses of the several Inhabitants of the City\u201d and both pamphlets \u201cwere distributed   gratis by thousands,\u201d according to critics. Two further issues of The Plain Dealer undertook to respond. Plain Dealer, No. II, carrying a date line of May 7, 1764, probably written by someone other than Williamson, is a comparatively feeble effort, picking minor flaws in Franklin\u2019s presentation and contributing little to the discussion of the primary questions in the dispute. Plain Dealer, No. III, dated May 12, certainly by the same author as No. I, is a much stronger piece. It presents a vigorous attack on the \u201cQuaker Assemblymen\u201d and other Quaker leaders, guardedly but unmistakably identifying individuals and castigating their actions, and it pointedly criticizes some of Franklin\u2019s arguments and his attempts to draw historical parallels. In order to present as fairly as possible both sides of the dispute, so far as it had developed by the middle of May, footnotes at appropriate points in Franklin\u2019s text will give the gist of the principal replies to his argument.\nA Letter To A Friend In the Country.\nSir,\nPhiladelphia, April 12, 1764.\nYour Apology was unnecessary. It will be no Trouble, but a Pleasure, if I can give you the Satisfaction you desire. I shall therefore immediately communicate to you my Motives for approving the Proposal of endeavouring to obtain a Royal Government, in Exchange for this of the Proprietaries; with such Answers to the Objections you mention, as, in my Opinion, fully obviate them.\nI do not purpose entering into the Merits of the Disputes between the Proprietaries and the People: I only observe it as a Fact known to us all, that such Disputes there are, and that they have long subsisted, greatly to the Prejudice of the Province, clogging and embarrassing all the Wheels of Government, and exceedingly obstructing the publick Defence, and the Measures wisely concerted by our Gracious Sovereign, for the common Security of the Colonies. I may add it as another Fact, that we are all heartily tired of these Disputes.\nIt is very remarkable, that Disputes of the same Kind have arisen in ALL Proprietary Governments, and subsisted till their Dissolution; All were made unhappy by them, and found no Relief but in recurring finally to the immediate Government of the Crown. Pennsylvania and Maryland, are the only Two of the Kind remaining and both at this Instant agitated by the same Contentions between Proprietary Interest and Power, and Popular Liberty. Thro\u2019 these Contentions the good People of that Province are rendered equally unhappy with our selves, and their Proprietary, perhaps, more so than our\u2019s; for he has no Quakers in his Assembly to saddle with the Blame of those Contentions, nor can he justify himself with the Pretence, that turning to the Church has made his People his Enemies.\nPennsylvania had scarce been settled Twenty Years, when these Disputes began between the first Proprietor and the original Settlers; they continued, with some Intermissions, during his whole Life; his Widow took them up, and continued them after his Death. Her Sons resum\u2019d them very early, \n   (a) See their Message to the Assembly, in which the Right of sitting on their own Adjournments is denied.\n and they still subsist. Mischievous and distressing as they have been found to both Proprietors and People, it does not appear that there is any Prospect of their being extinguish\u2019d, till either the Proprietary Purse is unable to support them, or the Spirit of the People so broken, that they shall be willing to submit to any Thing, rather than continue them. The first is not very likely to happen, as that immense Estate goes on increasing.\nConsidering all Circumstances, I am at length inclin\u2019d to think, that the Cause of these miserable Contentions is not to be sought for merely in the Depravity and Selfishness of human Minds. For tho\u2019 it is not unlikely that in these, as well as in other Disputes, there are Faults on both Sides, every glowing Coal being apt to inflame its Opposite; yet I see no Reason to suppose that all Proprietary Rulers are worse Men than other Rulers, nor that all People in Proprietary Governments are worse People than those in other Governments. I suspect therefore, that the Cause is radical, interwoven in the Constitution, and so become of the very Nature, of Proprietary Governments; and will therefore produce its Effects, as long as such Governments continue. And, as some Physicians say, every Animal Body brings into the World among its original Stamina, the Seeds of that Disease that shall finally produce its Dissolution; so the Political Body of a Proprietary Government, contains those convulsive Principles that will at length destroy it.\nI may not be Philosopher enough to develop those Principles, nor would this Letter afford me Room, if I had Abilities, for such a discussion. The Fact seems sufficient for our Purpose, and the Fact is notorious, that such Contentions have been in all Proprietary Governments, and have brought, or are now bringing, them all to a Conclusion. I will only mention one Particular common to them all. Proprietaries must have a Multitude of private Accounts and Dealings with almost all the People of their Provinces, either for Purchase-money or Quit-rents. Dealings often occasion Differences, and Differences produce mutual Opinions of Injustice. If Proprietaries do not insist on small Rights, they must on the Whole lose large Sums; and if they do insist on small Rights, they seem to descend, their Dignity suffers in the Opinion of the People, and with it the Respect necessary to keep up the Authority of Government. The People, who think themselves injured in Point of Property, are discontented with the Government, and grow turbulent; and the Proprietaries using their Powers of Government to procure for themselves what they think Justice in their Points of Property, renders those Powers odious. I suspect this has had no small Share in producing the Confusions incident to those Governments. They appear, however, to be, of all others, the most unhappy.\nAt present we are in a wretched Situation. The Government that ought to keep all in Order, is itself weak, and has scarce Authority enough to keep the common Peace. Mobs assemble and kill (we scarce dare say murder) Numbers of innocent People in cold Blood, who were under the Protection of the Government. Proclamations are issued to bring the Rioters to Justice. Those Proclamations are treated with the utmost Indignity and Contempt. Not a Magistrate dares wag a Finger towards discovering or apprehending the Delinquents, (we must not call them Murderers). They assemble again, and with Arms in their Hands, approach the Capital. The Government truckles, condescends to cajole them, and drops all Prosecution of their Crimes; whilst honest Citizens, threatened in their Lives and Fortunes, flie the Province, as having no Confidence in the Publick Protection. We are daily threatened with more of these Tumults; and the Government, which in its Distress call\u2019d aloud on the sober Inhabitants to come with Arms to its Assistance, now sees those who afforded that Assistance daily libell\u2019d, abus\u2019d, and menac\u2019d by its Partizans for so doing; whence it has little Reason to expect such Assistance on another Occasion: In this Situation, what is to be done? By what Means is that Harmony between the two Branches of Government to be obtain\u2019d, without which the internal Peace of the Province can not be well secured? One Project is, to turn all Quakers out of the Assembly; or, by obtaining more Members for the Back Counties, to get a Majority in, who are not Quakers. This, perhaps, is not very difficult to do; and more Members for those Counties may, on other Accounts, be proper; but I much question if it would answer this End, as I see among the Members, that those who are not Quakers, and even those from the Back Counties, are as hearty and unanimous in opposing what they think Proprietary Injustice, as the Quakers themselves, if not more so. Religion has happily nothing to do with our present Differences, tho\u2019 great Pains is taken to lug it into the Squabble. And even were the Quakers extirpated, I doubt whether the Proprietaries, while they pursue the same Measures, would be a Whit more at their Ease. Another Project is, to chuse none for Assembly-men but such as are Friends to the Proprietaries. The Number of Members is not so great, but that I believe this Scheme may be practicable, if you look for Representatives among Proprietary Officers and Dependants. Undoubtedly it would produce great Harmony between Governor and Assembly: But how would both of them agree with the People? Their Principles and Conduct must greatly change, if they would be elected a second Year. But that might be needless. Six Parts in Seven agreeing with the Governor, could make the House perpetual. This, however, would not probably establish Peace in the Province. The Quarrel the People now have with the Proprietaries, would then be with both the Proprietaries and Assembly. There seems to remain then but one Remedy for our Evils, a Remedy approved by Experience, and which has been tried with Success by other Provinces; I mean that of an immediate Royal Government, without the Intervention of Proprietary Powers, which, like unnecessary Springs and Movements in a Machine, are so apt to produce Disorder.\nIt is not to be expected that the Proposal of a Change like this, should meet with no Objections. Those you have mention\u2019d to me concerning Liberty of Conscience and the Privileges of Dissenters, are, however, not difficult to answer; as they seem to arise merely from want of Information, or Acquaintance with the State of other Colonies, before and after such Changes had been made in their Government. Carolina and the Jerseys, were formerly Proprietary Governments, but now immediately under the Crown; and their Cases had many Circumstances similar to ours. Of the First we are told,\n\u201cThere was a natural Infirmity in the Policy of their Charter, which was the Source of many of the Misfortunes of the Colony, without any Imputation on the noble Families concern\u2019d. For the Grantees, [the Proprietors] being eight in Number, and not incorporated, and no Provision being made to conclude the whole Number by the Voices of the Majority, there could not be timely Measures always agreed on, which were proper or necessary for the good Government of the Plantation. In the mean Time the Inhabitants grew unruly and quarrelled about Religion and Politicks; and while there was a mere Anarchy among them, they were expos\u2019d to the Attacks and Insults of their Spanish and Indian Neighbours, whom they had imprudently provok\u2019d and injur\u2019d; and as if they had conspir\u2019d against the Growth of the Colony, they repealed their Laws for Liberty of Conscience, though the Majority of the People were Dissenters, and had resorted thither under the publick Faith for a compleat Indulgence, which they considered as Part of their Magna Charta. Within these four Years an End was put to their Sorrows; for about that Time, the Lords Proprietors and the Planters, (who had long been heartily tir\u2019d of each other) were, by the Interposition of the Legislature, fairly divorced for ever, and the Property of the Whole vested in the Crown.\u201d\n   * New and accurate Account of Carolina, p. 14. Printed at London, 1733.\n And the above-mention\u2019d injudicious and unjust Act, against the Privileges of Dissenters, was repeal\u2019d by the King in Council.\nAnother Historian tells us, \u201cTheir intestine Distractions, and their foreign Wars, kept the Colony so low, that an Act of Parliament, if possible to prevent the last ruinous Consequences of these Divisions, put the Province under the immediate Care and Inspection of the Crown.\u201d\n   \u2020Account of the British Settlements in America. Page 233 concerning Carolina.\nAnd Governor Johnson, at his first meeting the Assembly there, after the Change, tells them, \u201cHis Majesty, out of his great Goodness and Fatherly Care of you, and at the earnest Request and Solicitation of your selves, has been graciously pleased, at a great Expence, to purchase seven Eights of the late Lords Proprietaries Charter, whereby you are become under his immediate Government; a Blessing and Security we have been long praying for, and solicitous of; the good Effects of which we daily experience by the Safety we enjoy, as well in our Trade, by the Protection of his Ships of War, as by Land, by an Independant Company maintain\u2019d purely for our Safety and Encouragement. The taking off the Enumeration of Rice, is a peculiar Favour, &c.\u201d\n   \u2021Historical Register, No. 63, for 1731.\nBy these Accounts we learn, that the People of that Province, far from losing by the Change, obtain\u2019d internal Security and external Protection, both by Sea and Land; the Dissenters a Restoration and Establishment of their Privileges, which the Proprietary Government attempted to deprive them of; and the whole Province, Favours in point of Trade with respect to their grand Staple Commodity, which from that Time they were allowed to carry directly to foreign Ports, without being oblig\u2019d, as before, to enter in England.\n  With regard to the neighbouring Province of New-Jersey, we find, in a Representation from the Board of Trade to the Crown, dated Whitehall, Oct. 2, 1701, the following Account of it, viz. \u201cThat the Inhabitants in a Petition to his Majesty the last Year, complained of several Grievances they lay under by the Neglect or Mismanagement of the Proprietors of that Province, or their Agents; \u2026 unto which they also added, that during the whole Time the said Proprietors have govern\u2019d, or pretended to govern, that Province, they have never taken care to preserve or defend the same from the Indians, or other Enemies, by sending or providing any Arms, Ammunition or Stores, as they ought to have done; and the said Inhabitants thereupon humbly prayed, his Majesty would be pleased to commissionate some fit Person, to be Governor over them. That it has been represented to us by several Letters, Memorials and other Papers, as well from the Inhabitants as Proprietors; that they are at present in Confusion and Anarchy, and that it is much to be apprehended, lest by the Heats of the Parties that are amongst them, they should fall into such Violences, as may endanger the Lives of many Persons; and destroy the Colony.\u201d\n   (b) Grants and Concessions, and original Constitutions of New-Jersey, printed at Philadelphia by W. Bradford. p. 606.\nIn Consequence of these Disorders, and Petitions from the People, the Proprietors were oblig\u2019d to surrender that Government to the Crown; Queen Anne then reigning; who of all our Crowned Heads since the Revolution, was by far the least favourable to Dissenters; yet her Instructions to Lord Cornbury, her first Governor, were express and full in their Favour, viz. Instr. 51.\u201dYou are to permit a Liberty of Conscience to all Persons, (except Papists) so that they may be contented with a quiet and peaceable Enjoyment of the same, not giving Offence or Scandal to the Government.\u201d\nInstr. 52. \u201cAnd whereas we have been informed that divers of our good Subjects inhabiting those Parts, do make a religious Scruple of Swearing, and by reason of their refusing to take an Oath in any Court of Justice and other Places, are or may be liable to many Inconveniencies, our Will and Pleasure is, that in Order to their Ease in what they conceive to be Matter of Conscience, so far as may be consistent with good Order and Government, you take Care that an Act be passed in the General Assembly of our said Province, to the like Effect as that passed here in the Seventh and Eighth Years of his late Majesty\u2019s Reign, entitled, An Act that the solemn Affirmation and Declaration of the People called Quakers, shall be accepted instead of an Oath in the usual Form; and that the same be transmitted to us, and to our Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, as before directed.\u201d\nInstr. 53. \u201cAnd whereas we have been farther informed, that in the Settlement of the Government of our said Province, it may so happen, that the Number of Inhabitants fitly qualified to serve in our Council, in the General Assembly, and in other Places of Trust and Profit there, will be but small; it is therefore our Will and Pleasure, that such of the said People called Quakers, as shall be found capable of any of those Places and Employments, and accordingly be elected or appointed to serve therein, may, upon their taking and signing the Declaration of Allegiance to us, in the Form used by the same People here in England, together with a solemn Declaration for the true Discharge of their respective Trusts, be admitted by you into any of the said Places or Employments &c. \u201c\n   (b) Grants and Concessions, &c. page 633.\nAnd the same Privileges have been, and still are, fully enjoy\u2019d in that Province by Dissenters of all Kinds; the Council, Assembly, and Magistracy, being fill\u2019d with Episcopalians, Presbyterians and Quakers, promiscuously, without the least Distinction or Exclusion of any. We may farther remark, on the above Report of the Board of Trade, That the Defence of a Proprietary Province was originally look\u2019d upon as the Duty of the Proprietaries, who receiv\u2019d the Quit-rents, and had the Emoluments of Government; whence it was, that in former Wars, when Arms, Ammunition, Cannon, and Military Stores of all Kinds, have been sent by the Crown to all the Colonies under its immediate Government, whose Situation and Circumstances requir\u2019d it; nothing of the Kind has been sent to Proprietary Governments. And to this Day, neither Pennsylvania nor Maryland have receiv\u2019d any such Assistance from the Crown; nor did Carolina, till it became a King\u2019s Government.\nMassachusetts-Bay, in New-England, lost its Charter in the latter End of King Charles\u2019s Reign, when the Charters of London, and all the Corporations in England, were seized. At the Revolution the Crown gave them a better Constitution, which they enjoy to this Day: No Advantages were taken against the Privileges of the People, tho\u2019 then universally Dissenters. The same Privileges are enjoy\u2019d by the Dissenters in New-Hampshire, which has been a Royal Government ever since 1679, when the Freeholders and Inhabitants petition\u2019d to be taken under the immediate Protection of the Crown. Nor is there existing in any of the American Colonies, any Test imposed by Great-Britain, to exclude Dissenters from Offices. In some Colonies, indeed, where the Episcopalians and in others, the Dissenters, have been predominant, they have made partial Laws in favour of their respective Sects, and lay\u2019d some Difficulties on the others; but those Laws have been, generally, on Complaint, repealed at home.\nIt is farther objected, you tell me, that if we have a Royal Government, we must have with it a Bishop, and a Spiritual Court, and must pay Tythes to support an Episcopal Clergy. A Bishop for America has been long talk\u2019d of in England, and probably from the apparent Necessity of the Thing, will sooner or later be appointed; because a Voyage to England for Ordination is extreamly inconvenient and expensive to the young Clergy educated in America; and the Episcopal Churches and Clergy in these Colonies cannot so conveniently be governed and regulated by a Bishop residing in England, as by one residing among these committed to his Care. But this Event will happen neither sooner nor later for our being, or not being, under a Royal Government. And the Spiritual Court, if the Bishop should hold one, can have Authority only with his own People, if with them, since it is not likely that any Law of this Province will ever be made to submit the Inhabitants to it, or oblige them to pay Tithes; and without such Law, Tithes can no more be demanded here than they are in any other Colony; and there is not a single Instance of Tithes demanded or paid in any Part of America. A Maintenance has, indeed, been established in some Colonies, for the Episcopal Clergy; as in Virginia, a Royal Government; and in Maryland, a Proprietary Government: But this was done by Acts of their own, which they were not oblig\u2019d to make if they did not chuse it.\nThat we shall have a standing Army to maintain, is another Bugbear rais\u2019d to terrify us from endeavouring to obtain a King\u2019s Government. It is very possible that the Crown may think it necessary to keep Troops in America henceforward, to maintain its Conquests, and defend the Colonies; and that the Parliament may establish some Revenue arising out of the American Trade to be apply\u2019d towards supporting those Troops. It is possible too, that we may, after a few Years Experience, be generally very well satisfy\u2019d with that Measure, from the steady Protection it will afford us against Foreign Enemies, and the Security of internal Peace among ourselves without the Expence or Trouble of a Militia. But assure yourself, my Friend, that whether we like it or not, our continuing under a Proprietary Government will not prevent it, nor our coming under a Royal Government promote and forward it, any more than they would prevent or procure Rain or Sunshine.\nThe other Objections you have communicated to me, are, that in case of a Change of Proprietary for Royal Government, our Judges and other Officers will be appointed and sent us from England, we must have a Legislative Council; our Assembly will lose the Right of Sitting on their own Adjournments; we shall lose the Right of chusing Sheriffs, and annual Assemblies, and of voting by Ballot. I shall not enter into the Question, whether Judges from England would probably be of Advantage or Disadvantage to our Law Proceedings. It is needless, as the Power of appointing them is given to the Governor here, by a Law that has receiv\u2019d the Royal Assent, the Act for establishing Courts. The King\u2019s Governor only comes in Place of a Proprietary Governor; he must (if the Change is made) take the Government as he finds it. He can alter nothing. The same Answer serves for all the subsequent Objections. A Legislative Council under proper Regulations might perhaps be an Amendment of our Constitution, but it cannot take Place without our Consent, as our Constitution is otherwise establish\u2019d; nor can our Assembly lose the Right of Sitting on their own Adjournments; nor the People that of chusing Sheriffs, and annual Assemblies, or of Voting by Ballot. These Rights being all confirm\u2019d by Acts of Assembly assented to by the Crown. I mean the Acts entitled An Act to ascertain the Number of Members of Assembly and to regulate the Elections; and An Act for Regulating the Elections of Sheriffs and Coroners; both past in the 4th of Queen Anne. I know it has been asserted, to intimidate us, that those Acts, so far from being approved by the Crown, were never presented. But I can assure you, from good Authority, that they, with forty-eight others (all pass\u2019d at the same Time by Governor Evans,) were duly laid before the Queen in Council; who on the 28th of April 1709 referred the same to the Board of Trade. The Board on the 8th of September 1709, reported upon the said Fifty Acts, that they had considered the same, and had taken the Opinion of the Attorney General upon several of them in point of Law; and they represented against Six of them, as unfit to be continued in force; but as to the other forty-four, the Titles of which are given at large, and among them the two material Acts above mentioned, they had no Objection to the same. Whereupon there issued two Orders of the Queen in Council both dated at the Court at Windsor, the 24th of October 1709, one repealing the Six Laws objected to; and the other, approving the remaining Forty-four. This is a Fact that you may depend upon. There is therefore nothing now that can deprive us of those Privileges but an Act of Parliament; and we may rely on the united Justice of King, Lords, and Commons, that no such Act will ever pass, while we continue loyal and dutiful Subjects. An Act of Assembly, indeed may give them up; but I trust, urgent as they are for Admission, we shall never see Proprietary Friends enow in the House, to make that detestable Sacrifice.\nIn fine, it does not appear to me, that this Change of Government can possibly hurt us; and I see many Advantages that may flow from it. The expression, Change of Government, seems, indeed, to be too extensive; and is apt to give the Idea of a general and total Change of our Laws and Constitution. It is rather and only a Change of Governor, that is, instead of self-interested Proprietaries, a gracious King! His Majesty who has no Views but for the Good of the People will thenceforth appoint the Governor, who, unshackled by Proprietary Instructions, will be at Liberty to join with the Assembly in enacting wholesome Laws. At present, when the King requires Supplies of his faithful Subjects, and they are willing and desirous to grant them, the Proprietaries intervene and say, unless our private Interests in certain Particulars are served, Nothing Shall Be Done. This insolent Tribunitial VETO, has long encumbered all our Publick Affairs, and been productive of many Mischiefs. By the Measure proposed, not even the Proprietaries can justly complain of any Injury. The being oblig\u2019d to fulfill a fair Contract is no Injury. The Crown will be under no Difficulty in compleating the old Contract made with their Father, as there needs no Application to Parliament for the necessary Sum, since half the Quit-Rents of the Lower Counties belongs to the King, and the many Years Arrears in the Proprietaries Hands, who are the Collectors, must vastly exceed what they have a Right to demand, or any Reason to expect.\n   *In 1722 the Arrears then in their Hands were computed at \u00a318,000 Sterling.\nOn the whole, I cannot but think, the more the Proposal is considered, of an humble Petition to the King, to take this Province under his Majesty\u2019s immediate Protection and Government, the more unanimously we shall go into it. We are chiefly People of three Countries: British Spirits can no longer bear the Treatment they have received, nor will they put on the Chains prepared for them by a Fellow Subject. And the Irish and Germans have felt too severely the Oppressions of hard-hearted Landlords and arbitrary Princes, to wish to see, in the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, both the one and the other united.\nI am, with much Respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant.\nA.B.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0040", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Jackson, [13 April 1764]\nFrom: Jackson, Richard\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n[First part missing] K. William. I send you a List of Papers I found entered in Books in 1699 besides these there is a long Memorial of Dr. Coxes in 1719 I suppose just before his Death, to the B of T pressing much to have his claim insisted on at the Court of France by the Commisssary then going there on the Subject of Ste Lucie &c. This Memorial contains much the same Matter as his former Paper and his printed Book and as it says not a Word of K. Williams Grant it is impossible to suppose such a grant exists. No Instruction was given to the Commissarys on this Head. I then looked over the Instruction.\nI do not however quite give up the Claim, whatever may become of our Project, but as I am satisfied that after the length of Time elapsed since the grant to Sir Robert Heath, and the Settlement of the Carolinas in the Country granted, it is too hazardous (especially since the Determination of the Council on Lord Cadigans Claim to St. Lucie and St. Vincent) to venture a Petition on the meer Rights. I think it most Advisable to put the Claim on foot in Conversation, where it may never reach those who have laid down Principles inconsistent with Mr. Coxe\u2019s Claim and if we can but remove (which I Hope I see a prospect of) the Prepossessions against Settlements on the Mississippi and in what is called the back Country, I hope a Project for a Settlement on that River may be approved and the Title of Messrs. Coxes, may be at least considered as a Title to favour, being till then kept on [torn] as an Obstacle to any Designs the Crown might entertain of ma[king Co]lonies in that part of America.\nI have had 2 or 3 interviews with Sir Matthew Featherstone on this Subject as well as with Mr. Sargent. We dined at Sir Matthews House a Week ago, however I expect little from either of them at present.\nA Project for putting all the Colonies in America on an equal footing with respect to Paper Currency has been on foot at the Board of Trade most part of this Winter, you know my Sentiments on that Subject, I have been always inclined against a Paper Currency, I mean a legal Tender Paper Currency and though I conceive Difficultys occurring for want of it at times, I am satisfied they are to be removed by a Bank, subject to none of the Objections made to a P. C. and (if insurmountable Objections should arise in the Way of a Publick Bank, I wish it were a Provincial one) by private Bankers on a sufficient Foundation.\nHowever when there was a Meeting at the Board of Trade of the Lords, the former Governor of Provinces, Commanders of Forces &c. at which I was present, I gave my Opinion flatly against any Bill in Parliament this Session, founded chiefly on this, that I thought it one thing to prevent an Evil, another to cure it, and that no Provision could be made by way of Remedy, but might produce great Mischiefs for want of our knowing the exact state of the Paper Currency, in every Province, as well as the Objections that might be against the Bill. Besides which I urged that I judged it rather an Indecorum to make Laws respecting People so remote without their even knowing what we were about. Mr. Penn was of the same Opinion on this Point. Nobody else said much on the Subject against a Bill, except that both Monckton and [Sir Charles Hardy?] agreed that they had seen the good Effects and even Necessity of Paper Money. The Board seemed to have dropped their Project for this year, it was [under]stood the Treasury would not support a Bill in the House. About a fortnight before the House was to rise, upon my Return from Norfolk where I went to support the Election of the Sollicitor Generals Brother, I found a Bill [remainder missing].", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-21-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0041", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Francis Bernard, 21 April 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Bernard, Francis\nSir\nPhilada. April 21. 1764\nMr. Williams has acknowledg\u2019d the Receipt of the \u00a312 12s. 0d.\nDr. Allison is out of Town, and not expected home these 10 Days. As soon as he returns I will speak to him, and write you his Answer.\nI communicated your Favour of the 1st. ult. to my Son, who desired me to return his grateful Acknowledgements for your kind Intimation relating to the Seizure made within his Government, concerning which he is now, I believe, taking some Steps to obtain what may be his Right.\nMr Hall, one of the House at Madeira, being here, I sent your Letter to him. With sincere Respect, I am, Your Excellency\u2019s most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nGovr. Bernard", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-21-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0042", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, 21 April 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Williams, Jonathan\nLoving Kinsman\nPhilada. April 21. 1764\nI have received yours of the 12th Inst. As to the Mistake I mention\u2019d, I find on Revisal that it was not in your Account but in my Eyes, which mistook one Figure for another.\nI wrote to you from Burlington that I should pay your Order in favour of Robinson as soon as I return\u2019d to Town, which I accordingly did. The Sum \u00a347 15s. 4d.\nI should be glad to know what Sum your Government has paid for the Bounty on Wheat last Year, if you can get at it easily.\nIt grieves me that the Glasses are not yet come for the Armonica. How does Cousin Josiah go on with his Spinnet? But I make no doubt he improves very fast.\nWe all join in Love to you and all yours. I am Your affectionate Uncle\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Mr Jonathan Williams / Mercht / Boston / Free / B Franklin\nEndorsed: April 21 1764 F Franklins letter", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0043", "content": "Title: Smith, Wright & Gray Account Book, 1764\u20131774\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Smith, Wright & Gray\nIn the spring of 1764 Franklin opened an account with the London banking firm of Smith, Wright & Gray; he kept it at least moderately active until the summer of 1774. A record of this account, separate from his other financial books and records, survives among his papers in the form of a comparatively small volume, of which 24 pages have been used. His deposits are entered on the left-hand pages, his withdrawals and drafts, and some other charges against the account, are listed on the right-hand pages. The earliest entry credits him with a bill of exchange for \u00a31000 sterling received by the bankers on April 24, 1764; the last entry records a cash withdrawal of \u00a321 on Aug. 24, 1774. Between these dates a balance was struck on six occasions. The first of these shows that he was overdrawn in June 1767 to the extent of \u00a386, but all the other balances are in his favor, the amount reaching as high as \u00a31283 7s. 6d. in July 1770. The last recorded withdrawal left 10s. 3d. still deposited to his credit. Comparison of this account book with his Memorandum Book, 1757\u20131776, for the period before he left Philadelphia in November 1764, and with the Journal and Ledger he maintained while on his second mission to England, shows that all but a very few transactions found in the Smith, Wright & Gray account are also entered in one form or another in those more generalized records. When the annotation of documents belonging to the period covered requires reference to this record it will be cited as Smith, Wright & Gray Account Book, 1764\u20131774.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0045", "content": "Title: A Letter from a Gentleman in Crusoe\u2019s Island, [April? 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThis fragment of a projected pamphlet or newspaper article in Franklin\u2019s hand, apparently never finished, is dated at the end of April 1764 because of its statement that John Penn, \u201cyoung Cruso,\u201d arrived in Pennsylvania with a commission as governor six months ago\u2014Penn arrived on October 30, 1763. Though Franklin not infrequently employed the allegorical or analogical form in pamphlets, the approach in the present fragment may have been suggested to him by a pamphlet published in Boston in 1720, entitled New News from Robinson Cruso\u2019s Island, in a Letter to a Gentleman at Portsmouth.\n  A Letter from a Gentleman in Crusoe\u2019s Island to his Friend in Pennsylvania.\nDear Sir,\nYou desire a particular Account of the present State of our Public Affairs, which I shall endeavour to give you.\nYoung Cruso Grandson to honest old Robinson our first Proprietor arriv\u2019d about 6 Months since, with a Commission to be Governor of the Island. He was received with universal Joy, and welcom\u2019d by all Ranks and Orders of People with the greatest Cordiality. For our old Disputes with the Proprietary Family had slept some time, and were almost forgotten. The young Gentleman was known to us, having visited the Island formerly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0046", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 1 May 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir\nPhilada. May 1. 1764\nI have receiv\u2019d your Favours of Dec. 27. Jan. 14. Jan. 26. and Feb. 11.\nI wrote to you Dec. 24. Jan. 16. Feb. 11. March 8. 14. and 31. I could wish your Letters would from time to time mention which of mine come to hand.\nSince my last I have had a Conversation with Mr. William Coxe, on the Subject of our being at any or no Expence in the Pursuit of their Right. And he tells me, that their Proposal was, to be at all Expence themselves as far as \u00a3500 Sterling would go; and if the Expence should exceed that Sum, such Excess to be equally divided between them and us. He thinks his Letter to you very clear in that respect.\nWe continue in great Disorder here; Reports frequently spreading that the Frontier People are assembling to come down again; and \u2019tis thought they will certainly be here when the Assembly sit, the Middle of this Month. Petitions to the King are handing about, and signing in most parts of the Province for a Change of Government. I have written the enclos\u2019d Pamphlet to promote it, as I see no Prospect or Probability of any Agreement with the Proprietaries, and, in the Way we are in, publick Business cannot go on, nor the internal Peace of the Province be preserved. I enclose you also a little Piece of Mr. Galloway\u2019s. The Rhodeisland People, too, are tired of their Charter Government, as you will see by one of their late Papers, which I send you.\nYou have in some of your late Letters mention\u2019d a Post you hold under the Prime Minister, but do not say what it is.\nI long to hear what has been done in Parliament relative to America. Your Objection to internal Taxes is undoubtedly just and solid. Two distinct Jurisdictions or Powers of Taxing cannot well subsist together in the same Country. They will confound and obstruct each other. When any Tax for America is propos\u2019d in your Parliament, how are you to know that we are not already tax\u2019d as much as we can bear? If a Tax is propos\u2019d with us, how dare we venture to lay it, as the next Ship perhaps may bring us an Account of some heavy Tax impos\u2019d by you. If you chuse to tax us, give us Members in your Legislature, and let us be one People.\nYou mention that you could interest me in a Grant in Nova Scotia. I wish then that you would do it if in any Part likely for Settlement. As I have some Money to spare, I know not how better to dispose of it for the Advantage of my Children. And since there is no Likelihood of my being engag\u2019d in any Project of a new Government, the Popular Character I have in America may at least be of Use in procuring Settlers for some Part under an old one. St. John\u2019s Island, I see by the Papers, is granted to Lord Egmont. The Nantucket Whalers, who are mostly my Relations, wanted a Settlement there, their own Island being too full. At their Request I drew a Petition for them last Year, to General Amherst; but he had no Power to settle them any where. They are desirous of being somewhere in or near the Bay of St. Lawrence, where the Whale\u2014as well as other\u2014Fishing is excellent.\nThis brings me to mention another Affair of the same kind. There are in the Government of Quebec, two Tracts of vacant Land, the Right of which is at present in the Crown. Inclos\u2019d you have a short Account of their Situation. They were discover\u2019d by two Friends of mine, Mr. John Baynton, and Mr. Samuel Wharton, Merchants of this Place, who desire to obtain a Grant of them, in which they would be glad to have me joined. Can you obtain such a Grant for us, and will you share my Third with me? If it be practicable and you like the Proposal, the sooner \u2019tis push\u2019d the better; as \u2019tis fear\u2019d that Governor Murray, when he receives his Commission may otherwise grant the Land away. That Tract in Bay Chaleur may probably suit my Nantucket Friends extreamly well.\nThree of your Convicts are to be executed here next Week for Burglaries, one of them suspected of a Murder committed on the Highway. When will you cease plaguing us with them?\nYour Complaints of that old Fever on your Spirits, give me real Concern. Take care of yourself for the sake of your Friends, among whom none can interest themselves more cordially in whatever relates to your Welfare and Happiness, than, Dear Sir, Your affectionate and most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nR. Jackson, Esq.\nEndorsed: Philada. May 1st. 1764 Benjn. Franklin Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0047", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 1 May 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nDear Straney\nPhilada. May 1. 1764\nI receiv\u2019d your Favour of Decemr. 20. You cannot conceive the Satisfaction and Pleasure you give your Friends here by your political Letters. Your Accounts are so clear, circumstantial and compleat, that tho\u2019 there is nothing too much, nothing is wanting to give us, as I imagine, a more perfect Knowledge of your Publick Affairs than most People have that live among you. The Characters of your Speakers and Actors, are so admirably sketch\u2019d, and their Views so plainly open\u2019d, that we see and know every body; they all become of our Acquaintance. So excellent a Manner of Writing, seems to me a superfluous Gift to a mere Printer. If you do not commence Author for the Benefit of Mankind, you will certainly be found guilty hereafter, of burying your Talent. It is true that it will puzzle the Devil himself to find anything else to accuse you of, but remember that he may make a great deal of that. If I were King (which may God, in Mercy to us all, prevent) I should certainly make you the Historiographer of my Reign. There could be but one Objection. I suspect you might be a little partial in my Favour. But your other Qualifications for an Historian being duly consider\u2019d, I believe we might get over that.\nOur petty publick Affairs here are in the greatest Confusion, and will never, in my Opinion, be compos\u2019d, while the Proprietary Government subsists. I have wrote a little Piece (which I send enclos\u2019d) to persuade a Change. People talk of sending me to England to negociate it, But I grow very indolent. Bustling is for younger Men.\nMrs. Franklin, Sally, and my Son and Daughter of the Jerseys, with whom I lately spent a Week, all join in best Wishes of Prosperity to you and all yours, with Dear Sir, Your affectionate humble Servant\nB Franklin\nP.S. I will do every thing in my Power to recommend the Work Mr. Griffith mentions, having the same Sentiments of it that you express. But I conceive many more of them come to America than he imagines. Our Booksellers perhaps write for but few; but the Reason is, that a Multitude of our People trade more or less to London; and all that are bookishly dispos\u2019d receive the Reviews singly from their Correspondents as they come out.\nMr. Strahan", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-23-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0050", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Petition to the King, [23\u201326 May 1764]\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: \nWhen on the morning of May 23 the Assembly received and read the second group of the inhabitants\u2019 petitions to the King asking him to assume the government of Pennsylvania, that body voted \u201cby a great Majority\u201d that a committee be appointed \u201cto prepare and bring in the Draft of a Petition to the King from this House, to accompany the aforementioned Petitions to His Majesty.\u201d Eight men were named: Joseph Galloway (Philadelphia County), Benjamin Franklin (City of Philadelphia), Abraham Chapman (Bucks), Isaac Pearson (Chester), John Douglass (Lancaster), John Montgomery (Cumberland), John Ross (Berks), and John Tool (Northampton). The only constituency unrepresented was York County. Immediately after this action the Assembly adjourned for the mid-day recess.\nAs soon as the House reconvened in the afternoon the committee reported that it \u201chad made an Essay\u201d of a petition. This paper was then read and ordered \u201cto lie on the Table for the Perusal of the Members.\u201d The speed with which the committee acted suggests strongly that at least one member had prepared himself in advance of the committee\u2019s appointment. It is not surprising, therefore, to discover among Franklin\u2019s papers a document in his handwriting that is clearly an early draft of what ultimately became the Assembly\u2019s petition to the King. It is printed below as Number I.\nThis draft contains numerous cancellations and revisions. Although some of them could have been inserted later, others were clearly made during the course of composition. It is probable, therefore, that this paper represents Franklin\u2019s first draft of the petition. Whether he made any further revisions not appearing on this paper before he showed it to the committee, and whether that group made any additional changes before presenting it to the whole House, cannot now be determined, for no other complete manuscript draft seems to have survived, and the text of the paper which the committee presented to the Assembly has not been found.\nOn the afternoon of May 24, after receiving further petitions for a change in government from the inhabitants and after transacting other business, the Assembly resumed consideration of the petition and engaged in \u201ca considerable Debate thereon\u201d before adjourning to the next day. One of the highlights of this debate was a speech by John Dickinson opposing the petition. He freely admitted the \u201cinconveniences\u201d of the system of proprietary instructions which controlled the governor and the \u201cdistinct and partial mode of taxation\u201d John Penn had demanded for the proprietary lands, but he argued forcefully that this was \u201cneither the proper season, nor the proper method, for obtaining a change in our government.\u201d In exchanging proprietary for royal government the colony would \u201crun the risque of suffering great losses\u201d of privileges, religious and political, which it currently enjoyed. To this speech Galloway replied, apparently attacking with vigor Dickinson\u2019s statements of alleged fact as well as his arguments. The debate was undoubtedly spirited.\nWhen the motion was made the next morning to resume consideration of the petition, the speaker, Isaac Norris, found himself in trouble. He had long been an opponent of the proprietary party and had for several years been involved in the discussions of a possible change to royal government. Yet, now that the proposal was clearly about to shift from the discussion stage to one of formal action, he had serious qualms. Almost certainly he was afraid, as were other influential Quakers, that a change to royal government would jeopardize the special religious privileges that the colony as a whole, and the Friends in particular, enjoyed and the political and constitutional advantages the Assembly exercised by grant of William Penn. If the petition to the King, now under debate, should be adopted by the Assembly, Norris would have to sign the document as speaker even though he could not approve its substance.\nConsequently, he now addressed the Assembly, pointing out that his position \u201chad hitherto prevented him from giving his Opinion on the Subject of the said Petition, and requesting, if his Duty as Speaker should require his Signing the same, that he might, previous thereto, be indulged with the Privilege of speaking his Sentiments thereon, and entering them upon the Minutes.\u201d Such a request was probably quite unprecedented in the Assembly, but out of respect for the man who had been their speaker for most of the past fourteen years the members agreed. Thereupon the petition was read the second time \u201cby Paragraphs, which being fully considered and debated, was, after some Alterations, agreed to by a great Majority, and ordered to be transcribed.\u201d The Assembly then adjourned for the day.\nOvernight, Norris concluded that he could not face the ordeal before him. When the Assembly convened on the morning of Saturday, May 26, the clerk produced a letter just received from the speaker in which Norris wrote that his attendance during this and the previous week had \u201cproved too much for my Constitution, and particularly the long Sitting of Yesterday and the bad Night I have had in Consequence of it.\u201d It was impossible, he said, for him to attend this day and he could not predict when his condition would mend sufficiently. Hence he asked the House to choose a new Speaker. The assemblymen concluded that the \u201cimportant Business\u201d before them could not be indefinitely delayed for Norris\u2019 recovery, so those present \u201cproceeded to the Choice of another Speaker, when Benjamin Franklin, Esq; was unanimously chosen Speaker, and accordingly placed in the Chair.\u201d A committee at once notified the governor of these events, and in the afternoon John Penn formally confirmed Franklin\u2019s election.\nWhen the assemblymen had returned to their chamber from the ceremony of confirmation they adopted a unanimous vote of thanks to Norris for his services and then dealt with the governor\u2019s most recent message on the pending supply bill. Then the transcribed petition to the King was read once more and the question was put whether the speaker should sign it \u201cin order that the same be transmitted to the Crown.\u201d The House formally \u201cResolved in the Affirmative, by a great Majority,\u201d and Speaker Franklin signed the document accordingly. This final version is printed below as Number II.\nComparison of these two versions of the petition shows that the final text as voted and signed is about two-thirds again as long as Franklin\u2019s rough draft. Every idea and nearly every word and phrase in his draft reappear in the signed petition. Most of the individual changes consist of added words and phrases expanding and sometimes clarifying his statements in minor respects. A majority of the assemblymen doubtless considered them to be desirable additions; with his fondness for concise expression Franklin may have privately considered some of them superfluous, but he was not one to insist on his own shorter phraseology when near unanimity of approval was important.\nThe most notable addition, as well as the longest, however, was one of substance, appearing in the last paragraph. Franklin had proposed very briefly to ask the King to preserve merely \u201cthe Privileges that have been granted\u201d to his subjects in Pennsylvania by his royal predecessors. The final text specified more definitely \u201cthose Civil and Religious Privileges\u201d that had been instrumental in encouraging the first settlement \u201cof this Wilderness Country, to the Extension of the British Dominions and Commerce,\u201d and had been and still continued to be important in drawing \u201cmany Thousands of Foreigners\u201d to settle in Pennsylvania and become his Majesty\u2019s subjects. The earlier form of this passage is not found in anything Franklin had written but rather in the petition the Quakers had prepared and circulated for signature among members of their Society. Its purpose was twofold: to emphasize, as Franklin had not done, the petitioners\u2019 desire to keep the special privileges that the colony enjoyed, and to point out that the existence of these privileges had been and still was an important factor in the \u201cExtension of the British Dominions and Commerce\u201d and hence was advantageous to the mother country as well as to the colony. The threat to the preservation of these privileges that a change to royal government posed was by far the strongest deterrent to general local support of the petition. Franklin would doubtless agree that these additions constituted a tactical improvement on his draft.\nOn May 28 some members of the Assembly asked to have their reasons for voting against the petition entered on the minutes \u201cby way of Protestation.\u201d By a vote of 24 to 3 the House denied permission. The names of those voting in the majority were not listed in the Votes and Proceedings, but the three in the minority had at least the consolation of having their names recorded for posterity. They were John Dickinson of Philadelphia County, Isaac Saunders of Lancaster, and John Montgomery of Cumberland. These were apparently the only assemblymen who had opposed the petition on the final vote of May 26. They formed the small band that William Smith later called \u201ca Noble Few, a Patriot Minority.\u201d\nThe added emphasis given in the final text of the petition to the preservation of the colony\u2019s privileges had not set the minds of the members entirely at rest. Before the Assembly adjourned on May 28 it directed that, in sending the Assembly\u2019s petition and those of the inhabitants to Richard Jackson, the agent in London, the Committee of Correspondence should instruct him \u201cparticularly\u201d to proceed \u201cwith the utmost Caution\u201d in dealing with them to secure for the people \u201call those Privileges, civil and religious, which, by their Charters and Laws, they have a Right to enjoy under the present Constitution.\u201d If upon \u201cthe most careful Enquiry, and mature Deliberation and Advice\u201d he had reason to believe there was danger that these privileges might be lost, he was to suspend action until he had reported to the Assembly and received further directions. Thus the Assembly made clear to Jackson\u2014and to Franklin who was later associated with him in responsibility\u2014that the change in government, however greatly desired, was less important than the preservation of the privileges that William Penn had conferred on the colony many years before.\nI\n  To the King\u2019s most excellent Majesty, in Council\nThe Petition of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met.\nMost humbly sheweth\nThat the Government of this Province by Proprietaries, has by long Experience been found inconvenient, attended with many Difficulties, and Obstructions to your Majesty\u2019s Service, arising from the Intervention of Proprietary private Interests in publick Affairs, and Disputes concerning those Interests.\nThat the said Proprietary Government is weak, unable to support its own Authority, and maintain the common internal Peace, of the Province, great Riots having lately arisen therein, armed Mobs marching from Place to Place, and committing violent Outrages, and Insults on the Government with Impunity, to the great Terror of your Majesty\u2019s Subjects. And these Evils [are] not likely to receive any Rem[edy] here, the continual Disputes be[tween] the Proprietaries and People, and the mutual Jealousies and Dislikes [pre]venting.\nWe do therefore most humbly pray, that Your Majesty would be graciously pleased to resume the Government of this Province, making such Compensation to the Proprietaries for the same as to your Majesty\u2019s Wisdom and Goodness shall appear just and equitable, and permitting your dutiful Subjects therein to enjoy under your Majesty\u2019s more immediate Care and Protection, the Privileges that have been granted to them, by and under your Royal Predecessors.\nSigned by Order of the House\nII\n  To the Kings most excellent Majesty in Council,\nThe Petition of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania in General Assembly met.\nMost humbly Sheweth.\nThat the Government of a Province by Proprietaries has here as well as elsewhere, been by long Experience found inconvenient and attended with many Difficulties and Obstructions to the Service of the Crown and the Welfare of the People, arising from the Intervention of Proprietary private Interests in Public Affairs, and Disputes concerning those Interests, and Proprietary Instructions for enforcing them.\nThat hence, the Proprietary Government here, not being attended with that Respect in the Minds of the common People, which usually accompanies a Royal Government, is weak, unable to support its own Authority in a Degree sufficient to maintain the common internal Peace of the Province. Great Riots having lately arisen therein, armed Mobs marching from Place to Place, and committing voilent [sic] Outrages and Insults on the Government with Impunity to the great Terror of your Majesty\u2019s Subjects. And these Evils are not like to receive any Remedy here, during the Continuance of the Proprietary Government, the continual Disputes between the Proprietaries and People, and their mutual Jealouses and Distrusts preventing.\nWe do therefore (in Concurrence with great Numbers of the Freeholders and other reputable Inhabitants of the Province, whose Petitions to the same Purpose will be herewith presented) most humbly pray, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to resume the Government of this Province; making such Compensation to the Proprietaries for the same, as to your Majesty\u2019s Wisdom and Goodness shall appear just and equitable, and permitting your dutiful Subjects therein to enjoy, under your Majesty\u2019s more immediate Government and Protection, those Civil and Religious Priviledges, which to encourage the Settlement of the Province, have been granted and confirmed to them by your Royal Predecessors; by the Influence whereof, our Fathers were induced to undertake the Cultivation of this then Wilderness Country, to the Extention of the British Dominions and Commerce, and many Thousands of Foreigners have been, and still are drawn here to become your Majesty\u2019s Subjects.\n  Signed by order of the House\nB FranklinSpeaker\nIn Assembly May 1764.\nEndorsed: Petition of the Assembly of Pensilvania Rx. 4th Novr. 1765 22d. Do. Ordered to be postponed.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0051", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, 24 May 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Williams, Jonathan\nDear Kinsman,\nPhiladelphia, 24 May 1764.\nThe bearer is the Reverend Mr. Rothenbuler, minister of a new Calvinist German Church, lately erected in this city. The congregation is but poor at present, being many of them new comers, and, (like other builders) deceived in their previous calculations, they have distressed themselves by the expense of their building; but as they are an industrious, sober people, they will be able in time to afford that assistance to others, which they now humbly crave for themselves.\nHis business in Boston is to petition the generous and charitable among his Presbyterian brethren for their kind benefactions. As he will be a stranger in New England, and I know you are ready to do every good work, I take the freedom to recommend him and his business to you, for your friendly advice and countenance. The civilities you show him shall be acknowledged as done to Your affectionate uncle,\nB. Franklin.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0052", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, 24 May 1764\nFrom: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy dear Sir\nKensington May 24. 1764\nYour Indulgence to me gives you a Claim to as much as you can desire from me, therefore don\u2019t think I am so unreasonable to expect an answer to every Letter I write, I am sufficiently paid by the assurance that you receive mine with Pleasure, and when you have leisure to write me one I hope you are sensible I receive the favour with Gratitude. I was with my Mother when your Letter of March 14. arriv\u2019d. Were I no otherwise interested in it than the part I take in what gives you pain I should be sorry to give you an account of her bad state of health. She has had a return of the disorder in her Head, and applied again to Dr. James, from whose prescription she found relief, and I hope she is in that respect better, but she is under the hands of good Mr. Small from a hurt she receiv\u2019d in her Leg by a fall, and I fear the confinement will retard the Recovery of her Health: However let us hope that ere you receive this account she will be well; I don\u2019t love to spread dejection. My Aunt is well, and so is my Aunt Rooke, excepting her Lameness. They are much oblig\u2019d by your kind Remembrance, and send their good Wishes in return. I have seen Miss Blunts since I receiv\u2019d your last favour, and let them know the obliging notice you took of their family. My Dolly is better upon the whole than she was last year, but she is far from well. I often say I know very few that are good for anything who enjoy Health: I hope you will ever be one exception.\nI thank you, my dear, Sir for the Narrative you sent me, which has afforded me the pleasure of attending to the just applause that has been given you by those who had the happiness of knowing you were the amiable man who ever breath\u2019d such sentiments, and likewise of those who knew you only by name. You cannot imagine how proud I was upon this occasion to have you call\u2019d my Friend. Why will you not come to seek Repose in this Island. Don\u2019t let them tell you \u201cold trees cannot safely be transplanted,\u201d I have lately seen some fine tall firs remov\u2019d from Kensington to the Queen\u2019s Palace without injury, and Why should not the valuable North American plants flourish here? I am, my dear, my ever-honour\u2019d Friend, with the highest gratitude most affectionately yours\nM.S.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0054", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 30 May 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: Penn, John\nThe Assembly\u2019s message of May 26 (immediately above) had made clear to Governor Penn and his Council that the assemblymen had no intention of including in the supply bill any formal amendment of the acts of 1759 and 1760. It did include references to the Supply Act of 1760, however, and in the opinion of the councilors these had the effect of reenacting it. Consequently Penn sent the bill back again on May 29 with a message \u201cearnestly\u201d desiring the Assembly to \u201cfree it from this Objection, by striking out the exceptionable Clause.\u201d If it did so Penn would \u201cno longer with-hold my Assent\u201d to the bill. After considering this message the same day, the House formally \u201cResolved, That the Necessity of raising Money for His Majesty\u2019s Service, and the Defence of this Province, is so great and pressing, that the House will, in this Instance, as they have done in some preceding Instances during their present Session, wave their important Parliamentary Rights relating to Money Bills, and agree to the Alteration of the present Bill as proposed by the Governor; protesting at the same time against the Violence done to the Constitution, and declaring that the same ought never, never to be drawn into Precedent.\u201d\nThereupon the assemblymen made one last retreat and amended the bill by striking out all reference, direct or indirect, to the Supply Act of 1760 and substituting new phraseology where necessary. They sent the bill to the governor at once and Penn enacted it on the morning of May 30, nearly five months after the Assembly had first voted to raise \u00a350,000 for the military expenses of the year.\nThe Assembly did not now\u2014and never did thereafter\u2014formally amend the acts of 1759 and 1760, yet they had clearly suffered a major defeat over the central issue in the controversy: the basis for assessing the Proprietors\u201d located but uncultivated lands and ungranted town lots. The actions of the Paxton Boys, the complaints of inhabitants of the interior counties that they were underrepresented, and the requirements of colonial defense against the Indians had combined to create pressures too strong to resist. And John Penn had absolutely refused to yield on this central issue. Such firmness was unusual among governors of either proprietary or royal provinces. Again and again in times of war or other danger the executives, usually with a more acute realization of the needs of the moment than their assemblies showed, had given way to the demands of the legislatures that were made effective by the control over appropriations. In Pennsylvania in 1764, however, the outcome was reversed. The Assembly surrendered under heavy fire and the governor held the field.\nEach party to the dispute was doubtless sincere in thinking that right was on its side. What made the Assembly\u2019s defeat even more galling to its members was the belief that Penn was holding out, not from some abstract principle of government at large or some general interest of the public, but simply to protect a personal and financial interest of his father and uncle, the two Proprietors of the colony, whose taxes would be somewhat lowered if his interpretation of the disputed words in the order in council of 1760 were to prevail. This belief and the bitterness it engendered were responsible for the decision, long discussed but formally reached only at this session, to petition the King to remove the Proprietors from any share in the government. This feeling also led the Assembly to deliver one final blast against the governor before adjourning for the summer.\nOn May 17, after reading Penn\u2019s long message of that day, the Assembly had appointed a committee of seven, including Franklin, to prepare a reply. On the 28th, with Franklin now officiating as speaker, the committee reported its draft. The Assembly debated it paragraph by paragraph, agreed to it, and ordered it to be transcribed. Then on May 30, after all remaining business was finished, the transcription was brought forward, \u201ccompared at the Table,\u201d and signed. Two members were directed to present it to the governor with the information that the House proposed to adjourn to September 10. To this adjournment Penn replied that \u201che had no Objection.\u201d\nMay it please your Honour,\nThe professed Intention of your Honour\u2019s Message of the Seventeenth Instant being to vindicate the Character of the Proprietaries, and give a fairer State of the Dispute between us than we had done, it would have pleased us, could either of those Purposes have been executed. We apprehend your Honour has failed in both.\nThe long Recapitulation of what passed at the Council Board in 1760, and from thence to the present Time, answers no End, as we conceive, but to insinuate that we have been contending against a Determination of the King in Council, while the Fact really is otherwise, we having made the late Bill conformable, in our Opinion, to every Article of that Determination. And the Dispute between us relates merely to the Meaning of one of those Articles, which we understand to intend an equal Taxation of the Proprietary Lands with those of the People, and which your Honour will have to mean, a partial and unequal Taxation in the Proprietaries Favour. And as you thought the Words alone of that Article would best bear the unjust Meaning you were pleased to put on them, you contended against our using any others with them, that might explain them in an equitable Sense. This was our sole Dispute; and though we think it extreamly inconvenient and improper to use in an Act Words of whose Meaning the two Branches of the Legislature have previously declared they have such different and contrary Conceptions, yet rather than His Majesty\u2019s Service should be longer obstructed, we have given up the Point, and, in a new Bill, inserted the very Words; confiding, that the Sense of natural Justice in the Assessors and Commissioners, who are to execute the Act, will determine them to do what is right.\nThus the Matter might have rested; but as your Honour, with a View of placing our Conduct in an unfavourable Light, is pleased to ask us a Number of Questions, we are obliged to give them Answers, which, though short, we hope will be clear and satisfactory. \u201cWere not learned Counsel,\u201d you ask, \u201cemployed, and fully instructed by the Agents, on the Part of the Assembly, to advocate the Supply Bill of the Year 1759?\u201d We answer, yes. \u201cWere not those Counsel twice fully heard, both before the Lords of Trade and the King in Council, antecedent to the Decree?\u201d They were fully heard before the Lords of Trade, and a Committee of the Council. \u201cDid not the Agents understand the Force and Meaning of the second and third Articles, previous to their signing the Stipulation?\u201d Undoubtedly; and as we have no Dispute about the Meaning of the third, we scarce know why it is mentioned. \u201cIf they entertained a Notion that they were ambiguous, why did they not then object to them, when they might have had their Doubts removed upon the Spot?\u201d It seems they entertained no such Notion, nor had any Doubts to be removed. It appears, by the Pleadings of the Proprietaries Counsel, of which we have a Copy taken first in Short-hand, that they there made no such Claim of a partial and unequal Taxation of their located uncultivated Lands, as is now made for them. They only pretended Fears that the People would tax them unequally, and desired no more than that such Provision should be made, as might secure for them an equal Taxation. The Doubts you mentioned, if there are any, have arisen in Pennsylvania. Your Honour makes it a Crime in us, to suppose any Ambiguity or Obscurity in the Words of a Report of a Committee of Council, though that Supposition arose merely on the Observation of your differing so widely from us in the Construction of them. This was our Remark; \u201cWe may both be separately clear in our Conceptions of their Meaning, but our differing so widely in those Conceptions, seems to indicate at least some Ambiguity or Obscurity in the Terms.\u201d If your Honour had not differed from us in the Meaning of these Words of the Report, there would have been no Doubts about it, for we made none. And our Observation, that Laws, composed by the wisest Men, are sometimes found to contain Obscurities and Uncertainties, which those who are to execute them find difficult to clear and settle: And that, when any Words of such Laws are capable of two Meanings, one unjust and unequal, and the other consistent with Justice and Equity, we conceived it a good Rule to judge that the Intention is with the latter, arose originally upon your differing with us in that Construction. But this you candidly call a \u201ccontending that the controverted Articles of the Decree require Additions and Explanations to be made to them by us, to reconcile them to common Justice and Honesty.\u201d For our Parts, we cannot yet perceive any Thing indecent or \u201cimmodest\u201d in our Observation, that Laws made by the wisest Bodies of Men (by King, Lords and Commons, for Instance) do sometimes contain Obscurities and Uncertainties. Subsequent Laws frequently made by the same august Legislators, to explain the preceding, are Proofs of it. We therefore added justly, that it was no Reflection on such Bodies to say this. But as your Honour purposed to make us appear guilty of a Reflection on them, you thought fit to mutilate the Sentence in your Quotation of it from our Message, and leave those Words intirely out. But to return to your Honour\u2019s Questions. \u201cWhy were not the Objections lately made against those Parts of the Decree, pointed out and urged to Mr. Hamilton, as Reasons for not coming into the Measure, when he repeatedly solicited you to comply with the Stipulations of your Agents?\u201d Answer, The Objections in Question are against an unjust Construction that, in our Opinion, your Honour put on certain Words, which being used in the Stipulations of the Agents, you contended should be inserted, without Explanation, in the Bill. As this Construction was never put on those Words by Governor Hamilton, we could not point out and urge to him those Objections against it. \u201cWhy have these Objections been treasured up, and kept in Reserve till this critical Period?\u201d Objections not in Being could not be \u201ctreasured up;\u201d and Objections of no Kind can exist, previous to a Supposition of the Thing objected to. Your Honour will please to reflect that your Construction, which these Objections relate to, was as new and strange, as it is unjust and unequal, and so glaringly unjust and unequal, that you was yourself unwilling to own it, and could not, till after three Messages, urging an Explanation from you, prevail with yourself openly to avow it.\nYou are pleased to add, \u201cas to the Equity and Justice of the Decree, I should think I justly subjected myself to the Charge of offering the highest Affront to, and flying in the Face of, that supreme and august Judicatory who pronounced it, were I to enter into any Arguments with you in Support of it.\u201d Will your Honour give us Leave once more to put you in Mind, that it is not the Equity and Justice of a Decree that we are disputing, but your unequal and unjust Construction of it, viz. that the best and most valuable of the Proprietaries Lands shall be taxed no higher than the worst of the Peoples. Your total Inability of supporting this Construction by the least Colour of Argument or Reason, is what you would fain conceal under that extravagant Pretence of Respect to the Judicatory who, you say, pronounced it. Could you, by any Arguments, have shewn the Equity and Justice of such a Taxation, we should not now have heard, for the first Time, this extraordinary Position, that demonstrating the Equity and Justice of a Decree, would be flying in the Face of Authority. Wise, learned and pious Men, have in all Ages thought themselves well employed in convincing Mankind of the Reasonableness, Equity and Justice of Laws, human and divine; and never once dreamt that, by so doing, they were \u201coffering the highest Affront to, and flying in the Face of, the supreme and august Judicatories who pronounced them.\u201d\nYour Honour charges us with bestowing much Abuse on the Proprietaries. Stating plain public Facts, where necessary, we do not conceive to be Abuse, though done in plain Terms: But the misrepresenting a loyal and dutiful People to their Sovereign, as the Proprietaries, to cloak their own Avarice, have done the People of this Province for many Years past, is, in our Opinion, Abuse, though it were delivered in the politest Language. It was in this Part of your Honour\u2019s Message that we expected that Vindication of the Proprietaries, which in the first Paragraph seemed to be proposed: But now you chuse to pass all over with a \u201csilent Disregard,\u201d reflecting probably on the Maxim you had before advanced, that \u201cFacts are stubborn Things,\u201d and despairing, it seems, by any \u201cColouring\u201d to \u201cdisguise the Truth.\u201d\nYour Honour\u2019s \u201cResolution to discharge the Station you fill, with Fidelity and Justice to the good People of this Province,\u201d is highly laudable; but may we be permitted to ask a Question or two in our Turn? Is it consistent with Justice to the good People of this Province, to insist on taxing the best and most valuable of the Proprietaries Lands no higher than the worst and least valuable of the Peoples Lands, in a common Tax to be levied for the Defence of the whole? And farther, when the Requisition was made to your Honour, by the General, of raising a Number of Men for His Majesty\u2019s Service in your Province, were not the three lower Counties understood to be included? Your Honour has since met, and exchanged Compliments with the Assembly of those Counties, without making (as far as we have heard) the least Demand of them. Is it \u201cJustice to the good People of this Province,\u201d to saddle them with all the Expence of defending that Government, with all the Proprietary Property contained in it, and not call upon it for the least Assistance, while we are, and shall so long be, loaded with the heavy Debt the Wars have occasioned? The Troops raised here will perhaps all be marched to the Westward, in His Majesty\u2019s Service: In which Case, at least, we cannot but think it reasonable to have expected a Proportion of Forces from that Government, to assist in the Protection of our Frontier.\nYour Honour\u2019s Message concludes with recommending to us (as if we had hitherto neglected it) the raising Supplies for the King\u2019s Service, the Defence of the Frontiers, and Discharge of the public Debt. Which obliges us to remark, that within a few Months we have sent up to your Honour three Bills for those Purposes, two of which have been rejected, because they required a fair and equal Taxation of the Proprietary with other Estates, for their common Defence. And we may add that, in our Zeal for the publick Service, we have departed from the ancient Forms of Parliamentary Proceeding, and waved very important Rights, which, under a more equitable Government, we should not have been constrained to; and such a Government we now hope is not far distant, and that an End will thereby be put to these disagreeable and mischievous Proprietary Contentions, and the People of this much injured Province restored to their Privileges, which they have long been deprived of; Proprietary Will and Pleasure, expressed in their Instructions, being now our only Law, which, through public Necessities, and the Distresses of War, we have been and are compelled to obey.\nSigned by Order of the House,Benjamin Franklin, Speaker.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-04-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0056", "content": "Title: Provincial Commissioners: Orders for Payment, 4 June 1764\u201320 October 1764\nFrom: Provincial Commissioners\nTo: \nAs in previous supply acts, the measure passed on May 30, 1764, after so much controversy, named seven men\u2014two councilors and five assemblymen\u2014as provincial commissioners, a majority of whom \u201cwith the consent and approbation of the governor or commander in chief of this province for the time being, and not otherwise,\u201d were empowered to expend the \u00a355,000 appropriated. The men appointed were the same seven, including Franklin, who had served during the previous autumn under the terms of the \u00a324,000 Supply Act of Oct. 22, 1763.\nOn June 4 the commissioners issued their first order for payment after the passage of the new act, and they continued to sign similar orders from time to time through the summer and fall and until after Franklin had sailed for England in November. As has been done in previous volumes of this series, a list of all located orders for payment issued during the period when Franklin was present in Philadelphia is given here, showing the date, name of the payee, purpose for which payment was made, and the amount of each. As before, any order that Franklin failed to sign personally\u2014usually because he was absent from the meeting at the time the order was drawn and signed\u2014is indicated by an asterisk (*) following the date.\nIt will be seen that several entries relate, not to general military activities, but to expenses connected with the march of the Paxton Boys on Philadelphia in February or the maintenance of the Moravian Indians at the barracks there. Payments totaling \u00a31145 18s. 7d. made during the period covered by this list can be clearly identified as relating directly to these matters.\nDate\nPayee\nPurpose\nAmount\nJune\ns.\nd.\nJames Young\nTo be applied to recruiting service\nJohn Galbreath\n9 muskets delivered during Feb. disturbance\nThomas Robinson\nExpress services during Feb. disturbances\nJames Young\nTo be applied to recruiting service\nJames Young\nTo pay arrears due troops\nJuly\nJoseph Fox\nTo purchase clothing etc. for troops\nRobert Levers\nProvisions for troops\nJohn Nelson\nTo repay cash borrowed by Col. Bouquet\nBaynton & Wharton\nSundries delivered during late Riot\nDavid Deshler\nMedicines and attendance to 2 wounded children of Hans Sneider killed by Indians\nJames Young\nRecruiting service\nJames Young\nArrears and advance of pay for troops and officers\nIsaac Howell and John Howard\nSupport of sick and disabled French Neutrals\nJob Chillaway\nServices under Col. Clayton\nJoseph Fox\nExpences of clothing etc.\nRobert Levers\nVictualing troops, account settled\nJoseph Shippen, Jr.\nBalance of account\nBalsar Geerh\nArmourer at Ft. Augusta\nJoseph Shippen, Jr.\nPremium for 4 scalps taken last fall\nAugust\nWilliam Dunwick\nRepairing arms\nJames Ennis\nVictualing Pa. troops\nJacob Weiss\nPasturage of Indian horses and cows\nDavid Scott\nPay and subsistence of 27 Cumberland Co. Rangers\nLeonard Stoneburner\nCarrying stores to Harris\u2019s Ferry and Reading\nRobert Callender\nProvisions\nJoseph Fox\nExpenses for clothing etc.\nRobert Levers\nVictualing troops\nWm. Norton and Th. Masterman\nProvisions for soldiers at barracks\nChristian Voght\nAttendance on Cornelius Atkinson, wounded volunteer\nJames Webb\nDisbursements for Lancaster barracks\nCol. James Burd\nDisbursements at Ft. Augusta\nWilliam Dunwick\nIn full, repairing arms\nAndrew McNair\nDelivering notices and attending 123 meetings of Commissioners, Jan. 16, 1761, to July 20, 1764\nGeorge Dods\nFor wounds received at Munsey Hill fighting Indians\nReuben Haines\nVictualing Indians\nSeptember\nJohn Hill\nCoffins for French Neutrals\nThomas Apty\nServices as an express\nJoseph Fox\nCloathing and Carriage account settled\nJoseph Fox\nProvisions for Indians at barracks\nJohn Hughes\nExpenses at Easton Treaty\nJohn Little\nEntertainment of Paxton volunteers and Capt. Hoffman\u2019s troops\nJohn Montgomery\nTo relieve Thos. McMurray, wounded by Indians\nRichard Swan\nCollecting and caring for provincial arms\nJacob Weiss\nMedicine and attendance of sick Indians at barracks\nOctober\nRobert Levers\nProvisions for troops\nJames Cogly\nSubsistence and 2 horses to Indians going to the last Treaty", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-04-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0057", "content": "Title: Henry Bouquet to John Penn and the Provincial Commissioners, 4 June 1764\nFrom: Bouquet, Henry\nTo: Penn, John,Provincial Commissioners\nGentlemen\nPhiladelphia 4th. June 1764\nThere being too few of His Majesty\u2019s Regular Troops in this Department to act offensively against the Enemy, till they are joined by the Thousand Men granted by this Government, I request that you will please to give the necessary orders to compleat, arm, and Cloathe these Troops as soon as possible.\nThe king\u2019s Arms formerly lent to this Province having not been returned, There must be a sufficient quantity for present use, when put in repair.\nI would also recommend to provide each man with a good Hatchet made in the form of a common Axe, in lieu of a Bayonet.\nThe difficulty of Supplying the Troops with shoes out of the Settlements, obliges me to mention that Two Pairs will be necessary for Each man besides the Two Pairs he is to have with him; Carriages will be furnished for those Spare Shoes, and the men must pay for it.\nIn the Campaign of 1758, This Province granted to General Forbes, Two Troops of Light Horse, which were found of good service, and as I am of opinion that we might employ Horses with success against the savages, I request that you will grant me and equip one Troop; and in case that additional Expence Should be an objection, rather than to be deprived of the Service I expect from them, I would be satisfied to have Fifty men less, whose Pay for the Campaign would amount nearly to the Expence of Horses &c.\nI think the Horses would be fitted for that Service, if bought on the Frontiers of Virginia where they are commonly bred in the Woods.\nI can not omit to Submit to your Consideration the use that might be made of Dogs against our Savage Enemies; It would be needless to expect that our Foot Soldiers can overtake an Indian in the Woods, and their audacious attempts in attacking our Troops and settlements may, in a great Measure, be ascribed to the certainty of evading our Pursuit by their flight: a few Instances of Indians Seized and worried by Dogs, would, I presume, deter them more effectualy from a War with us, than all the Troops we could raise, and as we have not in this Country the Species of those animals, which would best answer this Purpose, I beg leave to recommend it to you, to have Fifty Couples of proper Hounds imported from Great Britain, with People who understand to train and manage them.\nThey might be kept on the Frontiers, and a few given to Every Scouting Party, to discover the Ambushes of the Enemy, and direct the Pursuit: This requires that the men intended to follow the Dogs should be well mounted.\nAs soon as the Troops (which I must suppose inlisted to the End of December next) are compleated; Equipped, and ready to take the Field: I beg that they may have orders to assemble at Fort Loudoun, where they are to join the Regulars, and from that time they will be supplied with Provisions at the Charge of the Crown. I have the honor to be with great Respect Gentlemen Your most obedient, and most Humble Servant\nHenry Bouquet\nNB. All the Articles mentioned in the above Letter have been agreed to by the Governor and the Commissioners the 4th. of June 1764.\nH. B.\nTo the Governor and Commissioners\nEndorsed: Copy of Coll. Bouquet\u2019s Letter to Govr. Penn and the Commissioners at Pensilvania 4th June 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-16-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0058", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anthony Stickney, 16 June 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Stickney, Anthony\nLoving Kinsman\nPhilada. June 16. 1764\nI received yours of the 16th May, and am glad to hear that you and your Family are well, and that your Wife is safely delivered of another Daughter, which I hope will prove a Blessing to you both. I got home without any farther Accident, but have not yet recovered fully the former Strength of my Arm. Your Brother Josiah Davenport is still at Pitsburg, near 400 Miles west of this Place, where he has the Care of the Provincial Store, that was establish\u2019d there during the Peace, for the Indian Trade; and since the War broke out again, there has been no good Opportunity of bringing off the Goods, so he is oblig\u2019d to remain with them. His Wife and Children are here; and she seems to be in a bad State of Health, but the Children are well. My Wife and Daughter thank you for your good Wishes, and return theirs for you and yours. Present my best Respects to Mr. and Mrs. Lowell, and my Love to your Wife and Children. Remember me too, to your Brother Davenport and his Family. I am, Your affectionate Uncle\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-17-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0059", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 17 June 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nDear Mr. Strahan\nPhilada. June 17. 1764\nI receiv\u2019d your Favour per Capt. Walker, which I shall answer fully per Hammet, who sails in about ten Days. I think I am slighted lately per Mr. Becket. Pray enquire and tell me the Reason, that if I have been in fault I may amend.\nI left some Receipts with you for Subscription Monies to Books. I wish you to enquire about them, particularly Stewart\u2019s Athens.\nMy Love to Mrs. Strahan and your Family. I am, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\nWe are all well, and as happy as other Folks for the present.\nAddressed: To / Mr Wm. Strahan / Newstreet / Shoe Lane / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0060", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 18 June 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir\nPhilada. June 18. 1764\nI received yours of the 13th. April, which I shall answer fully per Hammet, who is to sail in about 10 Days. By that Ship you will also receive a Letter from the Committee with the Petitions to the King, mention\u2019d in my former Letters. I wrote you a long one via Bristol, of the 1st Instant, to which I refer, and beg you would per first Opportunity be very particular as to any Necessity or Use of my being with you in the Prosecution of those Petitions, my going over, or not, depending on the Opinion you may give on that Head. I am, as ever, Yours most sincerely\nB Franklin\nP.S. Our Provincials, 1000 Men under Col. Bouquet, are preparing to march to the Westward.\nGreat Mischiefs done lately on the Virginia Frontier. People wonder at your prohibiting our Carrying Staves directly to Ireland.\nAddressed: To / Richard Jackson Esqr / Inner Temple / London\nEndorsed: Philad. June 18th. 1764 Benjn. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-19-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0062", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to George Whitefield, 19 June 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Whitefield, George\nDear Friend\nPhilada. June 19. 1764\nI received your Favour of the 21st past, and of the 3d. Instant and immediately sent the inclos\u2019d as directed.\nYour frequently repeated Wishes and Prayers for my Eternal as well as temporal Happiness are very obliging. I can only thank you for them, and offer you mine in return. I have my self no Doubts that I shall enjoy as much of both as is proper for me. That Being who gave me Existence, and thro\u201d almost threescore Years has been continually showering his Favours upon me, whose very Chastisements have been Blessings to me, can I doubt that he loves me? And if he loves me, can I doubt that he will go on to take care of me not only here but hereafter? This to some may seem Presumption; to me it appears the best grounded Hope; Hope of the Future; built on Experience of the Past.\nBy the Accounts I have of your late Labours, I conclude your Health is mended by your Journey, which gives me Pleasure. Mrs. Franklin presents her cordial Respects, with those of Dear Sir, Your affectionate humble Servant\nB Franklin\nPS. We hope you will not be deterred from visiting your Friends here by the Bugbear Boston Accounts of the Unhealthiness of Philadelphia.\nMr Whitefield", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-23-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0063", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Ellicott, 23 June 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Ellicott, John\nSir\nPhilada. June 23. 1764\nSince the Receipt of your Letter of Jany. 8th. 1763. I have been twice at New York, and at York in Virginia; at both which Places I made all the Enquiry I could, in the time I was there; after the Elizabeth Holland mention\u2019d in Capt. Holland\u2019s Will; but not learning any thing, I desir\u2019d Mr. Colden, Postmaster of New York, and Col. Hunter of Virginia, to make farther Enquiry as they had Opportunity, which likewise produc\u2019d no Information. At length I put Advertisements in the Gazettes of both those Provinces, as you will see by the inclos\u2019d; and they were continu\u2019d in the Papers for several Weeks successively. I also engag\u2019d a Gentleman, Mr. Foxcroft, my Brother Postmaster General, who lives in Virginia to make what Enquiry he could at the General Court there, in April last, when the Gentlemen assemble from all Parts of that Province at Williamsburg. He did so accordingly, and informs me, that he could hear of none of the Name there, but those mention\u2019d in the enclos\u2019d Memorandum, viz. one Richard Holland and Rebecca his Wife, who have a Daughter Lucy which is all the Information my Advertisement and his Enquiry has produc\u2019d from thence, and amounts to nothing. From New York came a Person to me, in behalf of one Elizabeth Waldron, whose maiden Name was Holland. I told him, that in order to intitle her to the Claim, she must send me authenticated Certificates of her Father and Mother\u2019s Names, what Children they had, and other material Circumstances relating to the Family, that might evince her being the Person enquir\u2019d after. On which I receiv\u2019d from her the enclos\u2019d Letter, by which I think it appears that she cannot be the Person, for she seems to know nothing of a Brother Capt. William Holland. However I send it, that you and the Gentlemen concern\u2019d may judge of it. It is all the Light I have been able to obtain by the Steps taken. And if you would have any thing farther done in the Affair, I shall readily obey your Commands.\nThe Reason of my making Enquiries in Virginia, was, that James River is in Virginia, and there is a York not far from it; and I apprehended that the New York might be a Mistake for that Virginia York.\nI hope Mrs. Ellicot and your valuable Son and Daughters continue well. Please to present my Respects to them, and to the Gentlemen at the George and Vulture in whose Company I spent so many agreable Hours. With great Esteem, I am, Sir, Your most obedient Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Ellicot", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-25-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0066", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Massachusetts House of Representatives Committee, 25 June 1764\nFrom: Massachusetts House of Representatives Committee\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir,\nBoston June 25th. 1764.\nThe House of Representatives of his Majesty\u2019s Province of the Massachusetts Bay at the Session of the General Assembly in May last, being informed of the late Act of Parliament relating to the Sugar Trade with the foreign Colonies, and the Resolutions of the House of Commons relating to the Stamp Duties and other Taxes proposed to be laid on the British Colonies, were humbly of Opinion, that those Measures have a Tendency to deprive the Colonists of some of their most essential Rights as British Subjects, and as Men; particularly the Right of assessing their own Taxes and being free from any Impositions but such as they consent to by themselves or Representatives.\nOur Agent informs us, that in a Conference he had with Mr. Greenville on these Subjects, he was told that the Ministry were desirous of consulting the Ease, the Quiet and Goodwill of the Colonies.\nSuch Expressions induce us to hope that there is Nothing punitive in these Measures, and that humble dutiful Remonstrances may yet have their Effect. But if while these Things are thus publickly handled, no Claim is made, no Remonstrance preferred on the Part of the Colonies, such Silence must be interpreted a tacit Cession of their Rights, and an humble Acquiescence under all these Burdens.\nThe House have wrote fully upon this Subject to the Agent of this Province, and directed him to remonstrate against these Measures, and to endeavour a Repeal of said Act, and if possible to prevent the Imposition of any further Duties and Taxes on the Colonies. For this Purpose they were desirous of the united Assistance of the several Colonies in a Petition against such formidable Attacks upon what they conceive to be the inseparable Rights of British Subjects; and that the Agents of the several Colonies might be directed by the Representatives of the People on the Continent of North America to unite in the most serious Remonstrance against Measures so destructive of the Liberty, the Commerce and Property of the Colonists, and in their Tendency so pernicious to the real Interest of Great Britain.\nThe House have done us the Honour to appoint us a Committee in the Recess of the General Court to inform the several Houses of Representatives of this Continent of their Desires; and we do our selves the Honour to subscribe ourselves, Your most, Humble Servants,\nJames Otis.\nThomas Cushing\nOxenbridge Thacher\nThomas Gray\nEdw Sheaffe", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-29-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0067", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Canton, 29 June 1764\nFrom: Canton, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nLondon 29 June 1764\nYour Favour of the 14th of March came to my Hands the 15th of May last, and gave me great pleasure. The first Experiment of Mr. Kinnersley\u2019s which you mention, is, as you observe, a beautiful one to see; and I think, fully proves that the Fusion of Metals by Lightning is not a cold Fusion. I have myself, several times, melted small brass Wire by a Stroke from your Case of Bottles, which left a Mark where it lay upon the Table, and some Balls of twice or three times its Diameter near the Mark but no part of the Wire could be found. At the time of the Stroke, a great Number of Sparks, like those from a Flint and Steel, fly upward and laterally from the place where the Wire was laid, and lose their Light in the daytime, at the Distance of about two or three Inches. The Diameter of a piece of Mr. Kinnersley\u2019s Wire, which you was so kind as to send me with the Balls, I found to be one part in 182 of an Inch; mine was but one part in 330.\nThe second of Mr. Kinnersley\u2019s Experiments which you relate, and which seems to be a very extraordinary one, I have several times endeavour\u2019d to make, but without Success. The Air with you must certainly be much drier than in England: For I have never observ\u2019d the inclos\u2019d pith Balls to separate by the electris\u2019d Air of a Room, without having first heated the Phial; notwithstanding which, they always came together in the Phial, before the outward Air had lost its Electricity, as appears by their separating again when taken out of it. I once electrified the Air of my largest Room to a considerable degree, and by opening the Windows and Doors suffer\u2019d the Wind to blow through for about five Minutes; I then shut them, and examin\u2019d the Air in the Room, but found no Sign of Electricity remaining. This Air I electrified to about the same degree as before, and leaving it confin\u2019d, it retain\u2019d a sensible degree of its Electricity for more than three quarters of an hour. Hence I entirely agree with you, that the Glass in Mr. Kinnersley\u2019s Experiment receiv\u2019d some degree of Electricity from the electrised Air, and so kept the Balls separated after that Air was blown away.\nI have put your ingenious Friend Mr. Bowdoin\u2019s Telescope into Mr. Nairn\u2019s Hands, who is making a Pedestal for it, which I think will be an Improvement of that which Mr. Bowdoin has describ\u2019d in his last Letter to me, which you saw. You may depend on my taking all possible Care to get it well executed, and soon. I find the fitting Dollond\u2019s Micrometer to the Telescope is impracticable.\nSince the publication of a short Paper in the Transactions, which contains an account of Experiments to prove that Water is not incompressible, I have discover\u2019d a remarkable property belonging to that Fluid, which is new to me, though perhaps it may not be so to you. The Property I mean is, It\u2019s being less compressible in Summer than in Winter. This is contrary to what I find in Spirit of Wine, and Oil of Olives; which are (as one would expect Water to be) more compressible when expanded by Heat, and less so when contracted by Cold. For when Fahrenheit\u2019s Thermometer is at 34 Degrees, and the Barometer at 29\u00bd I [nches], Water is compress\u2019d by the Weight of the Atmosphere 49 parts in a Million of its whole Bulk, and Spirit of Wine 60 of the same parts; When the Thermometer is at 50 degrees, Water is compressed 46 parts, and Spirit of Wine 66 parts in a Million, by the same Weight; and when the Thermometer is at 64 degrees, this Weight will compress Water no more than 44 parts in a Million, but it will compress Spirit of Wine 71 of these parts.\nAs I am not able, at present, to account for this Difference in the Compressibility of Water myself, I should be very glad to have your Thoughts upon it.\nThe Compression by the Weight of the Atmosphere, and the specific Gravity of the following Fluids; (which are all that I have yet try\u2019d) are set down as they were found in a temperate Degree of Heat, and when the Barometer was at a mean Height.\nMillionth parts.\nSpecific Gravity\nCompression of\nSpirit of Wine\nOil of Olives\nRain Water\nSea-Water\nMercury\nYou will easily perceive that the Compressions of these Fluids by the same Weight, are not in the inverse Ratio of their Densities, or specific Gravities, as might be expected. The Compression of Spirit of Wine, for instance, being compar\u2019d with that of Rain-Water, is greater than in this proportion it ought to be, and the Compression of Sea-Water is less.\nMr. Price, Mr. Rose, Mr. Cooper and the rest of the Club desire their most respectful Compliments to you, and very much regret, as I do myself, your leaving England. I am, with the most sincere Regard, Dear Sir Your most obliged and most humble Servant\nJno. Canton.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-02-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0069", "content": "Title: Edward Shippen to Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft, 2 July 1764\nFrom: Shippen, Edward\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John\nLancaster 2d July 1764\nI Received your Favour of the 29th Ulto. and had the perusal of yours to Mr: George Ross of the same Date which we answered this Morning jointly. Francis Campbel Esqr: and Mr: John Piper of Shippensburg I think I could Take the Liberty to Recommend as Honest Men and very proper Persons to under Take the Management of a Post office in that Town. Colonel Bouquet is acquainted with them both and if the former should not Chuse to accept of the Commission perhaps the Latter may. I wish I could write with greater Certainty about this and as to a proper person at Carlisle I must Refer you to the Colonel, who I think, is better acquainted with the People there Than I am. I am Sorry I can Say nothing Concerning the weekly Post which you intend to Carry on from Lancaster through York and Baltimore to Annopolies. I am Sirs Your most obedient Humble Servand\nEdwd: Shippen\nTo Messieurs Franklin and FoxcraftPostmasters General", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0070", "content": "Title: Post Office Accounts, [9 July 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nAmong Franklin\u2019s miscellaneous post-office records is a folio sheet containing a memorandum of amounts due to him and his colleague John Foxcroft for traveling expenses while on official business and a balance sheet of his account with the General Post Office with entries dated between July 9, 1764, and March 20, 1765. Both are in Franklin\u2019s hand. Parts of two pages contain various monetary calculations, but with a single unexplained exception, none of the amounts appearing in these calculations matches any of the entries in the memorandum or balance sheet, hence they are not reproduced here.\nG.P.O. Dr. to B.F.\nHis Allowance for travelling Expences thro\u201d all the Colonies from Virginia to New Hampshire to visit and regulate the Offices establish new ones, &c. 79 Days at 21s.\nG.P.O. Dr. to J.F.\nHis Allowance &c. 93 Days at 21s.\n  G.P.O. Dr. to J.F.\nHis Allowance &c. to Annapolis 18 Days at 21s.\n  G.P.O. Dr. to J.F.\nHis Allowance to Lancaster and York9 Days at 21.\nSee his Letter from March 16. 1765\nDr\nGeneral Post Office\nJuly\nTo B Franklin for Bills remitted R. Trevor Esqr.\n  Aug.\nTo Do.Do.\nTo Do. for Fees paid Lawyers\n  Oct.\nTo Do. for One Years Salary\nTo J.F. for One Years Salary\nTo Fr. and Foxt. Comptrollers Salary and [Int. paid?]\n  Mar.\nTo J.F. for Ballance of Williamsburg Office paid J Royle\nTo B F. travelling Expences 79 Days at 21\nTo J F. Do.\nTo J F. Journey to Portsmouth 14 Days\nTo J F. Do. to Annapolis 18 Days\nTo J F. Do. to Lancaster 9 Days\nBallance\nCrSterling.\nJuly\nBy Ballance of Account to this Day\nBy B F. Cash received of J.P. Tower hill Office\nBy B F. received of Do. N York Office \u00a3500 Currency\nSept.\nBy B F. received of Philadelphia Office\nOct.\nBy B F. received of Philadelphia Office\nBy J. F. received of Annapolis Office\nBy Do. received of York Office Virginia\nNov.\nBy Do. received of W. Dunlap per Hunter\u2019s Executors\nMarch\nBy Do. received of Do. per Mr. Royle\nBy Do. received of York Office Virginia\nOmitted above\nAug.\nBy B F. received of J P. from Tower Hill Office 32s. 6d. York-\nBy J F. received of Do. [Ballance of Lottery Account \u00a336: 5. 0] Pennsylvania Money\nMarch\nBy B F. received of J P. \u00a382. 4: 0 Pennsylvania Money\nBy B F. received of Do. 11: 16. 0 Do.\nQuery. Whether the two last Articles of this Account were not paid by Mr. Parker as part of his private Debt to B F.?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0071", "content": "Title: Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft: Commission to James Parker, 10 July 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John\nTo: Parker, James\nBenjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft Esquires His Majesty\u2019s Deputy Postmaster General of all his Majesty\u2019s Dominions on the Continent of North America.\nTo all to whom these Presents shall come: Greeting. Know ye That we the said Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft reposing special Trust and Confidence in James Parker of Woodbridge in New Jersey, Gentleman, and having received good Testimony of his Fidelity and Loyalty to his Majesty and of his Ability and Sufficiency to execute the Office and Duties required of a Secretary, Comptroller, Accomptant, and Receiver General of the General Post Office do by these presents nominate and appoint him our Secretary Comptroller, Accomptant and Receiver General, with full power to demand, receive, examine, correct and allow, the Monthly Bills call\u2019d Comptrollers Bills, and the Quarterly and General Accounts of the several Deputy Postmasters in every Province relating to the Postage of Letters; and to demand recover and receive for us, the Ballance from such Accounts arising and proper Discharges thereupon to give and generally to do and perform every other Matter and Thing that to the Office and Duty of Secretary, Comptroller, Accomptant and Receiver General of the General Post-Office doth or may Appertain, under such Instructions Restrictions and Orders as he shall from time to time receive from us: And we do hereby authorize the said James Parker to have, hold, exercise and enjoy the said Offices, with all the Powers Privileges Benefits and Advantages thereunto belonging, from the Day of the Date hereof, for and during the Term of three Years, or till he receive a new Commission from us, or till this present Commission be superseded; Hereby strictly charging and requiring all Officers and others employ\u2019d in and about the Posts already settled or to be settled in any part of his Majesty\u2019s said Provinces and Dominions in North America, or in Relation to the Revenue arising by the Post of Letters therein; from time to time to render their Accounts regularly and duly according to their Instructions to the said James Parker, and to pay unto him the Ballances thereof, and to observe and obey his Orders and Directions relating to their Accompts and Remittances. And we do also hereby give and grant unto him the said James Parker, for his Care, Pains and Trouble in the Execution of the Offices and Trust hereby granted and committed unto him, the Yearly Salary of Eighty Pounds Sterling to commence from the Date hereof, which Salary he is to receive or be allowed in his Accounts. And we do hereby revoke and make null and void from the Day of the Date hereof all and every other Constitution and Appointment to the same Office made given or granted by us, or any former Deputy Postmaster General, to the said James Parker, or to any other Person or Persons whatsoever, In Witness whereof, we the said Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft, have hereunto set our Hands, and caused the Seal of our Office to be Affixed this tenth Day of July One thousand seven Hundred and Sixty four in the fourth Year of his Majesty\u2019s Reign.\nB FranklinJ. Foxcroft\nEndorsed: Commission to Mr Parker", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0072", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 10 July 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Mecom, Jane\nDear Sister\nPhilada. July 10. 1764\nWe all condole with you most sincerely on the Death of your Daughter. She always appear\u2019d to me of a sweet and amiable Temper, and to have many other good Qualities that must make the Loss of her more grievous for Brother and you to bear. Our only Comfort under such Afflictions is, that God knows what is best for us, and can bring Good out of what appears Evil. She is doubtless happy: which none of us are while in this Life.\nBrother Peter and Sister are well. Their Maid which they brought with them, and a young Girl, have been both inoculated, and have got finely over the small Pox. They join with my Mrs. Franklin Sally and myself in Love to you and yours: But do not write; as no Letters can now go free in America but mine, Mr. Foxcroft\u2019s and our Secretary\u2019s; the latter only Business of the Office. The Act of Parliament forbidding. I am, Your ever affectionate Brother\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Mrs. Jane Mecom / Boston / Free / B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0073", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Winthrop, 10 July 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Winthrop, John\nSir\nPhilada. July 10. 1764\nI received your Favour of the 12th. past, and congratulate you on the Recovery of Mrs. Winthrop and your Children from the Small Pox.\nMr. Stiles return\u2019d \u00c6pinus to me sometime since. I must confess I am pleas\u2019d with his Theory of Magnetism. Perhaps I receive it the more readily on Account of the Relation he has given it to mine of Electricity. But there is one Difficulty I cannot solve by it quite to my Satisfaction, which is that if a Steel Ring be made magnetical by passing Magnets properly round it, and afterwards broken into two Semicircles, each of them will have strong N. and S. Poles, in whatever Part the Ring is broken. I have not try\u2019d this, but have been assur\u2019d \u2019tis so: and I know that a magnetic Bar broken has after Breaking 4 Poles, i.e. it becomes two compleat Bars. I think with him that Impermeability to the El. Fluid, is the Property of all El[ectric]s per se; or that, if they permit it to pass at all, it is with Difficulty, greater or less in different El[ectric]s per se. Glass hot permits it to pass freely; and in the different degrees between hot and cold may permit it to pass more or less freely.\nI shall think of the Affair of your unfortunate College, and try if I can be of any Service in procuring some Assistance towards restoring your Library. Please to present my respectful Compliments to Dr. Chauncy, Mr. Elliot and Mr. Cooper; and believe me with sincere Esteem, Sir Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMy Respects to the President, and to Mr. Danforth.\nJ. Winthrop Esqr\nEndorsed: Dr Franklin 10 July 1764 [and on another page:] Recd July 23.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-12-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0074", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 12 July 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. July 12. 1764\nBy Capt. Hammet, who lately sail\u2019d from hence, the Committee wrote to you, and sent you the Petition to the King. By this Conveyance they send you some other Papers. The Proprietary Party are endeavouring to stir up the Presbyterians to join in a Petition against a Change of Government: what that [Endea] vour will produce I cannot say.\nI hope soon to receive your Sentiments on this Affair, which will probably enable me to determine, whether I shall stay here, or retire to some other Colony, or England, to spend the Remainder of my Days.\nCol. Bouquet sets out in a short time with the 1000 Men, rais\u2019d, cloath\u2019d and paid by this Province, against the Indians on the Ohio. Our Heats have lately been so excessive, that many have died, chiefly after drinking cold Water while warm with Exercise. How much more happy is your temperate Climate? I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nP.S. Inclos\u2019d is a Duplicate of the Petition.\nFor large Pacquets I suppose you pay Postage, which should be charg\u2019d to the Province.\nR. Jackson Esqr\nAddressed: To / Richard Jackson, Esquire / Member of Parliament for Weymouth, / Inner Temple / London / via New York / per Packet\nEndorsed: 12 July 64 Bn Franklin Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-12-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0075", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Mills, 12 July 1764\nFrom: Mills, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir,\nLondon, July 12th, 1764\nI am greatly indebted to you for your most obliging favour of the 10th of March, which was safely delivered to me by Mr. Shadwell, whose channel (directing to him at the Secretary of State\u2019s Office) will always be a sure conveyance.\nI thank you, Sir, most heartily, for your kindness to me in presenting to Colonel Elliot the first volume of my Husbandry. I wish I had known there was such a descendant of that worthy Gentleman, the Doctor, that I might e\u2019er this have requested his acceptance of the rest of what has been published of that work, as a mark of my sincere veneration for the memory of his Father. I expect the 2d., 3d. and 4th volumes of my work hourly from my bookseller, whom I have ordered to get them bound up for the Colonel: but such is the negligence of those gentry in all affairs which are not their own immediate concern, or attended with lucre to them, that I fear I shall not yet be able to get them in time for the ship by which Mr. Small will be so kind as to send this letter, with my fourth volume, for you, Sir, whose acceptance of it I request, as of a feeble mark of my respect for you.\nI am greatly obliged to you for the list of American booksellers, and shall make use of it in the proportions and manner you direct, as soon as my fifth volume is finished at the press: for as that will complete my task, and as it is now printing, I apprehend that it may be best to send the whole work together: at least my bookseller, Mr. Johnson, is clearly of that opinion.\nI should esteem it a singular happiness to be able to prove the esteem and regard with which I am, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant\nJohn Mills\nI am just now sending to the Society of Agriculture Arts and Commerce established by the States of Britany at Rennes, a small parcel of your American Orchard grass Seeds, with which Mr. Small has kindly favoured me: and I likewise send to the same Society (at their desire) an hundred weight of Mr. Roque\u2019s Burnet seed.\nDr. Benj. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0077", "content": "Title: Minutes of the Provincial Commissioners, 20 July 1764\nFrom: \nTo: \nThe provincial commissioners named in the Supply Act of May 30, 1764, assumed their duties almost at once. Their activities in directing the recruitment, maintenance, and disposition of the troops authorized by the provincial government are reflected in part by the pay orders they approved (above, pp. 221\u20134) and by the commissions and orders Governor Penn issued as commander-in-chief to various officers. But the formal records of meetings of the governor and commissioners at which decisions were reached seem for the most part to have disappeared. Minutes of actions taken on July 20 alone seem to have survived among those of the numerous sessions that certainly took place during the summer of 1764. These minutes are printed here to illustrate some of the decisions on military matters in which Franklin participated as one of the commissioners.\n  July 20th 1764Present.\nThe Governor\nBenja. Franklin\nLynford Lardner\nEsqrs.\nJoseph Fox\nJoseph Galloway\nJohn Baynton\nThe Board taking under their consideration the disposition of the Troops for the Defence of the Frontiers.\nAgreed.\nThat four companies be stationed and range between the River Delaware and Susquehanna, including thirty men to Garrison Fort Augusta, and that the two remaining companies of the Provincials be stationed and range on the Frontiers westwards of the Susquehanna, and that one commanding Officer be appointed for these companies.\nAgreed.\nThat Robert Callender be the victualler for the three western Companies save those in Fort Augusta who are victualled by the Crown, and that Robert Levers victual the other three companies to the eastward.\nAgreed.\nThat the above mentioned Troops be supplied with Arms from the Public Armory and with Amunition Blankets Sheetes Haversacks and Tomahawks.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0078", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 24 July 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Mecom, Jane\nDear Sister\nPhilada. July 24. 1764\nIt is not in my Power to dispense with an Act of Parliament. To attempt it would hazard my Place. The Privilege of Franking my own Letters is indulg\u2019d to me by the Act; but I have been given to understand that \u2019tis a Trust, which tis expected I will not violate by covering the Letters of others. Mr. Flag must therefore pay for the Letters you send him; and I think he should also pay the Letters he sends to you. Your Sister has just now paid 2s. 6d. for a Letter to herself from New York. She would have wrote to condole with you on your late Loss, and so would Brother Peter, but that they would not put you to Charge. We all join in Love to you and yours. Your affectionate Brother\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Mrs Jane Mecom / Boston / Free / B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0079", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from \u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014, 8 August 1764\nFrom: \u2014\u2014\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nPhilada. 8th. Augt. 1764.\n[I am] returning you my kind thanks for your favour in lending me the Perusal of Mr. Pringles account of the Meteor seen in England &c. some time agone, which I herewith return.\nI have been at some Pains in geting the account of this that appear\u2019d here the 20th Ulto. in the Evening, but a Great Deal Appears from what has been said to be Imperfect unless there were more than one.\nHowever from the Perusal of the whole, I shall at Present desist, and have for my own part to say, that with proper Instruments I have taken the Altitude, and Course from my Standing Place, and with the help of two Young Men of Account, where the Meteor Pass\u2019d directly in their Zenith, which is taken with a Land Compass, the Intersection of the two Lines undoubtedly will be Perpendicular to the place it broke. As everybody seems silent in so curious an Affair, makes me doubt that a more ungenerous a Spirit Subsists, than that, that wou\u2019d be becoming [to a] Soul, Springing from an Eternal Spirit, which [has no] beginning nor end. The Lord Preserve Sir your [Life?] for abundance has been said, what end [torn] I am at a Stand. I have been buisy, or [torn] d[raw]n the Cut, together with the Lin[torn] own get so much in favour [torn].\nTo B. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0081", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Becket, 10 August 1764\nFrom: Becket, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nLondon Aug. 10. 1764\nI am just favourd with yours of the 17th. June with a Copy of yours of the 3d, (I never Received the first). Inclosing also a Bill on Mr. Brown for Twelve Pounds which is paid.\nIt is impossible for me to express the concern I am in at receiving such a Letter from you who has been so remarkably my friend; and that I have given cause for it I cannot deny\u2014but this I can aver, that it was not wilful. It must seem almost an absurdity to pretend to vindicate myself, but yet I must beg your patience for one minute.\nI received your last favour the begining of Feby, and thought that by staying about 2 Mo. I should be able to send you a few New Articles that the course of that time might produce and well might be agreeable to you. I also was in expectation of receiving some more Numbers of the Arts et Metiers from Paris which you particularly desird, and did not receive any till May, which was the Art de Refiner le Sucre. There was then no Ships going till June, and I sent every thing you wrote for with some additional articles by the Mary and Elizabeth Capt. Spark, and wrote you at the same time, with a state of the Account, by which there was a ballance due me of \u00a316 13s. 6d.\nIt is true that I ought to have sent by the first Ship such articles as you wrote for without waiting for other things\u2014I now see the absurdity of my Conduct\u2014and feel your just resentment. To say any more, would be superfluous\u2014and as I know you to be the best of Men, I trust you will forgive this disapointment I have laid you under. Depend upon it, good Sir, I shall be ever watchful for the future to obey your commands with the stricktest punctuality being Sir Your greatly Obliged and Most Obedient Humble servant\nT Becket\nI herewith send in 2 packets the Reviews, Magazines, and 4 New pamphlets.\nTo Benjamin Franklyn Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0082", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Bouquet, 10 August 1764\nFrom: Bouquet, Henry\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nCarlisle. August 10th. 1764\nI am sorry that the first Letter I have the Pleasure to write you, must be upon a disagreeable Subject. The Desertion has already reduced your Two Battalions to about 750 Men, and I have too much cause to expect they will lose many more before they reach Fort Loudoun.\nI can not spare so considerable a Number from the diminutive Force I was to have, and am obliged to apply to the Governor and Commissioners to enable me to compleat these Troops, and to send by a proper Person the money necessary allowing the same Terms as before, viz. The Three Pounds in advance to be afterwards deducted from their Pay and the 20s. for Every Recruit to the officers.\nThis will be no additional Expence to the Public and only the application of the whole money voted for that Service, Except the 20 shs. to raise again the men who have deserted, an Article too inconsiderable to form an objection.\nAs I realy apprehend some Risk in proceeding on this Expedition with so few Troops, I beg you will use your Interest with the Board to obtain me that favour, and prevent a delay, which in the Circumstances would be equal to a denial.\nWe are hitherto perfectly quiet here, being neither disturbed by our active Enemy, nor assisted by our Indolent and mean Spirited Frontier Friends. I am with great Regard Dear Sir Your most obedient and Humble Servant\nHenry Bouquet\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr.\nEndorsed: Col. Bouquet Augt. 10.64 requesting Money to compleat the Troops. 1st. Letter after his Departure.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-11-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0083", "content": "Title: Preface to Joseph Galloway\u2019s Speech, [11 August 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nWhen the debate on the petition to the King for a change in government reached its climax in the Assembly on May 24, John Dickinson rose and delivered a long written speech opposing the proposal (see above, pp. 194\u20135). Joseph Galloway responded in favor of the petition, talking from \u201cshort Notes\u201d jotted down while his opponent was speaking. Dickinson\u2019s speech was published by William Bradford on June 29 with a substantial preface generally believed to have been written by the Rev. William Smith. This preface reviewed briefly the Supply Act of 1759, attributing its passage to the bribery of Governor William Denny, and summarized the action of the Privy Council and Assembly agents in agreeing to certain stipulations for its approval (above, IX, 196\u2013211). The \u201cPrefacer\u201d then described the controversy over the Supply Bill of 1764, the Assembly\u2019s decision to seek public support for a change in government, and the debates over the petition to the King, all of which have been dealt with at length in earlier pages of this volume. He then cited several expressions of gratitude to William Penn and his descendants, offered by assemblies over the years, for the privileges which the colony enjoyed, and complained that no copy of the recent petition had been made available to the public and particularly to those who wanted to answer its accusations.\nDuring the next weeks Galloway wrote up in full form his speech in reply to Dickinson of May 24, \u201ctaken from his short Notes, and put into Order.\u201d Franklin contributed the preface, and the pamphlet was printed by William Dunlap and published on August 11. Dickinson was unwilling to allow Galloway the last word; although, as he explained, he was very busy attending court sessions in the Lower Counties and in Chester and Philadelphia Counties in Pennsylvania, he found time to prepare a Reply, dating the foreword September 4. Bradford rushed it into print.\nFranklin\u2019s preface to the Galloway speech is one of his major contributions   to the controversy over the petition to the King and to the political campaign leading to the election of a new Assembly set for October 1. It is an unusually long preface, exceeding by several hundred words the speech which it introduces. Franklin addressed himself very little to the arguments Dickinson had used in his speech (leaving that task to Galloway), but almost wholly to Smith\u2019s preface to Dickinson\u2019s speech, and to the counter-petition to the King drawn up and circulated for signatures by the proprietary leaders. As an attempt to refute the highly partisan statement of the other party\u2019s case, as presented in the earlier preface and the counter-petition, it is at least equally partisan. Franklin\u2019s jibes at Thomas Penn and his colonial adherents clearly reflect the bitterness that the controversy had produced in Pennsylvania.\nBetween Franklin\u2019s preface and the text of Galloway\u2019s speech as they appear in the pamphlet appears an \u201cAdvertisement,\u201d something more than two pages long in the original. It is not wholly clear whether Franklin or Galloway wrote this piece\u2014it refers to Galloway in the third person\u2014but it is included here with the preface because of the possibility that Franklin was the author and because it gives an account, from the Assembly leaders\u2019 point of view, of some of the events connected with the speeches of Dickinson and Galloway presented in the opposing pamphlets.\nPreface.\nIt is not merely because Mr. Dickinson\u2019s Speech was usher\u2019d into the World by a Preface, that one is made to this of Mr. Galloway. But as in that Preface, a Number of Aspersions were thrown on our Assemblies, and their Proceedings grossly misrepresented, it was thought necessary to wipe those Aspersions off, by some proper Animadversions; and by a true State of Facts, to rectify those Misrepresentations.\nThe Preface begins with saying, that \u201cGovernor Denny, whose Administration will never be mentioned but with Disgrace, in the Annals of this Province, was induced by Considerations to which the World is now no Stranger, to pass sundry Acts,\u201d &c. thus insinuating, that by some unusual base Bargain secretly made, but afterwards discover\u2019d, he was induc\u2019d to pass them. It is fit, therefore, without undertaking to justify all that Governor\u2019s Administration, to shew what those Considerations were. Ever since the Revenue of the Quit-rents first, and after that the Revenue of Tavern Licences, were settled irrevocably on our Proprietaries and Governors, they have look\u2019d on those Incomes as their proper Estate, for which they were under no Obligations to the People: And when they afterwards concurr\u2019d in passing any useful Laws, they considered them as so many Jobbs, for which they ought to be particularly paid. Hence arose the Custom of Presents twice a Year to the Governors, at the close of each Session in which Laws were past, given at the Time of Passing. They usually amounted to a Thousand Pounds per Annum. But when the Governors and Assemblies disagreed, so that Laws were not pass\u2019d, the Presents were with-held. When a Disposition to agree ensu\u2019d, there sometimes still remain\u2019d some Diffidence. The Governors would not pass the Laws that were wanted, without being sure of the Money, even all that they call\u2019d their Arrears; nor the Assemblies give the Money without being sure of the Laws. Thence the Necessity of some private Conference, in which, mutual Assurances of good Faith might be receiv\u2019d and given, that the Transactions should go hand in hand. What Name the impartial Reader will give to this Kind of Commerce, I cannot say: To me it appears, an Extortion of more Money from the People, for that to which they had before an undoubted Right, both by the Constitution, and by Purchase: But there was no other Shop they could go to for the Commodity they wanted, and they were oblig\u2019d to comply. Time establish\u2019d the Custom, and made it seem honest; so that our Governors, even those of the most undoubted Honor, have practis\u2019d it. Governor Thomas, after a long Misunderstanding with the Assembly, went more openly to work with them in managing this Commerce and they with him. The Fact is curious, as it stands recorded in the Votes of 1742\u20133, Sundry Bills sent up to the Governor for his Assent, had lain long in his Hands without any Answer. Jan. 4. The House \u201cOrdered, That Thomas Leech, and Edward Warner, wait upon the Governor, and acquaint him, that the House had long waited for his Result on the Bills that lie before him, and desire to know when they may expect it. The Gentlemen return and report, that they waited upon the Governor, and delivered the Message of the House according to Order, and that the Governor was pleased to say, He had had the Bills long under Consideration, and waited the Result of the House.\u201d The House well understood this Hint; and immediately resolv\u2019d into a Committee of the whole House, to take what was called the Governor\u2019s Support into Consideration, in which they made, the Minutes say, some Progress; and the next Morning it appears, that that Progress, whatever it was, had been communicated to him; for he sent them down this Message by his Secretary; \u201cMr. Speaker, The Governor commands me to acquaint you, that as he has received Assurances of a good Disposition in the House, he thinks it incumbent on him to shew the like on his Part; and therefore sends down the Bills which lay before him, without any Amendment.\u201d As this Message only shew\u2019d a good Disposition, but contain\u2019d no Promise to pass the Bills; the House seem to have had their Doubts; and therefore, February 2, when they came to resolve, on the Report of the Grand Committee, to give the Money, they guarded their Resolves very cautiously, viz. \u201cResolved, That on the Passage of such Bills as now lie before the Governor, the Naturalization Bill, and such other Bills as may be presented to him, during this Sitting, there be PAID him the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds. Resolved also, That on the Passage of such Bills as now lie before the Governor, the Naturalization Bill, and such other Bills as may be presented to him this Sitting, there be PAID to the Governor, the further Sum of One Thousand Pounds, for the current Year\u2019s Support; and that Orders be drawn on the Treasurer and Trustees of the Loan Office, pursuant to these Resolves.\u201d The Orders were accordingly drawn, with which being acquainted, he appointed a Time to pass the Bills, which was done with one Hand, while he received the Orders in the other; and then with the utmost politeness, thank\u2019d the House for the Fifteen Hundred Pounds, as if it had been a pure Free Gift, and a mere mark of their Respect and Affection. \u201cI thank you, Gentlemen, (says he) for this Instance of your Regard; which I am the more pleased with, as it gives an agreeable Prospect of future Harmony between me and the Representatives of the People.\u201d This, Reader, is an exact Counterpart of the Transaction with Governor Denny; except that Denny sent Word to the House, that he would pass the Bills before they voted the Support. And yet, here was no Proprietary Clamour about Bribery, &c. And why so? Why, at that Time, the Proprietary Family, by Virtue of a secret Bond they had obtained of the Governor at his Appointment, were to share with him the Sums so obtained of the People!\nThis Reservation of the Proprietaries they were at that Time a little asham\u2019d of, and therefore such Bonds were then to be Secrets. But as in every Kind of Sinning, frequent Repetition lessens Shame, and increases Boldness, we find the Proprietaries ten Years afterwards, openly insisting on these Advantages to themselves, over and above what was paid to their Deputy: \u201cWherefore, (say they,) on this Occasion, it is necessary, that we should inform the People, through yourselves, their Representatives, that as, by the Consutution, OUR Consent is NECESSARY to their Laws, at the same Time that they have an undoubted Right to such as are necessary for the Defence and real Service of the Country; so it will tend the better to facilitate the several Matters which must be transacted with us, for their Representatives to shew a Regard to us and our Interest.\u201d This was in their Answer to the Representation of the Assembly, [Votes, December, 1754, Page 48] on the Justice of their contributing to Indian Expences, which they had refused. And on this Clause, the Committee make the following Remark; \u201cThey tell us, their Consent is necessary to our Laws, and that it will tend the better to facilitate the Matters which must be transacted with them, for the Representatives to shew a Regard to their INTEREST: That, is, as we understand it, though the Proprietaries have a Deputy here, supported by the Province, who is, or ought to be, fully impower\u2019d to pass all Laws necessary for the Service of the Country; yet, before we can obtain such Laws, we must facilitate their Passage, by paying Money for the Proprietaries which they ought to pay, or in some Shape make it their particular Interest to pass them. We hope, however, that if this Practice has ever been begun, it will never be continued in this Province; and that, since, as this very Paragraph allows, we have an undoubted Right to such Laws, we shall always be able to obtain them from the Goodness of our Sovereign, without going to Market for them to a Subject.\u201d Time has shewn that those Hopes were vain; they have been oblig\u2019d to go to that Market ever since, directly, or indirectly, or go without their Laws. The Practice has continued, and will continue, as long as the Proprietary Government subsists, intervening between the Crown and the People.\nDo not, my courteous Reader, take Pet at our Proprietary Constitution, for these our Bargain and Sale Proceedings in Legislation. \u2019Tis a happy Country where Justice, and what was your own before, can be had for Ready Money. \u2019Tis another Addition to the Value of Money, and of Course another Spur to Industry. Every Land is not so bless\u2019d. There are Countries where the princely Proprietor claims to be Lord of all Property; where what is your own shall not only be wrested from you, but the Money you give to have it restor\u2019d, shall be kept with it, and your offering so much, being a Sign of your being too rich, you shall be plunder\u2019d of every Thing that remain\u2019d. These Times are not come here yet: Your present Proprietors have never been more unreasonable hitherto, than barely to insist on your Fighting in Defence of their Property, and paying the Expence yourselves; or if their Estates must, (ah! must) be tax\u2019d towards it, that the best of their Lands shall be tax\u2019d no higher than the worst of yours.\nPardon this Digression, and I return to Governor Denny; but first let me do Governor Hamilton the Justice to observe, that whether from the Uprightness of his own Disposition, or from the odious Light the Practice had been set in on Denny\u2019s Account, or from both, he did not attempt these Bargains, but pass\u2019d such Laws as he thought fit to pass, without any previous Stipulation of Pay for them. But then, when he saw the Assembly tardy in the Payment he expected, and yet calling upon him still to pass more Laws, he openly put them in Mind of the Money, as a Debt due to him from Custom. \u201cIn the Course of the present Year, (says he, in his Message of July 8. 1763) a great Deal of public Business hath been transacted by me; and I believe, as many useful Laws enacted, as by any of my Predecessors in the same Space of Time; yet I have not understood, that any Allowance hath hitherto been made to me for my Support, as hath been customary in this Province.\u201d The House having then some Bills in hand, took the Matter into immediate Consideration, and voted him five Hundred Pounds; for which an Order or Certificate was accordingly drawn; and on the same Day the Speaker, after the House had been with the Governor, reported, \u201cThat his Honor had been pleased to give his Assent to the Bills, by enacting the same into Laws; and Mr. Speaker farther reported, that he had then, in behalf of the House, presented their Certificate of Five Hundred Pounds to the Governor, who was pleased to say, he was obliged to the House for the same.\u201d Thus we see the Practice of purchasing and paying for Laws, is interwoven with our Proprietary Constitution, us\u2019d in the best Times, and under the best Governors. And yet, alas poor Assembly! How will you steer your brittle Bark between these Rocks? If you pay ready Money for your Laws, and those Laws are not lik\u2019d by the Proprietaries, you are charg\u2019d with Bribery and Corruption: If you wait a While before you pay, you are accus\u2019d of detaining the Governor\u2019s customary Right, and dun\u2019d as a negligent or dishonest Debtor, that refuses to discharge a just Debt!\nBut Governor Denny\u2019s Case, I shall be told, differs from all these, for the Acts he was induced to pass, were, as the Prefacer tells us, \u201ccontrary to his Duty, and to every Tie of Honor and Justice.\u201d Such is the Imperfection of our Language, and perhaps of all other Languages, that notwithstanding we are furnish\u2019d with Dictionaries innumerable, we cannot precisely know the import of Words, unless we know of what Party the Man is that uses them. In the Mouth of an Assembly-man, or true Pennsylvanian, Contrary to his Duty, and to every Tie of Honor and Justice, would mean, the Governor\u2019s long Refusal to pass Laws, however just and necessary, for taxing the Proprietary Estate; a Refusal contrary to the Trust reposed in the Lieutenant Governor, by the Royal Charter, to the Rights of the People, whose Welfare it was his Duty to promote, and to the Nature of the Contract, made between the Governor and the Governed, when the Quit-rents and Licence Fees were establish\u2019d, which confirm\u2019d what the Proprietaries call our undoubted Right to necessary Laws. But in the Mouth of the Proprietaries, or their Creatures, contrary to his Duty, and to every Tie of Justice and Honor, means, his Passing Laws, contrary to Proprietary Instructions; and contrary to the Bonds he had previously given to observe those Instructions: Instructions however, that were unjust and unconstitutional, and Bonds that were illegal and void from the beginning.\nMuch has been said of the Wickedness of Governor Denny in Passing, and of the Assembly in prevailing with him to pass those Acts. By the Prefacer\u2019s Account of them, you would think the Laws so obtain\u2019d were all bad, for he speaks of but seven, of which, six he says were repeal\u2019d, and the seventh reported to be \u201cfundamentally WRONG and UNJUST,\u201d and \u201cought to be repealed unless six certain Amendments were made therein.\u201d\n   *This Act is intitled, An Act for granting to his Majesty, the Sum of One Hundred Thousand Pounds, striking the same in Bills of Credit, and sinking the Bills by a Tax on all Estates real and personal.\n Whereas in fact there were nineteen of them; and several of those must have been good Laws, for even the Proprietaries did not object to them. Of the eleven that they oppos\u2019d, only six were repeal\u2019d; so that it seems these good Gentlemen may themselves be sometimes as wrong in opposing, as the Assembly in enacting Laws. But the Words fundamentally WRONG and UNJUST are the great Fund of Triumph to the Proprietaries and their Partizans. These their subsequent Governors have unmercifully dinn\u2019d in the Ears of the Assembly on all occasions ever since, for they make a Part of near a Dozen of their Messages. They have rung the Changes on those Words, till they work\u2019d them up to say that the Law was fundamentally wrong and unjust in Six several Articles. [Governor\u2019s Message, May 17th, 1764.] instead of \u201cought to be repealed unless six Alterations or Amendments could be made therein.\u201d A Law unjust in six several Articles, must be an unjust Law indeed; Let us therefore once for all, examine this unjust Law, Article by Article, in order to see whether our Assemblies have been such Villains as they are represented.\nThe first Particular in which their Lordships propos\u2019d the Act should be amended, was, \u201cThat the real Estates to be tax\u2019d, be defined with Precision, so as not to include the unsurveyed waste Land belonging to the Proprietaries.\u201d This was at most, but an Obscurity to be cleared up. And tho\u2019 the Law might well appear to their Lordships incertain in that Particular; with us, who better know our own Customs, and that the Proprietaries waste unsurveyed Land, was never here considered among Estates real, subject to Taxation, there was not the least Doubt or Supposition, that such Lands were included in the Words, \u201call Estates real and personal.\u201d The Agents therefore, knowing that the Assembly had no Intention to tax those Lands, might well suppose they would readily agree to remove the Obscurity.\nBefore we go farther, let it be observ\u2019d, That the main Design of the Proprietaries, in opposing this Act, was, to prevent their Estates being tax\u2019d at all. But as they knew that the Doctrine of Proprietary Exemption, which they had endeavoured to enforce here, could not be supported there, they bent their whole Strength against the Act on other Principles to procure its Repeal, pretending great willingness to submit to an equitable Tax; but that the Assembly, out of mere Malice, because they had conscienciously quitted Quakerism for the Church! were wickedly determin\u2019d to ruin them, to tax all their unsurvey\u2019d Wilderness Lands, and at the highest Rates, and by that Means exempt themselves and the People, and throw the whole Burden of the War on the Proprietary Family. How foreign these Charges were from the Truth, need not be told to any Man in Pennsylvania. And as the Proprietors knew, that the Hundred Thousand Pounds of Paper Money, struck for the Defence of their enormous Estates, with others, was actually issued, spread thro\u2019 the Country, and in the Hands of Thousands of poor People, who had given their Labor for it; how base, cruel, and inhuman it was, to endeavour, by a Repeal of the Act, to strike the Money dead in those Hands at one Blow, and reduce it all to Waste Paper, to the utter Confusion of all Trade and Dealings, and the Ruin of Multitudes, merely to avoid paying their own just Tax! Words may be wanting to express, but Minds will easily conceive, and never without Abhorrence!\nThe second Amendment propos\u2019d by their Lordships was, \u201cThat the located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Proprietaries shall not be assessed higher than the lowest Rate, at which any located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants shall be assessed.\u201d Had there been any Provision in the Act, that the Proprietaries Lands, and those of the People, of the same Value, should be taxed differently, the one high, and the other low, the Act might well have been call\u2019d in this Particular, fundamentally wrong and unjust. But as there is no such Clause, this cannot be one of the Particulars on which the Charge is founded; but, like the first, is merely a Requisition to make the Act clear, by express Directions therein, that the Proprietaries Estate should not be, as they pretended to believe it would be, tax\u2019d higher in proportion to its Value, than the Estates of others. As to their present Claim, founded on that Article, \u201cthat the best and most valuable of their Lands, should be tax\u2019d no higher than the worst and least valuable of the People\u2019s,\u201d it was not then thought of; they made no such Demand, nor did any one dream, that so iniquitous a Claim would ever be made by Men who had the least Pretence to the Characters of Honorable or Honest.\nThe third Particular was, \u201cThat all Lands not granted by the Proprietaries within Boroughs and Towns, be deemed located uncultivated Lands, and rated accordingly, and not as Lots.\u201d The Clause in the Act that this relates to, is, \u201cAnd whereas many valuable Lots of Ground within the City of Philadelphia, and the several Boroughs and Towns within this Province, remain unimproved; Be it enacted, &c. That all such unimproved Lots of Ground, within the City and Boroughs aforesaid, shall be rated and assessed, according to their Situation and Value, for and towards raising the Money hereby granted.\u201d The Reader will observe, that the Word is all unimproved Lots, and that all comprehends the Lots belonging to the People, as well as those of the Proprietary. There were many of the former, and a Number belonging even to Members of the then Assembly; and considering the Value, the Tax must be proportionably as grievous to them, as the Proprietary\u2019s to him. Is there among us a single Man, even a Proprietary Relation, Officer, or Dependant, so insensible of the Differences of Right and Wrong, and so confus\u2019d in his Notions of just and unjust, as to think and say, that the Act in this Particular, was fundamentally wrong and unjust? I believe not one. What then could their Lordships mean by the propos\u2019d Amendment? Their Meaning is easily explain\u2019d. The Proprietaries have considerable Tracts of Land within the Bounds of Boroughs and Towns, that have not yet been divided into Lots: They pretended to believe, that by Virtue of this Clause, an imaginary Division would be made of those Lands into Lots, and an extravagant Value set on such imaginary Lots, greatly to their Prejudice: It was answered, that no such Thing was intended by the Act; and that by Lots, was meant only such Ground as had been surveyed and divided into Lots, and not the open undivided Lands. If this only is intended, say their Lordships, then let the Act be amended, so as clearly to express what is intended. This is the full Amount of the third Particular. How the Act was understood here, is well known by the Execution of it, before the Dispute came on in England; and therefore before their Lordships Opinion on the Point could be given; of which full Proof shall presently be made. In the mean Time it appears, that the Act was not on this Account, fundamentally wrong and unjust.\nThe fourth Particular is, \u201cThat the Governor\u2019s Consent and Approbation be made necessary to every Issue and Application of the Money to be raised by Virtue of such Act.\u201d The Assembly intended this, and tho\u2019t they had done it in the Act. The Words of the Clause being, \u201cThat [the Commissioners named] or the major Part of them, or of the Survivors of them, with the Consent and Approbation of the Governor or Commander in Chief of this Province, for the Time being, shall order and appoint the Disposition of the Monies arising by Virtue of this Act, for and towards paying and cloathing two Thousand seven Hundred effective Men, &c.\u201d It was understood here, that as the Power of disposing, was expressly to be with the Consent and Approbation of the Governor, the Commissioners had no Power to dispose of the Money without that Approbation: But their Lordships, jealous (as their Station requires) of this Prerogative of the Crown, and being better acquainted with the Force and Weakness of Law Expression, did not think the Clause explicit enough, unless the Words, and not otherwise, were added, or some other Words equivalent. This Particular therefore was no more, than another Requisition of greater Clearness and Precision; and by no Means a Foundation for the Charge of fundamentally wrong and unjust.\nThe fifth Particular was, \u201cThat Provincial Commissioners be named to hear and determine Appeals, brought on the Part of the Inhabitants as well as the Proprietaries.\u201d There was already subsisting a Provision for the Appointment of County Commissioners of Appeal, by whom the Act might be, and actually has been, as we shall presently shew, justly and impartially executed, with Regard to the Proprietaries; but Provincial Commissioners, appointed in the Act, it was thought might be of Use, in regulating and equalizing the Modes of Assessment of different Counties, where they were unequal; and, by affording a second Appeal, tend more to the Satisfaction both of the Proprietaries and the People. This Particular was therefore a mere proposed Improvement of the Act, which could not be, and was not, in that respect, denominated fundamentally wrong and unjust.\nWe have now gone thro\u2019 five of the six proposed Amendments, without discovering any Thing on which that Censure could be founded; but the sixth remains, which points at a Part of the Act, wherein we must candidly acknowlege there is something, that in their Lordships View of it, must justify their Judgment: The Words of the 6th Article are, \u201cThat the Payments by the Tenants to the Proprietaries of their Rents, shall be according to the Terms of their respective Grants, as if such Act had never been passed.\u201d This relates to that Clause of the Act, by which the Paper Money was made a legal Tender in \u201cDischarge of all Manner of Debts, Rents, Sum and of Sums of Money whatsoever, &c. at the Rates ascertained in the Act of Parliament, made in the sixth of Queen Anne.\u201d From the great Injustice frequently done to Creditors, and complain\u2019d of from the Colonies, by the vast Depreciation of Paper Bills, it was become a general fixed Principle with the Ministry, that such Bills, whose Value, tho\u2019 fixed in the Act, could not be kept fixed by the Act, ought not to be made a legal Tender in any Colony, at those Rates. The Parliament had before passed an Act to take that Tender away in the four New-England Colonies, and have since made the Act general. This was what their Lordships would therefore have proposed for the Amendment. But it being represented, That the chief Support of the Credit of the Bills, was the legal Tender, and that without it they would become of no Value; it was allowed generally to remain, with an Exception to the Proprietaries Rents, where there was a special Contract for Payment in another Coin. It cannot be denied, but that this was doing Justice to the Proprietaries, and that had the Requisition been in favour of all other Creditors also, the Justice had been equal, as being general. We do not therefore presume to impeach their Lordship\u2019s Judgment, that the Act, as it enforced the Acceptance of Bills for Money, at a Value which they had only nominally and not really, was in that Respect fundamentally wrong and unjust. And yet we believe the Reader will not think the Assembly so much to blame, when he considers, That the making Paper Bills a legal Tender, had been the universal Mode in America for more than threescore Years. That there was scarce a Colony that had not practised that Mode, more or less. That it had always been thought absolutely necessary in order to give the Bills a Credit, and thereby obtain from them the Uses of Money. That the Inconveniencies were therefore submitted to, for the Sake of the greater Conveniencies. That Acts innumerable of the like Kind had been approved by the Crown. And, that if the Assembly made the Bills a legal Tender at those Rates to the Proprietaries, they made them also a legal Tender to themselves, and all their Constituents, many of whom might suffer in their Rents, &c. as much, in proportion to their Estates, as the Proprietaries. But if he cannot on these Considerations, quite excuse the Assembly, what will he think of those Honourable Proprietaries, who when Paper Money was issued in their Colony, for the common Defence of their vast Estates, with those of the People, and who must therefore reap, at least, equal Advantages from those Bills with the People, could nevertheless wish to be exempted from their Share of the unavoidable Disadvantages. Is there upon Earth a Man besides, with any Conception of what is honest, with any Notion of Honor, with the least Tincture in his Veins of the Gentleman, but would have blush\u2019d at the Thought; but would have rejected with Disdain such undue Preference, if it had been offered him? Much less would he have struggled for it, mov\u2019d Heaven and Earth to obtain it, resolv\u2019d to ruin Thousands of his Tenants by a Repeal of the Act rather than miss of it;\n   *This would have been done, and the Money all sunk in the Hands of the People, if the Agents, Benjamin Franklin and Robert Charles, had not interposed, and voluntarily, without Authority from the Assembly so to do, but at their own Risque, undertaken that those Amendments should be made, or that they themselves would indemnify the Proprietaries from any Damages they might sustain for want thereof. An Action, which, as the Prefacer says in another Case, \u201cPosterity perhaps, may find a Name for.\u201d\n and enforce it afterwards by an audaciously wicked Instruction, forbidding Aids to his King, and exposing the Province to Destruction, unless it was complied with. And yet, These are HONOURABLE Men.\n   \u2020It is not easy to guess from what Source our Proprietaries have drawn their Principles. Those who study Law and Justice as a Science, have establish\u2019d it a Maxim in Equity. Qui sentit commodum, sentire debet et onus. And so consistent is this with the common Sense of Mankind, that even our lowest untaught Coblers and Porters feel the Force of it in their own Maxim, (which they are honest enough never to dispute) Touch Pot, touch Penny.\nHere then we have had a full View of the Assembly\u2019s Injustice; about which there has been so much insolent Triumph! But let the Proprietaries and their discreet Deputies hereafter recollect and remember; that the same august Tribunal, which censured some of the Modes and Circumstances of that Act, did at the same Time establish and confirm the Grand Principle of the Act, viz. That the Proprietary Estate ought, with other Estates, to be taxed: And thereby did in Effect determine and pronounce, that the Opposition so long made in various Shapes, to that just Principle, by the Proprietaries, was fundamentally WRONG and UNJUST. An Injustice, they were not, like the Assembly, under any Necessity of committing for the public Good; or any other Necessity but what was impos\u2019d on them by those base Passions that act the Tyrant in bad Minds, their Selfishness, their Pride, and their Avarice.\nI have frequently mentioned the equitable Intentions of the House, in those Parts of the Act that were suppos\u2019d obscure, and how they were understood here. A clear Proof thereof is found, as I have already said, in the actual Execution of the Act; in the Execution of it before the Contest about it in England, and therefore before their Lordships Objections to it had a Being. When the Report came over, and was laid before the House, one Year\u2019s Tax had been levied; and the Assembly, conscious that no Injustice had been intended to the Proprietaries, and willing to rectify it if any should appear, appointed a Committee of Members from the several Counties, to examine into the State of the Proprietaries Taxes thro\u2019 the Province, and nominated on that Committee, a Gentleman of known Attachment to the Proprietaries, and their Chief Justice, Mr. Allen, to the end that the strictest Enquiry might be made. Their Report was as follows:\n\u201cWe the Committee appointed to enquire into, and consider the State of the Proprietary Taxation thro\u2019 the several Counties, and report the same to the House, have, in pursuance of the said Appointment, carefully examined the Returns of Property, and compared them with the respective Assessments thereon made through the whole Province: and find,\n\u201cFirst, That no Part of the unsurveyed waste Lands, belonging to the Proprietaries, have, in any Instance, been included in the Estates taxed.\n\u201cSecondly, That some of the located uncultivated Lands, belonging to the Proprietaries in several Counties, remain unassessed, and are not, in any County, assessed higher than the Lands under like Circumstances, belonging to the Inhabitants.\n\u201cThirdly, That all Lands, not granted by the Proprietaries, within Boroughs and Towns, remain untaxed, excepting in a few Instances, and in those they are rated as low as the Lands which are granted in the said Boroughs and Towns.\n\u201cThe whole of the Proprietary Tax of eighteen Pence in the Pound, amounts to ---------\n\u201cAnd the Sum of the Tax on the Inhabitants for the same Year, amounts, thro\u2019 the several Counties, to\n\u201cAnd it is the Opinion of your Committee, that there has not been any Injustice done to the Proprietaries, or Attempts made to rate or assess any Part of their Estates, higher than the Estates of the like Kind belonging to the Inhabitants, are rated and assessed; but on the contrary, we find, that their Estates are rated, in many instances below others.\nThomas Leech,\nGeorge Ashbridge.\nJoseph Fox.\nEmanuel Carpenter.\nSamuel Rhoads.\nJohn Blackburn.\nAbraham Chapman.\nWilliam Allen.\u201d\nThe House communicated this Report to Governor Hamilton, when he afterwards press\u2019d them to make the stipulated Act of Amendment; acquainting him at the same Time, that as in the Execution of the Act, no Injustice had hitherto been done to the Proprietary, so, by a Yearly Inspection of the Assessments, they would take Care that none should be done him; for that if any should appear, or the Governor could at any Time point out to them any that had been done, they would immediately rectify it; and therefore, as the Act was shortly to expire, they did not think the Amendments necessary. Thus that Matter ended during that Administration. And had his Successor, Governor Penn, permitted it still to sleep, we are of Opinion it had been more to the Honor of the Family, and of his own Discretion. But he was pleas\u2019d to found upon it a Claim manifestly unjust, and which he was totally destitute of Reason to support. A Claim, that the Proprietaries best and most valuable located uncultivated Lands should be taxed no higher than the worst and least valuable of those belonging to the Inhabitants: To enforce which, as he thought the Words of one of the Stipulations seem\u2019d to give some Countenance to it, he insisted on using those very Words as sacred, from which he could \u201cneither in Decency or in Duty,\u201d deviate, tho\u2019 he had agreed to deviate from Words of the same Report, and therefore equally sacred, in every other Instance. A Conduct which will, as the Prefacer says in Governor Denny\u2019s Case, forever disgrace the Annals of his Administration.\n   *For a fuller Account of this Dispute, the Reader is re[ferred] to the News-Papers and Votes of Assembly.\nNever did any Administration open with a more promising Prospect. He assur\u2019d the People, in his first Speeches, of the Proprietaries paternal Regard for them, and their sincere Dispositions to do every Thing that might promote their Happiness. As the Proprietaries had been pleased to appoint a Son of the Family to the Government, it was thought not unlikely that there might be something in these Professions; for that they would probably chuse to have his Administration made easy and agreeable, and to that End might think it prudent to withdraw those harsh, disagreeable and unjust Instructions, with which most of his Predecessors had been hamper\u2019d: The Assembly therefore believ\u2019d fully, and rejoic\u2019d sincerely. They show\u2019d the new Governor every Mark of Respect and Regard that was in their Power. They readily and chearfully went into every Thing he recommended to them. And when he and his Authority were insulted and indanger\u2019d by a lawless murdering Mob, they and their Friends, took Arms at his Call, and form\u2019d themselves round him for his Defence, and the Support of his Government. But when it was found that those mischievous Instructions still subsisted, and were even farther extended; when the Governor began, unprovok\u2019d, to send the House affronting Messages, seizing every imaginary Occasion of reflecting on their Conduct; when every other Symptom appear\u2019d of fixt deep-rooted Family Malice, which could but a little while bear the unnatural Covering that had been thrown over it, what Wonder is it, if all the old Wounds broke out and bled afresh, if all the old Grievances, still unredress\u2019d, were recollected; if Despair succeeded of any Peace with a Family, that could make such Returns to all their Overtures of Kindness? And when, in the very Proprietary Council, compos\u2019d of stanch Friends of the Family, and chosen for their Attachment to it, \u2019twas observ\u2019d, that the old Men, (I. Kings, Chap. 12.) withdrew themselves, finding their Opinion slighted, and that all Measures were taken by the Advice of two or three young Men, (one of whom too denies his Share in them) is it any Wonder, since like Causes produce like Effects, if the Assembly, notwithstanding all their Veneration for the first Proprietor, should say, with the Children of Israel under the same Circumstances, What Portion have we in David, or Inheritance in the Son of Jesse: To your Tents, O Israel!\nUnder these Circumstances, and a Conviction that while so many natural Sources of Difference subsisted between Proprietaries and People, no Harmony in Government could long subsist; without which, neither the Commands of the Crown could be executed, nor the public Good promoted; the House resum\u2019d the Consideration of a Measure that had often been propos\u2019d in former Assemblies; a Measure that every Proprietary Province in America had, from the same Causes, found themselves oblig\u2019d to take, and had actually taken or were about to take; and a Measure that had happily succeeded, wherever it was taken; I mean the Recourse to an immediate Royal Government.\nThey therefore, after a thorough Debate, and making no less than twenty-five unanimous Resolves, expressing the many Grievances this Province had long laboured under, thro\u2019 the Proprietary Government; came to the following Resolution, viz.\nResolved, Nemine contradicente,\n\u201cThat this House will adjourn, in order to consult their Constituents, whether an humble Address should be drawn up, and transmitted to his Majesty, praying, that he would be graciously pleased to take the People of this Province under his immediate Protection and Government, by compleating the Agreement heretofore made with the first Proprietary for the Sale of the Government to the Crown, or otherwise as to his Wisdom and Goodness shall seem meet.\u201d\n   *These Words, \u201cby completing the Agreement,\u201d &c. are omitted by the honest Prefacer, in his Account of the Resolve, that they might not interfere with his Insinuation of the Measure\u2019s being impracticable, \u201cHave the Proprietors, by any Act of theirs, forfeited the least tittle of what was granted them by his Majesty\u2019s Royal Ancestors? Or can they be deprived of their Charter Rights without their Consent?\u201d &c. Sensible, that these Questions are impertinent, if those Rights are already sold.\nThis they ordered to be made public, and it was published accordingly, in all the News Papers; the House then adjourn\u2019d for no less then seven Weeks, to give their Constituents Time to consider the Matter, and themselves an Opportunity of taking their Opinion and Advice. Could any thing be more deliberate, more fair and open, or more respectful to the People that chose them? During this Recess, the People in many Places, held little Meetings with each other, the Result of which was, that they would manifest their Sentiments to their Representatives, by petitioning the Crown directly of themselves, and requesting the Assembly to transmit and support those Petitions. At the next Meeting, many of these Petitions were delivered to the House with that Request; they were signed by a very great\n   *The Prefacer, with great Art, endeavours to represent this Number as insignificant. He says the Petitioners were but 3500, and that the Province contains near Three HUNDRED THOUSAND SOULS! His Reader is to imagine that Two Hundred AND NINETY-SIX THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED of them were apply\u2019d to and refus\u2019d to sign it. The Truth is, that his Number of Souls is vastly exaggerated. The Dwelling Houses in the Province in 1752 did not exceed 20,000. Political Arithmeticians reckon generally but 5 Souls to a House, one House with another; and therefore, allowing for Houses since built, there are not probably more than an Hundred and ten Thousand Souls in the Province: That of these scarce 22,000 could with any Propriety be Petitioners. And considering the scatter\u2019d Settlement of the Province, the general Inattention of Mankind, especially in new Countries, to public Affairs; and the indefatigable Pains taken by the Proprietors new Allies, the Presbyterian Clergy of Philadelphia, (who wrote circular Letters to every Congregation in the County, to deter them from petitioning, by dutiful Intimations, that if we were reduc\u2019d to a Royal Government it would be the \u201cRuin of the Province,\u201d) \u2019tis a Wonder the Number (near a sixth Part) was so great as it was. But if there had been no such Petitions, it would not have been material to the Point. The Assembly went upon another Foundation. They had adjourned to consult their Constituents, they return\u2019d satisfy\u2019d that the Measure was agreeable to them, and nothing appear\u2019d to the contrary.\n Number of the most substantial Inhabitants, and not the least Intimation was receiv\u2019d by the Assembly from any other of their Constituents, that the Measure was disapproved, except in a Petition from an obscure Township in Lancaster County, to which there were about forty Names indeed, but all evidently signed by three Hands only. What could the Assembly infer from this express\u2019d Willingness of a Part, and Silence of the Rest; but that the Measure was universally agreeable? They accordingly resum\u2019d the Consideration of it, and tho\u2019 a small, very small Opposition then appear\u2019d to it in the House, yet as even that was founded, not on the Impropriety of the Thing, but on the suppos\u2019d unsuitableness of the Time, or the Manner; and a Majority of nine tenths being still for it, a Petition was drawn agreeable to the former Resolve, and order\u2019d to be transmitted to his Majesty.\nBut the Prefacer tells us, that these Petitioners for a Change were a \u201cNumber of rash, ignorant, and inconsiderate People,\u201d and generally of a low Rank. To be sure they were not of the Proprietary Officers, Dependants, or Expectants, and those are chiefly the People of high Rank among us; but they were otherwise generally Men of the best Estates in the Province, and Men of Reputation. The Assembly who come from all Parts of the Country, and therefore may be suppos\u2019d to know them at least as well as the Prefacer, have given that Testimony of them. But what is the Testimony of the Assembly, who in his Opinion, are equally rash, ignorant, and inconsiderate with the Petitioners? And if his Judgment is right, how imprudently and contrary to their Charter have his three Hundred Thousand Souls acted in their Elections of Assemblymen these twenty Years past; for the Charter requires them to chuse Men of most Note for Virtue, Wisdom, and Ability!\nBut these are Qualities engross\u2019d, it seems, by the Proprietary Party. For they say, \u201cthe WISER and BETTER Part of the Province had far different Notions of this Measure. They considered, that the Moment they put their Hands to these Petitions, they might be surrendering up their Birthright.\u201d I felicitate them on the Honor they have thus bestow\u2019d upon themselves, on the sincere Compliments thus given and accepted, and on their having with such noble Freedom, discarded the sniveling Pretence to Modesty, couch\u2019d in that thread-bare Form of Words Though we say it that should not say it. But is it not surprising, that during the seven Week Recess of the Assembly, expressly to consult their Constituents on the Expediency of this Measure, and during the fourteen Days the House sat deliberating on it, after they met again; these their Wisdoms and Betternesses should never be so kind as to communicate the least Scrap of their Prudence, their Knowledge, or their Consideration, to their rash, ignorant, and inconsiderate Representatives? Wisdom in the Mind is not, like Money in the Purse, diminish\u2019d by Communication to others. They might have lighted up our farthing Candles for us, without lessening the Blaze of their own Flambeaux. But they suffer\u2019d our Representatives to go on in the Dark, till the fatal Deed was done, and the Petition sent to the King, praying him to take the Government of this Province into his immediate Care, whereby, if it succeeds, \u201cour glorious Plan of public Liberty, and Charter Privileges is to be barter\u2019d away,\u201d and we are to be made Slaves forever! Cruel Parsimony! to refuse the Charity of a little Understanding, when God had given you so much, and the Assembly begg\u2019d it as an Alms! O that you had but for once remember\u2019d and observ\u2019d the Counsel of that wise Poet, Pope, where he says,\n\u201cBe Niggards of Advice on no Pretence;\nFor the worst Avarice is that of Sense.\u201d\nIn the Constitution of our Government, and in that of one more, there still remains a Particular Thing that none of the other American Governments have, to wit, the Appointment of a Governor by the Proprietors, instead of an Appointment by the Crown. This Particular in Government, has been found inconvenient, attended with Contentions and Confusions where-ever it existed, and has therefore been gradually taken away from Colony after Colony, and every where greatly to the Satisfaction and Happiness of the People. Our wise first Proprietor and Founder, was fully sensible of this, and being desirous of leaving his People happy, and preventing the Mischiefs that he foresaw must in time arise from that Circumstance, if it was continued, he determined to take it away, if possible, during his own Life-time. They accordingly entred into a Contract, for the Sale of the Proprietary Right of Government to the Crown, and actually received a Sum in Part of the Consideration. As he found himself likely to die, before that Contract (and with it his Plan for the Happiness of his People) could be compleated; he carefully made it a Part of his last Will and Testament, devising the Right of the Government to two Noble Lords, in Trust that they should release it to the Crown. Unfortunately for us, this has never yet been done. And this is merely what the Assembly now desire to have done. Surely he that form\u2019d our Constitution, must have understood it. If he had imagin\u2019d that all our Privileges depended on the Proprietary Government, will any one suppose that he would himself have meditated the Change, that he would have taken such effectual Measures, as he thought them, to bring it about speedily, whether he should live or die? Will any of those who now extol him so highly, charge him at the same time with the Baseness of endeavouring thus to defraud his People of all the Liberties and Privileges he had promised them, and be the most solemn Charters and Grants assur\u2019d to them, when he engag\u2019d them to assist him in the Settlement of his Province? Surely none can be so inconsistent! And yet this Proprietary Right of Governing or appointing a Governor, has, all of a sudden, chang\u2019d its Nature; and the Preservation of it, become of so much Importance to the Welfare of the Province, that the Assembly\u2019s only Petitioning to have their venerable Founder\u2019s Will executed, and the Contract he entered into for the Good of his People completed, is stil\u2019d an \u201cAttempt to violate the Constitution for which our Fathers planted a Wilderness; to barter away our glorious Plan of public Liberty and Charter Privileges; a risquing of the whole Constitution; an offering up our whole Charter Rights; a wanton sporting with Things sacred,\u201d &c.\nPleasant, surely it is, to hear the Proprietary Partizans, of all Men, bawling for the Constitution, and affecting a terrible concern for our Liberties and Privileges. They who have been, these twenty Years, cursing our Constitution, declaring that it was no Constitution, or worse than none, and that Things could never be well with us, \u2019till it was new-modell\u2019d, and made exactly conformable to the British Constitution. They who have treated our distinguishing Privileges as so many Illegalities and Absurdities; who have solemnly declared in Print, that though such Privileges might be proper in the Infancy of a Colony, to encourage its Settlement, they became unfit for it in its grown State, and ought to be taken away: They, who by numberless Falshoods, propagated with infinite Industry, in the Mother Country, attempted to procure an Act of Parliament for the actual depriving a very great Part of the People of their Privileges: They too who have already depriv\u2019d the whole People, of some of their most important Rights, and are daily endeavouring to deprive them of the rest! Are these become Patriots, and Advocates for our Constitution? Wonderful Change! Astonishing Conversion! Will the Wolves then protect the Sheep, if they can but persuade \u2019em to give up their Dogs? Yes; The Assembly would destroy all their own Rights, and those of the People; and the Proprietary Partizans are become the Champions for Liberty! Let those who have Faith, now make Use of it: For if \u2019tis rightly defin\u2019d, the Evidence of Things not seen, certainly never was there more Occasion for such Evidence, the Case being totally destitute of all other.\nIt has been long observ\u2019d, that Men are, with that Party, Angels or Demons, just as they happen to concur with or oppose their Measures. And I mention it for the Comfort of old Sinners, that in Politics, as well as in Religion, Repentance and Amendment, tho\u2019 late, shall obtain Forgiveness and procure Favour. Witness the late Speaker, Mr. Norris, a steady and constant Opposer of all the Proprietary Encroachments, and who, for thirty Years past, they have been therefore continually abusing, allowing him no one Virtue or good Quality whatsoever; but now, as he show\u2019d some Unwillingness to engage in this present Application to the Crown, he is become all at once the faithful Servant\u2014but let me look at the Text, to avoid Mistakes\u2014and indeed I was mistaken. I thought it had been faithful Servant of the Public; but I find \u2019tis only\u2014of the House. Well chosen, that Expression, and prudently guarded. The former, from a Proprietary Pen, would have been Praise too much, only for disapproving the Time of the Application. Could you, much respected Sir, go but a little farther; and disapprove the Application itself; could you but say, the Proprietary Government is a good one, and ought to be continued; then might all your political Offences be done away, and your scarlet Sins become as Snow and Wool; then might you end your Course with (Proprietary) Honor. P\u2014\u2014should preach your funeral Sermon, and S\u2014\u2014the Poisoner of other Characters, embalm your Memory. But those Honors you will never receive; for with returning Health and Strength, you will be found in your old Post, firm for your Country.\nThere is Encouragement too for young Sinners. Mr. Dickenson, whose Speech our Prefacer has introduc\u2019d to the World, tho\u2019 long hated by some, and disregarded by the rest of the Proprietary Faction, is at once, for the same Reason as in Mr. Norris\u2019s Case, become a Sage in the Law, and an Oracle in Matters relating to our Constitution. I shall not end[e]avour to pluck so much as a Leaf from these the young Gentleman\u2019s Laurels. I would only advise him carefully to preserve the Panegyrics with which they have adorn\u2019d him: In time they may serve to console him, by balancing the Calumny they shall load him with, when he does not go through with them in all their Measures: He will not probably do the one, and they will then assuredly do the other. There are Mouths that can blow hot as well as cold, and blast on your Brows the Bays their Hands have plac\u2019d there. Experto crede Roberto. Let but the Moon of Proprietary Favor, withdraw its Shine for a Moment, and that \u201cgreat Number of the principal Gentlemen of Philadelphia,\u201d who apply\u2019d to you for the Copy of your Speech, shall immediately despise and desert you.\nThose principal Gentlemen! What a Pity it is that their Names were not given us in the Preface, together with their admirable Letter! We should then have known where to run for Advice, on all Occasions. We should have known who to chuse for our future Representatives. For undoubtedly, these were they that are elsewhere called, \u201cthe Wiser and BETTER Part of the Province.\u201d None but their Wisdoms, could have known beforehand, that a Speech which they never heard, and a Copy of which they had never seen, but were then requesting to see, was \u201ca Spirited Defence,\u201d and \u201cof our Charter Privileges;\u201d and that \u201cthe Publication of it would be of great Utility, and give general Satisfaction.\u201d No inferior Sagacity could discover, that the Appointment of a Governor by the Proprietor, was one of our \u201cCharter Privileges;\u201d and that those who oppos\u2019d the Application for a Royal Government, were therefore Patriot Members, appearing on the Side of our Privileges and our Charter!\nUtterly to confound the Assembly, and shew the Excellence of Proprietary Government, the Prefacer has extracted from their own Votes, the Praises they have from Time to Time bestow\u2019d on the first Proprietor, in their Addresses to his Sons. And tho\u2019 Addresses are not generally the best Repositories of Historical Truth, we must not in this Instance, deny their Authority. That these Encomiums on the Father, tho\u2019 sincere, have occur\u2019d so frequently, was owing, however, to two Causes; First, a vain Hope the Assemblies entertain\u2019d, that the Father\u2019s Example, and the Honors done his Character, might influence the Conduct of the Sons. Secondly, for that in attempting to compliment the Sons on their own Merits, there was always found an extreme Scarcity of Matter. Hence, the Father, the honored and honorable Father, was so often repeated that the Sons themselves grew sick of it; and have been heard to say to each other with Disgust, when told that A. B. and C. were come to wait upon them with Addresses on some public Occasion, \u201cThen I suppose we shall hear more about our Father.\u201d So that, let me tell the Prefacer, who perhaps was unacquainted with this Anecdote, that if he hop\u2019d to curry more Favor with the Family, by the Inscription he has fram\u2019d for that great Man\u2019s Monument,  he may find himself mistaken;\u2014for\u2014there is too much in it of our Father.\nIf therefore, he would erect a Monument to the Sons, the Votes of Assembly, which are of such Credit with him, will furnish him with ample Materials for his Inscription.\nTo save him Trouble, I will essay a Sketch for him, in the Lapidary Stile, tho\u2019 mostly in the Expressions, and every where in the Sense and Spirit of the Assembly\u2019s Resolves and Messages.\nBe this a MemorialOf T\u2014 and R\u2014 P\u2014,P\u2014 of P\u2014Who with Estates immense,Almost beyond Computation,When their own Province,And the whole British EmpireWere engag\u2019d in a bloody and most expensive War,Begun for the Defence of those Estates,Could yet meanly desireTo have those very EstatesTotally or PartiallyExempted from Taxation,While their Fellow-Subjects all around them,\nGroan\u2019dUnder the universal Burthen.To gain this Point,They refus\u2019d the necessary LawsFor the Defence of their People,And suffer\u2019d their Colony to welter in its Blood,Rather than abate in the leastOf these their dishonest Pretentions.\nThe Privileges granted by their FatherWisely and benevolentlyTo encourage the first Settlers of the Province.They,Foolishly and cruelly,Taking Advantage of public Distress,Have extorted from the Posterity of those Settlers;And are daily endeavouring to reduce themTo the most abject Slavery:Tho\u2019 to the Virtue and Industry of those PeopleIn improving their Country,They owe all that they possess and enjoy.\nA striking InstanceOf human Depravity and Ingratitude;And an irrefragable Proof,That Wisdom and GoodnessDo not descend with an Inheritance;But that ineffable MeannessMay be connected with unbounded Fortune.\n   *Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives, 1754, passim. 1755, 1756, 1757, passim. 1758, 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, 1763, 1764, passim.\nWhat then avails it to the Honor of the present Proprietors, that our Founder, and their Father, gave us Privileges, if they, the Sons, will not permit us the Use of them, or forcibly rend them from us? David may have been a Man after God\u2019s own Heart, and Solomon the wisest of Proprietors and Governors; but if Rehoboam will be a Tyrant and a\u2014\u2014, who can secure him the Affections of the People! The Virtue and Merit of his Ancestors may be very great, but his Presumption in depending on those alone, may be much greater.\nI lamented a few Pages ago, that we were not acquainted with the Names of those principal Gentlemen the wiser and better Part of the Province: I now rejoice that we are likely some time or other to know them; for a Copy of a Petition to the King is now before me, which, from its similarity with their Letter, must be of their inditing, and will probably be recommended to the People, by their leading up the Signing.\nOn this Petition I shall take the Liberty of making a few Remarks, as they will save me the Necessity of following farther the Preface, the Sentiments of this and that being nearly the same.\nIt begins with a formal Quotation from the Petition, which they own they have not seen, and of Words that are not in it, and after relating very imperfectly and unfairly; the Fact relating to their Application for a Copy of it, which is of no great Importance; proceeds to set forth, \u201cThat\u2014As we, and all your American Subjects must be governed by Persons authorized and approved by your Majesty, on the best Recommendation that can be obtained of them, we cannot perceive our Condition in this Respect to be different from our Fellow-Subjects around us, or that we are thereby less under your Majesty\u2019s particular Care and Protection, than they are, since there can be no Governors of this Province, without your Majesty\u2019s immediate Approbation and Authority.\u201d Such a Declaration from the wiser Part of the Province, is really a little surprizing. What! When Disputes concerning Matters of Property are daily arising between you and your Proprietaries, cannot your Wisdoms perceive the least Difference, between having the Judges of those Disputes appointed by a Royal Governor, who has no Interest in the Cause; and having them appointed by the Proprietaries themselves, the principal Parties against you, and during their Pleasure too? When Supplies are necessary to be rais\u2019d for your Defence, can you perceive no Difference, between having a Royal Governor, free to promote his Majesty\u2019s Service, by a ready Assent to your Laws, and a Proprietary Governor, shackled by Instructions, forbidding him to give that Assent, unless some private Advantage is obtain\u2019d, some Profit got, or unequal Exemption gain\u2019d for their Estate, or some Privilege wrested from you? When Prerogative, that in other Governments is only used for the Good of the People, is here strained to the extreme, and used to their Prejudice, and the Proprietaries Benefit, can you perceive no Difference? When the direct and immediate Rays of Majesty, benignly and mildly shine on all around us, but are transmitted and thrown upon us thro\u2019 the Burning Glass of Proprietary Government, can your Sensibilities feel no Difference? Shelter\u2019d perhaps, in Proprietary Offices, or benum\u2019d with Expectations, it may be you cannot. But surely you might have known better than to tell his Majesty, \u201cthat there can be no Governors of this Province without his immediate Approbation.\u201d Don\u2019t you know, who know so much, that by our blessed Constitution, the Proprietors themselves, whenever they please, may govern us in Person, without such Approbation?\nThe Petition proceeds to tell his Majesty, \u201cThat the particular Mode of Government, which we enjoy under your Majesty\u2014is held in the highest Estimation by Good Men of all Denominations among us, and hath brought Multitudes of industrious People from various Parts of the World,\u201d &c. Really! Can this be from Proprietary Partizans? That Constitution which they were forever censuring, as defective in a Legislative Council, defective in Government Powers, too popular in many of its Modes; is it now become so excellent? Perhaps as they have been tinkering it these Twenty Years, till they have stript it of some of its most valuable Privileges, and almost spoilt it, they now begin to like it. But then, it is not surely, this present Constitution that brought hither those Multitudes. They came before. At least, it was not that Particular in our Constitution, the Proprietary Power of Appointing a Governor, which attracted them; that single Particular which alone is now in question; which our venerable Founder first, and now the Assembly, are endeavouring to change. As to the remaining valuable Part of our Constitution, the Assembly have been equally full and strong in expressing their Regard for it, and perhaps stronger and fuller; for their Petition in that respect, is in the Nature of a Petition of Right, it lays Claim, tho\u2019 modestly and humbly, to those Privileges, on the Foundation of Royal Grants, on Laws confirmed by the Crown, and on Justice and Equity; as the Grants were the Consideration offer\u2019d to induce them to settle, and which they have in a Manner purchas\u2019d and paid for, by executing that Settlement without putting the Crown to any Expence.\nWhoever would know what our Constitution was, when it was so much admir\u2019d, let him peruse that elegant farewell Speech of Mr. Hamilton, Father of our late Governor, when as Speaker he took his Leave of the House, and of public Business, in 1739, and then let him compare that Constitution with the present. The Power of appointing public Officers by the Representatives of the People, which he so much extols: Where is it now? Even the bare naming to the Governor in a Bill, a trivial Officer to receive a Light-house Duty, which could be consider\u2019d as no more than a mere Recommendation, is, in a late Message, stil\u2019d, \u201cAn Encroachment on the Prerogative of the Crown!\u201d The sole Power of raising and disposing of the Public Money, which, he says, was then lodged in the Assembly, that inestimable Privilege, What is become of it? Inch by Inch they have been wrested from us, in Times of public Distress, and the rest are going the same Way. I remember to have seen, when Governor Hamilton was engag\u2019d in a Dispute with the Assembly, on some of those Points, a Copy of that Speech, which then was intended to be reprinted, with a Dedication to that honorable Gentleman, and this Motto from John Rogers\u2019s Verses in the Primer.\nWe send you here a little Book,\nFor you to look upon;\nThat you may see your Father\u2019s Face,\n  Now he is dead and gone.\nMany a such little Book has been sent by our Assemblies to the present Proprietaries. But they don\u2019t like to see their Father\u2019s Face; it puts their own out of Countenance.\nThe Petition proceeds to say, \u201cThat such Disagreements as have arisen in this Province, we have beheld with Sorrow, but as others around us are not exempted from the like Misfortunes, we can by no Means conceive them incident to the Nature of our Government, which hath often been adminstred with remarkable Harmony: And your Majesty, before whom our late Disputes have been laid, can be at no Loss, in your great Wisdom, to discover whether they proceed from the above Cause, or should be ascribed to some others.\u201d The disagreements in question, are Proprietary Disagreements in Government, relating to Proprietary private Interests. And are not the Royal Governments around us, exempt from these Misfortunes? Can you, really, Gentlemen, by no Means conceive, that Proprietary Government Disagreements, are incident to the Nature of Proprietary Governments? Can they in Nature be incident to any other Governments? If your Wisdoms are so hard to conceive, I am afraid they will never bring forth. But then our Government \u201chath often been adminstred with remarkable Harmony.\u201d Very true; as often as the Assembly have been able and willing to purchase that Harmony, and pay for it, the Mode of which has already been shewn. And yet that Word often seems a little unluckily chosen: The Flame that is often put out, must be as often lit; If our Government hath often been administred with remarkable Harmony, it hath as often been administred with remarkable Discord. One often is as numerous as the other. And his \u201cMajesty,\u201d if he should take the Trouble of looking over our Disputes, to which the Petitioners, (to save themselves a little Pains, modestly and decently refer him) where will he, for twenty Years past, find any but Proprietary Disputes concerning Proprietary Interests, or Disputes that have been connected with, and arose from them?\nThe Petition proceeds to assure his Majesty, \u201cThat this Province (except from the Indian Ravages) enjoys the most perfect internal Tranquility!\u201d Amazing! What! the most perfect Tranquility! When there have been three atrocious Riots within a few Months! When in two of them horrid Murthers were committed on twenty innocent Persons, and in the third, no less than one Hundred and forty like Murthers were meditated, and declar\u2019d to be intended, with as many more as should be occasion\u2019d by any Opposition. When we know that these Rioters and Murderers, have none of them been punish\u2019d, have never been prosecuted, have not even been apprehended! When we are frequently told, that they intend still to execute their Purposes, as soon as the Protection of the King\u2019s Forces is withdrawn\u2014Is our Tranquility more perfect now, than it was between the first Riot and the second, or between the second and the third? And why \u201cexcept the Indian Ravages,\u201d if a little Intermission is to be denominated \u201cthe most perfect Tranquility?\u201d for the Indians too have been quiet lately. Almost as well might Ships in an Engagement talk of the most perfect Tranquility between two Broadsides. But \u201ca Spirit of Riot and Violence is foreign to the general Temper of the Inhabitants.\u201d I hope and believe it is; the Assembly have said nothing to the contrary. And yet, is there not too much of it? Are there not Pamphlets continually written, and daily sold in our Streets, to justify and encourage it? Are not the mad armed Mob in those Writings instigated to imbrue their Hands in the Blood of their Fellow Citizens; by first applauding their Murder of the Indians, and then representing the Assembly and their Friends as worse than Indians, as having privately stirr\u2019d up the Indians to murder the white People, and arm\u2019d and rewarded them for that Purpose? Lies, Gentlemen, villainous as ever the Malice of Hell invented; and which to do you Justice, not one of you believes, tho\u2019 you would have the Mob believe them.\nBut your Petition proceeds to say, \u201cThat where such Disturbances have happened, they have been speedily quieted.\u201d By whom were they quieted? The two first, if they can be said to be quieted, were quieted only by the Rioters themselves going home quietly, (that is without any Interruption) and remaining there till their next Insurrection, without any Pursuit, or Attempt to apprehend any of them: And the third, was it quieted, or was the Mischief they intended prevented, or could it have been prevented, without the Aid of the King\u2019s Troops march\u2019d into the Province for that Purpose? \u201cThe civil Powers have been supported.\u201d In some sort. We all know how they were supported. But have they been fully supported? Has the Government sufficient Strength, even with all its Supports, to venture on the apprehending and Punishment of those notorious Offenders? If it has not, why are you angry at those who would strengthen its Hands by a more immediate Royal Authority? If it has, why is not the Thing done? Why will the Government, by its Conduct, strengthen the Suspicions, (groundless no doubt) that it has come to a private Understanding with those Murderers, and that Impunity for their past Crimes is to be the Reward of their future political Services? O, but, says the Petition, \u201cThere are perhaps Cases in all Governments, where it may not be possible speedily to discover Offenders.\u201d Probably; but is there any Case in any Government where it is not possible to endeavour such a Discovery? There may be Cases where it is not safe to do it: And perhaps the best Thing our Government can say for itself, is, That that is our Case. The only Objection to such an Apology must be, that it would justify that Part of the Assembly\u2019s Petition to the Crown which relates to the Weakness of our present Government.\n   *The Assembly being call\u2019d upon by the Governor for their Advice on that Occasion; did in a Message, advise his sending for, and examining the Magistrates of Lancaster County and Borough, where the Murders were committed, in order to discover the Actors; but neither that, nor any of the other Measures recommended, were ever taken. Proclamations indeed were published, but soon discontinu\u2019d.\nStill, if there is any Fault, it must be in the Assembly; for, says the Petition, \u201cif the Executive Part of our Government should seem in any Case too weak, we conceive \u201cit is the Duty of the Assembly, and in their Power to strengthen it.\u201d This Weakness, however, you have just deny\u2019d; \u201cDisturbances you say, have been speedily quieted, and the civil Powers supported,\u201d and thereby you have depriv\u2019d your insinuated Charge against the Assembly of its only Support. But is it not a Fact known to you all, that the Assembly did endeavour to strengthen the Hands of the Government? That at his Honour\u2019s Instance they prepar\u2019d and pass\u2019d in a few Hours, a Bill for extending hither the Act of Parliament for dispersing Rioters? That they also pass\u2019d and presented to him a Militia Bill, which he refus\u2019d, unless Powers were thereby given him, over the Lives and Properties of the Inhabitants, which the public Good did not require, and which their Duty to their Constituents would not permit them to trust in the Hands of any Proprietary Governor? You know the Points, Gentlemen. They have been made public. Would you have had your Representatives give up those Points? Do you intend to give them up when at the next Election you are made Assemblymen? If so; tell it us honestly beforehand, that we may know what we are to expect, when we are about to chuse you?\nI come now to the last Clause of your Petition, where, with the same wonderful Sagacity with which you in another Case discover\u2019d the Excellency of a Speech you never heard, you undertake to characterize a Petition you own you never saw; and venture to assure his Majesty that it is \u201cexceeding grievous in its Nature; that it by no Means contains a proper Representation of the State of this Province; and is repugnant to the general Sense of his numerous and loyal Subjects in it.\u201d Are then his Majesty\u2019s \u201cnumerous and loyal Subjects\u201d in this Province all as great Wizards as yourselves, and capable of knowing without seeing it, that the Petition is repugnant to their general Sense? But the Inconsistence of your Petition, Gentlemen, is not so much to be wonder\u2019d at; the Prayer of it is still more extraordinary, \u201cWe therefore most humbly pray, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased wholly to disregard the said Petition of the Assembly.\u201d What! without Enquiry! Without Examination! without a Hearing of what the Assembly might say in Support of it! \u201cwholly disregard\u201d the Petition of your Representatives in Assembly, accompany\u2019d by other Petitions signed by Thousands of your Fellow-Subjects, as loyal, if not as wise and as good as yourselves! Would you wish to see your great and amiable Prince, act a Part that could not become a Dey of Algiers? Do you, who are Americans pray for a Precedent of such Contempt, in the treatment of an American Assembly! Such \u201ctotal Disregard\u201d of their humble Applications to the Throne? Surely your Wisdoms here have overshot yourselves. But as Wisdom shews itself, not only in doing what is right, but in confessing and amending what is wrong, I recommend the latter particularly to your present Attention; being persuaded of this Consequence, That tho\u2019 you have been mad enough to sign such a Petition, you never will be Fools enough to present it.\nThere is one Thing mention\u2019d in the Preface, which I find I omitted to take Notice of as I came along, the Refusal of the House to enter Mr. Dickenson\u2019s Protest on their Minutes: This is mention\u2019d in such a Manner there, and in the News Papers, as to insinuate a Charge of some Partiality and Injustice in the Assembly. But the Reasons were merely these, That tho\u2019 Protesting may be a Practice with the Lords of Parliament, there is no Instance of it in the House of Commons, whose Proceedings are the Model follow\u2019d by the Assemblies of America; that there is no Precedent of it on our Votes, from the beginning of our present Constitution; and that the introducing such a Practice, would be attended with Inconveniences; as the Representatives in Assembly, are not, like the Lords in Parliament, unaccountable to any Constituents; and would therefore find it necessary for their own Justification, if the Reasons of the Minority for being against a Measure, were admitted in the Votes, to put there likewise the Reasons that induc\u2019d the Majority to be for it. Whereby the Votes, which were intended only as a Register of Propositions and Determinations, would be fill\u2019d with the Disputes of Members with Members; and the public Business be thereby greatly retarded, if ever brought to a period.\nAs that Protest was a mere Abstract of Mr. Dickenson\u2019S Speech, every Particular of it will be found answer\u2019d in the following Speech of Mr. Galloway, from which it is fit that I should no longer detain the Reader.\nAdvertisement.\nTo introduce the following Speech to the Public, Some account of that to which it was an Answer, seems necessary.\nDuring the Time of the several Debates respecting the Change of Government, Mr. Dickenson seldom attended, and was absent when the important one came on, which issued in the Resolve, to adjourn and consult the People. At the next Meeting several Motions were made to bring this Resolution to an Issue, and after great Deliberation, it was resolved by a Majority of 27 to 3, that a Committee should be appointed to bring in the Petition to his Majesty to resume the Powers of Government. But at none of these Debates and Resolutions, was Mr. Dickenson present, tho\u2019 he well knew, or at least had great Reason to expect this Business was in continual Agitation.\nDuring this Time, and the Recess of the Assembly, Mr. Dickenson employed himself in collecting his Sentiments in Opposition to the Measure, and in forming his Thoughts into the best Order, and dressing them in the best Language his Abilities were capable of. And upon the first reading of the Petition, and not till then, had he in all this Time, entered into the Debate, or publickly deliver\u2019d his Opinion respecting the intended Change.\nAfter a Measure is resolved on in a House of Legislature, it is well known to be contrary to all Rule and Order, to object to the Measure; otherwise publick Business cou\u2019d never be brought to an Issue. Members may speak to the Mode, but not object against the Thing resolved on. But this Rule, so necessary in public Transactions, was sacrificed either to Mr. Dickinson\u2019s Indolence in not attending, or to his Industry in forming his Speech. For he was permitted to object to the Design itself.\nIn the Debate on the first reading of the Petition, he attempted to deliver his Objections against the Measure, ore tenus; But finding every thing he offer\u2019d judiciously and sensibly refuted by several Members, he was obliged to retreat to his Speech in writing, which after a short Introductory Apology, he read in his place, in a Manner not the most deliberate.\nThis unparliamentary Mode of proceeding, and the Difficulty of Retaining in the Memory so long and elaborate a Performance, obliged, and indeed justified the Gentleman, the Author of the following Speech, in taking short Notes, from which, after Mr. Dickenson had concluded, he rose to answer the Objections offer\u2019d against the Petition. But the Speaker being exceedingly indispos\u2019d, the Debate was adjourn\u2019d till next Day.\nBefore the Adjournment, Mr. Dickenson, was requested by several Members, and informed by the Speaker, that he ought to leave his Speech on the Table for the Perusal and Consideration of the House. But this he several Times evaded, alledging in Excuse, that it was too incorrect and indigested; altho\u2019 he was repeatedly informed, that none wou\u2019d examine it with a View to make any critical Observations on the Stile or Method, but only to make themselves acquainted with the Substance. At length he was prevail\u2019d on to promise in the most solemn Manner, that he would deliver it to Mr. Galloway that Evening. That Gentleman called on him at the Time appointed, but Mr. Dickenson continuing in the same Humour, declined delivering it. Nor did he give the Members an Opportunity of perusing it, until the Debate was over, and the Question called for, whether the Petition shou\u2019d be transcribed for a third Reading. Which passed in the Affirmative by the Votes of all the Members who rose on the former Question. All that Mr. Dickenson had either said or read, not having the Success of altering the Opinion of a single Member.\nNor did the Speech then remain long upon the Table, for Mr. Dickenson immediately after, got it into his Hands again, and carried it out of the House. What has been done with it since, to whose Care and Correction it has been committed, and by whom, and with what Views it has been published, the Preface attending it sufficiently demonstrates.\nHowever, since, the Art and Dress in which it now appears to the Public, very different from that in which it appeared in the House, renders it little less than necessary, that the Public shou\u2019d know the Arguments and Reasons which prevailed on the Members to retain their former Resolution, of prosecuting the Petition to the Crown; the following Speech, in Substance the same that was offered by Mr. Galloway, in Answer to Mr. Dickenson, taken from his short Notes, and put into Order, is submitted to the Consideration of the Lovers and Supporters of public Liberty, Order, and good Government.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-11-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0084", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Jackson, 11 August 1764\nFrom: Jackson, Richard\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nCopy\nDear Sir\nInner Temple, 11th. Augst. 1764\nI am just come to town, time enough before the Packet sails, or rather, I should say, before the Mail goes from London, to read your favours of the 25th together with the Dispatch brought from the Committee of Correspondence, by Mr. Hammet, to return a short Answer; I shall send a longer by a ship that Sails tomorrow from the River, by which too, I shall write to Mr. Coxe, to whom I have wrote several times, though I have reason to fear some of my Letters have miscarried. I am sensible I ought to preserve the Dates of my own Letters, and transmit the dates of those I receive, but though I took a Clerk to assist chiefly in this part of my business; I am so frequently obliged [to] sit down to write Letters just before a Ship Sails or the Post goes out, that he has no time even to take the Dates, much less copy them, as I often wish he might, and I have not an opportunity of looking for the Dates of my Bundles of Letters received though they lye by me.\nI confess I am a little unwilling to be so explicit on the Question asked me respecting the delivery of the Petition, as I should be in conversing ore tenus on the subject. I have already wrote several Letters from whence my Opinion may be pretty clearly known, and I have opened my mind more fully to Mr. Allen (whom I well know to be a friend of the Proprietarys) than I should have done, perhaps, had it been any thing but what it is.\nShortly, I think that the Assembly are clearly right in the late Controversy between them and the Governor. I have more than once told the Proprietary and Mr. Allen, that the Assembly might well go further in loading his property without Injustice and the latter has frequently acknowledged it.\nI think too, that the present is not an unfavourable opportunity of presenting the Petition and pursuing the Application; I mean not substantially unfavourable because I think, the Delay of the Publick Service has palpably arose from the Conduct of the proprietary Government. And I think that the Application if made, will in the End meet with Success, I mean if kept up, perhaps for a Course of years, and this I have frequently I think convinced Mr. Allen of. On the other hand I think the Application will be Attended with a good deal of Expence and perhaps may meet with some mortifying circumstances of Reception (not from his Majesty who is a Prince of the most boundless Grace) and at last end in a Burthen on the Province, that may be disagreable.\nI think besides, that Good and Gracious as the King is, the Liberties of the Province, will be always safe in his Hands if it were possible for him always to manage and direct this part of the Administration himself, for what the Province has not a Strict Right to, (if such Privileges, there should be) he would probably indulge them in the Exercise of, of his Grace and favour. But new Ministers may arise, and we cannot flatter ourselves that even the King will live for ever. Power may come into the hands of Profligate Men who may prostitute their high Rank, their great Parts and Skill in the Law to the Infamous purposes of establishing the Doctrines that have by degrees enslav\u2019d almost every part of Europe but this Island.\nI think therefore that for the present, if the Proprietary is disposed to give way; it may be better, \u2019till future Misconduct on his part makes it necessary, to delay presenting the Petitions. If future Events should make such an Application necessary or if the Assembly still think it right to present them forthwith you may command my best Services.\nI have not had time to peruse fully your thoughts on Paper Money. You know mine, I did however endeavour as far as I could to postpone our Bill, I think the Government will not chose to meddle with the Mosquito Shore, but shall take an opportunity of mentioning this matter. We have hopes that Sugar will grow [to] the southward of St. Augustine and above Pensacola. My Compliments to Govr. Franklin and best respects to the Committee of Correspondence par[ticu]larly Mr. Galloway. I am very proud of their good Opinion and wish I could serve them more Effectually than I have done or fear can do.\nI have seen Articles in the papers from America I do not like respecting myself and which I do not pretend to be true in fact I have very little Weight or Influence here and perhaps the less for such Publications. I am Dear Sir Very affectionately Yours\nRd: Jackson.\nTo Benjamin Franklin Esq\nEndorsed: Copy of a Letter sent to Benjn Franklin Esqr\nAddress on the ALS: To / Benjamin Franklin Esq / at Philadelphia / by the Packet / a single sheet", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0085", "content": "Title: Philadelphia Linen Manufactory: Stock Certificate for Charles Thomson, 13 August 1764\nFrom: Philadelphia Linen Manufactory\nTo: Thomson, Charles\nIn July 1764 a group of Philadelphia citizens issued a two-page printed circular inviting subscriptions to the stock of a \u201cLinen Manufactory\u201d to be established in or near Philadelphia. According to this announcement, benevolence furnished the principal motive. \u201cWhereas the number of poor in and around this City, is at present great, and every Year increasing; and as for want of Employment, many of them, especially in the Winter, are reduced to great Straits, and rendered burthensome to their Neighbours; therefore, in order to alleviate their Wants\u201d the promoters were launching this project. Obviously, they hoped their enterprise would be economically successful and that they and other stockholders would profit financially, and the Sugar Act of 1764 explains their optimism and their timing. This measure abolished the drawback on the exportation of foreign linens from Great Britain to the colonies, thereby assuring a rise in price to the colonial consumer. The promoters must have considered Pennsylvania a natural place for producing such textiles because the province raised flax in sufficient quantity to carry on a brisk export trade to Ireland. Writing to Richard Jackson, June 25, 1764, Franklin boasted that \u201cwe have in the Nature of our Country every kind of Ability to provide ourselves with Linnen in Plenty, if Dearness should once compel us into the more general Practice and Habit of making it\u201d (above, p. 235).\nThe articles of association printed in the circular called for subscriptions to stock at \u00a3100 per share, for which subscribers were to sign promissory notes. They were to pay \u00a320 within ten days and the balance upon demand of a majority of the trustees. A treasurer, elected by ballot, was to issue certificates, and, as soon as \u00a35000 had been subscribed, seven trustees were to be elected. These men were to complete the purchase of \u201cWilson Brown\u2019s Interest\u201d on Penn Street, near Pine Street, for the use of the company and to appoint a manager. Distribution of profits and election of the treasurer and trustees were to take place annually on January 1, beginning in 1765.\nThree stock certificates are known to the editors, all issued during the summer and autumn of 1764, all for subscriptions of \u00a3250, and all signed by Samuel Preston Moore, who was apparently the first treasurer. The earliest of these three is printed here.\n  Whereas \u2003Isaac Norris, Benjamin Franklin, Joseph Fox, Joseph Richardson, Abel James, William Brown, Peter Reeves, John Mifflin, Thomas Wharton, Charles Thomson Samuel Mifflin, Samuel Rhoads, William Plumsted John Meas two shares, for himself and William Allen, William Logan, Baynton & Wharton, William Fisher, Samuel Preston Moore, Isaac Greenleafe, Richard Wistar, Jacob Lewis, \u2003have entered into an Agreement of Copartnership, for erecting and carrying on a Linen Manufactory, in or near the City of Philadelphia; this is to certify that \u2003Charles Thomson\u2003hath subscribed, and by his Note of Hand engaged to pay Two Hundred and Fifty Pounds towards the joint Stock of the said Company, whereby he the said\u2003 Charles Thomson\u2003 is entitled to his Share of the Stock, and a Proportion of all the Profits arising from the said Manufactory. Witness my Hand, this\u2003 thirteenth\u2003 Day of\u2003 August\u2003 176\u20034\nSaml. Preston Moore\nEndorsed: Charles Thomson Certificate for a Share in the Philada linen Manufactory", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0087", "content": "Title: James Pearson and Benjamin Franklin: Agreement for Sale, 18 August 1764\nFrom: Pearson, James,Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThis agreement provided for the sale by James Pearson to Franklin of a lot and two buildings on Pewter Platter Alley, Philadelphia. The actual deed seems never to have been recorded, and the parchment original has disappeared. Some additional details are found, however, in two other deeds: one from Israel and Mary Pemberton to Franklin, December 13, 1775, relating to the ground rent; the other executed by the seven heirs of Franklin\u2019s daughter Sarah Bache, January 14, 1812, whereby they distributed among themselves the real estate she and her husband had inherited from her father. The latter document establishes that the deed which fulfilled the present agreement was dated August 25, 1764.\nThese deeds show that the lot had a frontage on Pewter Platter (or Jones\u2019s) Alley, as measured in 1812, of 37 feet 9 inches and a depth of 60 feet. It was bounded on the east by a house and lot of Thomas Biles (or Ryles), deceased; on the south partly by a lot formerly belonging to Thomas Hine, sold to Franklin in 1761, and partly by a lot formerly belonging to Sarah Read and later to John Lynn; and on the west by a house of Robert Grace. The property had been sold to Pearson, June 6, 1760, by Israel and Mary Pemberton and was subject to an annual ground rent, payable to Pemberton quarterly, of \u201cFifteen Pistoles of fine Spanish Coined Gold each Pistole weighing four Penny weights and six grains or so much lawful money of Pennsylvania as will purchase fifteen such Pistoles.\u201d\nMemorandum, August 18. 1764. That it is this Day agreed between James Pierson on the one Part, and Benjamin Franklin on the other, that the said James Pierson shall convey to the said Benjamin Franklin his Lot and Houses on Pewter Platter Alley, (the Workshop excepted which is to be removed); and that the said Benjamin Franklin shall pay the said James Pierson for the same Three Hundred and fifty Pounds, besides discharging the Groundrent of Fifteen Pistoles per Annum to Israel Pemberton. The said Lot is about 38 Feet front, and 60 feet deep, with one Brick and one wooden Tenement thereon. To compleat this Agreement as soon as possible, the Parties bind themselves hereby, and their Executors and Administrators. Having set hereto their Hands and Seals\nWitness\nB Franklin\nMary Pitt:s\nJames Pearson\nJohn Foxcroft\nReceiv\u2019d the same Day, Ten Pounds in Part of the above Sum of \u00a3350 per me\nJas. Pearson\nEndorsed: Agreement Jas Pearson B Franklin Lot and Houses on Pewter Platter Alley Aug. 18. 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0088", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Bouquet (I), 22 August 1764\nFrom: Bouquet, Henry\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nColonel Bouquet wrote two letters to Franklin on August 22, 1764, in answer to the one Franklin had written him on August 16 (above, pp. 316\u201319). The first of the two was a direct response to Franklin\u2019s request that Bouquet \u201cwould take Occasion in some Letter to me to express your Sentiments of my Conduct\u201d with regard to supporting and promoting the service of the British Army, \u201cso far as has come to your Knowledge, or fallen under your Observation.\u201d Bouquet\u2019s letter, printed here, is somewhat formal in tone and was clearly intended to be, as Franklin hoped, such a letter as the deputy postmaster general might be able \u201cto produce on Occasion\u201d and which might \u201cpossibly be of considerable Service to me.\u201d The second of Bouquet\u2019s letters, printed as the document following this one, is more informal and personal, apparently intended for Franklin\u2019s eyes alone.\nDear Sir\nFort Loudoun 22d. August 1764\nI received yesterday your obliging Letter of the 16th. Instant with the welcome account that my Request to the Governor and Commissioners (to enable me to recruit the number of men wanted, to replace the Deserters of the Pennsylvania Troops) was granted.\nAn application of that Nature being unusual, I doubted of its Success, and nothing but the necessity of compleating those Two Battalions, could have induced me to make an attempt liable to so many objections, from the known Oeconomy of the Board of Commissioners in the disposal of Public money.\nMy Dependance was as usual upon you, and indeed had you not supported my Request in the warmest manner, It must have miscarried and lefft me exposed to many Inconveniencies.\nYour conduct on this occasion does not surprise me, as I have not alone, experienced the favourable Effects of your Readiness to promote the Service: I know that General Shirley owed to you the considerable Supply of Provisions, this Government voted for his Troops, besides Warm Cloathing &c.\nThat you alone could and did procure to General Braddock the Carriages without which, he could not have proceeded on his Expedition. That you had a Road opened through this Province to Supply more easily his Army with Provisions, and Spent a Summer in those different services, without any other Reward than the satisfaction of serving the Public.\nAnd I am not unacquainted with the Share you had in conveying safely through the House, at a very difficult time the Bill for \u00a360,000 during Lord Loudoun\u2019s Command. But without recapitulating Instances in which I was not directly concerned, I remember gratefully that as early as 1756, when I was Sent by Lord Loudoun to obtain Quarters in Philadelphia for the first Battalion of the R.A. Regiment I could not have Surmounted the difficulties made by your People, who at that time unacquainted with Quartering of Troops, expressed the greatest Reluctancy to comply with my Request, till you was so good to take that affair in hand, and obtained all that was asked.\nI have not been less obliged to you in the Execution of the present Act, having been an Eye Witness of your Forwardness to carry at the Board as a Commissioner, every Measure I proposed for the Success of this Expedition. This acknowledgement being the only Return I can make for the repeated Services I have received from you in my Public Station: I beg you will excuse my Prolixity upon a subject so agreeable to myself as the Expression of my gratitude. I am with great Regard. Dear Sir Your most obedient, and obliged Humble Servant\nHenry Bouquet\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr.\nEndorsed: Col. Bouquet Augt. 22. 64 His Acknowledgemts.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0089", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Bouquet (II), 22 August 1764\nFrom: Bouquet, Henry\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nFort Loudoun 22d. August 1764\nI return you my thanks for the continuation of your most friendly offices in the thorny affair you have so luckily carried for me. I flater myself you will not doubt that I shall chearfully embrace every opportunity to do you Justice, and convince you of my Sincere affection, having only to lament that it is not in my Power to do it effectualy. The Inclosed is far from expressing my Sentiments of the real obligations I lay under to you, but if I can add any thing to render it of any future use, I beg you will let me know it.\nI am Sorry that your Sentiments concerning this Government have raised you some Enemies, as I am Sure you can have no others. I do not pretend to medle with Politicks, having no business with it. But being averse to all misunderstandings and Differences between men I love and Esteem, as they are the Bane of Society, and destroy that Confidence so necessary to Support it; I have long wished that the unhappy Disputes Subsisting in the Province could be adjusted in an amicable manner, and Harmony Succeed to these jarring Times. I aprehend that things are now carried too far to admit of Palliatives, and that Superior Powers, or Time still more Powerful, must Interfere to operate the miracle of a Reconciliation.\nThe Principle upon which your Government is calculated appears to me Erroneous in Supposing necessarily a close union of the Two Branches of Legislature, a notion which does more honor to the Heart of the Legislator, than to his Head; Where Power and Interest are concerned, Encroachments will be attempted or supposed; opposition ensue, and in that Case you want as in the System of Great Britain, the weight of a third Power to contain the other Two within their proper Limits, and act as Mediator, But that will be impracticable in America till Time has produced nobility and Wealth, whose intrinsic Influence will be Effective and not nominal, as that of a Counsel composed of Plebeyans, without personal preeminence:\nI don\u2019t expect to see any alteration in your present System, tho\u2019 the ministry appear averse to Proprietary Government: and The Board of Trade have just now overset the fine Super Structure raised by Lord Egmont, upon the Expectation of a Grant for the Island of St. John; I send you his Plan, which I have not yet read: It is said to be much aproved in England: when you and I settle our Colony upon the Scioto, we may make use of His Lordships Pamphlet:\nI have perused with Pleasure the Papers you have sent me; They are chiefly founded upon Circumstances which exist no longer, but in Mr. Bligh\u2019s Letter I find several Ideas very well adapted to the present Times, and I wish the Plan of a Military Frontier could be put in Execution. I have taken the Liberty to keep Copies of some of them, and return you the originals:\nWe are perfectly quiet here, and I expect no disturbances till we cross the Ohio: I propose to leave this Camp on Wednesday next with a Second Convoy for Pittsburgh. Be so good to present my Respects to the Ladies, and believe me with great truth Dear sir Your most obedient Humble Servant\nHenry Bouquet\nBenjamin Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-27-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0090", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Bouquet, 27 August 1764\nFrom: Bouquet, Henry\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nFort Loudoun 27th. August 1764\nI have the mortification to inform you privately that Bradstreet has granted Peace at Presqu\u2019Isle to the Delaware and Shawanese without insisting on the least satisfaction for their Murders and Insults.\nI flater myself that the General will not ratify Such a Scandalous Treaty; for my part I take no Notice of it, and proceed to the Ohio, fully determined to treat as Enemies Every Vilain of those Nations (Deputies excepted) as shall come in my way, till I receive contrary Orders from the General. I am Dear Sir Your most Humble Servant\nH. B.\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / At / Philadelphia\nEndorsed: Col Bouquet Aug. 27.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0091", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 1 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Sept. 1. 1764\nI wrote a few Lines to you the 9th. of last Month, expressing some Impatience that I had miss\u2019d hearing from you by two Packets. But soon after I had the Pleasure of receiving yours of June 4, and 14. the last by Mr. Allen. I am glad to learn that our Construction of the Article relating to the Proprietor\u2019s located uncultivated Lands is not like to be controverted in England. As to the Prosecution of the Petition, which you seem a little unwilling to engage in while more general American Affairs are on the Anvil, much will depend on the Complexion of the next Assembly. The Proprietary Party have taken true Pains, as it behov\u2019d them, to represent the Change as dangerous to our Privileges, and made the Assembly odious for proposing it. The Irish Presbyterians, too, piqu\u2019d at the Reflections thrown on them by the Quakers for the late Riots and Murders, have join\u2019d the Proprietary Party, by which they hope to acquire the Predominancy in the Assembly, and subdue the Quakers. Hence the approaching Election will probably be a warm one, and the Event is uncertain: But if a Majority of the old Members continue, as I apprehend they may, the Measure will, I believe be prosecuted, notwithstanding the Bugbears Mr. Allen endeavours to terrify us with about the Expence, which he says he had in charge from you to tell me would be \u00a3100,000 Sterling that the Parliament will oblige us to pay, and saddle us besides with a Salary to be paid by us to a King\u2019s Governor of \u00a35000 Sterling per Annum more. I can scarcely conceive that you sent me such a Message, nor can I believe that so absurd a Thing would be propos\u2019d by the Ministry, that we should pay the Purchase Money for the Government, unless we were to buy it for ourselves. It was not done in the Case of Carolinas, nor in any other Case of the kind that I have heard of. Mr. Allen adds, that Lord Halifax says our Resolves are Rebellion! And that Lord Mansfield said to Mr. Penn, \u201cNow is your Time to make a good Bargain for your self. Put these refractory People into our Hands, and we\u2019ll soon make them feel the Difference between a Proprietary and a Royal Government!\u201d Is it possible that so high an Officer of the Crown should speak in that Manner of Royal Government, to intimidate the King\u2019s Subjects from putting themselves more immediately under its Care and Protection? Telling us these Stories seems to be treating us like Children. You kindly wish a good Understanding could be obtain\u2019d between Mr. Allen and me. I visited him upon Receipt of your Letter, to congratulate him on his Arrival, intending it as an Overture to that End; and then it was that he entertain\u2019d me with the above Discourse, and deliver\u2019d me the Message as from you before all the Company. I have not since seen him. You know I always spoke respectfully of him. Has he done the same by me? I respect even the Ashes of a departed Friendship. But he is at this time abusing me to the Quakers, as many as come in his Way, by a very unfair Account of some private Conversation that pass\u2019d between us many Years ago, when we were great Friends. With me therefore a second Confidence is impossible where the first has been betray\u2019d. Our Assembly is to sit the 10th. when I shall lay your Letter before them; and write by the next Opportunity what passes. I suppose Mr. Dickinson\u2019s Speech against the Change has been sent you. With this you will receive Mr. Galloway\u2019s in Answer to it. I must own to you that the Preface was written by me. It may possibly to cooler People seem too severe: But it was not without great Provocation. I bore the personal Abuse of five scurrilous Pamphlets, and three Copperplate Prints, from the Proprietary Party, before I made the smallest Return; and they began to think they might continue to affront me with Impunity. You will, on the whole, I believe, be of my Opinion, that the Breach is now become irreparable, and the Difference between the Proprietaries and the Province irreconcileable, unless they can get an Assembly of a different Cast, which I think they will not.\nTo drop this disagreable Subject, let me tell you a little News. The Publick Papers will have inform\u2019d you that Sir William Johnson had held a Treaty at Niagara, and made a Peace with all the Indians except the Delawares and Shawanese, who did not appear. Yesterday came an Express from Col. Bradstreet, with Advice, that after that Treaty he had advanc\u2019d with the Forces under his Command to Presqu\u2019isle, where there met him Ten Deputies from the Shawnese, Delawares, Hurons of Sandusky, and those Indians of the 5 Nations that inhabit the Plains of Scioto, and other Rivers between Lake Erie and the Ohio. These presented him, he says, first with a String and a long Compliment. 2dly. A String, with a Request that they might have Leave to speak, and might be favourably heard. 3dly. A Belt, desiring to know the Reason of his moving that way with so great a Force. To all which he answer\u2019d. 1st. with Thanks for their Compliment. 2dly. Gave them Leave to speak, and promis\u2019d them a fair Hearing. 3dly. Told them that he was going to revenge on the Indians who had refus\u2019d to treat of Peace, all the Injuries that had been done the English. They then said, that immediately on hearing a Peace was propos\u2019d, they had call\u2019d in all their Warriors. That they were very sensible they had injur\u2019d the English, by making War on them without Cause, were very sorry for the same, and were come to beg for Mercy and Forgiveness, and that a Peace might be granted them. He told them that he was surpriz\u2019d at their Begging for Peace so soon after the insolent Letter they had sent to the Treaty. But however, since they profess\u2019d Sorrow for their past Conduct, he would grant them Peace on the following Conditions.\n1st. That all the Prisoners they had among them should immediately be collected and brought to Sandusky (where he should directly proceed) and there be deliver\u2019d up to him. This to be perform\u2019d in 25 Days. None to remain on Pretence of Marriage Adoption, or otherwise. The Unwilling to be forc\u2019d away among the rest.\n2dly. That all the Posts the English now have in their Country, shall be ceded to us; that we shall be at Liberty to build as many more Forts and Trading Houses as we please wherever we shall think it necessary to protect the Trade; and that they shall yield to us forever as much Territory round each Fort as a Cannon Shot can fly over; that so the People of the Forts may have Lands to raise their own Provisions.\n3dly. That if any of the Tribes renew the War, and kill or plunder any Englishman, the rest should join us to punish them. And if particular Murderers are delivered up to prevent a War, they shall be tried by the English Law, only that half the Jury shall be Indians of the same Nation with the Prisoner.\n4thly. That Six of the Deputies should remain with him as Hostages, while the other four, with an English Officer and an Indian go to acquaint the Chiefs of the several Nations with these Terms, and return with their Ratifications of the Peace.\nThe Deputies accepted these Terms with Thanks. And he is gone on to Sandusky, and has wrote to Col. Bouquet, to stop his Army who are on their March from this Province against the same People, till he hears again from him. But Col. Bouquet will, I believe, continue his March till Orders come to him from the General; for he disapproves this hasty Peace, as it stipulates no Satisfaction for the Robberies committed on the Goods of our Merchants, and the bloody Injuries the Indians unprovok\u2019d have done our Nation.\nTo tell you my Opinion of this Transaction; I doubt the Indians mean no more than to parry our Blow, till they have got in and hid their Corn,\n   *The Indian Corn is not ripe till October generally.\n which they fear our two Armies may destroy; and that then they will renew their Hostilities. But I hope I am mistaken. Tho\u2019 I cannot but wish they had felt a little more from our just Resentment, before a Peace had been granted them. With sincere Esteem and Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant.\nB Franklin\nP.S. You speak of a Reconciliation between us and the Proprietaries on Terms that may be agreable to us. Have any such been talk\u2019d of? We hear nothing of them here.\nR. Jackson Esqr.\nEndorsed: 1 Sepr 64 B. Franklin Esqr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-02-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0093", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Peter Templeman], 2 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Templeman, Peter\nSir\nPhilada. Sept. 2. 1764\nFurman & Co. Merchants of this Place, send by Capt. Caton, 60 Keggs of Sturgeon, which they hope will be found so well cured as to obtain the Society\u2019s Approbation, and a Premium. They have desired me to introduce their Claim to you by a Line in its favour; but I have told them the whole will depend on the Merits of their Fish when it comes to London. I can only say, that what I have tasted of it here, was excellent. America can furnish any Quantity; but for our Encouragement methinks the foreign Duty should be taken off. With great Esteem for your self, and best Wishes for the Prosperity of the Society, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nEndorsed: Septr. 2d. 1764.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-02-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0094", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anthony Todd, 2 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Todd, Anthony\nSir\nPhilada. Sept. 2. 1764\nWe have just receiv\u2019d some important News from Presqu\u2019isle on Lake Erie, which it is my Duty to take this first Opportunity of communicating thro\u2019 you to his Majesty\u2019s Postmaster General.\nThe Public Papers, before this can come to hand, will have inform\u2019d you, that Sir William Johnson had held a Treaty at Niagara, and concluded a Peace with all the Indian Nations or Tribes that were at War with us, the Delawares, Shawanese, and other Ohio Indians excepted, who had haughtily refused to send Deputies to the Congress. We were much concern\u2019d to hear of their standing out, as by their Situation they were most capable of injuring this and the neighbouring Provinces, and had actually committed all the late Ravages on the Frontiers of Pensilvania and Virginia. But those People being inform\u2019d, that Col. Bouquet from this Province with 1000 of our Provincials, besides Regulars, was on his March towards their Country; and that Col. Bradstreet, with a considerable Force of Regulars, and New York and New Jersey Provincials was advancing along the Back of their Territories by Lake Erie, they suddenly chang\u2019d their Resolution of continuing the War, and sent ten of their principal Men as Deputies, who met Col. Broadstreet at Presqu\u2019isle, and in the most submissive Manner acknowledg\u2019d their Fault in commencing this War on the English without the least Cause or Provocation, and humbly begg\u2019d for Mercy and Forgiveness, and that a Peace might be granted them. The Colonel, after severely reproving them, granted them Peace on the following Terms,\n1. That all the Prisoners now in their Country should be immediately collected, and delivered up to him at Sandusky within 25 Days; none to remain among them under any Pretence of Marriage, Adoption or otherwise; and the Unwilling to be forc\u2019d away.\n2. That they should cede to the English, and renounce for ever all Claim to the Posts or Forts now or late in our Possession in their Country. And that we should be at Liberty to erect as many new Forts or Trading Houses as we pleased, wherever we thought them necessary for Security of our Trade: And that round each Fort now or hereafter to be built, they should cede to us forever as much Land as a Cannon could throw a Shot over, to be cultivated by our People for the more convenient furnishing Provisions to the Garrison.\n3. That in Case any one of the Tribes should hereafter renew the War against the English, the others should join us in reducing them and bringing them to Reason. And that particular Murderers hereafter given up to preserve Peace, should be tried by the English Law, the Jury to be half Indians of the same Nation with the Criminal.\n4. That Six of the Deputies should remain with him as Hostages, till the Prisoners were restor\u2019d, and these Articles confirmed.\nThese Terms were thankfully accepted and signed by the Deputies with their Marks as usual; they declaring themselves fully authorized for that purpose by the Shawanese, Delawares, Hurons of Sandusky, and the other Tribes inhabiting the Plains of Scioto, and all the Countries between Lake Erie and the Ohio.\nThe other four Deputies with an English Officer and an Indian, were immediately dispatch\u2019d to acquaint the Nations with what had pass\u2019d, and inform them that the Colonel would not discontinue his March but proceed to Sandusky, where he expected their Chiefs would meet him and ratify the Treaty; otherwise they should find two Armies of Warriors in their Country, and no future Proposals of Peace would be hearkned to, but they should be cut off from the Face of the Earth.\nIf this Peace holds, it will be very happy for these Colonies. We only apprehend, that the Savages, obtaining a Peace so easily, without having suffered the Chastisement they deserved for their late Perfidy, and without being oblig\u2019d to make any Restitution or Satisfaction for the Goods they robb\u2019d our Merchants of, and the Barbarities they committed (except the Cession of those small Tracts round Forts) will more readily incline to renew the War on every little Occasion.\nBe pleased to present my Dutyful Respects to the Post-master General; and believe me, with much Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nAntho. Todd Esqr\nEndorsed: Copy of a Letter from Deputy Post Master of North America to Mr Todd.\nIn Mr Todds of the 13 Octr 1764.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-17-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0095", "content": "Title: Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft: Power of Attorney to Tuthill Hubbart, 17 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John\nTo: Hubbart, Tuthill\n[September 17, 1764]\n  Know all Men by these Presents, That we\u2003 Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft Esquires his Majesty\u2019s Deputy Postmaster General for North America,\u2003 have made, ordained and constituted, and by these Presents do make ordain and constitute, and in our Place and Stead put and depute our trusty and loving Friend \u2003Tuthill Hubbard Esqr., Postmaster of Boston in New England to be\u2003our true and lawful Attorney, for us, and in our Name, and for his Majesty\u2019s Use, to ask, demand, sue for, recover and receive all such Sum and Sums of Money, Debts, Goods, Wares, Dues, Accounts and other Demands whatsoever, which are or shall be due, owing, payable and belonging to us, as Receivers for his Majesty of the Revenue of the Post Office in America or detained from us by any Manner of Ways or Means whatsoever, by\u2003John Sherburne Esquire, of Portsmouth in New hampshire Executor of the Testament of the late Ellis Huske, Esqr. Postmaster of Boston aforesaid; hereby revoking and making null and void all former Powers for the same purpose by us given to any Person whatsoever, and\u2003 giving and granting unto our said Attorney, by these Presents, our full and whole Power, Strength and Authority in and about the Premises, to have, use and take all lawful Ways and Means, in our Name for the Recovery thereof. And upon the Receipt of any such Debts, Dues, or Sums of Money aforesaid, Acquittances, or other sufficient Discharges, for us and in our Name, to make, seal and deliver. And generally, All and every other Act or Acts, Thing and Things, Device and Devices in the Law whatsoever needful and necessary to be done in and about the Premises, for the Recovery of all or any such Debts or Sums of Money aforesaid, for us and in our Name to do, execute and perform, as fully, largely and amply, to all Intents and Purposes, as we ourselves might or could do, if we were personally present, or as if the Matter required more special Authority than is herein given. And attornies, one or more, under\u2003him\u2003for the Purpose aforesaid to make and constitute, and again at Pleasure to revoke. Ratifying, allowing, and holding for firm and effectual all and whatsoever our said Attorney shall lawfully do in and about the Premises by Virtue hereof. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our Hands and Seals, this\u2003Seventeenth\u2003 Day of \u2003September\u2003 Annoque Domini, 17\u200364\n  Signed, sealed and delivered in the Presence of\n  B FranklinJ. Foxcroft\nThe Words, as Receivers for his Majesty of the Revenues of the Post Office in America, being first interlined. As also the Words (his Majesty\u2019s)\nMary PittsJane Parker\nPhiladia. Sept. 18. 1764. The within named Benjamin Franklin and John Foxecroft personally appearing, acknowledged the within Instrument to be their Act and Deed. Before me\nI Jones", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0096", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 20 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Sept. 20. 1764\nI receiv\u2019d your Favour of June 30. but no Line by this Pacquet. Things are here as they have been for some time past: Except that the Proprietary Party begin to doubt the Success they promis\u2019d themselves at the next Election. Mr. Allen has exerted himself in the House to persuade a Recall of the Petition, but as far as I can perceive, without the least Effect. The Bugbears he would frighten us with, are rather laught at. No Concessions, however, on the Part of the Proprietaries have yet been propos\u2019d to us. This per Packet. I shall write you more fully by Budden, who sails on Sunday next. With great Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Richard Jackson, Esqr / Inner Temple / London / via N. York / per Packet\nEndorsed: from Phila: under Mr Franklin\u2019s Cover to Alexr. Colden 20 Sept 1764 Benjn. Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-21-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0097", "content": "Title: Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft to Anthony Todd, 21 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John\nTo: Todd, Anthony\nSir\nPhilada. Sept. 21. 1764\nWe wrote you pretty fully of the 4th. Instant, and sent our Letters to New York to be ready for the Packet that has been some time expected. She did not arrive till the 17th. and we have now just receiv\u2019d yours of July 14. with Copies of your preceding Letters and Duplicates of the Papers that accompanied them. Those that were proper for Publication we had before caused to be inserted in all the Newspapers on the Continent, and given Directions to all our Officers strictly to observe and execute the several Acts of Parliament therein referr\u2019d to.\nWe are concern\u2019d that our Account of the State of the Office was delay\u2019d so long beyond our Intentions. The Reasons will appear in our Letters. Accidents, Sickness, and our Distance from each other contributed to that Delay. But we have now settled the Offices in so good a Way that we hope to have the Accounts rendred to us more regularly; and that such a long hazardous Journey will not be again necessary for some Years, and the latter Inconvenience will be removed by our living hereafter nearer together.\nThe Rule of Charging 2d. or 16 grains of Silver on every Letter coming from on Ship board, has been observ\u2019d in America we believe from the first Establishment of the Office here. Mr. Franklin, who is now by much the oldest Officer in America, found it the Practice, [and remembers?] to have seen it in Tables of Rates printed long before his Time. He knows not on what it was originally founded, (being sensible that the Act mentions but a Penny) unless it were on the Considerations that have satisfied him in the Continuance of the Practice, viz.\nIn America most of the Letters received from on board a Ship, are delivered in the Capital Towns where the Ships arrive. The Law obliges the Office to give a Penny for every Letter coming from on board a Ship.\nIf the Office demands but a Penny for each such Letter, then the Attendance is given and the Business is transacted for nothing. Nay, for less than nothing; for all the Letters so paid for, not being taken up, the Dead Letters would be so much clear Loss to the Office.\nWherever a Law enjoins a Service, and appoints no Reward, for that Service, the Person who performs the Service in obedience to the Law has a Right to a Quantum meruit for the same, from the Person benefited by that Service.\nWhat the Quantum meruit in this Case is, may be gathered from the same Law, which allows a Penny to be taken for the Service of putting a Letter on board a Ship. Now supposing that the Trouble of receiving a Letter and putting the same on board a Ship, is not greater than the Trouble of receiving a Letter from on board a Ship and delivering the same on shore, then the latter Service deserves a Penny as well as the former.\nThis Penny to the Office, added to the Penny paid the Captain, makes the Twopence to be paid for the Letter.\nWe knew not but that the same was practis\u2019d in England. It seems now otherwise, by your requiring this Explanation. The Postmaster General will direct us how we are to proceed for the future. But should a Law more effectually enforce the Delivery of Ship Letters by all Captains to the Office hereafter, if we pay a Penny for each, and deliver them for the same we conceive the Advantage to the Office will be much less than we think it ought to be, and than it may be here without occasioning any Complaint. And this brings us to Amendments we would propose to the present Office Laws, on considering the Clauses you have sent us.\nWe think, that for the Security of Correspondence, as well as for the Advantage of the Revenue, ALL Ship Letters should be delivered to the Deputy of the Post Master General in the Port where the Ship arrives, those belonging to Owners of the Vessel or of any Part of the Cargo, as well as others: because the Exception of the former, makes it difficult to detect and hazardous to prosecute upon the Act; since, tho\u2019 we may prove the Captain or Passengers delivering Letters, it is not easy to prove that these Letters did not relate to the Cargo.\nThat for every Ship Letter or Packet of Letters, deliver\u2019d in the Town or Port where the Ship arrives and not sent by Post, should be taken and receiv\u2019d Two pence. The Addition of a Penny for every additional Letter in a Packet and 4 pence for every ounce after the first might perhaps appear too high in some Pacquets. And yet we think some such Addition should be made, to prevent Peoples Pacqueting their Letters to avoid Paying.\nThat a Certificate from the Postmaster of his having receiv\u2019d the Ship Letters should be produced by the Captain to the collector or Naval Officer, before he is permitted to break Bulk.\nThe Inland Postages directed by the Act, do not seem to be well proportioned. For Instance, A Letter from New York to any Place (generally) within Sixty English Miles is fourpence; and yet when particular Places are named, A Letter from New York to Perth Amboy (which is but 30 Miles) is Six pence. And so in other Instances. Then the added Postages practis\u2019d here, which were explain\u2019d in Mr. Franklin\u2019s Letter of April 12. and seem authoriz\u2019d by the Act, do not appear equal or reasonable. For Instance, A Letter from Boston to New York (near 300 miles) is One Shilling; and if it is but One [hundred miles] further viz. to Philadelphia, it pays Nine pence more; which is out of Proportion. We would therefore propose, that instead of the many different Rates of Postage between different Places named in the Act, one general Rule should be made, in the new Act without naming any Places, viz\nAll Letters and Packets carried by Post in America to any Place not exceeding Sixty English Miles\nS\npence\nD\npence\nT\npence\nOunce\n  [To any Place exceeding] 60 Miles and not exceeding 100 Miles\nS.\npence\nD.\npence\nT.\npence\nOunce\n  And to any Place exceeding 100 Miles and not exceeding 200 Miles\nS.\npence\nD\nT.\nO\nAnd so the same Addition, of two pence, in every additional 100 Miles.\nThis Rule would make the Postage from New York to Charlestown, much what it is now by the Act, viz. 18 Pence it being about 900 Miles. And it would moderate most of the other Postages, which are now generally deem\u2019d too high and complain\u2019d of; it would probably occasion more Letters to be sent per Post, so that the Revenue might gain in the Number of Letters more than is abated in the Price: And such an Abatement would be grateful to the People, and tend to lessen the Murmuring that might be occasion\u2019d by the greater Strictness with regard to Ship Letters. And as some late Acts of Parliament restraining the Trade of the Colonies have seem\u2019d severe to the Merchants here, an Act that has the Appearance of Lenity and operates to the Ease of Commerce and Correspondence, may be of use to conciliate Minds to those public Measures, and diminish Discontents.\nThus we have, with the Freedom requir\u2019d of us, given our Sentiments; which we submit to our Superiors. And are, with great Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servants\nB. F.J. F.\n[On additional pages in Franklin\u2019s hand:]\nFor All Letters and Pacquets carried by Post in America any Distance not exceeding Sixty English Miles\nSingle\npence\nD\nT\nOunce\nFor all &c. exceeding 60 Miles and not exceeding 100 Miles\nSingle\npence\nD.\nT.\nOunce\nFor all &c. exceeding 100 Miles and not exceeding 200 Miles\nSingle\npence\nD.\nT.\nOunce\nWith the like Addition of 2 pence in every additional 100 Miles\nThe Bulk of the Postage of N. America arises out of the 3 great trading Towns Philadelphia, New York and Boston.\nBy the above proposed Rates, the present Postage between those Places will be abated as follows,\nPresent\nPostage\nfuture\nAbated\nBetween Philadelphia and New York\n9 pence\n  pence\n3 pence\n[Struck through: Between New York and Boston\n  pence\nBetween Philadelphia and Boston\n9 pence\nThese Abatements are very considerable being between 30 and 40 per Cent. will be thought very favourable by the Trading People, and I fear that if the Rates are reduc\u2019d so much lower as to be equal with the Rates in England, the Posts can hardly be supported in a Country where Labour and Service of all kinds is so much dearer; at least some of the new Stages, which at present do not produce sufficient to defray themselves, but are supported by the old ones, must be dropt; for tho\u2019 the Number of Letters will undoubtedly encrease, yet I doubt their encreasing in so great a proportion, and I apprehend that \u2019tis more for the Advantage of the Trading People to keep those new Stages up, than it will be to make a farther Abatement in Postage.\nThe Offices in America have sometimes employ\u2019d Letter Carriers to deliver Letters in the Towns and directed them to demand a penny for delivering each Letter; but the Right to demand such Penny above the Postage being frequently disputed and complain\u2019d of as an Imposition and the Practice on that Account occasionally dropt, the Deputy Postmaster General some time since directed the Delivery of Letters in the several Towns gratis. This however is not generally comply\u2019d with, being found very burthensome to the Office: but the Inconvenience may perhaps be remedied either in the Penny post Clause, or by a Clause for the purpose.\nIt is the Opinion of many People here that lowering the Rates of Postage would encrease the Revenue.\nSuppose a General Rule, as the Distances are pretty well known.\n  All Letters and Packets carried by Post to any Place not exceeding Sixty English Miles\nSingle\npence\nDouble\npence\nTreble\npence\nOunce\n  All &c. exceeding 60 Miles and not exceeding 100 Miles\nSingle\npence\nD\nT\nO\nAnd to any Place exceeding One Hundred Miles and not exceeding 200 Miles\nS\npence\nAnd the same Addition of two Pence in every additional Hundred Miles\nLetters to be deliver\u2019d to the Postmaster and his Certificate to be produced to the Custom House Officer before he be permitted to break Bulk.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0098", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Instructions to Richard Jackson, 22 September 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nA quorum of the Assembly gathered on September 11 to begin the short final session before its dissolution. The next day Speaker Franklin laid before the House an extract from the journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, June 13, 1764, together with the letter to himself from that body\u2019s committee, June 25, regarding the Sugar Act and the proposed Stamp Act (above, pp. 242\u20133). The Pennsylvania Assembly ordered these papers to \u201clie on the Table for the Perusal and Consideration of the Members.\u201d On the 18th the House took up the matter and, \u201cafter some Time spent therein,\u201d appointed a committee of nine members to draw up instructions to Richard Jackson \u201cto use his utmost Endeavours, in Conjunction with the Agents for the other Colonies,\u201d to secure a repeal of the Sugar Act, and to remonstrate against a stamp duty and any other intended taxes \u201crepugnant to our Rights and Privileges as Freemen and British Subjects.\u201d The committee reported its draft on September 22; \u201cafter some Alteration,\u201d the Assembly agreed to it, and Franklin signed it as speaker. On the 28th he wrote to the Massachusetts committee reporting on his Assembly\u2019s actions (below, pp. 365\u20136).\nThese instructions heavily emphasize the rights of the colonies to tax themselves. While not going quite so far as to deny explicitly the authority of Parliament to impose taxes upon them, the document comes very close to doing so. It points out that it would be \u201cas great Injustice\u201d to deprive the Pennsylvanians of rights conferred by their charter \u201cas to disfranchise the People of England\u201d of their rights under Magna Carta. It also insists that Parliament, in which the colonies were unrepresented, could not \u201clay such Taxes and Impositions with Justice and Equity\u201d upon areas which differed greatly from one another. As events were to show, such an approach to the matter was futile. George Grenville seems to have \u201cdismissed in advance all objections to the authority of Parliament,\u201d though he was willing \u201cto listen to any other kind of objections from the colonies,\u201d and others in the House of Commons seem to have shared his sentiments. It is doubtful whether the members of the Pennsylvania Assembly appreciated the strength of this sentiment, or, if they had, whether they would have modified to any significant degree their instructions to Jackson. One fact remains clear: in Pennsylvania as in several other colonies at about the same time, the issue of constitutional rights of British subjects residing in America was already being raised six months before the actual passage of the Stamp Act.\nSir,\nSeptember 22, 1764.\nThe Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, having received Information of the Resolutions of the House of Commons respecting the Stamp Duties, and other Taxes, proposed to be laid on the British Colonies, do most humbly conceive, that the Measures proposed as aforesaid, if carried into Execution, will have a Tendency to deprive the good People of this Province of their most essential Rights as British Subjects, and of the Rights granted to them by the Royal Charter of King Charles the Second, and confirmed by Laws of this Province, which have received the Royal Approbation.\nThat by the said Charter, among other Privileges, the Right of assessing their own Taxes, and of being free from any Impositions but those that are made by their own Representatives, is fully granted to the People of this Province: And, besides, we apprehend that this is the indubitable Right of all the Colonists as Englishmen.\nThat the said Charter and Laws are certainly of the same Validity, with respect to the Rights thereby granted to the People here, as the Laws and Statutes of England, with regard to the Privileges derived under them, to the People in England; and that it appears to us as great Injustice to divest the People of this Province of the Privileges held under the former, as to disfranchise the People of England of those Rights they claim under Magna Charta itself, or any other Law in Great-Britain.\nThat the Colonists here have paid a valuable Consideration to the Crown for the said Charter and Laws, by planting and improving a Wilderness, far distant from their Mother Country, at a vast Expence, and the Risque of many Lives from the savage Inhabitants, whereby they have greatly increased the Trade and Commerce of the Nation, and added a large Tract of improved Country to the Crown, without any Aid from, or Expence to Great-Britain in the said Settlement.\nThese, with other Reasons, and in particular the Information we have received, that the Ministry are desirous of consulting the Ease, Interest and good Will of the Colonies, prevail on us to hope, that an humble and dutiful Remonstrance to the Parliament, pointing out the Inconsistency of those Measures with the Rights and Privileges thus purchased, and solemnly granted and confirmed to the People of this Colony, may have its Use in prevailing on the Parliament to lay aside their Intention of imposing Stamp Duties, or laying any other Impositions or Taxes whatsoever on the Colonies, which may be destructive of their respective Rights.\nThe House of Assembly therefore most earnestly request you will exert your utmost Endeavours with the Ministry and Parliament to prevent any such Impositions and Taxes, or any other Impositions or Taxes on the Colonists from being laid by the Parliament, inasmuch as they neither are or can be represented, under their present Circumstances, in that Legislature: Nor can the Parliament, at the great Distance they are from the Colonies, be properly informed, so as to enable them to lay such Taxes and Impositions with Justice and Equity, the Circumstances of the Colonies being all different one from the other.\nThis we request you will do, either by an humble Address to the British Parliament, or in any other Manner, which to you shall appear to promise the most Success.\nBut as it may be contended, that there is a Necessity that some Plan should be formed to oblige the Colonies, in Time of Danger, to grant the necessary Aids to the Crown, and to contribute to their general Defence, and it may be expected that some Remedy should be proposed, on the Part of the Colonies, adequate to these Purposes, you will be pleased to take the proper Methods of informing the Ministry and Parliament, that we humbly are of Opinion such a Plan may be formed, without destroying or infringing the natural and legal Rights of the Colonies, or affecting those of the Mother Country; that such a Plan has been under the Consideration of this House, and will be transmitted with all Expedition for your Consideration, and which will, as we conceive, fully preserve the Rights of the Crown in America, and the Liberties of the Colonists: This Plan, if approved of, may be established by a temporary Act of Parliament.\nYou will also be pleased to exert your Endeavours to obtain a Repeal, or at least an Amendment, of the Act for regulating the Sugar Trade, which we apprehend must prove extremely detrimental to the Trade of the Continental Colonies in America, particularly in the Prohibition of exporting Lumber to Ireland, and other Parts of Europe, and deeply affect the Interest of the British Merchants and Manufacturers, as it will greatly disable us in making Returns to Britain.\nAfter all in this Letter observed, the Assembly are well aware of the Impossibility, at this Distance, of giving all the proper and necessary Hints on this important Business; but this Difficulty is greatly alleviated by the high Opinion they entertain of your extensive Knowledge in the Affairs of America in general, and of this Province in particular; and of your Integrity and sincere Inclination to serve the Colonies, in which they have the fullest Confidence. Upon the whole, they submit these Affairs entirely to your Management and Discretion, and doubt not but you will conduct every Matter for the Interest of the Colonies in the best Manner possible, wherein perhaps it may not be amiss to unite with the Agents of the other Provinces.\nSigned by Order of the House,Benjamin Franklin, Speaker.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0099", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 24 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Collinson, Peter\nDear Friend,\nPhilada. Sept. 24. 1764\nI received your kind Letter of June 29. We hear nothing here of the Proprietary\u201ds relenting. If any have it in charge from him to offer Concessions for Peacesake (as we are told from your side the Water they have) they keep them back in hopes the next Election may put the Proprietaries in a Condition not to need the proposing them. A few Days will settle this Point.\nI receiv\u2019d the Medal, and have sent it forward to Mr. Elliot.\nI shall endeavour to procure you some more of the Natural Buttons as soon as possible. I am glad my Remarks that accompany\u2019d them give you any Satisfaction.\nOur Friend John Bartram has sent a very curious Collection of Specimens of all the uncommonly valuable Plants and Trees of North America, to the King. He was strongly persuaded by some to send them thro\u201d the Hands of the Proprietary as the only proper Channel; but I advis\u2019d him not to pass by his old Friend, to whom it must seem a Neglect. He readily concurr\u2019d with my Opinion, and has sent the Box to you. I am assur\u2019d you have Means enough of introducing his Present properly; but as John seem\u2019d willing to have as many Strings as possible to his Bow, for fear of Accidents, I mention\u2019d Dr. Pringle to him, as a good Friend of the Arts, and one who would lend any Assistance in the Matter if necessary. He is Physician to the Queen; and I have, in my Letter hinted the Matter to him; to prepare him if you should think fit to advise with him about it. I wish some Notice may be taken of John\u2019s Merit. It seems odd that a German Lad of his Neighbourhood, who has only got some Smatterings of Botany from him, should be so distinguish\u2019d on that Account, as to be sent for by the Queen, and our old Friend, who has done so much, quite forgotten. He might be made happy as well as more useful, by a moderate Pension that would enable him to travel thro\u2019 all the New Acquisitions, with Orders to the Governors, and Commanding Officers at the several Outposts, to forward and protect him in his Journeys.\nPlease to acquaint Mr. Canton that I acknowledge the Receipt of his Letter, and shall write to him shortly. I am, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\nAddressed: To / Peter Collinson Esqr / Gracious Street / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0100", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 24 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nDear Mr. Strahan,\nPhilada. Sept. 24. 1764\nI wrote to you of the first Instant, and sent you a Bill for \u00a313 and a little List of Books to be bought with it. But as Mr. Becket has since sent them to me, I hope this will come time enough to countermand that Order. The Money, if you have receiv\u2019d it, may be paid to Mrs. Stevenson, to whom we have wrote for sundry Things.\nI thank you for inserting the Messages and Resolutions intire. I believe it has had a good Effect; for a Friend writes me, that \u201cit is astonishing with what Success it was propagated in London by the Proprietaries, that the Resolutions were the most indecent and undutiful to the Crown, &c. so that when he saw them, having before heard those Reports, he could not believe they were the same.\u201d\nI was always unwilling to give a Copy of the Chapter, for fear it should be printed, and by that means I should be depriv\u2019d of the Pleasure I often had in amusing People with it. I could not however refuse it to two of the best Men in the World, Lord Kaims and Mr. Small, and should not to the third, if he had not been a Printer. But you have overpaid me for the Loss of that Pleasure, by the kind things you have so handsomely said of your Friend in the Introduction.\nYou tell me, that the Value I set on your political Letters, is a strong Proof that my Judgment is on the Decline. People seldom have Friends kind enough to tell them that disagreable Truth, however useful it might be to know it. And indeed I learn more from what you say than you intended I should; for it convinces me that you have observ\u2019d that Decline for some time past in other Instances, as \u201dtis very unlikely you should see it first in my good Opinion of your Writings\u2014but you have kept the Observation to yourself\u2014till you had an Opportunity of hinting it to me kindly under the Guise of Modesty in regard to your own Performances. I will confess to you another Circumstance that must confirm your Judgment of me, which is, that I have of late fancy\u2019d myself to write better than ever I did; and farther, that when any thing of mine is abridg\u2019d in the Papers or Magazines, I conceit that the Abridger has left out the very best and brightest Parts. These, my Friend, are much stronger Proofs; and put me in Mind of Gil Blas\u2019s Patron, the Homily-maker.\nI rejoice to hear that Mrs. Strahan is recovering, that your Family in general is well, and that my little Woman in particular is so, and has not forgot our tender Connection. The Enlarging of your House, and the Coach House and Stables you mention, make me think of living with you when I come; for I love Ease more than ever; and, by daily using your Horses, I can be of Service to you and them, by preventing their growing too fat, and becoming restif.\nMrs. Franklin, and Sally, join in best Wishes for you and all yours, with Your affectionate\nB Franklin\nDear Sir,\nI wrote a few Lines to you by this Opportunity, but omitted desiring you to call on Mr. Jackson of the Temple, and pay him for the Copying a Manuscript he sent me, which he paid the Stationer for doing on my Account. Yours affectionately\nWm: Franklin\nAddressed: To / Mr William Strahan / Printer / Newstreet, Shoe Lane / London.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-24-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0101", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Moffatt, 24 September 1764\nFrom: Moffatt, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nNewport Rhode Island Sept 24th 1764.\nI return you thanks for sending me Dr. Heberdens method of inoculating the small pox of which perhaps to you it may not be necessary to say that it bears every mark of Jud[g]ment candour and benevolence. The attention and regard shewn to this treatise in New England by the Authority and these in practise especially at Boston lately will to some very well account for the use of mercury not being yet known or introducd into Britain in inoculation of the small pox. At the Anniversary meeting of the university here Our Governor was chosen Chancellor several other Great or Senatorial officers were also elected so that learning makes a great progress and figure here. If I can serve or oblige you here it will be a great pleasure to Sir Your most Obedient Servant\nThomas Moffatt\nTo / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Philadelphia", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-28-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0103", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Freemen of Pennsylvania, 28 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Freemen of Pennsylvania\nGovernor Penn had asked the Assembly for a militia bill on Feb. 4, 1764, and the House sent him one on the 28th. After conferring with his Council the governor returned the bill on March 12 with a series of proposed amendments, but when the House considered the matter on the 17th it took no formal action on his proposals. In the \u201cNecklace of Resolves\u201d adopted on March 24, four resolutions (nos. 17\u201320) explained briefly the Assembly\u2019s objections to Penn\u2019s amendments, and in Franklin\u2019s \u201cExplanatory Remarks,\u201d March 29, he elaborated on the first of these objections.\nPenn made his initial request at the time when the Paxton Boys were beginning their march on Philadelphia, and he seems at the moment to have wanted the bill only as a means of dealing with civil disorder. The men who were creating that disorder came from the frontier counties. After the Paxton Boys had gone home and the immediate threat was ended, however, it was easy for Penn and his supporters to cite the Assembly\u2019s failure to pass an acceptable militia bill as another illustration of the Quaker party\u2019s refusal to adopt any constructive measure for the general protection of the colony. The most vehement complaints of the Assembly\u2019s \u201cdo-nothing\u201d attitude in matters of defense came from the frontier counties. In the election campaign of 1764 the proprietary party was therefore able, paradoxically enough, to use the failure of the militia bill as an argument for political support from the very areas that had first provoked Penn into asking for the bill.\nFranklin and his friends were obviously sensitive to the criticism. What particular attack led him to produce this broadside as a defense of the Assembly\u2019s rejection of the governor\u2019s amendments is not certainly known. It is possible, as the opening lines suggest, that some deputation of citizens waited upon him with a specific request for a statement. More probably, he adopted this form as a convenient way of presenting his reply to one of the charges generally circulating among the voters during the final days of the campaign. He may have been moved to this last contribution to the debate by a note appended to an unsigned address \u201cTo the Freeholders and Electors Of the Province of Pennsylvania\u201d printed in a Supplement to the Pennsylvania Journal, Sept. 27, 1764. Specifically charging Galloway and Franklin, \u201cthese pretended Sticklers for Liberty,\u201d with a desire to have regiments of British regulars stationed in the city and province, the writer declared that these men \u201cwould dragoon you into their Measures had they sufficient Power, tho\u2019 they are even now alarming you with groundless apprehensions of a Militia in order to promote their own purposes.\u201d\nTo THE FreemenOF Pennsylvania\nGentlemen,\nPhiladelphia, September 28, 1764.\nYour Desire of knowing how the Militia Bill came to fail in the last Assembly, shall immediately be comply\u2019d with.\nAs the Governor press\u2019d hard for a Militia Law, to secure the internal Peace of the Province, and the People of this Country had not been accustomed to Militia Service, the House, to make it more generally agreeable to the Freeholders, form\u2019d the Bill so as that they might have some Share in the Election of the Officers, to secure them from having absolute Strangers set over them, or Persons generally disagreeable.\nThis was no more, than that every Company should chuse, and recommend to the Governor, three Persons for each Office of Captain, Lieutenant, and Ensign; out of which three, the Governor was to commission one that he thought most proper, or which he pleased, to be the Officer. And that the Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns, so commissioned by the Governor, should in their respective Regiments, chuse and recommend three Persons for each Office of Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Major; out of which three, the Governor was to commission one, which ever he pleased, to each of the said Offices.\nThe Governor\u2019s Amendment to the Bill in this Particular, was, to strike out wholly this Privilege of the People, and take to himself the sole Appointment of all the Officers.\nThe next Amendment was to aggravate and enhance all the Fines. A Fine that the Assembly had made One Hundred Pounds, and thought heavy enough, the Governor required to be Three Hundred Pounds. What they had made Fifty Pounds, he required to be One Hundred and Fifty. These were Fines on the Commission\u2019d Officers for Disobedience to his Commands; but the Non Commission\u2019d Officers, or common Soldiers, who, for the same Offence, the Assembly propos\u2019d to fine at Ten Pounds, the Governor insisted should be fin\u2019d Fifty Pounds.\nThese Fines, and some others to be mention\u2019d hereafter, the Assembly thought ruinously high: But when, in a subsequent Amendment, the Governor would, for Offences among the Militia, take away the Trial by Jury in the common Courts, and required, that the Trial should be by a Court Martial, compos\u2019d of Officers of his own sole appointing, who should have Power of sentencing even to Death; the House could by no Means consent thus to give up their Constituents Liberty, Estate, and Life itself, into the absolute Power of a Proprietary Governor; and so the Bill failed.\nThat you may be assur\u2019d, I do not misrepresent this Matter, I shall give you the last mention\u2019d Amendment (so call\u2019d) at full Length; and for the Truth and Exactness of my Copy I dare appeal to Mr. Secretary Shippen.\nThe Words of the Bill, P. 43. were, \u201cEvery such Person so offending, being legally convicted thereof,\u201d &c. By the Words legally convicted, was intended a Conviction after legal Trial, in the common Course of the Laws of the Land. But the Governor requir\u2019d this Addition immediately to follow the Words [convicted thereof] viz. \u201cby a Court Martial, shall suffer Death, or such other Punishment as such Court, by their Sentence or Decree, shall think proper to inflict and pronounce. And be it farther enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That when and so often as it may be necessary, the Governor and Commander in Chief for the Time being, shall appoint and commissionate, under the Great Seal of this Province, sixteen commissioned Officers in each Regiment, with Authority and Power to them or any thirteen of them to hold Courts Martial, of whom a Field Officer shall always be one, and President of the said Court; and such Courts Martial shall and are hereby impowered to administer an Oath to any Witness, in order to the Examination or Trial of any of the Offences which by this Act are made cognizable in such Courts, and shall come before them. Provided always, that in all Trials by a Court-Martial by Virtue of this Act, every Officer present at such Trial, before any Proceedings be had therein, shall take an Oath upon the holy Evangelists, before one Justice of the Peace in the County where such Court is held, who are hereby authorized to administer the same, in the following Words, that is to say; I A. B. do swear, that I will duly administer Justice according to Evidence, and to the Directions of an Act, intituled, An Act for forming and regulating the Militia of the Province of Pennsylvania, without Partiality, Favour or Affection; and that I will not divulge the Sentence of the Court, until it shall be approved of by the Governor or Commander in Chief of this Province for the Time being; neither will I, upon any Account, at any time whatsoever, disclose or discover the Vote or Opinion of any particular Member of the Court Martial. So help me God. And no Sentence of Death, or other Sentence, shall be given against any Offender, but by the Concurrence of Nine of the Officers so sworn. And no Sentence passed against any Offender by such Court Martial shall be put in Execution, until Report be made of the whole Proceedings, to the Governor or Commander in Chief of this Province for the time being, and his Directions signified thereupon.\u201d\nIt is observable here, that by the common Course of Justice, a Man is to be tried by a Jury of his Neighbours and Fellows, impannelled by a Sheriff, in whose Appointment the People have a Choice; the Prisoner too has a Right to challenge twenty of the Pannel, without giving a Reason, and as many more as he can give Reasons for Challenging; and before he can be convicted, the Jury are to be unanimous, they are all to agree that he is guilty, and are therefore all accountable for their Verdict. But by this Amendment, the Jury (if they may be so called) are all Officers of the Governor\u2019s sole Appointing; and not one of them can be challenged; and tho\u2019 a common Militia Man is to be tried, no common Militia Men shall be of that Jury; and so far from requiring all to agree, a bare Majority shall be sufficient to condemn you. And lest that Majority should be under any Check or Restraint, from an Apprehension of what the World might think or say of the Severity or Injustice of their Sentence, an OATH is to be taken, never to discover the Vote or Opinion of any particular Member!\nThese are some of the Chains attempted to be forg\u2019d for you by Proprietary Faction! Who advis\u2019d the G-----r is not difficult to know. They are the very Men, who now clamour at the Assembly for a Proposal of bringing the Trial of a particular Murder to this County, from another where it was not thought safe for any Man to be either Juryman or Witness; and call it disfranchising the People! who are now bawling about the Constitution, and pretending vast Concern for your Liberties! In refusing you the least Means of recommending or expressing your Regard for Persons to be plac\u2019d over you as Officers, and who were thus to be made your Judges in Life and Estate, they have not regarded the Example of the King, our wise as well as kind Master, who in all his Requisitions made to the Colonies, of raising Troops for their Defence, directed that \u201cthe better to facilitate the important Service, the Commissions should be given to such as from their Weight and Credit with the People, may be best enabled to effectuate the Levies.\u201d\n   *See Secretary of State\u2019s Letters in the printed Votes.\n In establishing a Militia for the Defence of the Province, how could the \u201cWeight and Credit\u201d of Men with the People be better discovered, than by the Mode that Bill directed, viz. by a Majority of those that were to be commanded, nominating three for each Office to the Governor of which three he might take the one he lik\u2019d best?\nHowever, the Courts Martial being establish\u2019d, and all of us thus put into his Honour\u2019s absolute Power, the Governor goes on to enhance the Fines and Penalties: Thus in Page 49 of the Bill, where the Assembly had propos\u2019d the Fine to be Ten Shillings, the Governor requir\u2019d it to be Ten Pounds: In Page 50, where a Fine of Five Pounds was mention\u2019d, the Governor\u2019s Amendment required it to be made Fifty Pounds. And in Page 44, where the Assembly had said, \u201cshall forfeit and pay any Sum, not exceeding Five Pounds,\u201d the Governor\u2019s Amendment says, \u201cshall suffer Death, or such other Punishment, as shall, according to the Nature of the Offence, be inflicted by the Sentence of a Court Martial!\u201d\nThe Assembly\u2019s refusing to admit of these Amendments in that Bill, is one of their Offences against the Lord Proprietary, for which that Faction are now abusing them in both the Languages of the Province, with all the Virulence that Reverend Malice can dictate, enforc\u2019d by numberless barefac\u2019d Falshoods, that only the most dishonest and Base would dare to invent, and none but the most Weak and Credulous can possibly believe.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-28-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0104", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Massachusetts House of Representatives Committee, 28 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Massachusetts House of Representatives Committee\nGentlemen,\nPhilada. Sept. 28. 1764\nI received duly your Letter of the 25th. of June, directed to the Speaker of our Assembly; but the House not meeting till the tenth Instant, I could not sooner acquaint you with their Sentiments on the Matters by you recommended to their Consideration. I have now the Pleasure of informing you, that they concur intirely with your Assembly in the Ends you have in View, and in the Means proposed to obtain them. They have accordingly wrote fully to their Agent on the Subject, and directed him to join with the Agent of your and the other Provinces in the Steps to be taken.\nI heartily wish them Success, and have the honour of subscribing myself Gentlemen, Your most obedient &c.\nB F.\nEndorsed: Letter from Boston Assembly 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0105", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Henry Bouquet, 30 September 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Bouquet, Henry\nDear Sir\nPhilada: Sept. 30. 1764\nI have been so totally ocupied with the Sitting of the Assembly and other urgent Affairs, that I could not till now do my self the pleasure of writing to you, since the Receipt of your obliging Favours of Aug. 10. and 22. and a subsequent one relating to Broadstreet\u2019s Peace, of which I think as you do.\nI thank you cordially for so readily complying with my Request. Your Letter was quite full and sufficient, and leaves me nothing to desire by way of Addition, except that if any Letter of yours relating to the present Expedition is like to be seen by the Secretary of State, you would take occasion just to mention me as one ready on that and every other Occasion to promote the Service of the Crown. The Malice and Industry of my Adversaries, have, I find, made these Precautions a little necessary.\nYour Sentiments of our Constitution are solid and just. I am not sure that the Change now attempted will immediately take place, nor am I very anxious about it. But sooner or later it will be effected. And till it is effected, we shall have little internal Quiet in the Administration of our Publick Affairs.\nI have lately receiv\u2019d a Number of new Pamphlets from England and France, among which is a Piece of Voltaire\u2019s on the Subject of Relegious Toleration. I will give you a Passage of it, which being read here at a Time when we are torn to Pieces by Factions religious and civil, shows us that while we sit for our Picture to that able Painter, tis no small Advantage to us, that he views us at a favourable Distance.\n\u201cMais que dirons-nous, dit il, de ces pacifiques Primitifs que l\u2019on a nomm\u00e9s Quakres par d\u00e9rision, et qui avec des usages peut-\u00eatre ridicules, ont \u00e9t\u00e9 si vertueux, et ont enseign\u00e9 inutilement la paix aux reste des hommes? Ils sont en Pensilvanie au nombre de cent mille; la Discorde, la Controverse sont ignorees dans l\u2019heureuse patrie qu\u2019ils se sont faite: et le nom seul de leurville de Philadelphie, quileur rapelle a tout moment que les hommes sont freres, est l\u2019exemple et la honte des peuples qui ne connaissent pas encor la tol\u00e9rance.\u201d\nThe Occasion of his Writing this Trait\u00e9 sur la Tol\u00e9rance, was what he calls \u201cle Meurtre de Jean Calas, commis dans Toulouse avec le glaire[glaive] de la Justice, le 9me Mars 1762?\u201d There is in it abundance of good Sense and sound Reasoning, mix\u2019d with some of those Pleasantries that mark the Author as strongly as if he had affix\u2019d his Name. Take one of them as a Sample. \u201cJ\u2019ai aprens que le Parlement de Toulouse et quelques autres tribunaux, ont une jurisprudence singuliere; ils admettent des quarts, des tiers des sixi\u00e9mes de preuve. Ainsi, avec six ouindire[sic] d\u2019un c\u00f4te, trois de l\u2019autre, et quatre quarti de pr\u00e9somption, ils forment trois preuves compl\u00e9tes; et surcette belle demonstration ils vous rouent un homme sans misericorde. Une l\u00e9g\u00e8re connoissance de l\u2019art de raisonner sufirait pour leur faire prendre une autre m\u00e9thode. Ce qu\u2019on apelle une demipreuve ne peut \u00eatre qu\u2019un soupcon: Il n\u2019y a point, \u00e0 la rigueur, de demi preuve; ou une chose est prouv\u00e9e, ou elle ne l\u2019est pas; il n\u2019y a point de milieu. Cent mille soup\u00e7ons r\u00e9unis ne peuvent pas plus etablir une preuve, que cent mille z\u00e9ros ne peuvent composer un nombre. Il y a des quarts de ton dans la musique, encor ne les peut-on ex\u00e9cuter; mais, il n\u2019y a ni quart de v\u00e9rit\u00e9, ni quart de raisonnement.\u201d\nI send you one of the Pamphlets, Jugement rendue dans l\u2019affaire du Canady, supposing it may be the more agreable to you to see it, as during your War with that Colony you must have been made acquainted with some of the Character concern\u2019d. With the truest Esteem and Affection, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nEndorsed: Mr. Franklin 30th Septr. 1764 Received in Janry 1765Answered 14th March", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0106", "content": "Title: Papers from the Election Campaign, [September 1764]\nFrom: \nTo: \nThe election campaign of 1764 and the events and controversies that preceded it brought forth more political \u201cliterature\u201d than had appeared in any previous year in Pennsylvania\u2019s history. Party lines became sharply drawn, candidates for election to the Assembly were aligned with one faction or another more distinctly than ever before, and supporters of each group rushed to the press with letters to the newspapers, pamphlets, and broadsides, intended to win over the voters to their side and to denounce the leaders of the other party.\nSome of the writers managed to stay clear of personalities and to discuss the central issue on its merits: should Pennsylvania at this time continue to seek a change in government to one directly under the Crown, or should it repudiate the petitions already sent to the King asking for the change? As matters stood, however, personalities became quite as important as policies: the seemingly grasping personality of Thomas Penn, for example; that of his nephew, the young Governor, John Penn; and the personalities and behavior of other proprietary officials and spokesmen, such as William Allen, William Smith, and some Presbyterian ministers; or, on the other hand, those of such Assembly leaders as Joseph Galloway and, above all, Benjamin Franklin.\nDuring the last few weeks of the campaign, people, not principles, appear to have emerged as the most important consideration; predictably the writings, carried about from tavern to tavern and distributed from door to door of the householders, focused increasingly on men, individually or as groups. The anonymous writers seem to have vied with one another as to which could produce the most scurrilous attacks on the characters and the past behavior of their enemies. Sometimes the authors desisted from their attacks just long enough to defend their own leaders, but for the most part the scribblers were merely spurred on to more violent blasts against their opponents.\nWriters on the proprietary side considered Franklin vulnerable on several counts, most of which had little or nothing to do with the issue of a change in government. He was, indeed, charged with wanting royal government because he hoped to be made the first governor under the King. But he was also accused of having secured a handsome income for himself while living at public expense as Assembly agent in England, 1757\u201362. Contrary to the Assembly\u2019s orders, he had invested in British stocks the parliamentary grant for Pennsylvania\u2019s wartime expenses, and had thereby caused the province a substantial loss when he had to sell the stocks on a falling market. To win over the German voters his opponents industriously circulated his unfortunate statement of 1751 in Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind in which he had called these immigrants \u201cPalatine Boors.\u201d And then the fact that he had fathered an illegitimate son (a circumstance which had been no secret in Philadelphia) was sneeringly advanced as a reason for voting against him and his party. A maidservant named Barbara was said to have been William\u2019s mother, and Franklin was accused of cheating her of her wages and, when she died, of consigning her body to an unmarked grave.\nTo reprint in this volume all the writings on both sides that formed a part of this election campaign\u2014or even only those that referred directly to Franklin\u2014would require an amount of space far in excess of what the plan of this series would warrant. So far as firm evidence can be found, everything that Franklin himself wrote for the public from January through September of 1764 has been included in earlier pages of this volume. It is possible that some of the other writings came from his pen, but careful investigation has established nothing more than a mere possibility in the case of any piece not heretofore reproduced. None of these, therefore, can justifiably be called a real part of the Franklin papers.\nYet to pass over in complete silence this considerable body of material would result in failure to give a true picture of what may well be regarded as the most important election campaign of Franklin\u2019s entire career. For this reason a sampling of these writings is presented here\u2014four pieces reproduced in full or in extract, equally divided between the two contending parties. They should convey at least the bitter flavor of the rest.\nNone of the authors of the documents has been certainly identified, and only the first can be precisely dated. Probably the other three appeared at various times during the last six weeks before the election. Two, one from each side, are entirely in prose. The other two employ, wholly or in part, a literary form introduced into the contest by the prefaces to the printed speeches of Dickinson and Galloway. William Smith had composed an epitaph for William Penn, lauding his services and expressing the Pennsylvanians\u2019 gratitude and affection. Franklin had responded in the same \u201cLapidary Stile\u201d with an epitaph for Thomas Penn, but this one was a scathing denunciation of the man and his actions. These effusions caught the fancy of other writers, and \u201cLapidary Characters\u201d quickly attained what one of the authors called \u201ca high Vogue.\u201d As the two examples reprinted here show, however, the imitators took their lead from Franklin, not from Smith, for they employed the device wholly to attack the men they were memorializing. All these epitaphs were originally printed in the manner in which they might have been carved on stone, with lines of varying lengths, each centered in the appropriate space. As reprinted below, however, they are set in solid lines with diagonals to show where the original line breaks came. It is hoped that this method of reproduction will not lessen unduly the impact of their often libelous words.\nITo the Freeholders and ElectorsOf the Province of Pennsylvania.\nFriends and Countrymen,\nThe Day is now approaching, when your free Choice is to determine whether this Province is to continue the miserable Seat of Discord, and its admirable Constitution and Charter be at last sacrificed to private Ambition and personal Rancor; or whether, by delegating your Powers to Persons of known Independency, attached to our Constitution, and free from all Party-Animosity, we shall at length be restored to our wonted Peace and Prosperity.\nWords would fail me to recount all the self-interested Views and wicked Purposes of a few Men who, having been chosen your Servants, now aspire to become your perpetual Masters. You have too long suffered and bled under their Misconduct to stand in Need of such a Recapitulation. [To provide a parallel the writer here quotes at considerable length from a speech by Memmius recorded by Sallust and indicates that he could apply it \u201c(too closely, alas!) line by line, to our own State!\u201d]\nThis last Attempt to change our Government and deliver up our Charter, had we no other Charge against them, is enough to make the Cup of their political Iniquity run over. It is so base in its Nature and Circumstances, that dropping the Multitude of other Matters against them, I shall confine the Remainder of my Arguments chiefly to this Point.\nFirst then I would observe that it was by pretending a sovereign Regard to our Liberties and Privileges that these men first got themselves recommended to Power. With the Cry of our Constitution and Charter-Rights constantly in their Mouths, they fixed themselves in their Seats, and enriched themselves at our Expence. But when they thought they could enrich themselves yet farther, and were become too great for Opposition, their cry became\u2014\u201cdown with the Charter and Constitution,\u201d as the useless Scaffolding and Lumber about a Building. The Detail of their Conduct in this Matter is worth observing.\nBy trifling Disputes, industriously and virulently worked up almost beyond a Possibility of Reconciliation, the chief Projector of this Scheme, got himself appointed on an Embassy to England. While he was employed there, his trusty Associates here, to keep them in humour, had the Management of our publick Treasure, to purchase unjust Laws of a corrupt Governor, each securing to himself a lucrative Post.\n   *Mr. G-----y is a provincial Commissioner and got a lucrative Office, torn from the grey Hairs of an old Man, by the re-emitting Act.\n   Mr. F-----x got the Office of Barrack-Master, had the particular Patronage of Indians committed to him, and the Fingering their Presents, and is a Provincial Commissioner also. Some lesser Members got lesser Matters, some embezzled the public Money and died vast Sums in the Province Debt.\n   Mr. H-----hs got a most profitable Office by the Act for recording Warrants and Surveys; was made a Provincial Commissioner and a Judge; and from a poor B-----r, soon became a very great Man; by the Possession of these old Papers, and the help of his Associate the Lawyer, trumping up Titles to immense Tracts of Land that has been long possessed and honestly paid for, by many poor industrious Men. When this Law was repealed by his Majesty, and the Transcripts which this Man had made of the old Warrants, were ordered by the Assembly to be put into sealed Chests and lodged in their Library Room, the Seals were soon after broken by some body, and such Papers taken out as were tho\u2019t necessary. These Papers and some others found in an old Chest belonging to Thoms Holmes, are like to be more fatal than Pandora\u2019s Box to many good Men.\n   And here I could unfold such a Tale, and lay open such a Combination\u2014\u2014But I will wait a little, hoping these Men will be led by their own Conscience, if they have any, to fly from our public Affairs, and trouble their Country no longer. Besides the Time for making the right Use of these trumped up Titles is not yet quite come. Mr. H-----hs\u2019s Associates are not yet in full Power. Mr. G-----y is not yet chief Justice, nor Mr. F-----n Governor and high Chancellor of Pennsylvania.\n Nor did our Treasures suffer less from our Ambassador in England; for after spending us immense Sums there, for several Years, he at last returned, leaving the Province in deeper Disgrace than he found it, as well with his Majesty and his Ministers, as with the Nation in general. And well were it for this poor injured Province, if these were the worst Effects of his Embassy. But if we may believe the dark Hints he has lately thrown out,  both in Assembly and out of it, he entered (while eating our very Bread) into bargain for the Sale of our Charter, and received Encouragement in it from some great Men, whom he says he is not at Liberty to mention, but you may take his Word for the Truth of it. The Price of this Bargain on his Part, must no doubt have been the Government of the Province to himself, and a Security of high Offices to his Associates already mentioned. But they must have been some second or third rate great Men, who would enter into such a foolish bargain as this, and did not know that tho\u2019 our great Projector be Lord of the People of Pennsylvania, and could give away their Charter, yet there is another Charter in the Way, over which he has no power. That they must have been great Men of this Stamp, we cannot doubt, since it is well known, (and shall be made appear before we conclude) that his Majesty\u2019s present Ministers look with the utmost indignation, as well upon this unwarrantable attempt to break thro\u2019 our Charter, as upon the scandalous Resolves that led to it.\n[Here the writer devoted approximately 2000 words to a review of the controversy over the interpretation of the Privy Council stipulation on taxation of the Proprietors\u2019 located but unimproved lands, of the petition for a change in government, and of related events. He cited William Allen as having quoted Richard Jackson\u2019s opinion that to buy out the proprietary rights of government would cost at least \u00a3100,000 and that the colony would be expected to pay this sum since the change was to be made at its request.]\nAnd who are these Men who have thus endeavoured to trample on our Charter Rights, and to scandalize the good People of this Province? They are all known sufficiently; and I doubt not but the same Pen, that dignified the poor Germans with the Appellation of \u201cBoors Herding Together\u201d\n   *See a Paper in an English Magazine Signed B---- F-----n.\n did likewise draw these shameful Instructions [to Jackson regarding the petition]. His old Friends and his new Allies have alike shared his abuse. He has before now held up his Hands in passing the Quaker-Meeting, and declared that more Mischief was hatched in that Place than in a meeting of Jesuits at St. Omers. And he made it his late Boast, that he has wholly destroyed the Quaker Principles, and got the Government of them, by setting the Sons against the Fathers, and the Fathers against the Sons. And certainly he has Room to make this Boast, if it be true that he has brought any Number of them into a Party, to overset a Constitution which their Fathers built up with so much Care. We find the serious Part of them, at their late Meeting have openly disavowed the Attempt to change our Government; and we shall know more of their Sentiments upon this matter, on the Day of Election.\n[The paper concludes with an extended appeal to \u201ccrush this base faction\u201d and elect the members of the opposing ticket. The names of the preferred candidates from Philadelphia County and City are listed and several of them singled out for praise and approbation.]\nIITo the Freeholders and other Electors for the City and County of Philadelphia, and Counties of Chester and Bucks.\nGentlemen,\nThe first of October, 1764, being the anniversary Day for electing Members of Assembly, &c. That great and important Day, big with the Fate of your Country. You will therefore deliberately determine, whether you will chuse for Representatives, those honest and firm Freemen who have faithfully served you a great Number of Years; whether you will refuse to be advised by your old Friends, and turn out those zealous Supporters of your Rights and Privileges, or whether you will adopt the Measures of P--------y Officers, and their Tools, and make an almost total Change of the late Members of Assembly; for it seems these Enemies to your Welfare propose to have but three of the old Members continued. As there are two Parties, we find that each of them, to gain your Votes and Interest, profess a zealous Concern for the preservation of the Rights and Privileges of the good People of this Province. It is therefore incumbent on us, as your faithful Friends, to give you an Account of the Conduct and present Views of the Party for the new Ticket, that you may judge for yourselves, and not be deceived. Let us then intreat you to review for a Moment, their former Transactions.\nAmong them you will find, almost to a Man, the People that opposed the Friends of the Constitution, when they in a peaceable Manner came to vote at the Knock down Election, in the year 1742, by encouraging an armed Mob, whom they afterwards, in the Face of the Inhabitants of this City, screen\u2019d from Punishment, altho\u2019 they had knock\u2019d down and wounded many of the worthiest Men of this Province, whose Lives were from thence in great Danger.\nThe same Men who encouraged the wantonly inlisting and robbing you of your Servants, in the two last Wars, and billeting Soldiers on private Houses, are all for the new Ticket.\nThe same Men who have left no Stone unturned to blacken and abuse the former Assemblies, for the noble stand they made, in contending that the Proprietaries Estate should be tax\u2019d in the same just and equal Manner with those of the Peoples, are to a Man for the new Ticket.\nThe same Men who to recommend themselves to the P--------rs, by screening their enormous Estates from being taxed by a Law, meanly offer\u2019d to pay their Tax out of their own Pockets, these are all of them for the new Ticket.\nThe same great Men, and their Creatures, who have been of late Years continually using their Interest and Arguments against our having Paper Money continued to us, and that you shou\u2019d pay more of it to them for one Shilling Sterling Money, that to other People, are all of them for the new Ticket.\nThe same Men who supported the P--------s in the iniquitous Scheme of getting one Hundred Thousand Pounds of Paper Money, condemned by the King in Council, in your Hands, that you might be deprived of so much of your Property, and thereby be the more easily reduced to P--------y Slavery, which would have been done, had not your worthy Agent Benjamin Franklin, Esq; averted the fatal Blow, by pledging his own Fortune to indemnify the P--------s from an ill-grounded Suspicion of Injustice, said to be intended by you against them.\u2014All these Men are for the new Ticket.\nThe same Men who advocated and palliated the horrid Crimes of the Paxton Rioters, murdering in cool Blood, the Indians at Conestogo Manor, and at Lancaster, and in their marching to this City, all are to a Man for the new Ticket.\nThose who contend that without any regard to their Numbers, or the Proportion of the public Tax they pay, each of the back Counties, should have as many Members to represent them as either of the three old populous and wealthy Counties of Philadelphia, Bucks and Chester,\u2014these are to a Man for the new Ticket.\nThe People holding Commissions of all Sorts, depending on the mere Will and Pleasure of the P--------s, from the C\u2014 J\u2014 down to the Nine-penny Justice, a few upright worthy Souls excepted, whose Spirits cannot brook being the despicable Tools to the Party, some of whom have even by S----h and Al-ss-n had Hints of the Loss of their Commissions, for refusing to do as they bid them, while those irreverend Gentlemen have behaved as if they had Commissions of the Peace at their Command, as much as they have Marriage Licenses;\u2014all these Men are for the new Ticket.\nParson S----h, and his Supporters, who wrote the Brief State, and Brief View Pamphlets, published in London some Years ago, blackening the Characters of you and your Representatives, in the most impudent and base Manner, in order to deprive you of your Privileges and aggrandize the Proprietaries on your Ruin, all these are for the new Ticket.\nThe Corporation of the City of Philadelphia, from the M-y-r down to the lowest Common Council Man (a few worthy Souls excepted) are none of them chose by the Freeholders of the City, but are generally by Directions of some great Man or Men, whom we have before pointed out. They are elected chiefly to answer the Purpose of constantly opposing the Rights and Privileges of you and your Representatives; wherefore they are become so despicable and odious to their Fellow Citizens, to whom they never account for the large Sums they raise by Rent of the Market Stalls, Ferries, free Wharffs, Vendue Master\u2019s Place, &c.\u2014a Revenue of at least three Thousand Pounds a Year\u2014that they are convinced the Electors in this City, who know them, will not take their Tickets, and therefore \u2019tis on you that they expect to impose them. \u2014Of these Men beware,\u2014as they are all Enemies to the old Assembly, and to a Man are for the new Ticket.\nThe P--------y Officers have kept the Land-Office shut, to the great Injury of the industrious Farmer, while they, and certain great Men and their Dependents, have taken up prodigious large Tracts of the best Land; some of which they have immediately sold, at very exhorbitant Rates, and by their baseness and Injustice, have prevented the quick Settlement of the Province, and compell\u2019d Thousands of Families to settle in other Places.\u2014Beware therefore of these Engrossers, for they are all for the new Ticket.\n[The paper goes on, at almost the same length again, to list and describe some of the views of the supporters of the \u201cnew Ticket\u201d and some of the measures they plan to get enacted if they win control of the next Assembly. The writer specifically mentions schemes of general injustice and others prejudicial to the people of the city and the three oldest counties.]\nIII\nWhat is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander. Being A small Touch in the Lapidary Way. Or Tit for Tat, in your own Way. An Epitaph On a certain great Man. Written by a departed Spirit and now Most humbly inscrib\u2019d to all his dutiful Sons and Children, Who may hereafter chose to distinguish him by the Name of A Patriot. Philadelphia, printed in Arch-Street 1764.\nAn Epitaph &C.\nTO the much esteem\u2019d Memory of / B------F------Esq; L. L. D; / The only man of his day / In Pennsylvania, / Or perhaps of any age or in any country, / Whose ingrate Disposition and Badness of Heart / (These enormous Vices) / Ever introduced to / Popularity. / As he was the first Philosopher / Who, contrary to any known System, discovered / How to maltreat his / Patrons / Without Cause, / And be angry without Reason, / He may be justly styl\u2019d / A stupenduously surprizing / And a Great Man. / By assuming the merit / Of other mens discoveries, / He obtain\u2019d the name of / A Philosopher. / By meanly begging and some Times buying / Honorary Degrees, / From several Colleges and Universities, / He obtain\u2019d the Character of / A Man of Learning. / From an early Desire, that portended / Greatness, / Implanted in his original / Stamina. / To have Power lodged / In his own Hands, / He most tyranically opposed, / And even insulted / The highest order of Men. / And by an Address, peculiar to himself, / He found the Way to climb to Promotion / Upon the Shoulders of Friends / Whom a few Years before / He proposed to, and even boasted that he would, Ruin. / Thus, rising by degrees / From the meanest Circumstances / To a Politican of the first Magnitude, / He became perfectly acquainted / With every Zig Zag Machination, / And triming\n   *Although we would not tire our Readers with a train of Circumstances, yet the following instances of the Great Doctor\u2019s Triming we are oblig\u2019d to mention, out of pure Respect to Truth, which some of his Advocates, at Times, do not seem to Venerate sufficiently.\n   It can be made appear upon Oath, That when the Counties of York and Berks were set off, and were contrary to Charter allow\u2019d but one or two Representatives a piece. Mr. F.------said, in Vindication of the Measure, \u201cThat a Majority of Dutch lived in those Counties, it was not proper to allow them to sit in the Assembly in an English Government.\u201d\n   At another Time, in a Piece that he published in the Gentleman\u2019s Magazine, concerning peopling the Colonies, He loudly complains \u201cThat so many Palatine Boors are suffered to swarm into our Settlements, and by herding together, establish their Language and Manners,\u201d And yet he pretends to be the Friend and Patron of those people.\n   It is also well known, that he once proposed to a very considerable Gentleman in this City, that they should Unite in Order to demolish the Quakers entirely; and he never forgave that Gentleman for refusing him. Even when he was last in England, tho\u2019 supported by the Influence of those very People, He privately made a Merit of it, That he had effectually put an End to their growth in this province.\n Contrivance, / Peculiar to that Science. / Quick as the Flashes of Lightning, / Darted from a Cloud, / He would sometimes level / All Distinctions, / Pull down the very Walls / Of Power, / And fatally destroy the Safeguards / Of Justice. / Blasting with the same Breath, / Every necessary Subordination; / And sitting [sic] at nought the Executors / Of Law and Order. / But in finally aiming to overturn / The best of Governments, / And dispossess the People of / Their Charter Rights, / And inestimable Privileges, / He fell beneath Himself, a lingering Martyr. / To the Loss of popular Applause; / Oh mortifying Consideration! / Yet studious and artfull, tho\u2019 conscious / of his Guilt, / He struggled hard, but in Vain, / To screen his Sins / From the Sight of the People; / While, with an Effrontery surprising, / He loudly bellow\u2019d and vehemently complain\u2019d / That Magistracy, / Which he had trampled on and Wounded, / Was impotent and feeble. / Possessed of many lucrative / Offices; / Procured to him by the Interest of Men / Whom he infamously treated. / And receiving enormous Sums / from the Province, / For Services / He never performed; / After betraying it to Party and Contention, / He lived, as to the Appearance of Wealth, / In moderate Circumstances. / His principal Estate, seeming to consist, / Till very lately, / In his Hand Maid Barbara / A most valuable Slave, / The Foster-Mother / Of his last Offspring, / Who did his dirty Work,\u2014 / And in two Angelic Females, / Whom Barbara also served, / As Kitchen Wench and Gold Finder.\n   *We are sorry to give the Reader trouble, but if he will be pleased to consult Dyche\u2019s English Dictionary for his first Definition of Gold-Finder, it will Convey that very Idea which we have of the old Women [sic] Barbara, the Drs. Hand Maid. Tho\u2019 we cannot help confessing that some Authors have positively asserted that Barbara is that Species of Animal which the Marylanders call a Powne, the Scots a Gallowe: and the English by some other Name. However it be, Posterity are welcome to decide the Controversy.\n/ But alas the Loss! / Providence for wise, tho\u2019 secret Ends, / Lately depriv\u2019d him of the Mother / Of Excellency. / His Fortune was not however impair\u2019d, / For he piously witheld from her / Manes, / The pitiful Stipend of Ten Pounds per Annum, / On which he had cruelly suffered her / To Starve; / Then stole her to the Grave, in Silence, / Without a Pall, the Covering due to her Dignity, / Without a Groan, a Sigh or a Tear. / Without a Tomb, or even / A Monumental Inscription. / Reader behold this striking Instance of / Human Depravity and Ingratitude; / An irrefragable Proof, / That neither the Capital Services / Of Friends, / Nor the attracting Favours of the Fair, / Can fix the Sincerity of a Man, / Devoid of Principles and / Ineffably mean; / Whose Ambition is / Power; / And whose Intention is / Tyrany / Remember then O Friends and Freemen, / And be intreated to consider, / That in the howling Wilderness / When we would guard ourselves against / The covered Wolves of the Forest, or / The stinging Snakes of the Mountains, / Our Maxim should be / Beware of taking them to our / Bosoms. / Finis.\nIV\nThe Scribbler, Being a Letter From a Gentleman in Town To his Friend in the Country, concerning the present State of Public Affairs; with a Lapidary Character (n.p., 1764).\nA Letter, &C.\nSir,\nThe pleasant laconic Manner, in which you have sometimes accounted for the many Divisions, that have rent this unhappy Province, has never struck me with so much Conviction as of late. The Knavery of a few, and the Folly of many are now so apparent, as not to escape the notice of the most common unprejudiced Understanding: And it is really amazing as well as affecting, to see what iniquitous and silly Arts, the designing Few, notwithstanding all their pretensions to Wisdom and Goodness, make use of to deceive and inflame the Crowd.\n[The Proprietors have for many years been \u201cwresting from the People their Charter-Rights and Privileges\u201d and the people \u201chave not only seen these practices, and designs in their proper Colours \u2026 but have likewise abhorred the Men, who pursued them.\u201d The only solution is to seek a change in government when the proper moment comes, and our representatives have concluded that that moment has arrived.] Those who hold Offices under a Proprietary Governor, those who have gathered Estates, and those who still expect to make their Fortunes under Proprietary favour resolve to think otherwise: \u2026 These State-Jobbers, fearing on a Change that the Posts of Honour, and Profit will be disposed of by a Royal Governor only to Men of Merit, seem prodigiously averse to it: and it is difficult for you, who are buried in the obscurity and quiet of a Country-Life, to conceive what a Racket they make to prevent it. [They have circulated a counter-petition; are trying \u201cwith might and main, to force out of the House\u201d all the members who promoted the first petition; and have \u201cwrote, and lied, and swore that the Assembly were all Quaker Politicians\u201d and that they themselves were the \u201cChampions of Liberty.\u201d]\n \u2026 And such innocent Arrogance might be past over with a laugh, if they had stopt here [but the people would not believe them, so] their ill Success has transported them to personal Abuse. So long as the Characters of a Pliny and a Sejanus are not grossly misrepresented, there will be a striking contrast: while a F-------n continues to support the Rights of his Constituents, it will be impossible for servile Minions to destroy his popular and good Name. They must have recourse to the base Means of every sinking Cause, groundless Slander: this is an easier Task, and better suits their Genius; for those Polithicks [sic], which have their Foundations in Scurrility and Lies, require no great deal of Finess. Every Parrot is able to prate Rogue and Whore.\nIt happened unluckily for the Cause of Liberty, that Mr. F------n once wrote a small Essay on the increase of Mankind, and the peopling of Countries; which was published nine years since in the Gentleman\u2019s Magazine. In that Piece with great justice he observed, that the vast number of Germans who flocked into this Province settled together in particular Parts of it; and established their own Customs and Language to the exclusion of ours. For this and some other obvious Reasons, the P--y Faction have chosen to single him out, as the most proper Person to discharge their Artillery against, and without any regard to decency or Truth have they attacked him. In short, from the tall Knaves of Wealth and Power, to the sneaking Underlings of Corruption, they seem to a Man like Annibal jurati ad aras, sworn to load him with all the Filth,\n   *See an Epitaph called Tit for Tat.\n and Virulence that the basest Heads and basest Hearts can suggest. \u2026\nSee, much esteemed Sir, what it is to be conspicuous! Your noble Spirit, and the Truths which you have told, have drawn upon you much Malice, and many Lies. You cannot be answered, and therefore \u2019tis fit to abuse you. Your Slanderers are indeed for the most Part sufficiently contemptible: But it is worth considering who set them at work, and what palpable Falshoods, and gross Nonsense the poor Creatures are taught to utter.\nTo begin with those, who have no other Reason to say an unkind word of you, but envy of your superior Abilities. There are but few Men who are pleased with the Excellencies of others; vulgar Souls are provoked by them. Great Sir, you have galloped away so far before this Class of your Enemies to the Goal of Honour, that the poor Vermin conscious of their own Heaviness, can do nothing but crawl after you at a great Distance, and curse you.\nBut there are others who have more cause to complain. You have discharged all the Duties of a Parent to your Offspring; you and your Children may reciprocally delight in the Connection. The good Education of your only Son has made him worthy the notice of his Sovereign. To his hands have been committed the Reins of\u2014\u2014permit me to say, that I do not mean a Chariot\u2014\u2014But an Honourable Government; which he directs with care to the Subject, and glory to his Royal Master. Here you shine and rejoice in the Character of a Father; while the illegitimate Progeny of your Adversaries are so numerous so scandalous and so neglected, that the only Concern of the Parents is least their unhappy By-Blows should commit Incest.\n[Further encomiums on Franklin and his public services follow.] Lastly you have, as with an electrical Charge shock\u2019d the Sensibility of those profane Blockheads, who dared to touch your Lightning. Hence, what do they say? faith I don\u2019t know, except that \u201cPowne and Gallowe\u201d are synonymous Terms. \u2026\n[The writer here went into the exploitation of the passage on the \u201cPalatine Boors,\u201d declaring that Franklin\u2019s enemies have dispersed \u201ccarloads of pamphlets,\u201d but they fail to point out that William Smith\u2019s Brief State (which had also attacked the Germans) \u201cis still in being, an irrefragible proof of their Insincerity.\u201d Smith had called the Germans disloyal subjects and \u201ca proud brutal Mob.\u201d The writer then devoted five pages to an attack on the Presbyterian clergy essentially because of their opposition to the petition to the King and their support of the proprietary party.]\nYou have now Sir, the best Account of the Conduct of our P-----y Partisans, and their Auxiliaries that my present Circumstances permit me to give you. It is very imperfect; yet may serve to acquaint you that, altho\u2019 the Friends of Liberty struggle hard to throw off the galling Yoke of Tyrrany; there are some selfish Wretches, who for private Advantages wish to continue under it; and others who from base, uncertain Views, are ready to act as Understrappers to that venal Tribe. I remain, &c.\nAs Lapidary Characters are now in high Vogue, I send you one for your amusement: There were a great Number of Incidents at Hand, but I have selected only a few of the most striking.\n  In Memory / Of the ill-thought of, and much disesteem\u2019d / W\u2014 S\u2014 / Who by an incessant perseverence / In all the growling Arts / Of a consumate Sycophant, / By the dint of indefatigable Lying, / And Back-biting at one Party, and / A servile fawning and cringing to another, / Has brought himself to the secret Scorn of his Friends, / As well as the more open contempt of Others. / This Irreverent Parson, / Work\u2019d thro\u2019 many difficulties to arrive at / The Pinnacle of Publick Odium. / The perpetual Operations of a sinister cunning, / A brazen Effront\u2019ry / And an unparrellel\u2019d Impudence, / A superior Uniformity in Knavery, / And a Tongue bick\u2019ring with slander / Join\u2019d to a Heart bloated with infernal Malice, / Have been the noxious Clues / Which have convey\u2019d him thro\u2019 the Labyrinth / Of an obscure Birth, / Drain\u2019d of his primary penurious Blood, / And enabl\u2019d him to surmount his / Original abject Circumstances. / The Unhappy Father / Of this / Ordain\u2019d Image of Insincerity, / Was a poor, but as it is said, an honest Blacksmith; / He gave his Son some Learning, / (According to the custom, even of the poorest of his Country,) / And as it has unfortunately turn\u2019d out, / Sent him abroad to be a Ch at. / A few Years ago, he came a Raw-stripling / Into a neighbor\u2019ing Government; / And was hous\u2019d by a Gentleman there; / Who allow\u2019d him a Stipend of / Twenty Pounds, Currency per Annum, / For taking care of his Children. / He began presently after his Arrival to discover / That promptitude to Party Feuds, / Which seems to be inherent in his blood, / And which has so greatly distinguish\u2019d him since. / When he first sojourn\u2019d in this City, / He made his Court / To some of the Principle Gentlemen in it, / By assuring them a Portion in the skies, / Bepraising them in a lard of Poetry \n   *When gentle H-lt-n shall grace our Skies,\u00a0And with A-ll-n, P-t-rs, F--kl--n rise.\u2003\u2003\u2003A Poem on visiting the Academy\n / One of which Gentlemen, he has since perceiv\u2019d, / To be \u201cineffably mean\u201d / Instead of a Sky-Lark. / And as a suitable Return for his / Pristine Civilities, / Has overwhelm\u2019d him in a torrent of infamous abuse. / The Gentleman who has been thus grossly treated / Being the original Promoter of / That Institution, / Which has been the Creation of this ungrateful / Defamer; / And enabl\u2019d him to rise on / The Stilts of Academical Dignity. / He was early taken notice of / By the Ass-----bly of this Province, / They being under the necessity of ordering him / To Goal, / For his forward Impertinence to them. / Besides a long and regular series of blackening Lies / In England as well as America, / (Venomous as from the Tooth of a Serpent.) / It is notorious that in / This City, he added P------- to his Character. / He has also discovered the strange perturbations, / And strong Itchings to Illegal V----y. / He once asserted in a Work\n   *American M--g--ne\n of his / Concernment, / Of a Gentleman of establish\u2019d Reputation / In the literary World, / That he had usurp\u2019d the Honour of some discoveries / In natural Philosophy, of which, he was not / The Author, but another Gentleman was. / By which other Gentleman the falsity of that Assertion / Was immediately afterwards publickly avow\u2019d. / And he now again repeats / With a consummate Assurance, / That Lye which has been heretofore so totally o\u2019erthrown. / His depraved Example, / Has been instrumental, / In corrupting almost / The whole Body of P--sts of another Community / In this Province. / Egg\u2019d on by his dual Tricks, / Till they have expos\u2019d Themselves to Public Ridicule; / By quitting their Parsonic gravity, / For the preposterous Employment / of State Politicasters. / Imperious as tho\u2019 he were a Sovereign, / Does this highstomach\u2019d Pedagogue, / Carry himself to his Equals and Inferiors, / But before his proud Superiors, opinionated as he is, / He sinks low! / And then / No sneaking Parasite can more pliantly / Buckle, flatter and fawn. / Oh! disdainful Reader! / If thou art mov\u2019d with this, / Imagine not that no Service or Instruction / Is to be gain\u2019d from such a Character. / It may convince Thee, that / Neither the Surplice, Gown nor Band, / Not the composing of flatulent Preachments, / Nor the Head devoted to Sanctity / By the venerable Hand of a B---p, / Not the pompous appellation of / D.D. / Can command our Love or Respect, / To a Man, that is / A Stranger to Godliness and devoid of Piety / And in whom no Vestige appears of / Grace, Truth or Honesty. / Finis.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0107", "content": "Title: Election Results in Philadelphia County, 1764 [1\u20133 October 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThe county elections for members of the Assembly and for local officers took place on Monday, Oct. 1, 1764, and those for representatives from the city on the following day. Both parties put up full tickets for election to the Assembly. The \u201cOld Ticket\u201d (representing what was often called the Quaker Party) supported for county representatives Isaac Norris, Joseph Richardson, Joseph Fox, John Hughes, Joseph Galloway, Rowland Evans, Plunket Fleeson, and Benjamin Franklin, and for city representatives Franklin and, apparently, Samuel Rhoads. Franklin was thus a candidate for election in both the county and the city, an arrangement permissible under the rules. The \u201cNew Ticket\u201d (drawn up by supporters of the Proprietors and other opponents of the petition to the King) was printed in full in the Supplement to the Pennsylvania Journal, Sept. 27, 1764. It included for representatives from the county, Isaac Norris, Joseph Richardson, John Dickinson, Amos Strettell, Henry Keppele, Frederick Antes, Henry Harrison, and Henry Pawling, and from the city, Thomas Willing (the outgoing mayor) and George Bryan.\nComparison of these lists shows that two men were nominated on both county slates: Norris, the respected speaker and long-time spokesman for the Quaker faction in the Assembly, who had nevertheless expressed grave misgivings over the proposal to change the form of government; and Richardson, who had likewise been hesitant about the petition but appears not to have stood by the minority opponents in the Assembly on the final votes. Probably neither faction wished to insult Norris by leaving him off its list, while both hoped that Richardson would support them in the months to come. There was therefore a total of fourteen candidates for the eight seats.\nElection day in Philadelphia was strenuous. The fullest surviving account of what occurred is in a letter from Charles Pettit, a merchant of Trenton and Philadelphia, to his brother-in-law, Joseph Reed, the later Revolutionary statesman, then a student at the Middle Temple in London. Under date of Nov. 3, 1764, Pettit wrote in part: \u201cThe poll was opened about 9 in the morning, the 1st of October, and the steps so crowded, till between 11 and 12 at night, that at no time a person could get up in less than a quarter of an hour from his entrance at the bottom, for they could go no faster than the whole column moved. About 3 in the morning, the advocates for the new ticket moved for a close, but (O! fatal mistake!) the old hands kept it open, as they had a reserve of the aged and lame, which could not come in the crowd, and were called up and brought out in chairs and litters, &c., and some who needed no help, between 3 and 6 o\u2019clock, about 200 voters. As both sides took care to have spies all night, the alarm was given to the new ticket men; horsemen and footmen were immediately dispatched to Germantown, &c., and by 9 or 10 o\u2019clock they began to pour in, so that after the move for a close, 7 or 800 votes were procured; about 500 or near it of which were for the new ticket, and they did not close till 3 in the afternoon, and it took them till 1 next day to count them off.\n\u201cThe new ticket carried all but Harrison and Antis, and Fox and Hughes came in their room; but it is surprising that from upwards of 3900 votes, they shou\u2019d be so near each other. Mr. Willing and Mr. Bryan were elected Burgesses by a majority of upwards of 100 votes, tho\u2019 the whole number was but about 1300. Mr. Franklin died like a philosopher. But Mr. Galloway agonized in Death, like a Mortal Deist, who has no Hopes of a Future Existence. \u2026 A number of squibs, quarters, and half sheets, were thrown among the populace on the day of election, some so copious as to aim at the general dispute, and others, more confined, to Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Galloway, with now and then a skit at the Doctor, but these had little or no effect.\u201d\nNo tabulation of the votes in the city election has been found, and Pettit\u2019s statement above of the plurality by which Willing and Bryan won the two city seats is the best approximation of the figures which has been located. For the Philadelphia County election, on the other hand, there survives among Franklin\u2019s papers a single sheet in his hand giving the totals for all candidates except those for county commissioner. This paper is printed in full below.\nEach elector was entitled to vote for eight representatives, though he might vote for fewer if he wished. Analysis of Franklin\u2019s tabulation shows that 30,911 votes were cast for the office of assemblyman from the county. Since Norris, running on both tickets, received 3874 votes, it is certain that the total number of those who went to the polls was not less than that figure. Probably he was a unanimous, or nearly unanimous, choice. If everyone who voted for him had also voted for seven other candidates, then at least 27,118 votes would have been divided among the remaining thirteen nominees. Their actual total, however, was 27,037, or 81 votes less. It becomes apparent, therefore, that a few scattered individuals failed to record choices of as many candidates as they might have done. The vote for Norris, whether or not it was unanimous, confirms Pettit\u2019s statement that \u201cupwards of 3900\u201d citizens of the county went to the polls in 1764\u2014certainly a record-breaking figure.\nThe vote for Joseph Richardson, also running on both tickets, was 26 less than that for Norris. When his ballots are similarly deducted, there remain 23,189 to be divided among twelve other men, or an average of 1932 plus. The highest vote recorded among these twelve actively competing candidates was the 2030 cast for Dickinson; the lowest was the 1884 given to Fleeson. This difference of only 146 between high and low, when nearly 3900 voters were involved, attests to the general closeness of the election. It is clear, nevertheless, that the voters in Philadelphia County definitely favored the \u201cNew Ticket.\u201d Aside from the two uncontested candidates named on both slates, the party favorable to the Proprietors elected four candidates to the Quaker Party\u2019s two. And the \u201cNew Ticket\u201d party added two more seats in the Assembly when both its candidates for the city seats won that election. Franklin himself suffered humiliation not only by having his arch-opponent Dickinson lead the list among all the real competitors in the county vote and by losing both elections himself, but by seeing his own name next to last on the entire county list.\nElsewhere the proprietary group was proportionately less successful. It re-elected its two supporters in Cumberland County, two in York, and one in Lancaster. It gained one certain vote in Northampton and a somewhat uncertain one in Bucks, but it made no other inroads. It came nowhere near to winning a majority of the seats in the entire House. During the October sitting of the new Assembly seven motions arose on matters connected in one way or another with the petition for a change in government or with the appointment of Franklin as co-agent with Jackson, which were sufficiently controversial as to lead to the recording in the minutes of each member\u2019s vote. Speaker Norris, of course, did not vote on any of the three occasions before he resigned from the chair, October 24, and he seems not to have attended thereafter. The choice of Joseph Fox as Norris\u2019 successor deprived the majority of one consistent vote. There were occasional absences or abstentions, and one member, Joseph Wright of Lancaster County, never appeared during this session. The total number of votes cast ranged between 30 and 32 and those cast by the proprietary supporters varied between 10 and 12. Richardson, elected without a contest, voted four times with the majority and three times with the minority. Peter Shepherd, a new member from Bucks County, voted once with the Quaker Party, then twice with the proprietary supporters, then\u2014perhaps discouraged\u2014disappeared from the session. Most curiously, Henry Pawling, one of the winning candidates on the \u201cNew Ticket,\u201d voted consistently all seven times with the old guard majority. Proportionately the highest point the Proprietors\u2019 supporters reached in this series of votes was on the last one, when they were defeated 18 to 12 with 6 elected members not voting. In their best showing, therefore, they had 40 percent of the votes cast. They gained considerable strength in the House by this election, but they were unable to change the official policy of the Assembly. Their major victory was a personal one: the elimination of Franklin and Galloway from the membership.\nAssembly\nCounty Assessors\nIsaac Norris\n  Barnaby Barnes\nJoseph Richardson\n  Jacob Umsted\nJohn Dickinson\n  John Bowman\nJoseph Fox\n  Andrew Bankson\nHenry Pawlin\n  Josh Stamper\nHenry Keppele\n  Matthias Holston\nAmos Strettle\nJohn Hughes\nHenry Harrison\nJoseph Galloway\nFrederick Antis\nRowland Evans\nBenjn. Franklin\nPlunkett Fleeson\nSheriffs\nWm Parr\nJohn Biddle\nCor[oner]s\nCaleb Cash\nJohn Luken", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0108", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Rhode Island Assembly Committee, [8 October 1764]\nFrom: Rhode Island Assembly Committee\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir,\n[October 8, 1764]\nWe being appointed a Committee by the General Assembly of the Colony of Rhode-Island, to correspond, confer and consult with any Committee or Committees that are or shall be appointed by any of the British Colonies on the Continent, and in Concert with them, to prepare and form such Representations of the Condition of the Colonies, the Rights of the Inhabitants, and the Interests of Great-Britain, as connected with them, as may be most likely to be effectual to remove or alleviate the Burthens which the Colonists at present labour under, and to prevent new Ones being added.\nThe Impositions already laid on the Trade of these Colonies, must have very fatal Consequences. The Act in Embryo, for establishing Stamp Duties, if effected, will further drain the People, and strongly point out their Servitude: And the Resolution of the House of Commons (that they have a Right to tax the Colonies) if carried into Execution, will leave us nothing to call our own. How far the united Endeavours of all the Colonies might tend to prevent those Evils, cannot be determined; but certain it is worth their While to try every Means in their Power, to preserve every Thing they have worth preserving.\nZealous to do all we can, in a Business of so much Importance, more especially as the Colony that employs us seems heartily disposed to exert its utmost Efforts to preserve its Privileges inviolate, looking on this as the critical Conjuncture when they must be effectually defended, or finally lost; we have given you the Trouble of this Address, desiring to be informed whether your Colony hath taken these Matters under Consideration; and if it hath, what Methods have been thought of, as most conducive to bring them to a happy Issue.\nIf all the Colonies were disposed to enter with Spirit into the Defence of their Liberties; if some Method could be hit upon for collecting the Sentiments of each Colony, and for uniting and forming the Substance of them all into one common Defence of the whole; and this sent to England, and the several Agents directed to join together in pushing and pursuing it there, in the properest and most effectual Manner, it might be the most probable Method to produce the End aimed at.\nHowever, as we do not pretend to prescribe Rules, but to receive Information, we hope to be excused for this Freedom, and that the Cause we are concerned in, and your Candour, will procure us your Pardon for this Trouble, given by, Sir, Your most obedient, and most humble Servants,\nStephen Hopkins,Daniel Jenikes,Nicholas Brown.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-11-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0109", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 11 October 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Oct. 11. 1764\nI have now only time to cover the enclos\u2019d, and acquaint you that I am no longer in the Assembly. The Proprietary Party by great Industry against great Security carried the Election of this County and City by about 26 Votes against me and Mr. Galloway; the Voters near 4000. They carried (would you think it!) above 1000 Dutch from me, by printing part of my Paper sent to you 12 Years since on Peopling new Countries where I speak of the Palatine Boors herding together, which they explain\u2019d that I call\u2019d them a Herd of Hogs. This is quite a laughing Matter. But the Majority of the last Assembly remain, and will I believe still be for the Measure of Changing the Proprietary for a Royal Governor. I am, with great Respect Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nI have received yours of July 18 and Aug 14. and shall write fully per next.\nTo / Richard Jackson Esqr / Inner Temple / London / via N York / per Packet\nEndorsed: 11 Octr 64 Benjn. Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0110", "content": "Title: Outgoing Philadelphia Mail, 1764\u20131767, 18 October 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Peter,Foxcroft, Thomas\nTo: \nOctober 18, 1764\nBenjamin Franklin\u2019s brother Peter was postmaster of Philadelphia from about the middle of October 1764 until his death on July 1, 1766. He was succeeded by Thomas Foxcroft, brother of the other joint deputy postmaster general. Both the Foxcrofts became Loyalists upon the outbreak of the American Revolution and ended their service in 1775.\nAs early as 1753 instructions to the local postmasters had required them not only to maintain exact accounts of their financial transactions but to keep detailed records of letters received from or dispatched to other offices in the colonies. Printed forms were supplied for the purpose. Form \u201cB\u201d provided columns in which to list each outgoing shipment of mail, showing the date, the number of pieces of each kind (single, double, and triple letters, and packets) sent to every destination on that day under each of the three categories of unpaid, prepaid, and free mail, and (for each of the first two categories) the total charge for the group of letters, reckoned in pennyweights and grains of silver.\nA set of sixty-four of these completed forms, printed on both sides, survives from the Philadelphia Post Office among the Franklin papers. The entries are dated from Oct. 18, 1764, to Sept. 22, 1767, thus spanning the whole of Peter Franklin\u2019s postmastership and the beginning of Thomas Foxcroft\u2019s. There are several breaks in the series, four of them for periods of about a month apiece and one for six weeks; several sheets are badly torn, and, especially for the first part of the period, the ink was often so weak\u2014or has faded so badly\u2014that the writing is now virtually illegible. Nevertheless, the series is complete enough to permit one to form a reasonably clear idea of the amount and the destinations of the postal correspondence carried on by the people in the area served by the Philadelphia Post Office during the period.\nTo reprint in full the contents of these forms would serve little useful purpose. Instead, the records for four calendar months, distributed through the whole period, have been chosen and the total amount of mail of all categories sent from Philadelphia to every other post office has been tabulated for each of these months. Inadequacies in the records, as mentioned above, have necessarily played some part in the choice of months, but those selected are believed to be fairly representative of that time of year and of that year in general.\nExamination of the tabulations printed below reveals several aspects of the colonial postal system in general, as well as of the Philadelphia operations in particular, during the years which followed closely upon the considerable personal attention the deputy postmasters general, Franklin and Foxcroft, had been giving the service in 1763 and 1764. Several new post offices, especially in the South, appeared at this time, and expanded routes became available, notably the new one to Pennsylvania towns west of Philadelphia. Perhaps most enlightening is the distribution of outgoing Philadelphia mail. It may come as something of a surprise to observe that almost half of all these letters and packets were going to New York City. Some of the New York total\u2014it is impossible to say just how much\u2014was sent there to be placed on board the monthly packet boats to England, but the correspondence between these two colonial cities themselves had become impressively heavy and clearly justified the increase in service to three times a week which had recently been provided. Boston led all other single communities in the colonies, receiving a little over 8 percent of Philadelphia\u2019s mail. Correspondence with offices in adjoining provinces, as might be expected, was substantial. The New Jersey post offices, taken as a group, accounted for approximately 6 percent of the total, and those in Maryland, on both sides of the Chesapeake, drew just over 16 percent, probably evidence of the close economic relations of Philadelphia with that province.\nThe number of letters sent to any one place fluctuated considerably from one mail to the next and, as this tabulation shows, sometimes from month to month. No single entry, therefore, should be regarded as particularly significant\u2014for example other months in 1764 and 1765 than the ones selected show at least a sprinkling of letters to Connecticut towns\u2014but the statistics as a whole indicate with considerable fidelity the nature and distribution of Philadelphia\u2019s outgoing mail during these years. While comparable records of mail arriving at the city in this period have not been found, it is reasonable to assume that the pattern was much the same.\nTotal Pieces of Mail\nDestination\nDec.\nMarch\nSept.\nMay\nDistrict Of Maine\nFalmouth\nNew Hampshire\nPortsmouth\nMassachusetts\nBoston\nMarblehead\nNewbury\nSalem\nRhode Island\nNewport\nProvidence\nConnecticut\nGuilford\nHartford\nMiddletown\nNew Haven\nNew London\nNorwalk\nStamford\nStratford\nQuebec\nMontreal\nQuebec\nNew York\nAlbany\nNew York\nNew Jersey\nBrunswick\nBurlington\nElizabethtown\nNewark\nPrinceton\nTrenton\nWoodbridge\nPennsylvania\nBristol\nCarlisle\nLancaster\nShippensburg\nYork\n  Delaware\nNew Castle\nWilmington\nMaryland\nAnnapolis\nBaltimore\nCambridge\nCharlestown\nChester [town]\nFredericktown\nJoppa\nMarlboro\nNewtown\nTalbot\nQueenstown\nVienna\nVirginia\nAlexandria\nDumfries\nFredericksburg\nHanover\nHobb\u2019s Hole\nNorfolk\nRichmond\nWilliamsburg\nYorktown\nSouth Carolina\nCharleston\nTotals\nTotal For These Four Months", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-26-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0111", "content": "Title: Inhabitants of Philadelphia: Remonstrance against the Appointment of Benjamin Franklin as Agent, [26 October 1764]\nFrom: Inhabitants of Philadelphia\nTo: \nThe new Assembly met on Monday, October 15, and elected Isaac Norris speaker once more. On the following Saturday, after taking final action on the instructions to Richard Jackson concerning the Sugar Act and the impending Stamp Act (above, p. 396 n), the House took up the matter of the petitions to the King for a change in government. On the question whether \u201cfurther Directions respecting the said Petitions\u201d should be sent to Jackson, \u201ca considerable Debate ensued, in which a great Contrariety of Opinions\u201d appeared among the members. At this point Speaker Norris received unanimous permission \u201cto deliver his Sentiments on so interesting a Subject.\u201d After expressing his thanks for this courtesy, Norris told his fellow members \u201cthat he was not for immediately recalling the Petitions,\u201d but that, since he thought \u201cthe House had no Right to delegate their Powers to any Man, or Sett of Men whatever, to alter or change the Government, he was for putting an entire Prohibition on the Agent\u2019s presenting the said Petitions, without further and express Orders from the House for that Purpose.\u201d\nThereupon the House voted on three successive motions, all regarded as being so important and so controversial that the names of those voting on each were entered on the minutes. The first question was whether the petitions sent to Jackson should be recalled. Thirty-two members voted, and the proposal for recall was defeated, 22 to 10. The House then took up the question of directing Jackson not to present the petitions \u201cuntil he receives further Orders for that Purpose from this House.\u201d This proposal was defeated, 20 to 12, by the parliamentary device of moving the previous question. What appears to have been intended as a compromise motion was then brought to vote: Should the Committee of Correspondence direct Jackson to proceed on the matter of a change of government \u201cwith the utmost Caution\u201d for securing to the inhabitants \u201call those Privileges, civil and religious\u201d which they enjoyed under the existing constitution; and should the committee tell him that, if he thought the proposed change would endanger those privileges, he was \u201cpositively enjoined and required\u201d to suspend all proceedings until he had reported back and received further directions? With the proprietary faction voting against it, this lengthy motion carried in the affirmative, 20 to 12.\nThe long and controversial Saturday sitting at which these votes took place again proved to be too much for Isaac Norris. On Monday he sent a message through the clerk that he was too ill to attend and asked the House to choose a new speaker. A bipartisan committee waited on him, but to no avail, and on Wednesday, October 24, the Assembly elected Joseph Fox to succeed Norris as speaker. As usual, a committee was directed to inform the governor, but it reported the next day that Penn had gone to Newcastle and was not expected back until the following week. The proprietary group thought it had an excuse to postpone all further action, and on the afternoon of the 25th moved that the Assembly adjourn for a fortnight. But the majority would have none of such a delay; by a vote of 19 to 12 the House declined to adjourn, even though the new speaker had not been confirmed.\nThe House thereupon resumed its business. Taking into consideration \u201cthat Matters of the highest Concern to the Rights of the Colonies in general, and of this Province in particular\u201d were depending in England and would probably be brought to an issue in the next session of Parliament, the Assembly debated at considerable length whether, \u201cto prevent any ill Consequences from Indisposition, or other Accident,\u201d which might happen to Jackson, it ought to appoint \u201csome proper Person\u201d to join him as agent or, in case of Jackson\u2019s death, to replace him. When this question was put, it passed by a vote of 20 to 11.\nEveryone knew what \u201cproper Person\u201d the leaders of the majority had in mind, but Franklin\u2019s name appears nowhere in the records of this series of debates and votes until the sitting of Friday morning, October 26, when the opponents of the proposal brought it into the open. Upon reassembling the House began consideration of the appointment of a second agent, \u201cand, after some Time spent therein, a Remonstrance from a Number of the Inhabitants of the City of Philadelphia was presented to the House and read.\u201d The original text of this \u201cRemonstrance\u201d has not been found, but its contents are so fully stated in the Votes and Proceedings that they are printed here from that source as being the earliest-known formal statement of some of the reasons for opposition to Franklin\u2019s appointment. Comparison of this Remonstrance with the Protest signed by ten members of the Assembly (below, pp. 408\u201312) shows that this paper is more temperate in general tone and deals less directly and emphatically with the alleged personal deficiencies of Franklin as a candidate for the appointment. It was obviously intended to win the support of a wide segment of the public.\n[A Remonstrance was presented and read, setting forth] That the Remonstrants being deeply concerned about the uncertain State of our inestimable Privileges, civil and religious, and the Danger to which they may be exposed by a Change of Government, and being extreamly desirous that Peace and Harmony should again be restored among the different Denominations in the Province, humbly entreat that the honourable House would be pleased to take into their serious Consideration, what may be most proper to accommodate the Differences that have so unhappily subsisted between the honourable Proprietaries and the good People of this Province; this they hope may be easily effected, as they understand the Proprietaries are heartily disposed to comply with such reasonable Demands, as will fully satisfy the Desires of the greatest Part of the People who signed the Petition for a Change of Government: That they therefore humbly represent, if the honourable House cannot think it proper absolutely to recal the Petitions sent Home for a Change of Government, that they would at least put it out of the Power of our Agent to present them at this unseasonable Conjuncture; for the Remonstrants cannot but be very anxiously concerned, that our invaluable Privileges, which are committed to the Guardianship and Protection of the House only, and which our Charter has put it out of their Power to alter or give up, should be exposed to any Hazard, by being left, in a great Measure, at the Discretion of any Agent or Agents; and more especially at a Time when the House are very sensible, that the Measures now proposed in England must, if executed, terminate in Consequences fatal to the Rights and Privileges of all the American colonies; and they humbly beg Leave to represent to the House, that their Fears are not a little excited by a Proposal which they understand is made to send Mr. Benjamin Franklin Home, as an Assistant Agent for this Province, as they are of Opinion that there are many weighty Reasons to determine the House to make Choice of some other Gentleman, if it is thought necessary and expedient to load this Province (already greatly burthened with public Debt) with the additional Expence of supporting another Agent: Because it is well known that Mr. Franklin has had a principal Hand in proposing and promoting the Petitions for a Change of Government, which now appear contrary to the Sentiments of more than three Fourths of the Province, and he may be justly supposed to have a fond Partiality for his own Schemes: Because it appears highly necessary to engage the Influence of our honourable Proprietaries to assist in preventing, if possible, any unnecessary Burthens being laid upon the Province, against whom Mr. Franklin entertains such a rooted Enmity, that they cannot take joint Council for the public Good: Because, especially as both Mr. Franklin and his Son hold Offices of considerable Profit and Honour under the Crown, the Remonstrants cannot expect that a Gentleman of his moderate Fortune will sacrifice his Interest for the Sake of the Province, which he must necessarily do, if he but seems to oppose the Measures of the Ministry, and which our present Circumstances require an Agent to do, with unshaken Resolution and Fidelity: That if, upon the whole, it is still thought necessary to employ another Agent, in a Matter wherein we may promise ourselves the Assistance of the honourable Proprietaries, and wherein the joint Interest of all the other Colonies will necessarily secure to us the Concurrence of all their Agents, the Remonstrants suggest that it would, in their humble Opinions, be less expensive, and better answer the Proposed End, to engage some Gentleman in England, of an independant Fortune, and Weight both with the Ministry and House of Commons: That as this Remonstrance has been delayed till the last, in Hopes that the honourable House would have withdrawn their Petition for a Change of Government (upon their Knowledge that at least Fifteen Thousand of their Constituents have signified their Disapprobation of this Measure, in Opposition to about Three Thousand Five Hundred who have appeared for it) the present Time will not allow many Hands to be got to this Representation; but if the House will give that Deliberation to this Affair, which its immense Importance requires, the Remonstrants are fully persuaded, that three Fourths of the whole Province will be found ready to petition the House not only against any Change of our present Government, but also against employing Mr. Franklin in particular as an Agent in our Affairs.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-27-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0114", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 27 October 1764\nFrom: Parker, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir\nWoodbridge. Octob 27. 1764.\nBoth yours of the 20th and 25th I received late last Night: I shall endeavour now to answer to both, as well as I can.\nWith Respect to Mr. Strahan: Tho\u2019 I wrote to him a while ago, that I would see he was paid, if he would wait a little longer; I told him the Case and that I was in hopes to get it of Mr. Holt, but if he fail\u2019d, I would at last see it paid: Mr. Holt tells me he had sent him since only one \u00a316 Sterling. I think there remains about \u00a3170 still due: Mr. Holt is returned from New Haven, says he has brought all the Accounts scattered, but he will exert himself to get them settled: He says there is above 6 or \u00a3700 Lawful Money due to us at New Haven, much of it in good Hands, of which the greater Part will belong to me, if ever got in: Green having used all the ready Money, or otherways laid it out in purchasing his Materials: He Mr. Holt, has used great Part of his Dues, in purchasing that House, and some other Matters whilst poor I have received for the four year Green had it about \u00a312 Proc. Things are in this Situation, Green sat up at Hartford, and the Debts uncollected in. I could sue Holt, but if I do, he is ruined: and perhaps I not a Farthing the better; He promises fair, and within this Year past, I continually am getting small Matter from him, towards supporting my Family, that so what little Money I get may the better go towards paying my Debts: By these Means, the only safe ones I can think of, I hope to get all paid. Now, as I have almost brought all my Debts into the Compass of yours and Mr. Strahan\u2019s of which last the Allowance for the Office of Comptroller, I try chiefly to appropriate. Would it be disagreable to you to pay Mr. Strahan, and take all my Debts upon yourself, as I would chuse to pay you Interest rather than any other; tho\u2019 Mr. Strahan has not yet demanded Interest, yet it is reasonable that he should either be paid or have Interest, which I had rather transfer to you. I fancy upon the Whole, what I shall have due from the Post-Office by the first of January next, will pay all Mr. Strahan\u2019s Debt, and then there will be only the Bond I owe you, which going on Interest now, can remain till I can pay it, which I will exert all I can to do, when it may be wanted. If this Matter be practicable and agreeable to you, I shall be glad to have it carried into Execution as soon as possible. If you have any Money to spare in England: If not, I must try some other Method to get him paid: for I am as uneasy about it, as he can be.\nYou say you sent some of the Post-Office Instructions &c. There has none come to Hand yet. I shall set about making up all the small Books, and send them now to the several small Offices as soon as possible.\nThe Law relating to the Division Line I shall send you, but you will find but little in that to enlighten you: Mr. Alexander had some Things printed when I lived in New-York, pretty large, that might probably enlighten you a little. The opposite party also printed some Things, but I have not them, tho\u2019 I printed most of them. Whether Lord Sterling could not supply you with them especially of his side, I can\u2019t say: I believe, the Piece of the opposite side can be found in my Store Room in New York. Among the Papers left there is the parting Division between Weyman and I, as that was printed by Weyman a little before we parted. If you get the other, and find that necessary, when I go to New York again I will endeavour to find it.\nNow with Respect to the Virginia Affair. If you should think it the best Method of securing that Matter to Mr. Hunter\u2019s Son for me to go there, which is the only Thing that would induce me to go, I shall be willing, if Mr. Royle dies, but he is not dead yet. Otherways, I should rather chuse not to venture into new Places: If it would suit as well, for any other, and you can rely on their Integrity, I shall be quite as willing: I know at the Death of Mr. Hunter, Mrs. Holt was there, and great Interest was making for Mr. Holt, who was mighty desirous of going but when the Contents and Conditions of the Will came to be known, that was knock\u2019d in the Head: Mr. Holt would now be very fond of going thither again, and perhaps that would be the most natural: but when you consider, that Mr. Holt has taken his Brother\u2019s Son, who is Mrs. Holt\u2019s Sister\u2019s Son also, and Brother to Miss Betsey, and is bringing him up to the Trade, and he is a little older than Billy Hunter, whether he would not find Means to oust young Hunter, in Favour of his adopted Son: Besides, whether Mr. Holt\u2019s Incapacity, Neglect or Design in not settling true Accounts, and paying young Hunter his Share, might not greatly injure Hunter, even if he surrendered up the Business. I don\u2019t know One I would or could recommend prefereable to Mr. Holt; the present Race of young Printers seeming to me most of them, so abandoned to Liquor, as to deserve little Encouragement, besides their Honesty should be tried first. Another Objection against Holt, may be, your and others Opinion of his Honesty, or perhaps, his Incapacity to execute the Business well, for he does all now by the Help of other Hands, may not induce his Journeymen, to try to set up in Opposition, &c. Upon the Whole, with respect to myself, I could not form great Hopes of Advantage to myself, exclusive of doing Justice to Mr. Hunter. My own printing Business here, my Son could do very well with, as far as relates to the printing; but I could not even hope the Favour of your continuing him in my Office as Comptroller tho\u2019 since his Marriage he is somewhat more settld yet he wants that Thought and Solidity necessary to attend it: In the Post-Office here only he might act: but the Profit of it, is very small, about 30s. per An. as Commissions, and it is in fact the worst Situation for one on the Continent, as 7 eighths of the Letters are for Amboy, to be sent thither, and perhaps twice going after for Pay before got once: I have many Times known it necessary to go to Amboy with 4 or 5 Shillings worth of Letters perhaps spend Six Hours Time, and get a Drink of 1s. 6d. and come home for the Profits of 1s. However, I never thought much of it, whilst I have the other Office, or whilst I had the Privilege of franking, &c. Nor can I suppose, if I went thither I could continue in the office. It is true it might suit tolerably better for those lower Offices, than to these: but it would be quite too very inconvenient for any this Way. Nor would I go, but upon some such Conditions as these, that I would not engage certainly for more than three years at first, in which Time, if it did not suit, by that Time another might be found out more to your Liking; and if I continued longer, to the Time Billy Hunter should be of Ability to carry it on himself, that I should return to my native Country, provided it pleased Heaven to spare me so long. Upon these Suppositions, if I can be of Service to Mr. Hunter\u2019s Estate, and to your Liking and Desire, it is all I should think well of. As I have always thought it my Duty and Interest to do any Pleasure of yours, so I am quite resigned either to stay or go, as it shall seem best to you if Mr. Royle dies, upon these Principles you can proceed, according to your Pleasure: It is probable Mr. Royle may recover, and live long enough: if so, there is no Occasion.\nI imagined Mr. Holt had wrote to you since he came home; for he told me, and said he would write to you, (and in which I told him I had nothing to say,) that in those Accounts that Mr. Green settled with the Post-Office, there were a great Number of Letters, brought by his Bye-Posts, entirely different and off from the Post-Roads, which as you would not allow him any Thing towards his Rider\u2019s Pay, could not in Justice belong to the Post-Office; he said he had a List of the Letters, Places, and sums, where they came from &c. and I suppose he will yet write, tho\u2019 he has been much hurried in getting his Almanack Materials &c.\nThus I have, I believe almost tired your Patience, therefore \u2019tis Time to conclude, with all Respects Your most obliged Servant\nJames Parker.\nPS. The Winds are so exceeding high, these two or three Days, and is so to-day That I fear the Posts cannot cross the Rivers, &c.\nAddressed: For / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr / Philadelphia\nEndorsed: Parker", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0115", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lewis Jones, 30 October 1764\nFrom: Jones, Lewis\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nRespected Sir\nWoodbridge Oct. 30, 1764\nBeing informed by Mr. Parker that you was going to England next Monday, I take this Opportunity to beg the Favour of you to deliver the inclosed Letter to my Father or to Mr. Cummings, who will deliver it to him, I have several Times wrote to my Father, and to several of my Relations, but have never received any Answer from any of them, which makes me the rather trouble you as being sure it will go safe, Dear Sir, that you may have a good Passage and safe return is the Earnest Prayers, of Sir Your\u2019s at Command\nLewis Jones\nAddressed: For / Benjamin Franklin, Esqr; / at / Philadelphia.\nEndorsed: Lewis Jones", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0116", "content": "Title: William Dunlap to Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft, [October? 1764]\nFrom: Dunlap, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John\nThis letter and the two that follow directly concern the settlement of accounts between the deputy postmasters general, Franklin and Foxcroft, and William Dunlap, postmaster at Philadelphia from 1757 until 1764, in which year he was replaced by Franklin\u2019s brother, Peter. Since it is not known precisely when Peter Franklin took over the post office in Philadelphia, it is difficult to date the present series of letters, all of which appear to have been written after Dunlap left office. Dunlap\u2019s expression in this letter of a desire for a \u201cClearance in full till July 6th.\u201d suggests that this was the termination date of his appointment and that the letters might have been written shortly thereafter. The records of the Philadelphia post office show, however, that Dunlap carefully recorded the receipt of letters until Oct. 5, 1764, which appears to mean that he was serving as late as that day and makes an October dating likely. Supporting this conjecture is a reference in this first letter to the impatience to leave town of John Foxcroft, who can be placed in Philadelphia as late as Sept. 21, 1764. In any case the letters cannot have been written later than Nov. 7, 1764, the date of Franklin\u2019s departure for England.\nThe state of Dunlap\u2019s account is as confusing as the dating of the letters. A rendering of it in Franklin\u2019s hand is published above, VII, 160\u20132, and it appears to show that by the summer of 1764 Dunlap owed the post office \u00a31042 4s. 11\u00bdd., although in the letter below Dunlap indicates that he owes only about \u00a3300.\nGentlemen,\nMonday Morning [October? 1764]\nAs Mr. Foxcroft is impatient to leave Town, and I find a Discussion of my Accounts, from their Length and my extreme Indisposition, will take up a considerable Time, I have thought it might not be improper to make you an Offer, which, as it far exceeds any Thing you have any Right to expect or get from me, it is probable you may accept of: I am possessed of a certain Tract of Land of upwards of two hundred Acres, Situate in Chester County in this Province, which I value at, and am told is realy Worth \u00a3500: This with Mr. Hunters Debt of \u00a395. I am ready to make over to you on your giving me a Clearance in full till July 6th. last. This is all the visible Estate I have in the World, and is full \u00a3300 more than I think I shall be able to make appear you have any Pretence to, and is such as nothing but a Disire to get from under the Weight of your merciless Oppression, should induce me to make to the Injury of my Family and of my other Creditors: However if nothing will satiate your Resentment, but the Ruin of an helpless Family, I must apprize you that when it has had its full Swing, your Dividend of the Spoil, will fall vastly short of what I even am willing to allow you have any pretence to. I am Gentlemen, Your most humble Servant\nW. Dunlap\nAddressed: To / Messrs. Franklin & Foxcroft / Present", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0117", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Dunlap, [October? 1764]\nFrom: Dunlap, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nMonday [October? 1764]\nAs I see nothing will satiate your unbounded, cruel and merciless Resentment but the entire Destruction of a poor helpless Family, no Branch of whom, I will dare to say, ever Injur\u2019d you in Thought, Word or Deed, I have no Favor to ask at the Hands of a Man who thursts for nothing short of my Hearts Blood: Whet your Poynard Sir, and it is ready for you: Your Cruelty has brought on me a Disorder, (and to your Treatment alone my Orphan beggard Children will impute it,) viz. a depressed broken Heart, and its sure Consequence a deep Consumption, which I am well assur\u2019d no Medicines can possibly conquer, so that even should your tender Mercy withold you from the former, the latter will soon effect to your Hands: Under these Circumstances, I have only to beg that you would spare the Appelations which you are disposed to bestow upon me of Rogue, Rascal, &c. because (let me whisper it in your Ear, and indeed it shall never go farther) had the same indirect, ungenerous, Mean Methods been taken, (which I will assert was never before practised upon any Officer) in sifting and twisting your own Son\u2019s Post-Office Accounts as there was with mine, he would have deserved in the highest Degree, the Worst Appelation you have yet thought proper to bestow upon me: This Sir, I will prove whenever you may please to call upon me to do so: I am Sir, the unhappy wretched\nW Dunlap\nAddressed: To / Dr. B. Franklin / Postmaster General / In / Philadelphia", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0118", "content": "Title: Benjamin Franklin and John Foxcroft to William Dunlap, [October? 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Foxcroft, John\nTo: Dunlap, William\nMr Dunlap,\n[October? 1764]\nWe have read your extraordinary Letter upon which we shall make no other Observation but this, That it is not in our Power to give a Discharge for your whole Debt to the Post Office on your Payment of a Part; the Debt not being to us but to the Crown: and that If you do not immediately come to a Settlement with us, in which we are willing to give you all the Assistance we can, our Duty will oblige us to commence Suit against you, whereby the Accounts will be examined and settled by indifferent Men; which indeed will be more agreable to us than a private Settlement, that might give Colour or Room for the abusive Reflections after[ward?] upon us, which you already seem forward to make them on us without the least Regard to Truth, as if we desired to oppress you, tho\u2019 we have really no Interest in getting a farthing more from you than you ought to pay. Your Charge against your Predecessor you are hereby immediately called upon to make good; which if you can do, as it will be a Merit with Regard to the Office, may entitle you the more to favour from, Your humble Servants\nF and F.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0119", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 1 November 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nPhilada. Novemr. 1st. 1764\nThe General Assembly of this Province, having appointed Us to be the Committee of Correspondence; And in Pursuance of their Resolves from time to time during their late Sitting; We have Caused to be made out and furnished divers Certified Copys of Resolves and Instructions to Richd. Jackson Esqr. then Sole Agent of this Province to be sent by Us [to] Mr. Jackson.\nBut as it appeared to the General Assembly, that matters of the highest Concern to the Colonies in General and to this Province in particular were depending in England &c: The House were pleased to Resolve that you should embark with all Convenient dispatch for Great Britain there to joyn with and assist the said Richd. Jackson Esqr. in the Agency of Representing, Soliciting and transacting the affairs of this Province for the Ensuing year; As will more fully Appear to you by a Certified Copy of the Resolves of the House for this purpose made out and signed by the Clark of the Assembly.\nNeedless therefore will it be for Us to add more on this Occasion then to referr you to the Several Copys of Resolves and Instructions here with Delivered to you for Mr. Jackson and to request that you will in every thing and measure Relative to the Colonies in General and this Province in particular, Aid Assist Joyn and Act in Concert with Mr. Jackson, and Strictly and attentively Observe the Directions of the House given him in every measure to be Prosecuted. We wish you a good Voiage &c.\nTo Benja. Franklin Esqr\nEndorsed: Copy of the Committee of Correspondenc\u2019s Letter Dd. Benja. Franklin EsqrNovr. 1st. 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0120", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence to Richard Jackson, 1 November 1764\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nSir\nPhilada: November 1st. 1764.\nThe Present Assembly of this Province have been pleased to appoint us, together with the Speaker of the House to be the Committee of Correspondence for the ensuing Year. The late Assembly transmitted to you certain Petitions from the House and Divers Freemen of this Province to His Majesty relative to a Change of Government to be presented only upon Certainty first had that we should Incur no Danger of the Loss of the Priviledges Enjoy\u2019d by the Freemen of this Province under our present Constitution, The present Assembly, hoping an Accommodation with our Proprietors may take place, and that he will in due Time make such Concessions as will fully satisfy the Assembly and Freemen of this Province have determined not to withdraw those Petitions to His Majesty, but have order\u2019d the same to remain with you, and to be proceeded in, or not, by you with the Utmost Caution for securing our Priviledges in Case the Change should happen. We cannot add more Strength or Force of Words than are contained in the Resolve of the House, (Copy whereof Signed by the Clerk We herewith transmit to you) for your Conduct in this Matter, it being clearly the Sense of every Member of the House, and We doubt not of every Freeman in the Province, that a Change is not to be attempted, if you apprehend the least Danger of the Loss of any one Priviledge Civil or Religious we now Enjoy, should you discover any such Danger, We rest assured You will conform Yourself most Stricktly to the latter part of the Resolve, Wherein you are positively Enjoined to suspend the presenting those Petitions, Untill you shall have acquainted the Assembly therewith and received their further Direction. For altho\u2019 we Reverence his Sacred Majesty, and his Government, And altho\u2019 we are of Opinion Our Proprietors have insisted on some and Contended for other Matters which we have thought Unreasonable and Unjust, Yet as under our Charter and Laws the Freemen of this Province Do Enjoy Priviledges peculiar to itself and unknown in any Royal Government We shou\u2019d chuse to continue the Struggle for our Rights with our Proprietors rather than by getting rid of that Struggle loose our Inestimable Priviledges.\nThe late Assembly were pleas\u2019d to send you some Instructions for your Conduct, Relative to the late Act of Parliament which greatly affects the Trade of the Northern Colonies, and the Danger apprehended to our Rights as Englishmen, at the Approaching Sessions of Parliament.\nThe present Assembly have taken that matter also into their Consideration and have prepared some further Instructions thereupon, which they have order\u2019d us to Sign and transmit to you, and which you will herewith receive, and doubt not the Hints therein given with the Arguments your own Mind will furnish on this Important Matter, will prove sufficient to avert the Impending Blow.\nWe have it further in Charge from the House to Request that all your Letters on Public Affairs may be addressed to the then Speaker Isaac Norris Esquire or to a Majority of the Committee of Correspondence in Order that the same may be laid before the House; which You\u2019l please to observe.\nWe are further to acquaint you that the House taking into Consideration the Matters of high Concern to the Colonies in General and to this Province in particular Expected in Parliament at their next Session, and to prevent any ill Consequences that might arise in Case of your Indisposition have thought proper to appoint Benjamin Franklin Esqr: to join with and assist you in Representing Soliciting and transacting the Affairs of this Province for the ensuing Year, and have directed him to embark with all convenient Dispatch for Great Britain.\nMr. Franklin will deliver this with the Resolves and Instructions of the House to you, and doubt not from your known Abilities and Joint Endeavours, You will render to the Colonies in General and to this Province in particular the most Acceptable Services. We have only to add, that Mr. Norris our late Worthy Speaker, thro\u2019 Indisposition, became unable to attend the Service of the House during their late sitting, and Joseph Fox Esqr was chosen in his stead and placed in the Chair Accordingly. Inclosed you have a Bill of Exchange for \u00a3106 6s. 4d. Sterling which we hope will meet with due Honour. We are Sir Your Real Friends and Very Humble Servants\nJos. Fox\n  Jos. Richardson\n  John Ross.\n  Jon Hughes\nTo Richard Jackson Esqr.\nEndorsed: Philada 1st. Novr. 1764Letter from the Committee of Correspondence", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-03-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0123", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Baynton and Wharton, 3 November 1764\nFrom: Baynton and Wharton\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nPhiladelphia, Novemr, 3d 1764.\nThe Tracts of Land, Which We mention\u2019d to You, last Spring, are situated as follows.\nOne of Them, \u201cis on the East side of Lake Champlaine and on the North side of the River Messesque, including Twenty Thousand Acres.\u201d\nThe Other Tract \u201cis situated on the North side of the Bay of Chaleur adjoining the Bay, including the same Quantity, as the above.\u201d\nThe Gentleman who gives us, the above Information, says, in his Letter of the 11th. of March Last that \u201cthe first mention\u2019d Tract, lies in a rich fine Country, is of a good Soil, full of excellent Timber, such as White Oak, Walnut, Chesnut, Pine &c. is Situated on the Lake (Champlaine) and convenient for transporting any thing, to Quebec.\u201d\nWith respect to the last described Tract, He writes us, That, \u201cThis is the best Cod Fishery in this Government. The Land is tolerably good, The Timber the same, But not comparable, to the former. The sooner You Petition their Lordships, the Better, as every Thing of this Kind, That is Valuable, will be taken up. Pray do not neglect the First Opportunity, in sending Your Petition Home, As you may depend, it will be of the greatest Importance.\u201d\nThe foregoing is the Description, We have of those two Parcels of Land; Wherefore, We apprehend if Mr. Jackson, has not apply\u2019d For Them, You will think with us, That the sooner You do it, the more probable, it is, You will Succeed. With Sincere Respect We are Sir, Your very Obedient humble Servants\nBaynton & Wharton\nTo Benjamin Franklin Esqre.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-04-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0124", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Smith, 4 November 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Smith, John\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Nov. 4. 1764\nI received your very obliging Letter. I thank you cordially for your kind good Wishes. I hope my Conduct in England will be such as not to lessen the Esteem you honour me with; and that on my Return I shall have the Pleasure of finding you and my other Burlington Friends all well and happy. I am, with sincere Respect, and Affection, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nJohn Smith Esqr\nEndorsed: Novr: 4. 1764\tDoct: B. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-05-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0125", "content": "Title: Remarks on a Late Protest, 5 November 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nFranklin\u2019s farewell to Pennsylvania took the form of a reply to the Protest of the minority assemblymen against his appointment as an agent (above, pp. 408\u201312). In these Remarks he undertook to defend himself and the Assembly on the charges his opponents had made. Since so much of what they had said and so much of his response concerned himself personally, he followed the course, almost unprecedented in his writings for the general public, of using the first person singular throughout and of signing his name at the end. The pamphlet appears to have been published on November 7, 1764, the day he left Philadelphia to take ship for England. For William Smith\u2019s anonymous answer to this paper, see below, pp. 486\u2013516.\nPhiladelphia, Nov. 5, 1764.\nRemarks on a Late ProtestAgainst the Appointment of Mr. Franklin an Agent for this Province.\nI have generally passed over, with a silent Disregard, the nameless abusive Pieces that have been written against me; and tho\u2019 this Paper, called a Protest, is signed by some respectable Names, I was, nevertheless, inclined to treat it with the same Indifference; but as the Assembly is therein reflected on upon my Account, it is thought more my Duty to make some Remarks upon it.\nI would first observe then, that this Mode of Protesting by the Minority, with a String of Reasons against the Proceedings of the Majority of the House of Assembly, is quite new among us; the present is the second we have had of the kind, and both within a few Months. It is unknown to the Practice of the House of Commons, or of any House of Representatives in America, that I have heard of; and seems an affected Imitation of the Lords in Parliament, which can by no Means become Assembly-men of America. Hence appears the Absurdity of the Complaint, that the House refused the Protest an Entry on their Minutes. The Protesters know that they are not, by any Custom or Usage, intitled to such an Entry, and that the Practice here is not only useless in itself, but would be highly inconvenient to the House, since it would probably be thought necessary for the Majority also to enter their Reasons, to justify themselves to their Constituents, whereby the Minutes would be incumbered, and the Public Business obstructed. More especially will it be found inconvenient, if such Protests are made use of as a new Form of Libelling, as the Vehicles of personal Malice, and as Means of giving to private Abuse the Appearance of a Sanction, as public Acts. Your Protest, Gentlemen, was therefore properly refused; and since it is no Part of the Proceedings of Assembly, one may with the more Freedom examine it.\nYour first Reason against my Appointment is, that you \u201cbelieve me to the chief Author of the Measures pursued by the last Assembly, which have occasioned such Uneasiness and Distraction among the good People of this Province.\u201d I shall not dispute my Share in those Measures; I hope they are such as will in time do Honour to all that were concerned in them. But you seem mistaken in the Order of Time: It was the Uneasiness and Distraction among the good People of the Province that occasioned the Measures; the Province was in Confusion before they were taken, and they were pursued in order to prevent such Uneasiness and Distraction for the future. Make one Step farther back, and you will find Proprietary Injustice supported by Proprietary Minions and Creatures, the original Cause of all our Uneasiness and Distractions.\nAnother of your Reasons is, \u201cthat I am, as you are informed, very unfavourably thought of by several of His Majesty\u2019s Ministers.\u201d I apprehend, Gentlemen, that your Informer is mistaken. He indeed has taken great Pains to give unfavourable Impressions of me, and perhaps may flatter himself, that it is impossible so much true Industry should be totally without Effect. His long Success in maiming or murdering all the Reputations that stand in his Way, which has been the dear Delight and constant Employment of his Life, may likewise have given him some just Ground for Confidence that he has, as they call it, done for me, among the rest. But, as I said before, I believe he is mistaken. For what have I done that they should think unfavourably of me? It cannot be my constantly and uniformly promoting the Measures of the Crown, ever since I had any Influence in the Province. It cannot, surely, be my promoting the Change from a Proprietary to a Royal Government. If indeed I had, by Speeches and Writings, endeavoured to make His Majesty\u2019s Government universally odious in the Province. If I had harangued by the Week, to all Corners and Goers, on the pretended Injustice and Oppressions of Royal Government, and the Slavery of the People under it. If I had written traiterous Papers to this Purpose, and got them translated into other Languages, to give His Majesty\u2019s foreign Subjects here those horrible Ideas of it. If I had declared, written and printed, that \u201cthe King\u2019s little Finger we should find heavier than the Proprietor\u2019s whole Loins,\u201d with regard to our Liberties; then indeed might the Ministers be supposed to think unfavourably of me. But these are not Exploits for a Man who holds a profitable Office under the Crown, and can expect to hold it no longer than he behaves with the Fidelity and Duty that becomes every good Subject. They are only for Officers of Proprietary Appointment, who hold their Commissions during his, and not the King\u2019s, Pleasure; and who, by dividing among themselves, and their Relations, Offices of many Thousands a Year, enjoyed by Proprietary Favour, feel where to place their Loyalty. I wish they were as good Subjects to His Majesty; and perhaps they may be so, when the Proprietary interferes no longer.\nAnother of your Reasons is, \u201cthat the Proposal of me for an Agent is extremely disagreeable to a very great Number of the most serious and reputable Inhabitants of the Province; and the Proof is, my having been rejected at the last Election, tho\u2019 I had represented the City in Assembly for 14 Years.\u201d\nAnd do those of you, Gentlemen, reproach me with this, who among near Four Thousand Voters, had scarcely a Score more than I had? It seems then, that your Elections were very near being Rejections, and thereby furnishing the same Proof in your Case that you produce in mine, of your being likewise extremely disagreeable to a very great Number of the most serious and reputable People. Do you, honourable Sir, reproach me with this, who for almost twice 14 Years have been rejected (if not being chosen is to be rejected) by the same People, and unable, with all your Wealth and Connections, and the Influence they give you, to obtain an Election in the County where you reside, and the City where you were born, and are best known, have been obliged to accept a Seat from one of the out Counties, the remotest of the Province! It is known, Sir, to the Persons who proposed me, that I was first chosen against my Inclination, and against my Entreaties that I might be suffered to remain a private Man. In none of the 14 Elections you mention did I ever appear as a Candidate. I never did, directly or indirectly solicit any Man\u2019s Vote. For six of the Years in which I was annually chosen, I was absent, residing in England; during all which Time, your secret and open Attacks upon my Character and Reputation were incessant; and yet you gained no Ground. And can you really, Gentlemen, find Matter of Triumph in this Rejection as you call it? A Moment\u2019s Reflection on the Means by which it was obtained, must make you ashamed of it.\nNot only my Duty to the Crown, in carrying the Post-Office Act more duly into Execution, was made use of to exasperate the Ignorant, as if I was encreasing my own Profits, by picking their Pockets; but my very Zeal in opposing the Murderers, and supporting the Authority of Government, and even my Humanity, with regard to the innocent Indians under our Protection, were mustered among my Offences, to stir up against me those religious Bigots, who are of all Savages the most brutish. Add to this the numberless Falshoods propagated as Truths, and the many Perjuries procured among the wretched Rabble brought to swear themselves intitled to a Vote; and yet so poor a Superiority obtained at all this Expence of Honour and Conscience! Can this, Gentlemen, be Matter of Triumph! Enjoy it then. Your Exultation, however, was short. Your Artifices did not prevail every where; nor your double Tickets, and whole Boxes of forged Votes. A great Majority of the new chosen Assembly were of the old Members, and remain uncorrupted. They still stand firm for the People, and will obtain Justice from the Proprietaries. But what does that avail to you who are in the Proprietary Interest? And what Comfort can it afford you, when by the Assembly\u2019s Choice of an Agent, it appears that the same, to you obnoxious, Man, (notwithstanding all your venomous Invectives against him) still retains so great a Share of the public Confidence?\nBut \u201cthis Step, you say, gives you the more lively Affliction, as it is taken at the very Moment when you were informed by a Member of the House, that the Governor had assured him of his having received Instructions from the Proprietaries, to give his Assent to the Taxation of their Estates, in the same Manner that the Estates of other Persons are to be taxed; and also to confirm, for the public Use, the several Squares formerly claimed by the City.\u201d O the Force of Friendship! the Power of Interest! What Politeness they infuse into a Writer, and what delicate Expressions they produce! The Dispute between the Proprietaries and us was about the Quantum, the Rate of their Taxation, and not about the Manner; but now, when all the World condemns them for requiring a partial Exemption of their Estates, and they are forced to submit to an honest Equality, \u2019tis called \u201cassenting to be taxed in the same Manner with the People:\u201d Their Restitution of five public Squares in the Plan of the City, which they had near forty Years unjustly and dishonourably seized and detained from us, directing their Surveyor to map Streets over them (in order to turn them into Lots) and their Officers to sell a Part of them; this their Disgorging is softly called confirming them for the public Use; and instead of the plain Words formerly given to the City, by the first Proprietary their Father, we have the cautious pretty Expression of \u201cformerly claimed by the City.\u201d Yes, not only formerly but always claimed, ever since they were promised and given to encourage the Settlers, and ever will be claimed till we are put in actual Possession of them. \u2019Tis pleasant, however, to see how lightly and tenderly you trip over these Matters, as if you trod upon Eggs. But that \u201cVery Moment,\u201d that precious Moment! why was it so long delayed? Why were those healing Instructions so long withheld and concealed from the People? They were, it seems, brought over by Mr. Allen.\n   * Extract from a Letter, dated London, August 6, 1764, from David Barclay and Sons, to Messieurs James and Drinker.\n   \u201cWe very much wish for William Allen\u2019s happy Arrival on your Side, when we hope his Influence, added to the Power and Commissions the Proprietaries have invested him with, may prove effectual, in restoring Harmony and Tranquility among you, so much to be desired by every Well wisher to your Province. Pray be assured of our sincerest and best Wishes for the Success of this salutary Work, and that nothing in our Power, to contribute thereto, will ever be wanting.\u201d\n Intelligence was received by various Hands from London, that Orders were sent by the Proprietaries, from which great Hopes were entertained of an Accommodation. Why was the Bringing and the Delivery of such Orders so long denied? The Reason is easily understood. Messieurs Barclays, Friends to both Proprietaries and People, wished for that Gentleman\u2019s happy Arrival, hoping his Influence, added to the Power and Commissions the Proprietaries had vested him with, might prove effectual in restoring Harmony and Tranquility among us; but he, it seems, hoped his Influence might do the Business, without those Additions. There appeared on his Arrival some Prospect, from sundry Circumstances, of a Change to be made in the House by the approaching Election. The Proprietary Friends and Creatures knew the Heart of their Master, and how extreamly disagreeable to him that equal Taxation, that Restitution, and the other Concessions to be made for the Sake of a Reconciliation, must necessarily be. They hoped therefore to spare him all those Mortifications, and thereby secure a greater Portion of his Favour. Hence the Instructions were not produced to the last Assembly, though they arrived before the September Sitting, when the Governor was in Town, and actually did Business with the House. Nor to the new Assembly were they mentioned, till the \u201cvery Moment,\u201d the fatal Moment, when the House were on the Point of chusing that wicked Adversary of the Proprietary to be an Agent for the Province in England.\nBut I have, you say, a \u201cfixed Enmity to the Proprietaries,\u201d and \u201cyou believe it will preclude all Accommodation of our Disputes with them, even on just and reasonable Terms.\u201d And why do you think I have a fixed Enmity to the Proprietaries? I have never had any personal Difference with them. I am no Land-Jobber, and therefore have never had any Thing to do with their Land-Office or Officers; if I had, probably, like others, I might have been obliged to truckle to their Measures, or have had like Causes of Complaint. But our private Interests never clashed, and all their Resentment against me, and mine to them, has been on the public Account. Let them do Justice to the People of Pennsylvania, act honourably by the Citizens of Philadelphia, and become honest Men; my Enmity, if that\u2019s of any Consequence, ceases from the \u201cvery Moment;\u201d and, as soon as I possibly can, I promise to love, honour and respect them. In the mean Time, why do you \u201cbelieve it will preclude all Accommodation with them on just and reasonable Terms?\u201d Do you not boast that their gracious Condescensions are in the Hands of the Governor, and that \u201cif this had been the usual Time for Business, his Honour would have sent them down in a Message to the House.\u201d How then can my going to England prevent this Accommodation? The Governor can call the House when he pleases, and, one would think, that, at least in your Opinion my being out of the Way, would be a favourable Circumstance. For then, by \u201ccultivating the Disposition shown by the Proprietaries, every reasonable Demand that can be made on the Part of the People might be obtained; in vigorously insisting on which, you promise to unite most earnestly with the rest of the House.\u201d It seems then we have \u201creasonable Demands\u201d to make, and as you call them a little higher, equitable Demands. This is much for Proprietary Minions to own; but you are all growing better, in Imitation of your Master, which is indeed very commendable. And if the Accommodation here should fail, I hope that though you dislike the Person a Majority of two to one in the House have thought fit to appoint an Agent, you will nevertheless, in Duty to your Country, continue the noble Resolution of uniting with the rest of the House, in vigorously insisting on that Equity and Justice, which such an Union will undoubtedly obtain for us.\nI pass over the trivial Charge against the Assembly, that they \u201cacted with unnecessary Haste in proceeding to this Appointment, without making a small Adjournment,\u201d &c. and your affected Apprehensions of Danger from that Haste. The Necessity of Expedition on this Occasion is as obvious to every one out of Doors as it was to those within; and the Fears you mention are not, I fancy, considerable enough to break your Rest. I come then to your high Charge against me, \u201cThat I heretofore ventured, contrary to an Act of Assembly, to place the Public Money in the Stocks, whereby this Province suffered a Loss of \u00a36000 and that Sum added to the \u00a35000 granted for my Expences, makes the whole Cost of my former Voyage to England amount to Eleven Thousand Pounds!\u201d How wisely was that Form in our Laws contrived, which when a Man is arraigned for his Life, requires the Evidence to speak the Truth, the whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth! The Reason is manifest. A Falshood may destroy the Innocent; so may Part of a Truth without the Whole; and a Mixture of Truth and Falshood may be full as pernicious. You, Mr. Chief Justice, and the other Justices among the Protesters, and you, Sir, who are a Counsellor at Law, must all of you be well acquainted with this excellent Form; and when you arraign\u2019d my Reputation (dearer to me than Life) before the Assembly, and now at the respectable Tribunal of the Public, would it not have well become your Honours to have had some small Regard at least to the Spirit of that Form? You might have mentioned, that the Direction of the Act to lodge the Money in the Bank, subject to the Drafts of the Trustees of the Loan-Office here, was impracticable: that the Bank refused to receive it on those Terms, it being contrary to their settled Rules to take Charge of Money subject to the Orders of unknown People, living in distant Countries. You might have mentioned, that the House being informed of this, and having no immediate Call for the Money, did themselves adopt the Measure of placing it in the Stocks, which then were low; where it might on a Peace produce a considerable Profit, and in the mean time accumulate an Interest: That they even passed a Bill, directing the subsequent Sums granted by Parliament, to be placed with the former: That the Measure was prudent and safe; and that the Loss arose, not from placing the Money IN the Stocks, but from the imprudent and unnecessary DRAWING IT OUT at the very time when they were lowest, on some slight uncertain Rumours of a Peace concluded: That if the Assembly had let it remain another Year, instead of losing they would have gained Six Thousand Pounds; and that after all, since the Exchange at which they sold their Bills, was near Twenty per Cent, higher when they drew, than when the Stocks were purchased, the Loss was far from being so great as you represent it. All these Things you might have said, for they are, and you know them to be, Part of the whole Truth; but they would have spoiled your Accusation. The late Speaker of your honourable House, Mr. Norris, who has, I suppose, all my Letters to him, and Copies of his own to me, relating to that Transaction, can testify with how much Integrity and Clearness I managed the whole Affair. All the House were sensible of it, being from time to time fully acquainted with the Facts. If I had gone to Gaming in the Stocks with the Public Money, and through my Fault a Sum was lost, as your Protest would insinuate, why was I not censured and punished for it when I returned? You, honourable Sir (my Enemy of seven Years Standing) was then in the House. You were appointed on the Committee for examining my Accounts; you reported that you found them just, and signed that Report.\n   *Report of the Committee on Benjamin Franklin\u2019s Accounts.\n   \u201cIn Obedience to the Order of the House, we have examined the Account of Benjamin Franklin, Esq; with the Vouchers to us produced in Support thereof, and do find the same Account to be just, and that he has expended, in the immediate Service of this Province, the Sum of Seven Hundred and Fourteen Pounds, Ten Shillings and Sevenpence, out of the Sum of Fifteen Hundred Pounds Sterling, to him remitted and paid, exclusive of any Allowance or Charge for his Support and Services for the Province.\nJohn Morton,\nJoseph Fox,\nWilliam Allen,\nJohn Hughes,\nFebruary 19, 1763.\nJohn Ross,\nSamuel Rhoads,\nJohn Moor.\nJohn Wilkinson,\nIsaac Pearson.\n   \u201cThe House taking the foregoing Report of the Committee of Accounts into Considertion, and having spent some Time therein,\n   \u201cResolved,\n   \u201cThat the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds Sterling per Annum be allowed and given to Benjamin Franklin, Esq; late Agent for the Province of Pennsylvania at the Court of Great Britain, during his Absence of six Years from his Business and Connections, in the Service of the Public; and that the Thanks of this House be also given to the said Gentleman by Mr. Speaker, from the Chair, as well for the faithful Discharge of his Duty to this Province in particular, as for the many and important Services done America in general, during his Residence in Great-Britain.\u201d\n   Thursday, March 31, 1763.\n   \u201cPursuant to a Resolve of the Nineteenth of last Month, that the Thanks of this House be given to Benjamin Franklin, Esq; for his many Services not only to the Province of Pennsylvania, but to America in general, during his late Agency at the Court of Great-Britain, the same were this Day accordingly given in Form from the Chair. To which Mr. Franklin, respectfully addressing himself to the Speaker, made Answer, That he was thankful to the House, for the very handsome and generous Allowance they had been pleased to make him for his Services; but that the Approbation of this House was, in his Estimation, far above every other kind of Recompence.\u201d Votes, 1763.\n I never solicited the Employ of Agent: I made no Bargain for my future Service, when I was ordered to England by the Assembly; nor did they vote me any Salary. I lived there near six Years at my own Expence, and I made no Charge or Demand when I came home. You, Sir, of all others, was the very Member that proposed (for the Honour and Justice of the House) a Compensation to be made me of the Five Thousand Pounds you mention. Was it with an Intent to reproach me thus publicly for accepting it? I thanked the House for it then, and I thank you now for proposing it: Tho\u2019 you, who have lived in England, can easily conceive, that besides the Prejudice to my private Affairs by my Absence, a Thousand Pounds more would not have reimbursed me. The Money voted was immediately paid me. But, If I had occasioned the Loss of Six Thousand Pounds to the Province, here was a fair Opportunity of securing easily the greatest Part of it; why was not the Five Thousand Pounds deducted, and the Remainder called for? The Reason is, This Accusation was not then invented. Permit me to add, that supposing the whole Eleven Thousand Pounds an Expence occasioned by my Voyage to England, yet the Taxation of the Proprietary Estate now established, will, when valued by Years Purchase, be found in time an Advantage to the Public, far exceeding that Expence. And if the Expence is at present a Burthen, the Odium of it ought to lie on those who, by their Injustice, made the Voyage necessary, and not on me, who only submitted to the Orders of the House, in undertaking it.\nI am now to take Leave (perhaps a last Leave) of the Country I love, and in which I have spent the greatest Part of my Life. Esto Perpetua. I wish every kind of Prosperity to my Friends, and I forgive my Enemies.\nB. Franklin.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-05-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0126", "content": "Title: Power of Attorney to James Parker, 5 November 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Parker, James\n[November 5, 1764]\nKnow ALL Men by these presents That I Benjamin Franklin of the City of Philadelphia Printer being now about to depart for England and the Time of my Return uncertain and there being long Accounts of Partnership unsettled between David Hall of the same place Printer and myself which partnership is now near expiring and the Settlement of those Accounts, become for that Reason more immediately necessary. Therefore for the more expeditious and certain Settlement of the same I do hereby nominate and appoint my trusty and loving Friend James Parker Esqr. of Woodbridge in East New Jersey to be my lawful Attorney in my Behalf to examine all the Accounts kept of the said partnership by the said David Hall, with the Books Receipts and other Vouchers and to make a State of the same with all such Allowances, as to him my said Attorney shall seem equitable where distinct Accounts cannot be obtained; And when such State is so far compleated as then it may be to transmit the same to me in London for my perusal six Months at least before the Expiration of the partnership and also to value the Printing Presses Types and other Materials for printing belonging to me and now in the Use and Occupation of the said David Hall and which he has agreed to purchase of me at the Rate of such Valuation as shall be made by the said James Parker in my Behalf. And in Case I should not return to Philadelphia before the Expiration of the said partnership I do then hereby give and grant to my said Attorney full power to close the said Accounts, sell and deliver the said printing Materials to the said David Hall at the Valuation so as aforesaid by him to be made receive the Monies on the Whole to me arising for me and my Use, and make a final Ending of all Accounts between the said David Hall and myself, thereupon giving full Acquittances and Discharges in my Behalf which shall be of equal force and Validity as if made and given by me. In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my Hand and Seal the fifth Day of November in the fifth Year of his Majesty\u2019s Reign Annoque Domini One thousand seven hundred and sixty four\nB. Franklin (Seal)\nSealed and Delivered in the presence of Sarah Franklin Cha. Thomson\nI Acknowledge to have agreed to pay for the printing Materials such Sum as they shall be valued at by the above named Mr. James Parker\nWitness Cha: Thomson\n  David Hall\nPhiladelphia ss. Be it Remembred that this fifth Day of November 1764 came Before me Thomas Lawrence Esqr.One of the Justices &ca. for the City of Philadelphia Charles Thomson of the said City Merchant and on his solemn Oath declared that he was present and saw the within named Benjamin Franklin sign seal and as his Act and Deed deliver the within written Instrument or Power of Attorney. And that he the said Deponent subscribed his Name as Witness thereto and saw Sarah Franklin the other Witness do the like. In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my Hand and Seal the Day and Year aforesaid\nTho: Lawrence Mayr. (Seal)\nRecorded the 12th. Novemr. 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-05-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0127", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Eckerling, 5 November 1764\nFrom: Eckerling, Samuel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nEsteemed Friend\nPhiladelphia, Novemr: 5th: 1764.\nMy Brethren Israel and Gabriel Eckerling were taken by the French and Indians from the Aligany Mountains in the Month of August 1757 and some Time after sent to Rochelle in France w[h] ere I am informed they died in the Hospital. I shall esteem it a particular Favour if you will enquire wether my Information be true or not.\nPlease to let me know by a few Lines directed to me to be left at Thomas Say\u2019s in Philadelphia the Result of your Enquiry and all Charges that may accrue thereon shall be thankfully repaid by Your Affectionate Friend\nSamuel Eckerling\nTo Benjamin Franklin\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / in / Philadelphia\nEndorsed: S. Eckerling concg. his Brothers", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-05-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0128", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edmund Quincy, Junior, 5 November 1764\nFrom: Quincy, Edmund Junior\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nWorthy Sir\nBoston Novr: 5th: 1764\nI had not deferrd doing myself the Pleasure of writing you for some time past on the Subject I mentiond to you when here, but the Loss of my Wife, besides several Avocations has prevented, nor should I have troubled you now, but to inform you that I publish\u2019d in Edes & Gills paper last Post Day a Letter from my Bro\u2019 Huske to the Committee of Merchants here; a Gentleman has in this days paper Remark\u2019d upon it in which he insinuates that as a person of Figure he describes &c. as the principal Author and Abetter of this mushroom Policy is intended for One in Philadelphia; since which I hear some Persons not acquainted supposd Mr. Huske pointed at You, I know it can be only guess Work, and I beg you to be assured He means a person now Residing in London whose treatise on the Subject I hope soon to receive and shall forward it You. Interim I have the Honor to be with perfect Esteem and Regard Sir your most Obedient Humble Servant\nEdm: Quincy Jr\nThe Honble: Benjamin Franklin Esq", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-06-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0129", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anthony Todd, 6 November 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Todd, Anthony\nExtract\nSir\nPhiladelphia Novr. 6. 1764\nCol. Bouquet marched from Pittsburgh the 4th of October, with 1500 Men, down the Ohio, to attack the Shawana Towns; the Peace made by Col. Bradstreet at Presqu\u2019isle not being confirmed. We have not since heard from either of those Armies. I am &c.\nB Franklin\nEndorsed: Philadelphia Novr 6. 1764 Extract of a Letter from Mr Franklin Deputy Postmaster General of North America to Anth Todd Esqr R 10th Decr. from Mr. Todd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-07-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0131", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 7 November 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Nov. 7. 1764\nThe new Assembly at their first Sitting approv\u2019d and resolv\u2019d to prosecute the Measures of the last, relative to the Change of Government; and supposing that my being in London during the insuing Sessions of Parliament may moreover be of some Use in our general American Affairs, have appointed me as an Assistant Agent with you for one Year, and directed me to proceed thither immediately. I accordingly embark this Day, and hope to be with you nearly as soon as this Letter. It will be the greatest of Pleasures to me to find you well, I can now only add, that I am, with sincerest Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nRichd Jackson Esqr\nEndorsed: 7 Novr. 64 Benjn. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0132", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sarah Franklin, 8 November 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Sarah\nThree hundred friends and admirers accompanied Franklin from Philadelphia to Chester, where he embarked on the King of Prussia, Capt. James Robinson, on Nov. 7, 1764. As he boarded the ship, he \u201cwas saluted by a Number of Cannon, and the Huzza\u2019s of the People; and an Anthem was sung \u2026 suitable to the Occasion.\u201d The text of the anthem is said to have been composed in Philadelphia; it was, however, an adaptation (with the stanzas rearranged) of \u201cGod Save the King,\u201d which had become popular during the Rebellion of 1745. A recent writer has called this version \u201cthe best literary expression of honor and respect for Franklin produced in the 1764 campaign.\u201d It reads:\nO LORD our GOD arise,\nScatter our Enemies,\nAnd make them fall.\nConfound their Loliticks,\nFrustrate such Hylocrites,\nFranklin, on Thee we fix,\nGOD Save us all.\nThy Knowledge rich in Store,\nOn Lennsylvania lour,\nThou [sic] great Blessing:\nLong to defend our Laws,\nStill give us greater Cause,\nTo sing with Heart and Voice,\nGEORGE and FRANKLIN\nGOD Save Great GEORGE our King;\nLrosler agent Franklin:\nGrant him Success:\nHark how the Vallies ring;\nGOD Save our Gracious King,\nFrom whom all Blessings slring,\nOur Wrongs redress.\nJohn Dickinson ridiculed the ceremonies attending Franklin\u2019s departure as a \u201cvainglorious Triumph actually puff\u2019d off at his Embarkation, for which silly Pageantry, ship Guns were borrow\u2019d in Philadelphia, and sent down to Chester\u2014the use there made of them, with other vain Exultations are unworthy repetition.\u201d Whatever Dickinson and other opponents thought of the demonstration, however, the departing Franklin must have been gratified at this expression of regard from his friends and political supporters.\nMy dear Sally,\nReedy Island Nov. 8. 17647 at Night.\nWe got down here just at Sunset, having taken in more live Stock at Newcastle with some other things we wanted. Our good Friends Mr. Galloway, Mr. Wharton, and Mr. James came with me in the Ship from Chester to Newcastle, and went ashore there. It was kind to favour me with their good Company as far as they could. The affectionate Leave taken of me by so many Friends at Chester was very endearing. God bless them, and all Pennsylvania.\nMy dear Child, the natural Prudence and goodness of heart that God has blessed you with, make it less necessary for me to be particular in giving you Advice; I shall therefore only say, that the more attentively dutiful and tender you are towards your good Mama, the more you will recommend your self to me; But why shou\u2019d I mention me, when you have so much higher a Promise in the Commandment, that such a conduct will recommend you to the favour of God. You know I have many Enemies (all indeed on the Public Account, for I cannot recollect that I have in a private Capacity given just cause of offence to any one whatever) yet they are Enemies and very bitter ones, and you must expect their Enmity will extend in some degree to you, so that your slightest Indiscretions will be magnified into crimes, in order the more sensibly to wound and afflict me. It is therefore the more necessary for you to be extreamly circumspect in all your Behaviour that no Advantage may be given to their Malevolence. Go constantly to Church whoever preaches. The Acts of Devotion in the common Prayer Book, are your principal Business there; and if properly attended to, will do more towards mending the Heart than Sermons generally can do. For they were composed by Men of much greater Piety and Wisdom, than our common Composers of Sermons can pretend to be. And therefore I wish you wou\u2019d never miss the Prayer Days. Yet I do not mean that you shou\u2019d despise Sermons even of the Preachers you dislike, for the Discourse is often much better than the Man, as sweet and clear Waters come to us thro\u2019 very dirty Earth. I am the more particular on this Head, as you seem\u2019d to express a little before I came away some Inclination to leave our Church, which I wou\u2019d not have you do.\nFor the rest I would only recommend to you in my Absence to acquire those useful Accomplishments Arithmetick, and Book-keeping. This you might do with Ease, if you wou\u2019d resolve not to see Company on the Hours you set apart for those Studies. I think you should and every Body should if they could, have certain days or hours to [about six and a half lines missing] She cannot be spoke with: but will be glad to see you at such a time.\nWe expect to be at Sea to morrow if this Wind holds, after which I shall have no opportunity of Writing to you till I arrive (if it pleases God that I do arrive) in England. I pray that his Blessing may attend you which is of more worth than a Thousand of mine, though they are never wanting. Give my Love to your Brother and Sister, as I cannot now write to them; and remember me affectionately to the young Ladies your Friends, and to our good Neighbours. I am, my dear Sally, Your ever Affectionate Father\nB. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0133", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Wharton, 9 November 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Wharton, Thomas\nDear Sir\nCape Henlopen, Nov. 9. 17642 aClock P M.\nWe are just putting to Sea, with a Wind fine and fair as can blow. My Love to my good old true Friend your Father, and all his worthy Sons; And my affectionate Regards to all enquiring Friends. I am Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\nEndorsed: Benja. Franklin Cape-Henlopen Novr. 9th. 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-12-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0134", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Bowdoin, 12 November 1764\nFrom: Bowdoin, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nBoston Novr. 12. 1764\nI observe by the last Papers that your Assembly have again appointed you one of their Agents in Great Britain: which without doubt, is much to the mortification of the party, whose spleen has been lately gratified by your not being returned a member of the present assembly. I am very glad the Colonies are likely to have a Gentleman on t\u2019other Side the water So well qualified to represent their Circumstances and State of Trade: a proper representation of which must make the ministry see (unless they dont choose to see) that they can expect nothing from the colonies by way of duties or tax whether internal or external; and that the duties already laid and those talked of, can have no other effect than to distress them, and injure Great Britain.\nWhatever is forced from the Colonies in this way will at least so far disable them from paying their balances to Britain: it being demonstrably evident that all the remittances they can make, Gold and Silver included (the whole of which is gone and going) are not sufficient to pay those balances, and command the usual Supply of British manufactures. Much less will they be able to do either when their other trade (the Source of their ability to carry on the British) is so greatly embarrassed.\nOur two houses have petitioned the house of Commons on this head. Besides separate Petitions from the Colonies a joint Petition to Parliament from all the Colony-Agents on the Subject of their rights and Trade, and being heard by counsel thereon before the Lords as well as Commons Seem the most likely means to procure a redress of Grievances.\nI wish you Success in this matter. I have not yet heard from Mr. Canton in relation to the telescope I sent him some time ago. I shall be much obliged if you\u2019ll speak to him about it, and desire the favor he would get it alter\u2019d and sent as soon as his convenience will permit. I have desired Messrs. Lane & Booth to pay the cost. You said when here you thought Dolland\u2019s Micrometer might be fixed to the telescope: if it can be conveniently done, I should be glad it might: in which case, if it would be in the way when not wanted, it may be best to have it fitted in such manner as to be put on and taken off at pleasure. Your Asistance in the contrivance of the Telescope, if your leisure will permit, I shall esteem a great favor. I heartily wish you a good voyage, success in your Embassy, and in due time a safe return, which I hope will be by the way of Boston. My best regards wait on you and your good Family. [?] yours\nBenjn. Franklin Esqr. at Phila.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0135", "content": "Title: Samuel Rhoads, Junior: Account Book, 13 November 1764\nFrom: Rhoads, Samuel\nTo: \nOn April 6, 1763, Franklin advanced to Robert Smith, carpenter, \u00a396 towards purchasing materials for the house he was to build on the Franklins\u2019 lots on Market Street. During the next nineteen months he paid at least \u00a3120 more to Smith and lesser sums to other workmen and suppliers, and on Feb. 9, 1764, he lent \u00a3200 to Smith, who probably lacked adequate working capital, and took back the carpenter\u2019s bond for the loan. Franklin entrusted the general oversight of the building operation to his friend, the carpenter, builder, and merchant, Samuel Rhoads, who had been his fellow representative from the city of Philadelphia in recent assemblies. Before embarking for England in November 1764, Franklin turned over to Rhoads \u00a3350 in cash and Smith\u2019s bond for \u00a3200; Rhoads then gave Franklin his receipt for these advances \u201cto be apply\u2019d towards the Building of B. Franklin\u2019s House if wanted.\u201d\nRhoads thereupon directed his son, Samuel Rhoads, Junior, aged twenty-four, to act as his disbursing agent in connection with the Franklin house, and the young man promptly set up a record of his transactions. Seven pages of an account book designated \u201cAccount Benj: Franklin Esq. 1764\u201d contain his receipt for \u00a3200 turned over by his father on Nov. 13, 1764, memoranda of various payments, and eight receipts signed by artisans and suppliers of materials. One may hope that the younger Rhoads and the men with whom he dealt were more skilled in their trades than they were in penmanship and that they kept their working tools in better condition than they did their quills, for in several places these records are almost indecipherable. They are printed here, however, as accurately as possible, to provide evidence of some of the operations involved and the slow progress achieved in completing the Franklin family\u2019s new house.\nReceivd Novr. 13 1764 of my Father Samuel Rhoads two hundred pounds Money belonging to Benj. Franklin Esqr which sum I promise to Repay by Discharging Such Bills or payments of such Sums of Money from time to time as my said Father shall direct and order. Witness my Hand Samuel Rhoads Junr\nS R Junr. Receiv\u2019d\n\u00a344 of Danl. Williams in april\nNo 1 Recd Philada. Novr. 13th. 1764 of Benjn. Franklin. By the hand of Saml. Rhoads the sum of fifty Pounds on Acco.\n\u00a350 Per Robt: Smith\nNo 2 Receiv\u2019d Nov: the 20th: 1764 of Benj: Franklin by the Hands of Saml Rhoads the sum of six Pounds on Accot.\n\u00a36: 0 William Anderson\nDecember the 4th: 1764\npd: Robert Erwin his Accot. in full for Carting\npd: Balti Clymer Do.\nDec 12th: pd. John & Joseph Ledru after the Accot. had been Examind and settled by John Palmer\npd: Jacob Graff his Accot. for Bricks now Deld. per ordr of John Pa[?]er\npd. Salter Brittain & Comp their Accot. for Boards &c.\npd: Receipt to S R Junr by Thos Forster\nNo. 2 Receiv\u2019d Feb: 8th: 1765 of Samuel Rhoads Six Pounds towards Work done for Benja Franklin at his new House\n\u00a36 William Anderson\nReceiv\u2019d May the 13th: 1765 of Benjn: Franklin Esqr. by the Hands of Samuel Rhoads twenty Pounds which with several Sums formerly receiv\u2019d Amts to fifty seven Pounds and is in full for Plaistering [No 2 vertically in margin] done for the sd: B: Franklin at his new House in this City and at his Plantation\n\u00a320: 0: 0 per William Anderson\npd. Adam Achart \u00a35 in part of his accot. Examd. to be pd. when ratifyd.\nReceiv\u2019d June the 1st: 1765 of Samuel Rhoads four Pounds and one Shilling in full for eighteen perches of Stone Deld: Robt. Erwin for use of Benj: Franklin Esqr. Sent from John Parishes [?] Quarry \u00a34: 1:0 recd. per Georg Kaffart [?]\nNote the English name is George Caphart [?]\nSundrys pd. per Sa Rhoads Junr. Vizt.\nTo David Rose\n  Mich Weaver\n  David Rose Tyler\n  Conrad Bangon\n  William Rush\nJune 19th: pd. Michael Coon 27s. per note from John Ledru for Digging foundation 6 Days at 4s. 6d. per\nPd: James Davis 19s. 6d. being one half the Cost of Measuring the Plaistering done by Will. Henderson.\nJuly the 23d Receiv\u2019d of Deborah Franklin 50 Pounds which I paid the same Day to Robt: Smith per loose [?] Rect:\nSeptr: 9th: pd: David Rose Brickmaker \u00a310 in part of his Accot. for Bricks used in the Well.\n\u00a33 pd [illegible] \u00a38: 5s. 3d. & Sammy in full of his Accot: in all \u00a321. 5s. 3d. the 27th Day\nPd: John Elmsly 41s. 9d. for Turning Sundry\nPd. Do: 3s. 3d. for Drops for Stairs\nPd: Do. \u00a33: pd \u00a31: 14s: 7d. in full of his Acct. now brote in June 21st. [?]\nNo. 12 Receivd Feby: the 6th. 1766 of Benjamin Franklin Esqr. by the Hands of Samuel Rhoads twenty Pounds toward our Accots of Work done at his Well Little Hous &c. John Ledru\n\u00a320 Joseph Ledru\nNo. 13 Receiv\u2019d July the 7th 1766 of Benj: Franklin Esqr. by the Hands of Samuel Rhoads two pound and ten shillings in full for takeing up all the Bricks in his well. Cleaning several large Stones from under the Curb, settling it deeper and finishing the same fit for use and we promise to sink the sd: Well one foot deeper at our own Expence, in Case the Water shall hereafter fail\nWitness our Hands Deanl Bearrd [?]The true Accot\n[Cancelled:] Pd: John Guy per S Rhoads Junr: 15s. for [?] Load Sand. Receiv\u2019d of Saml Rhoads five Pounds per John Ledru\nApril 10 pd: Robert Smith \u00a310 towards his Work &c. per Rect.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0136", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 13 November 1764\nFrom: Wharton, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMuch Esteem\u2019d Friend Benjamin Franklin\nPhilad[elphia, November 13, 1764]\nThy very kind Letter of the 9th. Instant I [had the pleasure] of receiving yesterday the Contents whereof afforded Matter of real Satisf[action, and] on being shewn to my honoured Father gave Him that just Sensation, which [warms the] Breast of every true Friend.\nI have done myself the pleasure of visiting [thy Wife] and Daughter since thy departure; Who express\u2019d their tender, and filial [Affection?] towards thee, sufficient to warm the coldest Heart: And be assured, if it Liys [in my] Power to contribute to their Ease and Pleasure, I shall be chearfull to do it.\nThe Party at present seem very [quiet, nor] can I, with any degree of Certainty learn, that They intend to give a formal A[nswer to] thy Remarks. W A\u2014has been heared to say, that He was sorry to find [Mr. Frank]lin so warm, and did not know, He had given sufficient Cause therefor; We are [informed?] it sticks very close by Him, his Children and Friends being very uneasy about the Charge. Many of the Pr\u2014ns express their Surprise at their signing the protest, when [such] Proofs could be brought in Opposition to it, And say that Had their Society been [left] unnoticed by thee\u2014it might be well enough. Some of Us, the last Evening determined to have thy Remarks translated into Dutch, and gave Orders for it\u2019s being distributed with Miller\u2019s Newspaper, and expect to have it published in Bradford\u2019s this Week.\nOn the 9th an Express passed through this City from Colo. Bouquet to General Gage\u2014giving as I am informed, an Account of his being mett between the Tuscorora Hill, and the Shawanae\u2019s Town, by a considerable Number of the Delaware and Shawanae Indians. Who intreated Him for Peace, which He absolutely refused Unless They would first deliver up all the Captives, and their Offspring, which [They] have promised to do; They requested Him to stop his March down, and give them [Time to?] perfect this Matter. But He knowing their perfidy, told them, He should continue on if They did not comply in Twelve days, He would destroy everything in his Way. [It] appears that they were destitute of Ammunition, and every Necessary of Life, So that We hope a Peace is near at hand; And as I am not able to give thee a circumsta[ntial] Account of this Matter, and being informed that [it is gone] home by the Packet shall refer [you th]ereto.\nCaptain Friend it\u2019s [said] will sail in a Week, but can not learn that [Governor] Hamilton has taken his Passage. I am thy Sincere and Aff[ectionate]\nAddressed: For / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Agent for the Province of / Pennsilvania / in / London\nEndorsed: Tho. Wharton Nov. 13. and 20. 1764 answer\u2019d Jan. 12", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-16-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0137", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Martin Howard, 16 November 1764\nFrom: Howard, Martin, Jr.\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nNewport Rhode Island, 16 Nov: 1764\nI learnt a few Days ago by the Pennsylvania Gazette that you was speedily to go for England, and being Uncertain Whether a Letter would reach you before you embarked I determined to embrace the Oppertunity to write you by a Vessel bound from hence to London, and hope it may meet you safely arrived there, and making an auspicious beginning in the Matter of Colony Charters.\nI had not the Pleasure to receive any Answer to what I wrote you some time ago, concerning the Motions making here by a few, to mend our Government; I attribute this to the Attention you have been obliged to give, to the Affairs of your Province, which more nearly concerned you; I flatter myself however, that your Disposition to correct Abuses, is not confined to those of your own Province, And therefore I now trouble you, with this, to throw an Occasion in your Way, wherein, you may have an Oppertunity to extend your Benevolence further, and be instrumental in making this Colony too, something better, it is now Nothing but a Burlesque upon Order and Government, and will never get right without the Constitution is altered. I have not time to enlarge, and indeed your thorough Knowledge of the Subject would anticipate all and more than I could say. I would only mention to you, that a Petition to the King is now in the Hands of Joseph Harrison Esqr. who sailed in the Mast Ship from New London above three Weeks ago, his Prudence, And the Secrecy enjoin\u2019d him, will direct him, to be very circumspect in the Management of it, is chiefly founded on an Act of our general Assembly, made directly in the face of an Act of Parliament; Nevertheless, if the Temper of the Ministry is not strong for resuming our Charter this Winter, Mr. Harrison will be entirely silent about it, because to make a Stir and miscarry, would bring a popular Odium on the few concerned in it here. If the times are favorable, it will be in your Power greatly to facilitate the wishd for Change, And I hope I am not mistaken, or too forward, in reckoning much upon your Intimacy with the Great, And the frequent Occasions you will have with them, of speaking upon American Affairs. But perhaps I have already wrote too much, and have presumed too far in addressing you on this Matter, if I am wrong, your Goodness will readily excuse it.\nI have lost a Valuable and affectionate Wife, she is gone to \u201cthat undiscovered Country, from whose Bourn, No Traveller returns.\u201d She died about seven Weeks ago, this is a very affecting Circumstance to me and therefore my mentioning of it, naturally enough accounted for. I have the Honour to be with the greatest Regard Sir your most faithful and obedient Servant\nMar Howard Jun.\nMr. Hall has not yet paid his Bond, but you may rely on my Care of it.\nBenja. Franklin Esqr.\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin, Esquire / at / London. / by the Pitt. / Capt Lyndsay", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0139", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Jackson, 18 November 1764\nFrom: Jackson, Richard\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nNothing has given me or can [give] me more concern than the Disturbances, and Disputes in your Province, the Mischiefs and Dangers to Pennsylvania in particular and to all America in general are inconceivable to one who has not been, in England a good part of the past year; the Effects that the foresight of their Mischief and Dangers had upon me and the firm Belief I entertained that Mr. Allen was affected by the Prospect as I was myself, made me open my Mind more fully to him than I should otherwise have done, and which I was the more readily induced to do from the Warmth with which he entred into some of my Notions and the Candour with which he admitted others, at the same time that I was thoroughly convinced that the Interest of both Partys were the same, and have an 100 times heard him confess that one of them could not gain a Victory over the other without a Loss of much more than it was worth to themselves. By this I meant that if Government could go on under the Proprietary it was much better for all Partys than a Change of Government could well be expected to be in the long run, at the same time that a Triumph on the side of the Proprietary could it be hoped for; would infallibly in the End strip him of the Powers of Government; for that a Man must know little of America to suppose such a Superiority would last long, and little of England, to hope that all the Proprietarys friends could preserve to him a Possession, which he held by a Tenure so unlike that of every other Subject except Lord Baltimore and the Defence of which was no mans common Cause; when attacked and clogged by the Efforts of a respectable Party in Pennsylvania.\nI confess I had formed a very advantageous opinion of Mr. Allen\u2019s Honesty and good sense and therefore was disposed to talk with him frankly on a Subject, on which I thought all Honest Men of good Sense must think alike. I trusted him therefore with my Opinion on 2 or 3 Points which I was satisfied he could not use to the Mischief of any one without hurting himself and his friends, though he might make use of them for the Service of all Parties, to the good part of whom I sincerely wished Welfare and Happiness. But my Commission to him was to tell you my Apprehensions and not to make them publick, because I never thought that could do Service even to his own friends, in the End. I particularly gave him this Commission to you in order to open again that Corespondance which I was of opinion was of so much Consequence to the Province to bring about. I am sorry I was mistaken, but think that the Mischief will fall at last on those who have rejected Terms of Accomodation.\nThat I did not mean that Mr. Allen should make my Statement publick is evident that I did not even write them to any one else in the World but yourself, and that if I glanced at any such in my Letters to Mr. Galloway or the Committee it was at a distance; but I have to believe too that he has exaggerated my Expressions. I confess I have thought from the best Judgements I could form of the Opinions of People in Power, that it was probable they might be glad to take a favourable Opportunity of possessing the Crown of their Power of Government without giving the People of the Province any ground to triumph over those who have pretended that they have been fighting the battle of the Crown; I had reason for this Opinion, and therefore wished, to defend the Province from the Dangers it threatened. I thought it my Duty to do so; and therefore hinted to you in more Letters than one what I apprehended. My Apprehensions were chiefly on the head of Purchase Money to be paid to the Proprietary and some Privileges of the People of Pennsylvania, but my Apprehensions never extended on the former head to \u00a3100000, nor on the latter did I think that the Crown, would by Violence and unconstitutionally strip the Province of its Privileges.\nI do not write you this for Publick Use, perhaps it might serve some purpose to make it publick, but I know you will make no Use of it, that I do not consent to, and my design is only to open to [sic] heart to you on the Subject; and that it should go no further.\nSince I wrote the above I received your favour acquainting me with the Event of the Election. I am heartily sorry for it, not for your sake, but for that of the Province. I now look on the hopes of Reconciliation as vanished for ever: and am Sure that the Event will be the vesting the Power of Government in the Crown. My Compliments to the Governor of New Jersey. I took all the Pains I could to get his Judge confirmed, but there was some want of form in his Appointment that rendered it impracticable. Besides I have really little Interest with Ministers of any kind though I keep a Post that gives me Access to them, perhaps it may be of Service and I may have more. Farewell Dear Friend and believe me to be with the greatest Sincerity your affectionate humble Servant\nRd Jackson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-23-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0140", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 23 November 1764\nFrom: Galloway, Joseph\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Novr. 23. 1764.\nI wrote you from New Castle, the Substance of the Address of the Lower Counties\u2019 Assembly, In which they inform the Crown, That altho they are Governed under the Same Charter with the People of Pennsylvania, yet that their Laws are different. Will it be amiss to inform the Crown, shoud our Intended Change meet with any Obstructions from this Address, That, by the Deed from the Duke of York to W. Penn, he was only Entitled to the Soil and not to the Powers of Government, the Soil being only granted\u2014and that consequently Mr. Penn Exceeded his Power in extending the Charter to the Lower Counties. And that therefore the Charter being granted by a person not having the power of granting is void. And as to their Laws, The Ministry must certainly be surprized to find a Government carried on, and Laws made for upwards of 60 Years, without transmitting any of them for their Approbation. This conduct is not only treating the Crown with great disrespect, but is invading its prerogatives in a Dangerous Point. I apprehend the Reason of the Crowns reserving a Power to repeal or Confirm the Laws of the Colonies, is that it May by a Superintendant Power be able at all times to prevent the ill Consequences that [would] flow from Statutes made inconsistent with the Allegeance of the Subject, or contrary to the Royal Prerogative, But if a Colony should have it in its Power by a Juggle between the two Branches of the Legislature to pass Laws without ever presenting them to the Royal Eye or Ministerial Inspection, Sedition disloyalty, and Infringments of the Kings Prerogative may be promoted and sanctifyed by the solemnity of Laws, and all their attendant Mischiefs ensue, without the least Possibility of redress. I call it a Juggle, because you well know, That the Assembly of that Government have been indulged by the Proprietaries in many things which they have refused here; particularly the Loan Office Act which was passed about the Same Time in which the one in Pennsylvania was assented to by the Governor, An Act Liable to the Same Objections, made by the Proprietaries to the one passed here. And yet they presented the latter for the Royal disapprobation and exerted all their Industry to obtain a repeal, while the former they permitted, with all the rest of the lower County-Laws to sleep unpresented. Nay more their present Governor, appointed by a new Act, a new Set of Trustees to carry the former Law into Execution. Does not a Conduct of this sort in a Proprietary Governor fully Justify the Assertion of the Lords of Trade, That his Majestys Prerogative is too weighty to be Entrusted to the Feeble Hands of private Individuals who from Attachments to their own private Interests, Views and Schemes, are ever ready to Violate or Surrender it up to Serve their own purposes of a private nature. Mr. Wharton has promised to send you the Act with the Supplement or I should do it by this Opportunity.\nThe Proprietary Party Still are industrious in endeavouring to prevent our Design to Change the Government; The Corporation of this City have been for several days engaged in Petitioning the Proprietaries not to Surrender the Government to the Crown. But in Case this cannot be avoided, to use his Interest to preserve their Charter Priviledges. The Presbyterians likewise have been as Active in preparing and Signing a Petition, to the Same purpose, only differing in the Conclusion, that in Case the Change takes place to preserve their religious Priviledges. These Petitions are to go over with Mr. Hamilton.\nThe Confusion of the Government does not seem yet to be at an End, and I am convinced never will unless one more just, impartial and respectful than that of a Proprietary shoud Succeed. Every day furnishes further Proofs. At the last Election at Lancaster a Dutchman who Came into the Country young and is very capable of Executing the Office was Elected and appointed Sheriff of that County. The Irish Presbyterians being disappointed in not having one of themselves elected to that Office, refused to Serve on either Grand or Petty Juries, Tho\u2019 regularly Summond by the Sheriff, because he was a Dutchman. So that there was a failure of Justice last Term in that County. The Sheriff, in endeavouring to serve a process on one of those people, was violently Assaulted, had both Ears of his horse Cut off, and was Obliged to fly to save his Life. And here the Matter rests, For I cannot Learn there are any Measures taking to bring the Offenders to Justice, and were they taken, I much doubt their Success: such is the debility of this Proprietary Government!\nI hear, The Governor, to show how little he regards the remonstrances from the Assembly respecting the Mal-Conduct of the Justiciary Officers, has reinstated Wm. Moore of Chester County as the President of Chester Court, and has turnd out Mr. Hannums a very Worthy man for this only reason because he has supported the Measures prosecuted in favor of the Crown respecting a Change of Government. And I am also well informed Mr. Pawling is to be left out in this County with several others for the Like reason \u2014and several Presbyterians are to fill their Places, Mr. Bryan of this City is one. A Strange Government this in which Loyalty and Affection to the Sovereign is made Criminal, while a Servile Submission and Implicit Obedience to the unjust and Oppressive Measures of a private Subject is the only path to Promotion.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-23-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0142", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Wharton, 23 November 1764\nFrom: Wharton, Samuel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Novr. 23d 1764\nAs some Matters have occur\u2019d, since your Departure, Which it may not be disagreable to you, to know, I borrow an Hour, from Business, to communicate Them to you.\nThe Corporation of this City, met yesterday and agreed upon an Address to the Proprietors. What the Particulars of it, are, I have not yet been able to Obtain, But I learn generaly; That it is expressive of their high Approbation of their Goverment and beseeches Them, to use their utmost Application and Interest, for the Continuance of it.\nI have some Reason to apprehend, That They insinuated, in a part, of it, That if unfortunately, the Goverment should be changed, That Then, They flatter Themselves, The Proprietors will exert their Influence, In Order, to Mr. Hamilton\u2019s, being appointed Governor.\nAt all Events They are determined, it would seem, That the Province should remain, under the Controul of that Gentleman and his Connexions.\nThe Presbyterians, met likewise yesterday, at their Meeting House and resolved also upon an Address. But what its Contents are, I am not informed of.\nAs a Reward to this Sect, for the Services They have done, Mr. Geo. Bryan and Mr. Alexander Huston, two fiery Bigots, are appointed Justices, for this City and County.\nAnother Prooff of the prudence of the proprietary Counsil, is the re-appointment of Mr. Moore, To the office of a Justice of Peace, for Chester County.\nIf the Penn Family were determined, to exercise what little Abilities, They have, designedly, to confirm, The unfavorable Opinion, The People entertain of their Goverment They could not, more effectualy, do it, Than by commissioning Persons at this critical Juncture, Who are so obnoxious to Them.\nIt is indeed fortunate for Us, That They will thus foolishly affront, the sober and sensible part of the Inhabitants, By appointing Men, for Judges, during their Pleasure, Who are known to be their profess\u2019d and thorough paced Creatures.\nYou will pardon Me Sir, for a Moment, Whilst I review, inpart, The Conduct of Those, who stile Themselves proprietary Friends.\nWhen Mr. Hamilton arrived the last Time, as Governor, One of the first Acts, He did, was to disrobe that bad Man, Mr. Moore, (as They then, justly, called Him) of his Office. This was intended, as a recommendatory Introduction, to his Administration and had the happy Effect of generaly pleasing the Province.\nEver since, Mr. Moore, has remained in a private Character. But Now, Mr. Pen is told, It is a proper Period to restore Him, to his former Power and Dignity, But for What Reasons, is misterious, unless, because, He is inexpressibly disagreable, to the principal People, of the County, He dwells in. What must We infer, from such curious Conduct, as this? Except Either, That Our wise Counsellors, conceive it, The easiest Method, of conciliating the Affections of the Inhabitants\u2014Or that, They are determined to plunge Mr. Penn into fresh Difficultys, That so, There may be the more Necessity, for his Uncle\u2019s calling Him, home and sending Out, Mr. Hamilton, In case, you should Not, be so successfull, as to perfect the Change.\nThe Remarks shock\u2019d the Party, very much, as They so clearly and irresistibly develop\u2019d, a variety of Truths, Which They had been long, basely perverting\u2014Especialy that Part of Them, Which gave a History of the Money, That was put, into the Stocks. The Chief Justice was most sensibly affected, at the just Chastisement, you gave Him and his Friends murmured very much, That He should be so Weak, as Now to sign his Name to a Protest, Which his former signing, so flatly contradicted. In short, They became greatly ashamed of their Politician, and He to excuse Himself, was oblig\u2019d to bellow Out, a Compliment to his Heart, at the Expence, of his poor Head. He said \u201cto every Corner and Goer,\u201d That He was happy in knowing He had a good Heart, Though He had a bad Head and as a Prooff of the Latter, He declared He had forgot, That He had signed, the Report of the Committee, Upon your Accounts.\nAn excellent Excuse this, for a Man who has the Effrontery to boast, of a good Heart, When He must be conscious That He has been incessantly, both secretly and publickly, disseminating his Poison, To the, almost, irreparable Injury of Another.\nHe has long insolently domineer\u2019d, in Sun Shine of Fortune and Power, But I am persuaded, you have done Him unutterable Service and That He will be very cautious in future, How He sports with Reputations; for He Now looks upon Himself, hung Up, as an Object, stript of its delusive Covering and exposed to the World, with all its practical [Suspicions?].\nThis I am told, gives Him exquisite Distress and particularly, Because, He is afraid, of a Publication in England.\nThe party are very quiet\u2014but dejected and do not Even talk, of an Answer to the Remarks.\nI expected to have sent you, The Re-emitting Act, pass\u2019d by Mr. Denny, in the three Lower Countys, shortly after He had passed Ours, But I have lost Mine and Therefore must wait, Until I can get another, from New Castle. I think nothing can more clearly prove, The suspicion of the Board of Trade, as express\u2019d, at the close of their Animadversions, Upon the Laws transmitted from this Province, Then Mr. Penn\u2019s not presenting the lower County re-emitting Act and his Deputy, (To Wit Mr. John Penn) last Spring, passing another, for the appointing of New Trustees for the executing of this very Act. The part of their Lordships Report, which I allude to, is that, Where They say\u2014\u201dThat the prerogative is not safe, In the feeble Hands of private Persons, Who too often, render it subservient to their Own Interests.\u201d\nMr. Penn must certainly have his private Estate, in the 3 Lower Countys in View, or else He is wholy disregardfull of the Prerogative of the Crown otherwise He could not take so much pains to have Our Re-emitting Act, repealed and yet Never present the One\u2014exactly similar, Almost totidem Verbis passed at New Castle and Even suffer his Deputy, To continue that very Act, By a law nominating New Trustees to execute it and this after, The Lords of Trade, had made the above pointed Insinuation, against proprietary Rulers.\nBy King Charles\u2019s Charter to Mr. William Penn, it is positively enjoin\u2019d, That all Laws shall be transmitted to the Privy Council, within five years and the same is directed, That so, the said Mr. Penn or his Heirs, or other the Planters &c. may not, at any Time, Thro\u2019 Inadvertency or Design, depart from their Faith and Allegiance.\nWhat can Mr. Thomas Penn then say, In Excuse for Himself, Why He has not taken Care to present, from Time to Time such Laws, As have been made in the three Lower Countys. He cannot alledge, That it was not his Duty, for I conceive it is as much his and more so, Than it is the Assembly\u2019s and with Respect, to this Province, He did, if I mistake not, gladly present Our Re-emitting Act &c.\nYou will doubtless see the Account of Colonel Bouquet\u2019s Expedition down the Ohio, As published in the Papers, I shall therefore only, add upon it. That We every Day expect to hear of his being returnd to Fort Pitt, with all the Prisoners delivered Up and Hostages, for the Accomplishment of such Terms, of Peace, as shall be granted to Them.\nAs soon as there is a certain Account of the Prisoners and Hostages being at Fort Pitt, Mr. Croghan will go from Hence thither, To hold a Treaty with The Delawars and Shawanese. One of the Conditions, I have Reason to think, will be their assisting us, to obtain Possession of the Illinois. An Object of the highest Consequence to the Colonies; As it at present, gives an Opportunity to the Indians, To sell their Peltrys to the French and to receive Ammunition, in Return, from Them.\nBy conversing with Mr. Croghan, I am confirmd in my Suspicion, That He did Not urge the last Losses, Which were suffered by us and others in the Indian Trade. I have also from Him, That Our Friend Anthony Bacon Esquire has undertaken to introduce the former Losses, into Parliament. Wherefor B. W & M [Baynton, Wharton & Morgan] have wrote to Him and informed Him, How They are circumstanc\u2019d and beg\u2019d the exertion of his Interest and Friendship, in their Behalf. I must Therefore request the Favor of you, to call upon Mr. Bacon and explain to Him, The Justice of our sharing equaly with the first Sufferers, in any Retaliation, That may be made by Parliament.\nIt may happen, That your earnest Endeavours may not be crown\u2019d with success, in Obtaining a Restitution for Us, Either in Cash, or Lands. May We therefore be so free with you, As to hope, That in Case, Our Goverment should be changed, That you will be pleas\u2019d to procure us a Recompense in another Way; That is, by having each of us appointed to some Office of Profit Even if the same, was in Reversion. This may be as easy a Way, as any, to the Ministry and will be satisfactory to Us.\nWas I not convinc\u2019d, That I am addressing myself, To a Gentleman, Who will I am persuaded, construe my [remainder missing].", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0144", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Osborne, November 1764\nFrom: Osborne, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nGrays Inn, Novr. 1764\nMr. Osbornes Complyments to Dr. Franklyn and has taken the Liberty of sending him the 15th Vol. of Modern History, with some of his Catalogues which Mr. O. does not doubt but the Dr. will order to be distributed to the best Advantage, and it wou\u2019d give him infinite pleasure if that intricate Account with the Gentleman who had the Disposal of the books was Settled.\nAddressed: To / Dr Benjn. Franklyn / Speaker of the Assembly / in / Pensylvania", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-04-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0146", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 4 December 1764\nFrom: Wharton, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMuch Esteemed friend Benjamin Franklin\nPhilada. December 4th 1764\nI had the pleasure of writing thee on the 20th Ulto. (via Bristol) to which please to refer.\nOn the 28th Captn Friend left our Capes, with whom went Passengers\u2014James Hamilton Esquire and his Nephew.\nYesterday, We had the great satisfaction of receiving a Letter from Colo. Bouquet, by an Express sent forward for Gena. Gage \u2014the substance of which is, that, He had made a Peace with the Shawaness and Delawares, that in conformity to the Conditions of the Peace, They had already delivered up Two hundred Prisoners, and that in a few days One hundred more would be surrendered; that He had received a Number of their best Warriours as Hostages, from whence it\u2019s hoped that the Peace will be lasting: the Army were returning, when the Express left them, from whence it\u2019s evident that the last \u00a355000 granted to his Majesty, by this Province has been of singular Service, altho\u2019 obstructed by the the P\u2014\u2014ry Governor in the manner it was.\nWe have for some days past been advertiz\u2019d of an Answer to thy Remarks, shortly to be published; But whither it will be signed by the Parties, or not, cannot by Us, be as yet known; tho\u2019 I am satisfied that J\u2014 D\u2014\u2014 has been applied to for his Name, but his warmest Friends, insist He shall not place it there: I understand that the Cheif Points they answer to, are, first thy placing the Money in the Funds without an Act of Legislation; Secondly that as before last Election, thou never was sett up as a County Member of the Assembly so thou has not fairly stated the Matter; and therefore They Who to Us are well known both for want of Candour, and Common Honesty, will state it.\nI mentioned in my last that John Potts was left out of the Commission, They have also left out Henry Pauling\u2014it\u2019s not unlikely that as his Actions as a Member of Assembly came to their Knowledge, so might his Story of the Black Snake, which doubt not thou recollect; And both may have contributed to this Rejection. I also mentioned that George Bryan and Alexander Hueston were named for Magistrates in the new Commissions But find on it\u2019s being published yesterday, that A. Hueston is left out, and Wm. Humphreys placed in his stead, which no doubt will afford thee proper Reflection; It\u2019s obvious to all here, which Way the stream is driving, And confirms to every thoughtfull Mind, the Necessity of thy Errand.\nThe more I have reflected on the State We are in, the clearer I am confirmed in my Judgement, of the absolute Necessity of the Measure; And for my own part, cannot help saying, that I think a Legislative Councill will one day or other be found, to be the greatest support of our Priviledges, as well as that of the Rights of the Crown. For when I consider the natural Increase of the P\u2014\u2014ns, and the vast numbers yearly arriving among Us, I am induced to beleive, they will have the Rule and Direction of our Election\u2019s; If, that should prove the Circumstance, nothing can contribute to our Freedom so much as a Legislative Councill; Who would no doubt receive their Appointement from London, And every Avenue would be well guarded on that side of the Water, so that those People would not have it in their power to fill both the Legislative and Executive Branches of Government. In Chester County they plac\u2019d Wm. Moore as President of [the] Court, John Hannum the last on the Commission, And have left John Moreton interely out; Hannum seeing their Views refused to qualify, and the Party were, as I am informed, much perplexed to make a Quorum the first Day.\nSince writing the above I have had the pleasure of seeing Colo. Bouquet\u2019s Letter to Governour Penn, which is dated at the Forks of Muskingham November 15th 1764 And mention\u2019s therein the following Circumstances\u2014vizt.\nFirst\u2014that all the Prisoners should be delivered.\nSecondly\u2014That they should give him Fourteen Hostages, to remain in our hands as a security for the strict Performance of the first Article, And that They should committ no Hostilities against his Majestie\u2019s Subjects.\nThirdly That they should send Deputies to Sir William Johnson to confirm the Peace.\nThe Hostages deliver\u2019d were\u2014of the Mingoes\n  Delawares\n  Shawanesse\nThe Mingoes, and Delawares delivered their Captives, And even the Children born in their Nations of English Women.\nThe Letter mentions that the [Mingoes] Shawnese were extreamly obstinate, And that He expected to have had a Brush with them, before a Peace; But that they then appeared very humble.\nThat the Troops of this Government had carried on the Service with the greatest Zeal and Chearfullness.\nDavid Hall informed me, that He expected a Declaration of the Cessation of Hostilities would be published here, to morrow: And that He should have wrote thee hereof\u2014But as I now undertook to do it.\nThy family are all Well, I have not to add but that I am with sincere respects thy Assurd Friend\nTho Wharton\nAddressed: For / Benjamin Franklin / Esqr, / Agent for the Province of Pensilva: / In / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-07-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0147", "content": "Title: William Smith: An Answer to Mr. Franklin\u2019s Remarks, [7 December 1764]\nFrom: Smith, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nOn December 7, 1764, precisely one month after Franklin had left Philadelphia, the printer William Bradford published an anonymous pamphlet replying to Franklin\u2019s farewell Remarks on a Late Protest. Though no author was indicated on the title page or elsewhere, Franklin\u2019s friends and supporters soon decided that Provost William Smith was at least primarily responsible, even if others might have had a hand in the composition. The attribution of authorship to Smith gained increasing credence and now is generally accepted by bibliographers and historians.\nStill bitterly resentful, perhaps, of the \u201cLapidary Character\u201d drawn of himself during the election campaign (above, pp. 387\u201390), Smith exercised little restraint in his choice of words to describe Franklin and Franklin\u2019s actions, or in the length of his Answer. Such pejorative expressions as \u201canarchical schemes,\u201d \u201cshameful and scandalous manner,\u201d \u201cungrateful incendiary,\u201d and \u201cambitious and time-serving remarker\u201d are scattered throughout the paper, and the adjectives \u201cwicked\u201d and \u201cvirulent\u201d appear repeatedly. Franklin\u2019s Remarks on the Assembly minority\u2019s Protest had run to about 3,800 words; Smith\u2019s Answer took well over 10,000.\nAlmost as displeasing to Franklin\u2019s friends as the substance and tone of Smith\u2019s attack was the fact that the pamphlet was published anonymously. The minority assemblymen had openly signed their published Protest, and Franklin had done the same with his Remarks, but the Answer bore no acknowledgment of authorship. A group of Franklin\u2019s supporters, including his son William, got together and arranged for a communication to be published in both Philadelphia newspapers over the signature of John Hughes calling on the author of the Answer to disclose himself. Hughes challenged him to agree to pay \u00a35 to the Hospital for every charge he could not prove, offering in turn to pay \u00a310 to the Hospital for every one the writer might succeed in establishing. Each party was to choose one referee from a neighboring province and these two would name an umpire if they disagreed. A reply, again unsigned, appeared in both newspapers a week later defending the practice of anonymity in political writings and ridiculing Hughes\u2019s proposal.\nOn January 3, 1765, the Gazette printed a letter, signed by \u201cPoplicola,\u201d which purported to be a defence of William Allen by a friend, but was actually a caustic criticism of the writer of the anonymous letter of the week before. On the same day both newspapers printed a short piece signed by Hughes promising a full reply to the anonymous letter writer shortly. This response appeared in both papers on January 10. Occupying about four columns, it again attacked the writer of the Answer at great length for his anonymity; it challenged him to furnish proofs of any one of his accusations against Franklin, and offered to produce full proofs in the Assembly of Franklin\u2019s charge that Allen had spoken derogatively there of royal government. This letter brought the newspaper correspondence to a close, though some satirical verses, separately published, continued for a time to belabor the issue on both sides.\nThe Answer to Mr. Franklin\u2019s Remarks, printed in full here, and its aftermath, summarized above, show forcefully that the bitter partisan feeling engendered by the election campaign of 1764 lingered on in Pennsylvania long after that contest was ended and after the most conspicuous person in it had left for England. As papers in the next volume will demonstrate, that bitterness and partisanship, carrying over into 1765, were significant factors in determining the attitude of Pennsylvanians towards Franklin at the time of the Stamp Act crisis.\nAn Answer TO Mr. Franklin\u2019s Remarks, ON A Late Protest.\nA day or two after Mr. Franklin\u2019s departure for England, having seen his remarks in the hands of a gentleman, I gave them a cursory perusal; but found them so replete with bitter calumnies and gross evasions, that I judged them unworthy of any further notice.\nBut being since told that his deluded partizans have begun to consider this neglect of his performance, as an argument of its unanswerable nature; I shall bestow a few hours (since no abler hand has thought it worth while) in order to convince them, if possible, that the real design of this their redoubted champion was not to elucidate, but to disguise and conceal the truth; which, it must be allowed, according to his usual custom, he has very artfully, but not honestly, done.\nHe sets out with telling us, that he has generally passed over with a silent disregard, the nameless pieces that have been written against him. The publick knows what sort of disregard he has shewn to the pieces written against him, and to their supposed authors. At present I pass on to the more material parts of his performance, which for my own sake I could have wished a little more methodical, and that the calumny-part had not been so indiscriminately blended with what he would have to pass as the argumentative part. I must, however, try to separate them as well as I can, for the greater clearness in writing; and shall begin with his remarks on the Protest, before I proceed to his shameful abuse of the Protesters.\nHis first remark is that \u201cthe mode of protesting by the minority, against the proceedings of the majority of the house of assembly, is quite new among us; is unknown to the practice of the house of commons, or of any house of representatives in America, and seems an affected imitation of the lords in parliament, &c.\u201d\nIt is acknowledged that protesting may not be an usual method in American assemblies, nor of late years practised in the house of commons in England, which is a very numerous body. But, in a constitution like ours, where there is no legislative council, it may not always be improper; and if the Remarker has nothing to urge against the reason or necessity of a thing, but its novelty, it will have but little weight. When cases and emergencies arise which are new and unprecedented in their nature, a new and unprecedented mode of proceeding against them, may become indispensably necessary.\nIf, for instance, contrary to the usage of the Commons in England, whose votes and transactions are regularly laid before their constituents from day to day, a house of assembly in America should keep their proceedings private for a whole year, and are, during that time, pursuing measures which are conceived fundamentally subversive of the constitution; and if those Members, who conscientiously oppose these measures, cannot even have so much as their yeas and nays made known to their constituents, to rescue them from odium which they have not merited\u2014I say if such a case as this could possibly happen, then surely it becomes both a publick and private duty in those who are against such measures, not only to oppose them by every means in their power (by reasons both spoken and written) but likewise immediately, openly, and avowedly, to lay the whole before their constituents, from whom they derive their power, and to whom they are accountable for their conduct.\nHad it not been for a publication of this kind made by three Members, (it matters not whether it was called a Protest or reasons of dissent offered in writing) I say, had it not been for a seasonable publication of this kind some time ago, and the papers that soon afterwards followed it, the late Assembly might have made their measures for a change of government pass silently home to England as the sense of the People, without their constituents having any opportunity, upon their own certain knowledge of these measures, to represent dutifully to our most gracious sovereign, that they were unauthorized by the people, contrary to our Charter, and therefore, by the tenor of it, \u201cvoid and of no effect.\u201d Such a silence as this would, no doubt, have very well suited the ambitious and destructive schemes of the Remarker, and would have saved him from some share, perhaps, of the general odium which he has the mortification to bear from the good people of this province, for his most wicked attempt to deprive them of their present excellent constitution, in the very face of their charter, and without their consent or authority.\nIt is no wonder then that this mode of protesting should not be agreeable to him, and that he should pour forth such abundance of abuse against all who think proper to follow that mode; tho\u2019, in fact, the Protest he has remarked on, was never offered by more than one of the signers to be entered on the Minutes, but was only read as the sum of the reasons that had been offered in the debate, and which, the House were told, would be laid before the publick. As the speaker of the House had not been presented to the governor, nor taken the usual qualifications to his majesty\u2019s person and government, most of the Members who signed the paper, printed in the nature of a Protest, did not think it necessary to press it on the House, which they judged, under these circumstances, could not regularly proceed to any business.\nBut the Remarker objects against this mode for another reason. He says \u201cThe Minutes would thereby be incumbered, &c.\u201d This may be of some weight with those who pay for the Minutes; but surely, you Mr. Printer\n   *The calling gentlemen by their professions and offices I find to be a favorite method of the Remarker, and I hope he will not be angry with me for adopting it as occasion offers. See page 5. \u201cYou, Mr. Chief Justice and other Justices among the Protesters, and you, Sir, who are a Counsellor at Law.\u201d\n who print these Minutes and are paid for them, cou\u2019d not make this a serious objection. It is a pity, you had not learn\u2019d this saving wisdom some years ago, when you encumbred the Minutes with such loads of scurrilous messages of your own drawing, and such long reports put together from law books, old histories and journals, that for printing, copying, and other services, you and your son shared between you near two thousand pounds of the publick money. But you had not then got yourself saddled upon this province, with a large annual salary, as our ambassador extraordinary to England.\nI shall now drop you, Sir, as Mr. Printer, and follow you in your higher characters of Mr. Ambassador, Mr. Post-master, (or by whatever other name you would be pleased to be called) while you go on modestly arguing your own cause, and proclaiming your own merits against the Protesters.\nThe first reason offered against you by these respectable gentlemen, is a very strong and clear one. They \u201cbelieve you to be the chief author of the measures pursued by the late Assembly, which have occasioned such uneasiness and distraction among the good people of this province.\u201d With what a poor quibble do you pretend to answer this most grievous charge? Can any person but yourself, doubt what measures the Protesters mean? Do they not expressly specify them to be those identical \u201cmeasures which occasioned such distractions among the people\u201d\u2014\u201dmeasures likewise pursued by the late Assembly.\u201d Now, is it not universally known that there was no uneasiness or distraction among the people on account of any measures pursued by the late Assembly, but their attempt to change the constitution of this province, of their own mere authority, and contrary to the very tenor of our charter.\nThe Protesters believed that you was \u201cthe chief author of these measures\u201d and you yourself do \u201cnot dispute your share in them.\u201d The argument of the Protesters, then, against giving you any discretionary powers over the liberties of the people, which they had reason to think you would make a willing sacrifice of to your own ambition, was a strong and conclusive one. And do you think to answer it by a ridiculous play upon words \u201csaying that the distraction and uneasiness of the people were not occasioned by the measures, but the measures by the distraction, &c?\u201d Such a subterfuge as this will not answer the charge brought against you by the Protesters. No, it will stick to you, and continue your name as odious to the next generation, perhaps, as it is to this.\nYou object to another reason of the Protesters against you, viz. \u201cthat you are, as they are informed, very unfavourably thought of by several of his majesty\u2019s ministers\u201d You puzzle yourself to account for this dislike of some of the king\u2019s ministers to you, abuse your accusers, and proclaim your own services to the crown, which will yield you but little cause of boasting when they are fairly stated to you. But be that as it will, the fact is certain that your former anarchical schemes and virulent conduct, had rendered you very exceptionable to some of the king\u2019s ministers. You have met with severe rebukes from them, and therefore were a very unfit person for this province to employ, even if another agent had been necessary.\nBefore I proceed to the next paragraph, I must beg leave to remind the reader, that you contend greatly for the justice of that form in our laws which requires \u201cthe truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to be spoken;\u201d because, you say, \u201ca falshood may destroy the innocent, and so may part of the truth without the whole.\u201d Will you now run contrary to a rule laid down by yourself? One would think not; but yet the next paragraph is one continued violation of it.\nThe Protesters had said, that \u201cthe proposal of you as an agent was extremely disagreeable to a very great number of the most serious and reputable inhabitants of this province, of all denominations and societies (ONE proof of which is, your having been rejected both by this city and county at the last election, &c.)\u201d Here the Protesters plainly mention this rejection, and that too in a parenthesis, only as ONE proof. But you honestly alter the sentence as follows viz. \u201cAnd THE Proof is my having been rejected, &c.\u201d making what they had suggested as only one proof to be the whole proof; whereas they had their own personal knowledge of your being disagreeable to the people, and petitions were then coming fast into the House to put the matter beyond all dispute, if there were any who doubted it.\nOur Remarker goes on in the same manner transgressing his form laid down, and boasts, that in the county-election some who were chosen had scarce a score more votes than he; but does not say a word of the election for the city, where he was rejected by a great majority, though he had \u201crepresented it in Assembly for fourteen years,\u201d which was the very argument of the Protesters; so that if what he says of the county election were the truth, it is only part of the truth, and not the whole truth.\nIn like manner when he says, \u201cdo you, honourable sir, reproach me with this, who for almost twice fourteen years have been rejected (if not being chosen is to be rejected) by the same people, and unable with all your wealth and connections to obtain an election in the county where you reside, and the city where you were born?\u201d Would not one think from this, that the gentleman here meant, had for near twenty-eight years been set up at every election, and pushed as a candidate both for the city and county of Philadelphia, with all the interest of his friends, as the Remarker was at the last election; and that old decrepit men had been carried out of their beds to vote for him; that his party had offered to the opposition to give up any, or all of the other nine Members to keep but this one man in; and that, after all, the gentleman had never once been chosen in the county where he was born? It would have required all this to make the cases similar, and all this the Remarker no doubt would have to be understood. And yet the truth is, that the gentleman who he says has been thus rejected \u201cin the county where he was born\u201d was annually chosen to represent it for nine or ten years, by the almost unanimous voice of the people; that he then voluntarily resigned his seat, and never was a candidate for that county since, but once during the late war, when his friends proposed him, as a person whose presence in the House they then thought necessary for the king\u2019s service, and the defence of their much distressed country. Another remarkable difference is, that when the gentleman consented at last to come a second time into the House, he was chosen at once by two counties of their own free motion; whereas the Remarker has been rejected in two places at once, viz. both in this populous county and city, which pay half the taxes of the province. Nay farther; since the general election, when a resignation of some of his adherents was talked of, in order to give him a chance in two other counties, they were given to understand, that the principal inhabitants of these counties would oppose him to the utmost of their power; that they had good men within their own counties to represent them, and would not bear the reproach of taking in a man thrown out by the city and principal county of the province; and indeed so justly obnoxious is this man\u2019s name, that there is no place in Pennsylvania, where at this day he could have the least chance of any election.\nBut to proceed, the Protesters had said further, that his proposed appointment as an assistant agent \u201cgave them the more lively affliction as taken at the very moment when they were informed by a member of the House, that the governor had assured him, he had received instructions from the proprietaries, on their hearing of the late dispute (about the meaning of the royal decree) to give his assent to the taxation of their estates in the same manner as the estates of other persons are to be taxed, and to confirm for the public use, the several squares claimed by the city.\u201d Well! and if this was the ground of the dispute, was it not now high time to drop it, and to rescue the province from the vast expence and uneasiness attending it? Our ambassador does not presume to say the contrary; but then his embassy would have been spoiled. He observes also that the Protesters used too delicate expressions on this subject. They should have made use of his choice language, and said, that \u201cthis step was taken at the moment, the precious moment, when the proprietaries (by virtue of some strong dose) were disgorging five public squares, which they had near forty years unjustly and dishonourably seized and detained, (swallowed and eat up it should be) from the city.\u201d\nThis language he would have liked better, but unhappily it could not be used on the occasion. The words inserted in the Protest were a report from the governor\u2019s mouth, and unless the Member who communicated the matter, had been possessed of the same dextrous turn for misrepresentation and falshood for which the Remarker is so distinguished, he could not report what the governor said in any other manner than that in which it was committed to him. Hence appears the absurdity of charging the terms of that paragraph, whatever their nature may be, either to the politeness or unpoliteness of the Protesters, who only stated a matter of fact as they had received it.\nThe truth is, as I have been credibly informed, that in the first draught of the Protest, the words \u201cgiven to the city\u201d stood in stead of the words \u201cclaimed by the city.\u201d But in reading it over afterwards, the gentleman who brought the report, desired the expression might be altered and put in the terms he had it from the governor; who said that he had instructions relative to the confirmation of the squares \u201cclaimed by the city.\u201d For if they had been sufficiently granted before, nothing more would have been now necessary. The whole matter stands as follows. The founder of this province, fond of the regular and beautiful plan of his city, and looking forward to its future extent and improvement, may no doubt have intended (and mentioned his intention) to have five public squares in it, two on the Delaware side, two on the Schuylkill side, and one in the centre. His suffering his Surveyor General to publish a plan of the city, and all its proposed streets from river to river, leaving these squares open, is a sufficient presumption of this; and though they were never made a part of the original concessions to the people, nor formally granted to them, nor even publickly promised, by any evidence that appears, but seem only to be intended of his own free motion, both for ornament and use; nevertheless from the circumstances above mentioned, it is not denied but the city might have a right to claim and expect them. But still this amounted only to a claim, and the present proprietors have not disputed it. Far from seizing and detaining them for forty years; the city has all that time had the use of them, and now has it. One of them has long ago been applied by the city itself to the public use, as a Potter\u2019s field, and negroe burying-ground. The other four (except some part of one of them\n   *Even this part is granted to a publick and pious use, as a burying ground to a German congregation in this city. The warrant and survey are of an old date; and it may be fairly presumed that if the part so granted had been deemed at the time to be within any of the proposed squares, this congregation would neither have petitioned for it, nor accepted of it, unless burying grounds were understood to be one of the publick uses for which these squares were originally designed.\n) remain open for the city; and the Proprietors, in pursuance of what appears to have been their father\u2019s intention, have now given certain orders relative to the confirmation of them; which it seems must not be received as a matter of favor, nor even the ratification of a just claim, but a disgorging and spewing up. With what a wicked and virulent spirit is this remarker possess\u2019d? What calumny and misrepresentation will he stick at, in order to inflame and divide? If here on the spot, he will shamefully assert what every person who will walk a few hundred yards may see with his own eyes to be false, what wicked calumny may it not be expected he will propagate of the good people of this province as well as the proprietors, to carry his points in England, where he may not expect an immediate detection?\nMuch in the like manner does he argue about the taxation of the proprietors. He has, for many years, poured forth volumes of abuse against them for not consenting to have their estates taxed as other people\u2019s were: and now he abuses them as much for consenting to it. The truth is, that the proprietors had proposed, among the first land-tax bills we had, that their estates should be taxed in the same manner as those of the people by persons named in the body of the bill, (as they had no voice in the choice of assessors and commissioners) which is strictly agreeable to the parliamentary mode of the land-tax, and was judged to be just and reasonable by the subsequent decree of the king in council. But when the Assembly would not even submit to this decree, but insisted on explaining one particular article in their own sense, the proprietors still willing to cultivate harmony, as soon as they heard of this new dispute, gave orders to admit the Assembly\u2019s own sense of the matter. Yet after all these concessions, and whether they do right or wrong, they are alike to incur the obloquy of this inflammatory and virulent man, whose views are not those of peace and reconciliation. It is therefore a good reason, which the Protesters offered, against employing him as an agent in our affairs viz. \u201cThat they believed his fixed enmity to the proprietaries will preclude all accommodation of our disputes with them, even on equitable and reasonable terms.\u201d He does not deny this enmity, (tho\u2019 he asks the Protesters the reason of their belief;) for he proposes the terms on which his enmity is to cease. I never doubted but his mouth, foul as it is, might be stopped; but I believe, (and if he asks the reasons, I will tell them) that it cannot be done on quite so disinterested terms as he mentions. But, be that as it may, certainly there was room to think that a professed enemy to the proprietors, was very unlike to accommodate disputes, which he hath long and industriously worked up with unexampled calumny, unless we believe he designedly worked them up, to have the merit of appeasing them again: and if this be the case, we have been too long deluded by this crafty ambitious man.\nI come then, as he does, in the next place, to what he calls the high charge of the Protesters, viz. \u201cThat he heretofore ventured, contrary to an act of Assembly to place the publick money in the stocks whereby this province suffered a loss of \u00a36000; and that sum added to the \u00a35000 granted for his expences, makes the whole cost of his former voyage to England, amount to eleven thousand pounds.\u201d\nThis is a very high charge indeed, and if the Protesters had been fond of magnifying, they might with truth have added to the account, commissions paid him for receiving the money at the treasury, and sundry other articles, which would have swelled the account of his expences to upwards of twelve thousand pounds. This charge deserved something more like an answer than what he has given it.\nIt is a mean evasion to say, the Bank could not receive the money on the terms of the Act. And pray could it be placed in the Stocks on the terms of the act? He knows it could not. If then it had been kept in the Bank, the spirit and design of the act would have been complied with, though the terms had not been strictly fulfilled. But by placing it in the Stocks, the terms of the act were not only violated, but the spirit of it likewise, added to a vast loss occasioned thereby to the province.\nThe partizans of the Remarker may pretend they do not see this clearly. I will therefore endeavour to explain it a little further. We all know that by the usage of the Bank, whoever deposits money there must subscribe their name, or write what is called their Firm at the Bank, for the greater security in drawing the money out; and we do not pretend that the trustees of the loan-office were to be transported to England to sign the books. No more did the trustees of the loan-office go to \u2019Change-Alley to receive a transfer of stock for the publick money. All this was to be done by agents or reputable merchants living in London, who were to answer the draughts of the trustees, which they could have done as well by placing the money in the Bank as in the Stocks. When money is placed in the Bank no loss can happen; and if it possibly could, the persons who placed it there are not accountable for it; and therefore the Bank is the place where all persons entrusted with the custody of any public cash chuse to deposit it; but if such persons, without authority, place it in the stocks, it is at their own risque, and as they may claim the profit of any rise of the Stocks, they are accountable for any loss that may happen by their falling.\nOur Remarker tries to impose on the publick by saying \u201cthe House adopted the measure of placing the money in the Stocks, and even passed a bill directing the subsequent sums granted by Parliament to be placed with the former.\u201d Now who would not think by this that he had been indemnified by law for placing the first money in the Stocks, and had by law placed the subsequent sums along with it? Every person who reads what he has written, and entertains any opinion of his veracity, would believe this to be the case. And yet all he says is a wilful imposition. Had he chosen to tell the truth, and the whole truth, he would have added, that though the House did frame such a bill, it was never passed into a Law; that none of the subsequent sums granted by Parliament were ever placed in the Stocks, but in the hands of some reputable merchants in London, the legislature of this province not chusing to entrust him with those sums, after having abused his trust with regard to the money he had already received; which last sums were accordingly drawn out of the hands of these merchants, when the public service required, without the least loss to the province. He therefore remains alone accountable for the heavy loss on the first sums, which never would have happened if the law had been regarded; and no authority of any committee of the House, or even the whole Body, could dispense with a positive Law. And though I will not say, that he ought to disgorge a loss, as he makes the proprietors disgorge five publick squares, yet he ought to be made to refund this loss to the good people of this province, labouring under heavy debts on account of this and other parts of his conduct; it being of no consequence to them whether he brought this loss upon them by the spirit of gaming, or the spirit of pride, in figuring with the reputation of so much money placed by him in the publick funds.\nIf the exchange was higher at the time of drawing out the money than at the time of purchasing the Stock, it was an accident; and it might have happened to be lower, and so the loss would have been encreased. There was a necessity of drawing it out in aid of the supplies of this province. The money was granted by parliament for this very purpose, to ease us of part of our heavy burthens, and not to go a jobbing with, for the uncertain prospect of profit, which might never arise. The drawing the money out, which he seems very angry at, was not so imprudent a step as he is pleased to call it. It was a very prudent and necessary one. The people of this province could not very patiently bear the burthen of new taxes, to humour him in an illegal measure, nor remain easy while so much of their money lay in the name of any private man, however great their opinion of his integrity might be, when in case of his death, they could not have recovered the money, without the delay and expence of an act of parliament.\nHaving already shewn that he has violated the form he laid down, in concealing part of the truth; I would next observe that he has again transgressed it, by saying more than the truth. In hopes to alleviate this charge against him, on account of the heavy loss to the province, he says to the chief justice, \u201cyou, honourable Sir, (my enemy of seven years standing) were appointed on the committee for examining my ACCOUNTS; you reported that you found THEM just, and signed that report.\u201d\nNow what can any one understand from this, but that the Chief Justice signed a report, approving all the accounts of this mans Agency, even including the money placed in the Stocks, with loss, &c. &c. And yet in the report there is no such word as ACCOUNTS in the plural number, or ACCOUNTS in general. It mentions only one account of particular expences compared with vouchers amounting to \u00a3714 10s. 7d.; which was the only account submitted to the committee. \u201cIn obedience to the order of the House we have examined the ACCOUNT of Benjamin Franklin, Esq; with the vouchers to us produced, and find that he has expended &c.\u201d These are the words of the report; and it requires a very uncommon force of logic to construe the signing of this report upon a particular account into a justification of all his conduct in his agency.\nWith the like truth a little afterwards, speaking of the gentleman above referred to, he says \u201cyou, Sir, of all others was the very Member that proposed, for the honor and justice of the House, a compensation to be made of the five thousand pounds you mention.\u201d If this were true, he has made the gentleman a very ungratful return for this, as well as many former favours. But it happens to be a gross falshood. The gentleman has publickly declared, that when the matter was first mentioned, it was only by some of the Members in occasional conversation at the committee, before whom it could not come as a matter of business; that those Members spoke of the reasonableness of making the Remarker some compensation for what they called his services in England, and mentioned an agent that had been allowed at the rate of five hundred pounds sterling per annum, by the colony of Virginia; which agent resided in England and could attend to his other business, whereas Mr. Franklin was forced to leave his family, and quit valuable business here. To which the said gentleman, viz. the chief justice, replied, that he thought it a very great allowance, but at length acquiesced with what appeared to be the sentiments of a great majority of the committee, the matter not being then before them, as hath been observed. And when this business came into the House, it is notoriously known, that the motion was made, not by the chief justice, but by several of the Remarker\u2019s friends, and by a member of Chester county in particular, who further proposed that every expence of the Remarker during his whole absence, should be defrayed by the House. This was strenuously opposed by the chief justice, who said he had no fellowship with him nor his politicks, that he never had approved of sending the Member to England, nor saw any benefit the Province had received by it, that he had spent a great deal of time and money in parading about to different parts of England, and even into Scotland, and must necessarily be at a large expence in maintaining his son, which were matters this province had nothing to do with. But that notwithstanding, since the House had thought fit to employ him on an idle errand, he thought they were now obliged in honour and justice to make him a reasonable allowance; and five hundred pounds sterling, per annum, being the least sum mentioned by any body, he said that he would not object to it, tho\u2019 he thought the allowance rather too large.\nThis is a candid and circumstantial account of this matter, in which the Member acted as became an honest man; and the reader may judge how base a part the Remarker acts, in the false invidious turn he gives to the affair.\nEqually malicious and groundless is the accusation he brings against the gentleman for \u201cconcealing instructions which he was said to bring from the proprietors\u201d for healing our differences; of which accusation a great handle has been made for party views.\nWhoever will suffer himself to reflect for a moment, will see the absurdity of thinking that ever instructions of this kind could be given to be communicated to the province, by a private gentleman, while the proprietors had a governor (one of their own family) on the spot. These instructions were not a moment concealed, nor was it necessary to communicate them in any other manner than they were.\nIf the words of the royal decree (which were inserted verbatim in the late act) were so clear, as the Assembly contest, that they could not be understood in any other sense but that which they contended for, there was nothing to hinder the act from being executed in that sense, if the proprietors had never given any instructions at all on that head. But to put the matter out of doubt, and to remove all cause of uneasiness, they were pleased to give instructions to the governor to acquaint the proper officers, that the law might be executed accordingly. This was all that was wanted; no new law was necessary. Nothing remain\u2019d but to let the Assembly know that such instructions were given; and this was done by a Member, from the governor\u2019s own mouth. Had the Assembly been willing or desirous to receive any further information, they might have obtained it by sending a very short message; for messages have often passed on matters of as little importance.\nThe chief justice, it is true, was in London when the instructions were sent. He was there made acquainted with them, and approved of them as just and tending to peace. It is not improbable but on his coming over he might be charged by the proprietors with letters to the governor on the subject, but he is known to have solemnly declared that he never was invested with any powers or commissions from the proprietors, to communicate their intentions to the House, or to settle any difference between them. But every Member, nay every private man who conversed with him, can testify, that he did not keep the proprietors intentions secret. What is asserted in the extract of Mr. Barclay\u2019s letter, quoted by the Remarker, must therefore have been founded on some mistake.\nThus have I followed the Remarker through every thing that bears the least appearance of argument in his performance; and if the Protesters meet with no more formidable attack than this, their arguments will remain fully convincing to cool and deliberate minds. And though he exults in carrying with him the sanction of two to one in the House, which is a misrepresentation also; yet let him take into the account, that he carries with him the bitter reproaches and indignation of at least five to one of an injured people.\nBefore I leave the Protest, let me observe that there is one part of it, which it did not suit him to mention.\nThe Protesters (after using their utmost endeavours against burthening this province with any more agents than one, and particularly against employing this man, who seems too ready to traffick our singular privileges away for gratifying his own ambition and resentment) frankly proposed, in condescension to their Brethren, who thought another agent necessary, to concur with them in the appointment of any person of weight and integrity in London; and in order to save the expence to the province, already burden\u2019d with heavy taxes, they further proposed that it should be by subscription, to which they generously offered to contribute their quotas, if the other members would do the same.\nI now proceed to a more disagreeable part of my Task; viz, to take some notice of the gross slander and scurrility of this Remarker.\nAnd first then, because he himself (the most unpopular and odious name in the province) lost his election, wherever it was attempted to set him up, he therefore abuses almost the whole body of the people.\n\u201cThe superiority,\u201d he says, \u201cwas obtained over him at the expence of honour and conscience, by exasperating the ignorant, by falsehoods, by perjuries, &c.\u201d One set of men who opposed him meaning his majesty\u2019s faithful subjects the Presbyterians, (who have ever been among the foremost in defending their country, and promoting their sovereign\u2019s measures; while this virulent calumniator, and many of his present adherents, thought they did us a great favour in permitting us to spill our own blood, and spend our own money, in the publick cause) this numerous and loyal people are called \u201creligious bigots, of all savages the most brutish.\u201d\nThe industrious Germans, to whom this province is so much indebted for its flourishing state, and who have suffered so much from this man\u2019s ill-timed disputes, that they thought him unworthy of further trust\u2014they too are called by him \u201ca wretched rabble, brought to swear themselves intituled to a vote.\u201d Much in the same manner he had treated them on a former occasion; calling them \u201ca set of boors herding together,\u201d as if he was speaking of swine. Yet this valuable body of men are true subjects to his majesty; have cultivated a great extent of our country under the faith of our charter, are possesed of large property, and entitled to the privileges of Englishmen and a vote by our laws; and have exercised these their rights, without interruption, for many years.\nThe members of the church of England have at present escaped his calumny. He considered, perhaps, the country to which he was going, and may hope to carry some future points by this complaisance. But he will probably be mistaken. For as he belongs to no religious society, and regards none, so he is alike detested by all, except one, and by many serious good men among that society also.\nThese are some specimens of his shameful and scandalous manner of treating the People of this province in general. To bestow any answer on such odious scurrility, would be ridiculous. None but a very bad man, or one delirious with rage, disappointment and malice, would utter such language, even against a single antagonist, much less against whole bodies of people; unsupported, as it is, with any shadow of reason. In the same manner, he treats the respectable names, who, in execution of what they judged their duty in their place, opposed his appointment. They are called \u201cproprietary minions, making use of a new form of libelling, as the vehicle of personal malice &c.\u201d Yet the ten gentlemen who signed the Protest are known to be persons of the fairest character and men of fortune, absolutely independent of the proprietary family, holding no places under them, solliciting none, nor ever likely to accept of any. Out of this number, I should have excepted the Chief Justice, who has the trifling salary of about \u00a3120 sterling per annum, and that not depending on the proprietors, but on the yearly vote of the Assembly alone; which salary too, it is well known, he has constantly applied to publick or charitable uses. This office he accepted only thro\u2019 the earnest intreaties and persuasions of many good men, and after repeated refusals to serve in it. He has since often desired leave of the several governors to resign it, on account of his advanced age and bodily infirmities, and still wishes to do it as soon as his superiors can be prevailed on to fill it up with another.\nAs the chief force of the Remarker\u2019s virulence seems directed against this gentleman, I shall take the liberty to state the account between them, a little more particularly.\nThe gentleman, I presume, does not pretend an exemption from human failings. His open and candid temper may have led him more than once, to rely too easily on the professions of false and insidious men; and he is, in no instance, more chargeable with this, than in what he has done for this ungrateful incendiary, who, probably, had never been of consideration enough to give the least disturbance to this province, but for the numerous favours so ill bestowed on him, by this gentleman and his friends. They were the persons who first raised him from his original obscurity, and got him appointed Printer to the province, and Clerk to the house of assembly. Not resting here, the gentleman whom he has so grossly villified, did likewise procure him the office of joint-postmaster of America, by means of his name-sake, the worthy Ralph Allen, Esq; of Bath, to whom this Remarker was utterly unknown.\nHe seemed for a time to carry some appearance of gratitude for these favours; and this gentleman and his friends continued their regard to him, till, at length, upon some slight which he supposed the proprietors had put upon him, in not answering one of his letters, and on some personal difference with Governor Morris, they found him all at once renouncing every principle he had formerly professed; openly attacking government, fomenting division, and joining himself avowedly to those, whom before he had often spoke of with the greatest contempt and disapprobation.\nThen, indeed, the gentlemen dropped him; but they did it with a silent disregard; and he has not been without his moments of repentance for his conduct. He has made frequent overtures towards a reconciliation; and, within these two years, has passed the most lavish encomiums on the gentleman who is the present object of his resentment; declaring that \u201che even revered the ashes of their former friendship.\u201d\nBut how strangely must he have forgot himself, when he says in his Remarks, that \u201cthe dear delight and constant employment of the gentleman\u2019s life (the ashes of whose former friendship he reveres) has been the maiming or murdering all the reputations that stand in his way?\u201d A poor compliment this, which the Remarker pays to his own choice of friends! Is it possible that he could have had so many years close friendship with a person, the dear delight and constant employment of whose whole life has been of so infernal a nature? Into what monstrous absurdities and contradictions will the frantic rage of virulent men transport them?\nTo take further notice of this infamous slander, would be perfectly needless. It stands self-refuted; and there is not a character, perhaps, in this province, to which it could less justly be applied. With regard to the chief justice of this province, his virtues are well known, and his character extended so greatly to his advantage through all parts of America, that it cannot receive the least injury from this vain and wicked attempt. The world is apt enough to fix blemishes and stains where there ought not to be any; nor will it suffer even a man\u2019s foibles to pass into oblivion; and surely, if the gentleman had been obnoxious to this heavy charge (and that through his whole life too) we could not but have heard of it before now. But the truth is, that \u201cit was not invented before,\u201d as the Remarker says on another occasion; and therefore the gentleman\u2019s character remained untouched, till, in the rage of disappointment, this furious attack was made upon it, by venturing to spread the most glaring falshoods; falshoods which have made the Remarker\u2019s friends blush for him, and his enemies triumph. He, no doubt, felt the weight of this gentleman\u2019s reputation against him, and therefore thought it necessary to attempt a breach in it; but the blow has recoiled upon himself, and has wounded the credit of every other part of his performance. Thus, like the hunted beast, while he bites the spear of his pursuer, he breaks his own fangs.\nWith the like slander he insinuates, that endeavours have been used in this province, \u201cto render his majesty\u2019s government odious; that traiterous papers, to this purpose, had been written and translated into other languages; and that it had been declared, written and printed, that the king\u2019s little finger we should find heavier than the proprietors whole loins, with regard to our liberties;\u201d and, by the whole reading of the paragraph, he seems to charge these \u201cexploits\u201d chiefly, if not solely, to the gentleman above-mentioned, as another mark of the \u201creverence he pays to the ashes of their former friendship.\u201d\nBut it is happy for the gentleman reflected upon, that wherever his character is known, this charge will meet with as little regard as the former. Thro\u2019 his whole life, he has been a constant friend to government and order; an enemy to every factious and anarchical scheme, and a strenuous promoter of the king\u2019s service. Every one of his majesty\u2019s officers, from the commanders in chief, to the lowest subaltern, will be ready to acknowledge the particular encouragement and assistance they have on all occasions received from him, in every part of their duty; while the public service has been almost constantly obstructed by the licentious spirit of this turbulent Remarker.\nThe two Characters afford a most striking contrast. The chief Justice, while in America, does his utmost to support government, and promote the king\u2019s service; and, when in England, he was equally zealous to support the Rights of America; with a firm and independant spirit, maintaining in behalf of the people here, \u201cthat they considered it to be their essential right as British subjects, to assess their own taxes; and that any law to subject them to internal taxations, otherwise than by their own representatives, would be disfranchising them of the rights of englishmen\u201d: in which opinion, he has the concurring sentiments of, I believe, every representative body on this continent.\nBut very different is the conduct of our ambitious and time-serving remarker. Here in America, his delight is in contention, anarchy and opposition to government. And then, when he has created an embassy for himself, and gets on the other side of the Atlantic, he shifts with the scene; puts off the noisy demagogue, forgets the cause of his employers, truckles for preferment for himself and family, and boasts services he never performed.\nAs to any papers published at the late election, that could give the least colour to the charge he has brought, he or his adherents are called upon to shew them, and expressly to mention the passages, else to take the shame to themselves. I, for my part, have neither seen, or before heard of, any such; and as to the chief justice, who neither gave any vote, nor even stirr\u2019d out of his house during the whole election, he has declared, that far from writing or publishing, he has not even read any thing written or published by either side, since his return from England, except the Supplement to the Pennsylvania Journal, which he never saw, till a printed copy was put into his hands by a friend, desiring him to peruse it, as he was mentioned in it. There is but one paragraph in that paper that makes any comparison between the privileges enjoyed here, and those in royal governments; and that paragraph, far from making such governments odious, has these express words, viz. \u201cThat no government under his sacred Majesty can be an unhappy one; but that there are degrees of happiness, as well as privileges.\u201d This surely does not convey the least reflection against such governments.\nThe great founder of this province had the noble resolution, many years ago, to tell his superiors, in behalf of his people, that \u201cthey had not followed him so far, to lose a single tittle of the charter granted to them, or of the great charter to which all Englishmen were born.\u201d This he did without giving offence: and, I doubt not, if ever this Remarker should venture to push his daring attempts farther against the liberties of Pennsilvania, there will be those found who will be ready to plead with unshaken firmness, and without giving the least offence to the wise, equitable and august judicature before whom only this matter can come \u201cThat when English colonies were first planted, and men were to quit their native country, and, for the extension of its commerce, to enter into what was then considered as a kind of voluntary banishment; it was thought proper to indulge and encourage them with particular grants and privileges, suitable to their circumstances.\n\u201cThe first settlers of Pennsilvania, were highly favoured in this respect by their humane founder, who (under the ample authority of a royal charter) granted them many singular privileges and immunities; to which the rapid growth of this province is to be principally ascribed. By the very fame of these privileges, multitudes of people have been drawn from almost all quarters of the world; who have encreased the number of British subjects, cultivated a wilderness, and made it one of the fairest and most valuable parts of his Majesty\u2019s American dominions. Having thus amply fulfilled the considerations for which these privileges were granted, they now think themselves entituled to the perpetual enjoyment of them. They have not forfeited them by any act of disloyalty to their most gracious sovereign; nor are they pretended to be inconsistent with the nature of government, or such as could not have been legally conveyed to them. They do now, therefore, claim these previleges entire; and a majority of at least five to one of them have publickly avowed that claim, and say that their charter, which is their birth right, has expressly put it out of the power of their Representatives, by themselves, to do any matter, or thing, whereby their privileges may be affected. Under such circumstances as these, when they see a change (unsought for by our indulgent Sovereign, unwished for by the people, and even notoriously repugnant to their general sentiments) I say, when under such circumstances, they see a measure of such immense importance, hurried wickedly and vehemently on, by the ambition of a single man, it is impossible but indignation and resentment must rise to their utmost heighth.\u201d\nAll this, I say, may be asserted without the least offence. There is not a private corporation that would not stedfastly say as much as this, in behalf of their most inconsiderable immunities. And yet this is the amount of all that is to be found in the papers which, for the credit of his country, the Remarker has been pleased to call treasonable.\nThere is no such expression to be found in them, as that \u201cthe king\u2019s little finger we shall find heavier than the proprietors whole loins, in regard to our liberties.\u201d The Remarker, with his usual candor, has added words of his own to the sentence; for what is there said, is not spoken, with regard to our liberties, but with regard to instructions. The Remarker had made it a charge, against proprietary instructions, that our judges were thereby prevented from having their commissions during good behaviour. It is answered, that \u201cwe should find the king\u2019s little finger thicker than the proprietor\u2019s whole loins,\u201d with regard to the authority of instructions of this kind; and an instance is given of Mr. Hardy\u2019s case, who lost the government of New Jersey for appointing one judge during good behaviour.\nIt is true, many papers have been publish\u2019d in this province, which, by comparison, have a tendency to \u201crender royal governments odious,\u201d as well with respect to the tenor of Judges commissions, as the tenor of militia-laws, the right of disposing the public money, and the appointment of the officers of the revenue, &c. But it is the Remarker\u2019s misfortune, that these publications have had him for their author, and are striking specimens of his boasted loyalty, and \u201cconstant endeavours to promote the measures of the Crown, ever since he had any influence in the province.\u201d Nothing but his own matchless assurance could make him hope that this assertion could obtain any more credit in England, than it can in America; when it is incontestably known, that, for many years past, he has taken every advantage of the distresses of his country, to retard the public supplies, to wrest the prerogatives of the crown out of the hands of the King\u2019s representative, to strip the executive part of government of its constitutional authority, and to affect even royalty himself.\nI shall not, in imitation of his example, advance such charges, without proof.\nDuring the last war, he drew up with his own hand, and afterwards defended in his news-paper, a militia bill (which the governor in the distress of the count[r]y, was obliged to pass into a law) by which the nomination of the officers, and consequently the command of the militia, were wrested out of the hands of the king\u2019s representative; by which, the Remarker himself got elected to the office of colonel, paraded his regiment about the streets to intimidate his opponents; and on setting out and returning from journies, was escorted with drawn swords, and received with rested arms, and other affectations of royal state; while the king\u2019s representative had nothing left, but to walk about, and look silently on.\nThis law being repealed by his majesty, our Remarker, in the profusion of his loyalty had the assurance last spring, to get another presented to the governor, worse in many respects, than the former; still depriving the king\u2019s representative of the nomination of the officers, and even giving the provincial commissioners a negative on the direction of the operations of the militia. The governor having refused to pass this bill, he was charged (in a paper published under the Remarker\u2019s patronage at the last election) with being a tyrant, and being led by wicked proprietary instructions,\n   *See a paper call\u2019d Reasons why the late Militia Bill miscarried. See also the resolves of March the 24th last.\n to subject the people to grievous fines and death by military courts; to refuse them the choice of their own officers, and the benefit of being tried for military offences in the civil courts, by a jury nominated by a sheriff of their own election; notwithstanding the governor, by his amendments, only desired the bill to be rendered conformable to the militia laws in all the governments around us, declaring that he would not pass it otherwise, as contrary to a known and positive determination of the king in council.\nSurely, \u201cthese exploits of our Remarker, are not for a man that holds a profitable office under the crown; and, as he says, can expect to hold it no longer than he behaves with the fidelity and duty that becomes every good subject.\u201d\n   \u2020See remarks, Page 2.\n But yet these are not half of his loyal \u201cexploits.\u201d\nHis majesty had repealed a law (pass\u2019d by our infamous Governor Denny) appointing our judges during good behaviour. The Remarker was then our agent and plenipotentiary at London, and either could not, or did not think it safe for him there to oppose that repeal; yet still this \u201cfaithful and dutiful subject,\u201d (as he calls himself) resolves it to be among the list of our grievances, and unjust, that the proprietors, in obedience to the king\u2019s determination, should \u201cappoint judges during their pleasure.\u201d Again, though it be expressly subversive of the royal prerogative and unconstitutional, for an assembly to claim the appointment of officers in the civil and executive part of government, or the sole disposition of the public money, accountable, as they are, only to themselves; nay tho\u2019 his majesty has repealed a law, on this very account; yet this man has constantly taken advantage of his country\u2019s distress, violently to repeat all these claims. By these means he has often endeavoured to deny the Governor even a voice in the disposition of the public money: and has got the nomination of the officers of the revenue, and even military officers, such as barrack-masters, &c. taken out of the hands of the King\u2019s representative.\nThese are some of the dutiful exploits which our Remarker has performed; and tho\u2019 he thought it his Interest to boast great loyalty, when he was setting out for England; yet his superiors there, to whom these things are well known, will be at no loss to form a right judgment concerning him. I could now proceed to give some striking Instances of his loyalty, extracted from his writing as a private man; in which he has treated his Majesty\u2019s publick Boards, and royal Instructions, much in the same bitter and licentious manner, as he treats the powers of government here. \u201cIt is not,\u201d says he,\n   *Historical review of Pensylvania.\n \u201cto be presumed that such as have been long accustomed to consider the colonies in general, as only so many dependencies on the Council-Board, the Board of Trade, and the Board of Customs; or as a hot-bed for causes, jobbs and other pecuniary emoluments, and bound as effectually by instructions as by laws, can be prevailed on to consider these patriot-rustics (of Pennsylvania) with any degree of respect.\u201d\nBut having already exceeded the length I intended, I shall not take further notice of this man as a writer. It is however to be hoped that some person of more leisure may, for the sake of an abused Province, give a compleat account of his conduct ever since it was the misfortune of this country that he had any influence in it. There is ample room to shew how diametrically opposite his principles have been at different times; how he has paid servile court to all sides, deceived all, calumniated all! How he has been endeavouring, first with one party, then with another, to pave the way to his present attempt! what misrepresentations he has spread, and what ferments he has worked up for this purpose!\nIt might likewise be shewn, by what means, after his schemes had rendered him odious to every other society in the province, he has formed a party in one, by sowing divisions among them; and tho\u2019 they have heretofore been thought remarkable for their sagacity and prudence, yet he has craftily drawn their young men into his measures; lessening the influence of the serious and considerate part of their body; and, under the mask of friendship, hurrying them on to that ruin, which he had before endeavoured to bring upon them, in open enmity.\nThis would furnish a character, not such as is given in the lapidary way, to which he has of late been accustomed; but such as will be preserved in the more lasting strokes of faithful history.\nAt present I shall conclude only with a sketch; and that he may not call it either \u201cmaiming or murdering\u201d\u2014I shall give part of it in his own drawing; and part of it in the drawing of a celebrated english poet. The reader may make the application where he pleases; for I cannot tell for whom the latter part was designed.\n\u201cTho\n   *See the Remarker\u2019s historical review, page 274\u20135.\n soiled and disgraced, this Anti-Penn, this undertaker to subvert the building Penn had raised, is far from quiting the lists. On the contrary, he lies in wait with impatience for the verification of his own predictions-----Factions he has found means to form, both in the city and in several counties. Tools and implements of all kinds he has-----The prostitute writer, the whispering incendiary, the avowed desperado, surround him. The press he has made an outrageous use of; a cry he has raised; and, in miniature, the whole game of faction has been here played by him, &c.\n\u201cPaleness,\n   *Churchill.\n not such as on his wings\nThe messenger of sickness brings,\nBut such as takes its coward rise,\nFrom conscious baseness, conscious vice,\nO\u2019erspread his cheeks;\u2014disdain and pride,\nTo upstart fortunes ever tied,\nScowl\u2019d on his brow;\u2014within his eye,\nInsidious, lurking like a spy\nTo caution principled by fear,\nNot daring open to appear,\nLodged covert mischief; passion hung\nOn his lip quivering; on his tongue\nFraud dwelt at large; within his breast\nAll that makes villain found a nest.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0148", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 9 December 1764\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n[My dear] Debby\nSt. Helen\u2019s Road, Isle of Wight,Dec. 9. 1764 5 P.M.\nThis Line is just to let you know that we have this moment come to an Anchor here, and that I am going ashore at Portsmouth, and hope to be in London on Tuesday Morning. No Father could be tenderer to a Child, than Capt. Robinson has been to me, for which I am greatly oblig\u2019d to Messrs. James and Drinker\u2019s but we have had terrible Weather, and I have often been thankful that our dear Sally was not with me. Tell our Friends that din\u2019d with us on the Turtle that the kind Prayer they then put up for thirty Days fair Wind for me, was favourably heard and answered, we being just 30 Days from Land to Land. I am, Thanks to God, very well and hearty. John has behav\u2019d well to me, and so has every body on board. Thank all my Friends for their Favours which contributed so much to the Comfort of my Voyage. I have not time to name Names: You know whom I love and honour. Say all the proper Things for me to every body. Love to our Children and to my dear Brother and Sister. I am, dear Debby, Your ever loving Husband\nB Franklin\nI write this in hopes of reaching the Packet.\nAddressed: To / Mrs. Franklin / Philadelphia / via New York / per Packet", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0149", "content": "Title: Journal, 1764\u20131776; Ledger, 1764\u20131776\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Williams, Jonathan Jr.\nTo: \nDecember 10, 1764\nAs Franklin had done when he went to England in 1757, he began a new record of his financial transactions when he started his second mission in 1764. Probably the new record consisted at first of a series of rather informal entries such as those in his \u201cAccount of Expences,\u201d 1757\u20131762, described above, VII, 164\u20135, and cited repeatedly in volumes VII\u2013X of this series. When his grandnephew, Jonathan Williams, Jr., went to England in 1771 Franklin asked him, as he told the young man\u2019s mother, March 5, 1771, \u201cto put my accounts in order, which had been much neglected. He undertook it with the utmost cheerfulness and readiness, and executed it with the greatest diligence, making me a complete new set of books, fairly written out and settled in a mercantile manner, which is a great satisfaction to me, and a very considerable service.\u201d Williams completed the task on February 28, 1771, bringing all entries down to date, and then struck a trial balance. Thereafter Franklin seems to have maintained the books himself and was able to strike a second trial balance after his return to Philadelphia in 1775. A few entries of later date and some miscellaneous memoranda complete the volumes. The rough accounts Williams used to set up these records have not survived.\nThe two books Williams started and Franklin carried on take the familiar form of a Journal and a Ledger. The first is a folio volume inscribed on an otherwise blank initial page: \u201cThe Journal of Benjamin Franklin after his leaving Philadelphia Novr 7. 1764 and during his Residence in London.\u201d It consists of a series of chronological entries recording receipts and expenditures. The first entries are dated Dec. 10, 1764, and the last May 31, 1775, except for about two pages of additions from October 1776 which relate, in one way or another, to earlier transactions. The 61 pages on which the entries appear are numbered consecutively.\nThe second of these account books, also a folio, is inscribed: \u201cThe Ledger of Benjamin Franklin containing Accounts of such Transactions only as have pass\u2019d since his leaving Philadelphia Novr 7. 1764 and during his Residence in London.\u201d It consists of a series of facing-page records of specific accounts. Although most of these are with individuals or business firms, including banking houses, there are also accounts with the General Post Office, each of the four colonies for which Franklin acted as agent during these years, and a few other bodies or institutions. On the left-hand page of each account, headed \u201cDr.,\u201d are entered by dates and brief descriptions the amounts which Franklin paid to the person or organization concerned. On the right-hand page, headed \u201cContra\u2014Cr.,\u201d are similarly entered the amounts BF credited to himself in connection with that account, showing the nature and sources of such credits.\nJonathan Williams, who had been trained in accounting, set up these books to provide a full system of double-entry bookkeeping. This system is based on the theory that every transaction involves simultaneously the receipt of a financial benefit by one person or organization and the conferring of a financial benefit by another. Hence for every transaction recorded in a double-entry ledger, two entries must be made\u2014one debit and the other credit\u2014in two different accounts. Realistically, however, there are numerous transactions for which an entry can be made in monetary terms in only one account, as, for example, when a person whose accounts are being recorded receives money for services rendered, or draws out currency from his bank, or pays cash for a purchase of clothing. To provide a second balancing entry it becomes necessary to create one or more \u201cimpersonal,\u201d or nominal, accounts in a ledger. Williams met this requirement for his uncle by establishing accounts, with both debit and credit pages, entitled conventionally \u201cProfit and Loss\u201d and \u201cCash.\u201d To provide for Franklin\u2019s special situation, where many transactions involved overseas transfers of monetary credit, he also set up a similar record headed \u201cAccount of Bills of Exchange.\u201d These three \u201cimpersonal\u201d accounts, together with one or two others of minor importance, completed the categories required in the Ledger for a full recording of Franklin\u2019s financial transactions of every sort.\nThe first entries in the Ledger are again dated Dec. 10, 1764, and the last Oct. 21, 1776. There are 71 pairs of facing pages containing these ledger accounts, both pages of a pair identically numbered. Williams made no attempt at alphabetical arrangement; he simply opened an account under a new name on the next available pair of pages whenever it became necessary, and Franklin later followed suit.\nThe entries in the two account books are closely related. For each entry in the Journal there must be two entries in the Ledger, one where it appears on the \u201cDr.\u201d page of one account, the other where it becomes a \u201cCr.\u201d entry in another account. Two ruled columns near the left margins in the Journal provide spaces where these page numbers in the Ledger are shown. Similarly, a column on each page of the Ledger contains a figure for each entry to indicate the page in the Journal where that transaction was first recorded. These columns thus provide a complete system of cross-reference between the books. There are, however, no alphabetical indexes.\nTwo simple examples will illustrate the system employed in these books. Under date of Feb. 1, 1765, there is an entry on page 2 of the Journal showing that Franklin paid William Strahan \u00a3163 13s. 7d. to assume James Parker\u2019s debt to Strahan, as Parker had asked before Franklin left Philadelphia. Cross-references direct one to the Parker account in the Ledger, where the payment is recorded on the debit page as \u201cTo William Strahan,\u201d and to the Strahan account, where it appears on the credit page as \u201cBy James Parker.\u201d Both entries refer back to page 2 of the Journal. Again, the Journal records on page 3 that on June 11, 1765, BF received from the banking firm of Brown & Collinson a draft for \u00a312 12s. in favor of Mason Chamberlain \u201cfor my portrait.\u201d The credit page of the Brown & Collinson account in the Ledger records receipt of this draft on the same date, and the debit page of the Profit and Loss account records the transaction as an expenditure. While some of the financial operations shown in these books are more complicated than these two, the principles involved remain the same.\nAs occasion requires, these account books will be referred to in this edition as Journal, 1764\u20131776, and Ledger, 1764\u20131776, respectively.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-12-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0150", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [12\u201316 December 1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nI have once more the Pleasure of writing a Line to my dear Polly from Cravenstreet, where I arrived on Monday Evening in about 30 Days from Philadelphia. Your good Mama was not at home, and the Maid could not tell where to find her, so I sat me down and waited her Return, when she was a good deal surpriz\u2019d to find me in her Parlour. She has this Afternoon receiv\u2019d a Letter from you, and we rejoice to hear that you and our other Friends at Bromley are all well. My Love to good Doctor and Mrs. Hawkesworth, and to your amiable Friends the Miss Blounts. Your Mama joins with me in every affectionate Sentiment, and bids me tell you that she is indeed but poorly, yet better than she was when you left her. I am, as ever, my dear Friend, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0151", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Thomson, 18 December 1764\nFrom: Thomson, Charles\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nPhilada. 18th Decr. 1764\nThe Urgency of my business which called me another way deprived me of the pleasure of waiting on you to Chester. However my best Prayers and wishes attend you, and I hope e\u2019er now you are safe in London. The first Day of my Journey I travelled about 32 Miles up the Lancaster Road and lodged at the 19th. Tavern. This Road tis true is much frequented and on that account the great Number of Inns might be in some measure excused, were it not that they are almost equally numerous on every other Road thro the Province; In consequence of this the Manners of the people are debauched, their bodies enervated, their time and Money uselessly dissipated and this I look on to be one great Reason of the want of Cash so much complained of and of the many failures that have and must happen among trading people thro the Province. I should therefore be exceeding glad to see this matter regulated, and instead of the perquisite arising from Tavern Licenses that our Governor had a handsome fixed annual Salary. You remember the Story of Cyrus, the Way he took to break the Spirit and soften the War-like Disposition of the Lydians and render them more abject Slaves by erecting Bagnios and public Inns. I think \u2019tis Herodotus tells the Story. I will not say that is the design of our great Ones. But certain it is that almost in every tavern keeper the Proprietors have a warm advocate and that the more effeminate and debauched a people are, the more they are fitted for an absolute and tyranical Government.\nSince your Departure the Effects of Party Spirit has reached the Seats of Justice. In York County a Dedimus was sent up and an entire new set of Justices put into Commission. In Chester County the change was not so great, some having voted right at the late Election and Mr. Chew it [is] said with much ado prevailing to have one or two Quakers continued. However Morton, the chief Burgess of Chester and some others were left out, and Wm. Moore put at the head of the Commission. So ill had they concerted Matters and so eager was the president to resume his former seat that he published the Commission the morning before the Court, upon which some who were dissatisfyed with the Man and measure would not appear so that had not the Cheif Burgess of Chester been prevailed on to act in Consequence of the Charter granted to the Burrough the Court must have drop\u2019d for want of a sufficient Number of Justices and all the Actions depending been discontinued. In Philadelphia County Pawlin (in whose favour they exerted themselves so much at the Election but who unluckily did not answer their purpose in the House), John Potts &c. are left out and others more pliant put in their Room. What Changes are made in the other Counties I have not heard. This however serves to shew the Spirit of the times and the necessity of a Change.\nI am sorry to inform you there is Reason to fear the Indian War is not quite at an End. Colonel Boquet, as no doubt you have heard marched into their Country, at whose approach they were so alarmed that they begg\u2019d for Peace, agreed to deliver up the prisoners and to give Hostages for their due observance of the Peace. At the time appointed the Delawares and Senecas came in and brought with them near two hundred prisoners and gave the Delawares six and the Senecas two Hostages, the Shawanese kept back. However after some Days they also came and brought with them a few prisoners and gave six of their chief Men Hostages. With the prisoners and Hostages Colonel Boquet returned to Pitsburgh from which place in a few Days as we are just now informed the six Shawanese Hostages have made their Escape. So that it is to be feared it will require another Campaign to bring them to Reason. A Letter from the Army says the Indians have been supplied from the French on the Illionois. The Colonel is expectd [in] Town in a few Days.\nThe Sunday before Mr. Hamilton sailed Notice was given at the Presbyterian Meetings by the Ministers for the heads of the heads of the Congregations to meet next Day on Matters of the greatest Importance. The design was as I am informed to sign a Petition to the Proprietaries requesting them to exert their utmost Influence to prevent a Change of Government. As I did not see it I can say nothing certain but doubtless you will hear of it in London. I am with sincerest Esteem Dear Sir Your hearty Welwisher and affectionate Friend\nChas Thomson\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / in Craven Street / London\nEndorsed: Mr Thomson. 19 Inns in 30 Miles", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0152", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Hannah Walker, 18 December 1764\nFrom: Walker, Hannah\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonour\u2019d Sir\nWestbury, the 18th: Decr: 1764\nI received yours on the 16th. Instant with greater Joy then we Can Express to us all to think you are safe arrived in England in so short atime and were Extremely glad to hear that your good Family are all well when I read on the 10th: Instant in the Newse Paper as you was to Embark for England it was with the greatest Joy Imaginable to Read Over Such a paragraph but a great Deal more Agumented to hear of your Safe arival in so Short atine. Most Honour\u2019d Sir I Return you Humble thanks for your kind Letter which is one of the greatest Comforts in this world to receive A Letter from you or any of your Dear Family. I hope Miss Franklin receiv\u2019d my Letter as she was so kind to Desire me to write to her as I Did accordingly as She need not think I was so ungratefull not to return an answer to so kind an Invitation. I hope we may Live in hopes of seeing you in the Countrey. We all Joyn in Begging the Axeptance of our Dutys to you from your Ever Most Humble and Obedient Servant\nHannah Walker\nAddressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / at / Mrs Stevensons Craven / Street Strand / London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0154", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 20 December 1764\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Decr. 20. 1764.\nTho\u2019 I have nothing material to say, yet as I promised to write you by every Ship from this Port to yours, choose rather to put you to a small Expence of Postage, than be altogether silent.\nI begin then with acquainting you, that Mrs. Franklin and Sally are well, as is your Son, who I saw the Day before Yesterday. The Papers are sent you by this Vessel, and among them that of this Day, in which you will see a Paper in your Behalf, signed by John Hughes, desiring the Author or Authors of an Answer to your Remarks, to publish his or their Names, &c. Mrs. Franklin tells me she has sent you the Answer, else I should have done it.\nYou will see a Proclamation in one of the Gazettes, in which there is a Cessation of Hostilities against the Indians, and of Consequence the Troops will be discharged but the Six Shawanese Hostages have given Colonel Bouquet the Slip at Pittsburgh, which gives, I understand, some Uneasiness; the Reason of their going off not known, at least not made publick; but I have heard that one of them had a Quarrel with one David Owen, a white Man, but a worthless Fellow, in which the Indian was killed, and that that was the Occasion of the others going off; however, as the Colonel is expected in Town in a Day or two, we shall probably hear further. If the Papers have come to your Hands, you will find the Shawanese were more backward than the other Indians in agreeing to the Peace, the Reason of which we have since heard was, that at the Time they were treating with the Colonel, there were a Number of French Traders in their Town, who, it is said, brought them Plenty of Goods and Ammunition, and that this is the third time they have been supplied by the French during the late War. I don\u2019t know any thing else in the News Way just now worth communicating; only that we have a very bad Gang about Town, who are every Night robbing Houses, or attacking People about the Skirts of the City, so that I suppose we shall have another Hanging Bout by and by. Our Roads as you will see by this Day\u2019s Paper, are also infested by Highwaymen.\nBusiness goes on as usual; we are now printing the Votes of the New Assembly, there being an Order, it seems, to print the Minutes of every Sitting, as soon as conveniently they can be done. Hope to have the Pleasure of hearing from you soon, with all your News; which will be most agreeable to Dear Sir, Yours most affectionately,\nDavid Hall.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0156", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Springett Penn], 22 December 1764\nFrom: Penn, Springett\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nDublin Decemr. 22d 1764\nHaving this Day read in the paper of your Safe Arrival in London My Mother and myself Congratulate you on your safe Arrival and hope you have left your Family and the rest of our Friends well. I the other day received a letter from Mr. Pennington who informed me you were coming over in order to Petition his Majesty to take the Government on himself and that it would in such Case be adviseable for me to put in my Claim. I should therefore be much Obliged to you if among the other marks of Friendship you have shewn me you would send to Mr. Life who I hope will soon be able to wait on you (as he has been very ill of late) to consult what will be proper to be done. He can shew you an Opinion of Mr. Jacksons about this Matter.\nMr. Pennington in a former Letter wrote me the Intail of Pennsbury would be soon barred and in this last has not said whether it was or not but no Doubt you can inform me. My Mother joins in Compliments of the Season. I remain with great Regard [your] humble Servant\n[Springett Penn]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0159", "content": "Title: Table of Revised Postal Rates, [1764]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nOn Sept. 21, 1764, Franklin and Foxcroft recommended that the proposed new postal act change the schedule of rates between colonial offices from one based chiefly on a few specified places to one stated in general terms of mileage alone, thereby eliminating several inconsistencies resulting from the earlier method. The postmasters general adopted this recommendation, and the clause in the new bill making the change was certainly one of those Todd showed to Franklin about December 24. In brief, the bill (which was enacted without change in this particular on May 10, 1765, as 5 Geo. III, c. 25) specified that a single-sheet letter going not more than 60 miles should pay 4d.; one going between 60 and 100 miles, 6d.; between 100 and 200 miles, 8d.; and any letter going more than 200 miles should pay another 2d. for each additional 100 miles or fraction thereof.\nEither in September, when Franklin and Foxcroft were drafting their recommendations, or in December, after Franklin\u2019s interview with Todd, Franklin prepared this table. Since the draft is undated, one cannot state with certainty which was the occasion; hence it is placed here with other undated documents of the year 1764.\nThe post offices listed here are the only ones specifically mentioned in the act of 1710, and the rates of postage prescribed in that act for letters between New York and each of the other offices are shown in one column in pence sterling. The next column shows what the rates would be under the proposed bill when determined by the mileages given in an earlier column. Since the rates shown are only those between New York and the few offices mentioned in 1710, this is far from being a complete list of postal rates under the new law. For mail between any two places mentioned which would have to pass through New York, however, it is possible to determine the rate after adding together the two mileages. Thus, a letter between Boston and Philadelphia, said to travel a total of 366 miles, which would pay 1s. 9d. under the old act, would now pay only 1s. 4d. (6d. plus 10d.), a reduction of not quite one-fourth.\nTable of the Distances of Places, and Rates of Postage in North America, showing the Changes propos\u2019d to be made by the New Act.\nPlaces\n  Distances in Statute Miles\n  Postage by thepresent Act\n  Postage propos\u2019dby the New Act\n  Difference\nFrom New York\u00a0\nto Perth Amboy\n  abated 2d. which is\nto Bridlington\n  No Change\nto New London\n  abated 1d. which is\nto Philadelphia\n  abated 3d.\nto Newport\n  abated 4d.\nto Boston\nabated 2d.\nto Portsmouth\nNo Change\nto Annapolis\nabated 2d.\nto Salem\nabated 5d.\nto Ipswich\nabated 5d.\nto Piscataqua\nabated 3d.\nto Williamsburgh\nabated 1d.\nto Charlestown\nadded 4d.\n  Note; That Portsmouth is at Piscataqua and the chief Office there and it was an Error in the old Act to give them different Postages; and a lower Postage from New York to Portsmouth, than to Salem and Ipswich, which are nearer the one by 40 and the other by 30 Miles.\n      See Douglas\n  Endorsed: Post Office Changes of Rates\n[Also on this page:] of the Kindness I met with in that Country and the happy Hours I spent in their Conversation.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0160", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Grey Cooper], [1764?\u20131775]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Cooper, Sir Grey\nSir,\nI used to put two Ounces of Bark finely powdered into a Bottle of Wine, and let it stand 24 Hours, in which time it will have given to the Wine a sufficient Quantity of its Virtue, and the Powder itself will be pretty well subsided. When I had drank two or three Glasses out of the Bottle, I used to fill it up with fresh Wine, because the Bark will not give forth all its Virtue to the first Quantity of Wine, but continues communicating more as fresh Wine offers to receive it, so that on the whole I suppose I may have drank a Gallon of Wine off the first Quantity of Bark. Every time I pour\u2019d out a Glass to drink, I us\u2019d to shake the Bottle, generally not \u2019till I had fill\u2019d my Glass; but sometimes before, when I felt any feverish Indisposition and chose to have some of the Substance of the Bark expecting thence greater or more speedy Effects. I am, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0162", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, [1764\u20131765]\nFrom: Collinson, Peter\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy Dear Friend.\nI think you[r] Vindication is admirably well drawn up You make Mee Smile now and then with a keen back Stroke and then with a Home Thrust. It must Mortifie Allen for it cuts Him to the Quick. He has poisoned the Barclay Family. I wish you had one to spare to send my penny post Directed to Mr. David Barclay Junior in Cheapside.\nIf you have them not to spare I think they Should be reprinted Here you\u2019l find them of great Service to remove prejudices.\nI am much yours\nP Collinson\nAddressed: To / Ben Franklin Esqr. / at / Mrs Stephensons / in Craven Street / Strand", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0163", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Greenwood, [1764\u20131775]\nFrom: Greenwood, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMr. Greenwood,\nTakes the Liberty to inform Dr. Franklin and friends that he has Three very large and Capital Pictures just arrived, and to be seen at an empty House, almost opposite the Cocoa Tree, Pall Mall, from Ten in the Morning till Three o\u2019Clock.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-11-02-0164", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Alexander Small, [c. 1764]\nFrom: Small, Alexander\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nI have just recollected that in one of our great storms of lightning, I saw an appearance, which I never observed before, nor ever heard described. I am persuaded that I saw the flash which struck St. Bride\u2019s steeple. Sitting at my window, and looking to the north, I saw what appeared to me a solid streight rod of fire, moving at a very sharp angle with the horizon. It appeared to my eye as about two inches diameter, and had nothing of the zig-zag lighning motion. I instantly told a person sitting with me, that some place must be struck at that instant. I was so much surprized at the vivid distinct appearance of the fire, that I did not hear the clap of thunder, which stunned every one besides. Considering how low it moved, I could not have thought it had gone so far, having St. Martin\u2019s, the New Church, and St. Clement\u2019s steeples in its way. It struck the steeple a good way from the top, and the first impression it made in the side is in the same direction I saw it move in. It was succeeded by two flashes, almost united, moving in a pointed direction. There were two distinct houses struck in Essex street. I should have thought the rod would have fallen in Covent Garden, it was so low. Perhaps the appearance is frequent, though never before seen by Yours,\nA.S.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-13-02-0223", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Osborne, [c. 1766]\nFrom: \nTo: \nMr. Osborn\u2019s Compliments to Dr. Francklin and If he writes to Dr. Fothergill that He woud be so kind as to recomend me to the Dr. to publish or purchase the Quakers bible and shoud be Oblidged If he woud Inform me what No. of Books might goe off in His part of the World. Mr. Bevan is my friend and will serve me.\nEndorsed: Mr Osborne gave this to Mrs Stevenson when she was at Tunbridge and desired her to send the substance of it in better words to Dr Franklin. This way he is sure to have the substance.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "12-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-35-02-0370", "content": "Title: Franklin\u2019s Remarks on Judge Foster\u2019s Argument in Favor of the Right of Impressing Seamen, [before 17 September 1781]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nSir Michael Foster (1689\u20131763) was one of the most respected jurists of the eighteenth century. In 1743 he was recorder for the city of Bristol, a judicial post that required him to prosecute criminal cases such as the one which led to his discussion of the Royal Navy\u2019s right to impress or forcibly recruit sailors. On April 25, 1743, Alexander Broadfoot, a seaman on the merchant ship Bremen Factor, killed a member of the press gang sent aboard his ship to press sailors for the sloop of war H.M.S. Mortar. Foster, concluding that the press gang was illegally constituted (it lacked the presence of an officer), prosecuted Broadfoot not for murder but for manslaughter. In presenting his case, however, Foster wrote a comprehensive defense of the practice of impressment, arguing that although not authorized by a specific statute, it was sanctioned by lengthy precedent and hence was part of common law. Foster published his argument as a pamphlet (Oxford, 1758). He later included it in a compilation of his court cases (Oxford, 1762). At some time, on the now-missing pages of one of those two publications, Franklin countered Foster\u2019s arguments in extensive marginalia.\nThe last person that we know actually saw those marginalia was William Jones, the lawyer and oriental scholar who visited Passy in the spring of 1779. During that visit, in which their political discussions evidently touched on impressment, Franklin authorized Jones to retrieve his copy of \u201cSir Michael Foster\u2019s little book,\u201d which was in the keeping of a British friend. Jones had obtained the book by September 17, 1781, when he thanked Franklin (below). Because we cannot be sure when the marginalia were composed \u2014 the record is strangely silent on the subject \u2014 we publish them in association with Jones\u2019s acknowledgment. We assume, however, that they were written during Franklin\u2019s second mission to England (1764\u20131775), when the question of whether Americans were liable to impressment was highly controversial, and when Franklin compared the practice to slavery in a 1770 newspaper article.\nWhat we print below is the sole surviving manuscript version of Franklin\u2019s remarks, produced under his direction and preserved by his grandson Temple. It is based on the original marginalia but dates from a later period, and tells a complicated story. Franklin obviously decided, at a later date, to publish his comments. Using the 1762 edition of Foster\u2019s cases, he excerpted the relevant passages from the twenty-five pages of text, underlined key phrases, inserted capital letters as the equivalent of footnote markers, and wrote his remarks (introduced by the corresponding capital letters) on separate sheets. All this was copied by a secretary whose hand we do not recognize, and returned to Franklin. He corrected that fair copy, added the title above the text excerpts, and also added a heading at the top of the first sheet of his notes: \u201cRemarks, or Notes upon the foregoing Extracts.\u201d This much was prepared by the beginning of 1788, when these notes by themselves (keyed only to page numbers in Foster\u2019s work) appeared embedded in a letter to the editor of The Repository, a London magazine.\nAfter this fair copy had been produced, Franklin added several pages\u2019 worth of new remarks. He drafted them on separate sheets and indicated in various ways where they were to be inserted in the text (rarely using capital letters, but more often keying them to page numbers or simply repeating phrases from the text). In some cases, he lined out preexisting notes. We have found no indication that this expanded and emended manuscript was published during Franklin\u2019s lifetime. William Temple Franklin, however, included it in his edition, complete with Franklin\u2019s title and the excerpts from Foster\u2019s text.\nAlthough, as we have explained, Franklin originally intended to present Foster\u2019s text excerpts in a block, followed by his commentary, his later additions were quotes or paraphrases of Foster\u2019s work followed directly by his own remarks. To avoid needless confusion, we have decided to print the entire text according to that latter method. Where Franklin inserted capital letters, we show them. Where he did not, we reproduce his indications of where the notes belong.\n  [before September 17, 1781]\n  Some Remarks written by B. F. with a Pencil on the Margin of a Report of Judge Forster, containing that Judge\u2019s Argument in favour of the Right of Impressing Seamen.\nExtract from the Report, Page 157. 158. Edition 1762.\n\u201cThe only Question at present is, Whether Mariners, Persons who have freely chosen a Sea-fareing life, Persons whose Education and Employment have fitted them for the Service, and inured them to it, Whether such Persons may not be legally Pressed into the Service of the Crown, whenever the Publick Safety requireth it, Ne quid detrimenti Respublica capiat.\n\u201cFor my part I think they May. I think the Crown hath a Right to Command the Service of these People, whenever the public Safety calleth for it. The same Right that it hath to require the* personal Service of every ManA able to bear Arms in case of a sudden Invasion or formidable Insurrection. The Right in both cases is founded on one and the same Principle, the Necessity of the Case in Order to the Preservation of the Whole.\u2014\u201d\nA The Conclusion here from the Whole to a Part does not seem to be good Logic. Where the Personal Service of every Man is call\u2019d for, there the Burthen is equal. Not so where the Service of a Part is call\u2019d for, and others excus\u2019d. If the Alphabet should say, Let us all fight for the Defence of the whole, that is equal and may therefore be just. But if they should say, Let A.B.C. and D. go out and fight for us, while we stay at home and sleep in whole Skins; that is not equal and therefore cannot be just.\n\u201cIt would be time very ill spent to go about to prove that this Nation can never be long in a state of Safety, our Coast defended and our Trade protected, without a Naval Force equal to all the Emergencies that may happen. And how can We be secure of such a Force? The keeping up the Same Naval Force in time of Peace, which will be absolutely necessary for our Security in time of War, would be an absurd, a fruitless, and a ruinous Expence.\n\u201cThe only Course then left, is for the Crown to employB upon Emergent Occasions the Mariners bred up in the Merchants Service.\u2014\u201d\nB. Employ, if you please. The Word signifies, engaging a Man to work for me by offering him such Wages as are sufficient to induce him to prefer my Service. This is very different from compelling him to work for me on such Terms as I think proper.\n\u201cAnd as for the Mariner himself, He when taken into the Service of the Crown only changeth Masters for a time: His Service and employmentC continue the very same, with this Advantage, that the Dangers of the Sea and Enemy are not so great in the Service of the Crown, as in that of the Merchant.\u201d\nC His Service and Employment continue the very same, &c. These are false Facts. His Service and Employment are not the same. Under the Merchant he goes in an un-arm\u2019d Vessel not obliged to fight, but only to transport Merchandize. In the King\u2019s Service he is oblig\u2019d to fight, and to Hazard all the Dangers of Battle. Sickness on board King\u2019s Ships, is also more common and more Mortal. The Merchant\u2019s Service too he can quit at the End of a Voyage, not the King\u2019s. Also the Merchant\u2019s wages are much higher.\n\u201cI am very sensibleD of the Hardship the Sailor suffereth from an Impress in some particular Cases, especially if Pressed Homeward-bound after a long Voyage. But the Merchants who hear Me know, that an Impress on Outward-bound Vessels would be attended with much greater Inconveniencies to the Trade of the Kingdom; and yet That too is sometimes Necessary. But where two Evils present, a wise Administration, if there be room for an Option, will choose the Least.\u201dD2\nD I am very sensible &c. Here are two things put in Comparison that are not comparable, viz. Injury to Seamen, and Inconvenience to Trade. Inconvenience to the whole Trade of a Nation will not justify Injustice to a single Seaman. If the Trade would suffer without his Service, it is able and ought to be willing to offer him such Wages as may induce him to afford his Service voluntarily.\nD2 The least. The least Evil in case seamen are wanted, is to give them such wages as will induce them to inlist voluntarily. Let this Evil be divided among the whole Nation, by an Equal Tax to pay such Wages.\nPage 159.\n\u201cWar itself is a great Evil, but it is chosen to avoid a greater. The Practice of Pressing is one of the Mischiefs War bringeth with it. But it is a Maxim in Law, and good Policy too, that all private Mischiefs must be borne with Patience for preventing a National Calamity.E And as no greater Calamity can befall Us than to be weak and defenceless at Sea in a time of War, so I do not know that the Wisdom of the Nation hath hitherto found out any Method of Manning our Navy, less InconvenientE2 than Pressing; and at the same time, equally Sure and Effectual.\u201d\nE Where is this Maxim in Law and good Policy to be found? And how came that to be a Maxim which is not consistent with Common Sense. If the Maxim had been that private Mischiefs which prevent a National Calamity ought to be generously compensated by that Nation, one might have understood it. But that such private Mischiefs are only to be borne with Patience is absurd.\nE2 Less inconvenient. Less inconvenient to whom? To the Rich indeed, who ought to be taxed. No Mischief more inconvenient to poor Seamen could possibly be contrived.\n\u201cThe Expedient of a Voluntary Register which was attempted in King William\u2019s time, had no Effect.\n\u201cAnd some late Schemes I have seen appear to Me more inconvenient to the Mariner and more inconsistent with the Principles of Liberty, than the Practice of Pressing: and, what is still worse, they are in my Opinion totally Impracticable.\u201dF\nF Twenty ineffectual or inconvenient Schemes will not justify one [torn: that is?] unjust.\n\u201cThus much I thought proper to say upon the Foot of Reason and publick Utility, before I come to speak directly to the Point of Law.\u201d\nText, Page 159\nThe Crown\u2019s Right of Impressing Seamen is grounded upon Common Law.\nIf impressing Seamen is of Right by Common Law, in Britain, Slavery is then of Right by Common Law; there being no Slavery worse than that Sailors are subjected to.\nIbid. The Result of evident Necessity.\nImpressing not so, if the End might be answered by giving higher Wages.\nPage 160\nThere are many Precedents of Writs for Pressing.\n\u201cSome are for Pressing Ships.\n\u201cOthers for Pressing Mariners.\n\u201cAnd others for Pressing Ships and Mariners.\n\u201cThis general View will be sufficient to let us into the Nature of these Precedents. And though the Affair of Pressing Ships is not now before Me, yet I could not well avoid mentioning it; because many of the Precedents I have met with and must cite, go as well to That, as to the business of Pressing Mariners. And taken together, they serve to shew the Power the Crown hath constantly exercised over the whole Naval Force of the Kingdom as well Shipping as Mariners, whenever the Publick Service required it.\n\u201cThis however must be observed, that no Man served the Crown in either Case at his own Expence. Masters and Mariners received full Wages,H and Owners were constantly paid a full Freight.\u201d\nH Probably the same they received in the Merchts. Service. Full Wages for a Seaman in time of War, are the Wages he has in the Merchant\u2019s Service in War-Time. But half such Wages is not given in the King\u2019s Ships to impress\u2019d Seamen.\nText. page 173.\n\u201cDo not these Things incontestably presuppose the Expediency, the Necessity, and the Legality of an Impress in general. If they do not, one must entertain an Opinion of the Legislature acting and speaking in this manner which it will not be decent for Me to mention in this Place.\u201d\nI will risk that Indecency, and mention it. They were not honest Men; they acted unjustly by the Seamen (who have no Vote in Elections, or being abroad cannot use them if they have them) to save their own Purses and those of their Constituents. Former Parliaments acted the same Injustice towards the Labouring People, who had not forty Shillings a Year in Lands; after depriving them wickedly of their Right to Vote in Elections, they limited their Wages, and compell\u2019d them to work at such limited Rates, on Penalty of being sent to Houses of Correction. See 8H6, chap. 7 & 8.\nPage 174.\n\u201cI readily admit that an Impress is a Restraint upon the Natural Liberty of those who are liable to it. But it must likewise be admitted on the other Hand, that every Restraint upon Natural Liberty is not Eo Nomine illegal, or at all inconsistent with the Principles of Civil Liberty. And if the Restraint be it to what Degree soever, appeareth to be necessary to the Good and Welfare of the Whole, and to be warranted by Statute-Law, as well as immemorial Usage, it cannot be complained of otherwise than as a private Mischief: which as I said at the beginning, must under all Governments whatsoever, be submitted to for avoiding a publick Inconvenience.\u201dI\nI When the Author speaks of Impressing Page 158. he diminishes the Horror of the Practice, as much as possible, by presenting to the Mind one Sailor only suffering a Hardship, as he tenderly calls it, in some Particular Cases only; and he places against this private Mischief the Inconvenience to the Trade of the Kingdom.\u2014 But if, as I suppose is often the Case, the Sailor who is press\u2019d and oblig\u2019d to serve for the Defence of this Trade at the Rate of 25 s. a Month, could have had \u00a33.15. s. in the Merchant\u2019s Service, you take from him 50 s. a Month: and if you have 100,000 in your Service, you rob that honest industrious part of Society, and their poor Families, of \u00a3250,000 per Month or \u00a33,000,000 a Year, and at the same time oblige them to hazard their Lives in fighting for the Defence of your Trade; to the Defence of which all ought indeed to contribute, (and Sailors among the rest) in proportion to their Profits by it; but this \u00a33,000,000 is more than their Share if they did not pay with their Persons; and when you force that, methinks you should excuse the other.\nBut it may be said, to give the King\u2019s Seamen Merchant\u2019s Wages would cost the Nation too much, and call for more Taxes. The Question then will amount to this; Whether it be just in a Community, that the Richer Part should compell the Poorer, to fight for them and their Properties, for such Wages as they think fit to allow, and punish them if they refuse? Our Author tells us it is legal. I have not Law enough to dispute his Authorities, but I cannot persuade myself that it is equitable. I will however own for the present that Pressing may be Lawful when necessary; but then I contend that it may be us\u2019d so as to produce the same good Effect, the publick Security, without doing so much horrible Injustice as attends the Impressing common Seamen. In order to be better understood I would premise two things 1st: That Voluntary Seamen might be had for the Service, if they were sufficiently paid. The Proof of this is, that to serve in the same Ships, and incurr the same Dangers, you have no Occasion to Impress Captains, Lieutenants, Second Lieutenants, Midshipmen, Pursers, nor any other Officers. Why but that the Profits of their Places, or the Emoluments expected, are sufficient Inducements. The Business then is to find Money by Impressing, sufficient to make the Sailors all Volunteers as well as their Officers: and this without any fresh Burthen upon Trade: The second of my Premises is, that 25 s. a Month with his Share of the Salt Beef, Pork and Peaspudding, being found sufficient for the Subsistence of a hard working Seamen, it will certainly be so for a sedentary Scholar or Gentleman. I would then propose to form a Treasury, out of which Encouragements to Seamen should be paid. To fill this Treasury, I would Impress a Number of Civil Officers, who at present have great Salaries, oblige them to serve in their respective Offices for 25 s. per Month, with their Share of the Mess Provisions, and throw the rest of their Salaries into the Seaman\u2019s Treasury. If such a Press Warrant was give me to execute, the first thing I would press should be a Recorder of Bristol or a Mr. Justice Forster, because I might have need of his edifying Example to show how such Impressing ought to be borne with; for he would certainly find that tho\u2019 to be reduced to 25 s. per Month might be a private Mischief, yet that agreable to his Maxim of Law and good Policy, it ought to be borne with Patience, for preventing a National Calamity. Then I would press the rest of the Judges; and opening the Red Book, I would press every civil Officer of Government from \u00a350. a year up to \u00a350,000 which would throw an immense Sum into our Treasury; and these Gentlemen could not well complain, since they would receive their 25 s. a Month and their Rations, and that too without being oblig\u2019d to fight. Lastly I think I would Impress the King, and confiscate his Salary; but from an ancient Prejudice I have in favour of that Title, I would allow the Gentleman Merchants Pay. I could not well go farther in his Favour; for to say the Truth, I am not quite satisfied of the Necessity or Utility of that Office in Great Britain, as I see many flourishing States in the World governed well and happily without it.\nPage 174.\n\u201cIt cannot be complained of otherwise than as a private Mischief, which must be submitted to for avoiding a public Inconvenience.\u201d\nI do not see the Propriety of this must. The private Mischief is the Loss of Liberty and Hazard of Life with only half Wages, to a great Number of honest Men. The public Inconvenience is merely a higher Rate of Seamen\u2019s Wages. He who thinks such private Injustice must be done to avoid public Inconvenience may understand Law, but seems imperfect in his Knowledge of Equity.\u2014 Let us apply this Author\u2019s Doctrine to his own Case. It is for the public Service that Courts should be held and Judges appointed to administer the Laws. The Judges should be bred to the Law, and skilful in it, but their great Salaries are a public Inconvenience. To remove the Inconvenience, Let Press Warrants issue to arrest and apprehend the best Lawyers, and compel them to serve as Judges for half the Money they would have made at the Bar. Then tell them, that tho\u2019 this is to them a private Mischief, it must be submitted to for avoiding a public Inconvenience. Would the learned Judge approve such Use of his Doctrine?\nText, page 177.\n\u201cFor I freely declare, that ancient Precedents alone, unless supported by modern Practice, weigh very little with me in Questions of this Nature.\u201d\nThe modern Practice supported by antient Precedents weighs as little with me. Both the one and the other only show that the Constitution is yet Imperfect, since in so general a Case it doth not secure Liberty but destroys it; and the Parliaments are unjust, conniving at Oppression of the Poor, where the Rich are to be Gainers or Savers by such Oppression.\nText, page 179.\n\u201cI make no Apology for the Length of my Argument, because I hope the Importance of the Question will be thought a sufficient Excuse for me in that respect.\u201d\nThe Author could not well have made his Argument shorter. It required a long Discourse to throw Dust in the Eyes of Common Sense, confound all our Ideas of Right and Wrong, make Black seem White, and the worse appear the better Opinion.\nNotation in Franklin\u2019s hand: Impress\u2019d Men", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-29-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0001-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 29 March 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n29. Grafted as follows viz. 8 Bullock Heart Cherry\u2019s: these are a fine large bla: Cherry, ripe in May, but not early. They begin the first Row in the Nursery next the Quarter\u2014& at that end next to the Ray Grass Field. Between these and the rest a Stake is drove. Then\u2014 8 of the finest early May Cherry\u2014ending at another Stick. Then\u2014 6 of the large Duke Cherry, ending at a stick likewise all in the same Row. These three Cherrys from Collo. Mason\u2019s. From hence to the end of the Row are Cherry Scions for Grafting upon another year. Grafted also\u201412 Magnum Bonum Plumbs beginning the 2d. Row at the end next Ray Grass, & ending at a stake. From hence to the end of the Row are Plumb Scions for grafting upon\u2014another year. Note the Magnum Bonum Plumb from Collo. Mason\u2019s. In the 3d. Row (beging. next Ray Grass) the 1st. 4. & 5th. trees are of a pritty little early (June) pair from Collo. Masons. The 2, 3, 6th. and to the 15th. tree Inclusive (at the end of which a stake is drove) are the bla: Pear of Worcester\u2014from Collo. Mason\u2014a large course Pear for Baking. Then 10 Bergamy Pears from Ditto, ending at a Stake. These are a very fine fruit but Cou\u27e8rser\u27e9 than most other English Pears. Grafted also\u2014the 3d. Row aforesd. continued. Then\u2014after the 10 Bergamy Pears\u2014one of the Summer Boon Chrn. [bon Chr\u00e9tien pear]. This from Collo. Mason who had them from Collo. Fairfax\u2014who praises them much. From hence to the end of the Row are apple Scions to Graft upon. 4th. Row all apple Scions to continue Pear Grafts upon next year. 5th. Row\u2014beginning at the end next to Cherry Walk are first 15 New Town Pippins from Collo. Mason\u2014who had them from Mr. President Blair. These end at a Stake & the Remainder of the Row & all the 6th. Row are Maryland red Stricks\u201468 in number.  Note the last years Grafts from Mr. Digges\u2014this Collo. Mason. Grafted also\u2014In the 7 Row, 43 Gloucester White Apple. 8 Row beginning next Ray Grass 7 more of Do. (in all 50) endg. at a Stake. Note these from Collo. Mason. In the border just above the 2 Fall in the Garden Grafted one of the fine early May Cherry\u2014Collo. Mason. Note this is the 2d. Graff in the Border & stands nearest the middle walk.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-29-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0001", "content": "Title: March [1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n29. Grafted as follows viz.\n8 Bullock Heart Cherry\u2019s: these are a fine large bla: Cherry, ripe in May, but not early. They begin the first Row in the Nursery next the Quarter\u2014& at that end next to the Ray Grass Field. Between these and the rest a Stake is drove. Then\u2014\n8 of the finest early May Cherry\u2014ending at another Stick. Then\u2014\n6 of the large Duke Cherry, ending at a stick likewise all in the same Row. These three Cherrys from Collo. Mason\u2019s. From hence to the end of the Row are Cherry Scions for Grafting upon another year.\nGrafted also\u201412 Magnum Bonum Plumbs beginning the 2d. Row at the end next Ray Grass, & ending at a stake. From hence to the end of the Row are Plumb Scions for grafting upon\u2014another year. Note the Magnum Bonum Plumb from Collo. Mason\u2019s.\nIn the 3d. Row (beging. next Ray Grass) the 1st. 4. & 5th. trees are of a pritty little early (June) pair from Collo. Masons.\nThe 2, 3, 6th. and to the 15th. tree Inclusive (at the end of which a stake is drove) are the bla: Pear of Worcester\u2014from Collo. Mason\u2014a large course Pear for Baking.\nThen 10 Bergamy Pears from Ditto, ending at a Stake. These are a very fine fruit but Cou\u27e8rser\u27e9 than most other English Pears.\nGrafted also\u2014the 3d. Row aforesd. continued.\nThen\u2014after the 10 Bergamy Pears\u2014one of the Summer Boon Chrn. [bon Chr\u00e9tien pear]. This from Collo. Mason who had them from Collo. Fairfax\u2014who praises them much.\nFrom hence to the end of the Row are apple Scions to Graft upon.\n4th. Row all apple Scions to continue Pear Grafts upon next year.\n5th. Row\u2014beginning at the end next to Cherry Walk are first 15 New Town Pippins from Collo. Mason\u2014who had them from Mr. President Blair. These end at a Stake & the Remainder of the Row & all the\n6th. Row are Maryland red Stricks\u201468 in number.\nNote the last years Grafts from Mr. Digges\u2014this Collo. Mason.\nGrafted also\u2014In the 7 Row, 43 Gloucester White Apple. 8 Row beginning next Ray Grass 7 more of Do. (in all 50) endg. at a Stake. Note these from Collo. Mason.\nIn the border just above the 2 Fall in the Garden Grafted one of the fine early May Cherry\u2014Collo. Mason.\nNote this is the 2d. Graff in the Border & stands nearest the middle walk.\n   All the old standard varieties of pear were derived from Pyrus communis, the European species. In the first catalogue of fruits published in America, gardener William Prince advertised the \u201cblack pear of Worcester, or Parkinson\u2019s warden.\u201d It is \u201cdirty brown in color\u201d and does best against a wall (HITTThomas Hitt. A Treatise of Fruit-Trees. London, 1755., 344). A horticulturist writing in 1950 reported that trees of this\nvariety are said to be more than 200 years old (HEDRICKU. P. Hedrick. A History of Horticulture in America to 1860. New York, 1950., 35). There were several kinds of Bergamot, and the Autumn Bergamot may have been raised in England in the time of the Caesars. GW is following English custom in calling it a \u201cBergamy.\u201d\n   The Gloucester White apple does not appear to be a common variety; GW may simply be describing it on the basis of where he got it. A Gloucester Cheese variety is named in WATSON [1]Alexander Watson. The American Home Garden. Being Principles and Rules for the Culture of Vegetables, Fruits, Flowers, and Shrubbery. New York, 1859., 296\u201397.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-05-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0002", "content": "Title: [June 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nGot one load of Hay from Peach Orchard weight\nlbs.\nGot the rest in viz.\n7 & 8. Dug up abt.  load of Marle to spread over Wheat Land\u2014for experiment.\n8. Sowed Lucerne again in the missing places below Garden.\n11. Finishd (with two Plows) the Gd. behind the Garden wch. was begun the 4th.\n   12. Began to cut Meadow (Creek).\n13. Meazured of 64 Gallons & put undr. Bishops care for Harvest &ca.\n   This month GW began to make various notations\u2014words, names, abbreviations, letters, numerals, symbols, and other marks\u2014in the margins of the monthly astronomical calendars printed in his almanacs. There are few substantial clues to the meaning of these casual jottings. Varying greatly in form and seldom having any apparent relation to corresponding diary or almanac entries, they appear at random over two widely separated periods: June 1764\u2013Nov. 1775 and Feb. 1795\u2013Dec. 1798. In most cases the editors can make no sense of them, but some can be understood. During the summer of 1770 GW used the calendar pages for a health record, counting his stepdaughter Martha Parke Custis\u2019s recurring epileptic attacks for a period of about three months (see main entry for 31 July 1770). During 1772 and 1774 the calendar notations served on several occasions to remind him of future obligations. The abbreviation \u201cFred\u201d next to 15 Sept. and 23 Nov. 1772 meant that he had business in Fredericksburg on those days, and another notation next to 18 Sept. 1772 apparently told him that he must return to Mount Vernon by that date for a court-ordered survey and division of land that involved him. Several days in Nov. 1774 were similarly designated for the sale of a friend\u2019s lands (see main entries for 20\u201327 Nov. 1774). As aids to\n    memory and measurement, GW\u2019s notations in each of these cases served the same general purposes that the other parts of his diaries did, but without duplicating the exact functions of those other parts (see illus., p. 328).", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-17-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0003-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 17\u201318 August 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n17 & 18. Brought Oats from Ashfords. Note they were good Oats & a bushl. of them when well cleand weighd 30 lbs. & a bushl. of Spelts\u2014weighd 28.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0003", "content": "Title: [August 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n1 & 2. Sowed Turnips\u2014behind Garden.\n10. Sowed Spelts\u2014behind Ditto.\n14. Cut Timothy Seed at Doeg Run.\n15. Onwards getting Apples for Cyder.\n17 & 18. Brought Oats from Ashfords. Note they were good Oats & a bushl. of them when well cleand weighd 30 lbs. & a bushl. of Spelts\u2014weighd 28.\n22. Trimmed up 52 heads of Tobo. at Creek Quarter for Sweetscented Seed.\nBegan to cut Meadow on Creek.\n23. Peaches require to be gatherd for B[rand]y.\n24. Began to sow Wheat at Muddy hole.\n27. Began to sow Do. at Riverside Qr.\n28. Began\u2014Do. at Creek.\n30. Began\u2014Do. at Doeg Run.\n31. Finished curing & Stacking Hay.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0004-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 September 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n22. Finishd Sowing the Wheat in Corn Ground on this side the Run at Doeg Run Qr. Wint[er] (Wheat) from home 36 Bls. thrashed at the Quartr. 38 Bls. in all 74 Busl.   Finishd plan[tin]g. Turnips behind Garden wch. was begun 20th.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-27-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0004-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 27 September 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n27. A Negro & Apprentice of Robt. Wrights began to Work upon my Mill. Transplanted Lucerne below Garden & Sowed  Rows of St. Foine.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0004", "content": "Title: [September 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n8. Sowed a few Oats to see if they woud stand the Winter (at Doeg Run).\n15. Finished Sowing Wheat at Riverside Quarter 50 Bushels.\n20. Sowed Wheat as far as Ransoms Houses at Muddy hole 55 Bushels.\n   Elizabeth Ransom, a widow, had rented a farm from GW from 1757 to 1760.\n21. Began to cut Tops at Muddy H. & R. Qrs.\n   The practice in GW\u2019s day was to remove the tops and blades from the cornstalks during the fall, leaving the bare stalks standing while the ears ripened. The tops and blades, and later the harvested stalks, became fodder for livestock.\n22. Finishd Sowing the Wheat in Corn Ground on this side the Run at Doeg Run Qr. Wint[er] (Wheat) from home 36 Bls. thrashed at the Quartr. 38 Bls. in all 74 Busl.\nFinishd plan[tin]g. Turnips behind Garden wch. was begun 20th.\n27. A Negro & Apprentice of Robt. Wrights began to Work upon my Mill.\nTransplanted Lucerne below Garden & Sowed  Rows of St. Foine.\n   GW tried doggedly to raise sainfoin (Onobrychis viciaefolia), also called esparcet, a crop now in very limited cultivation in the United States. It does not adapt well in areas where red clover and alfalfa will do much better, as Arthur Young knew when GW asked him for seed of the English strain in 1786. Young replied 2 Feb. 1787 that he was sending only a small quantity of seed, \u201cfor I cannot conceive that it will succeed at all with you\u201d (DLC:GW). Young was correct. GW wrote Samuel Powel 15 Sept. 1788 that his fall planting in 1787 died by frost and his spring 1788 crop failed to come up at all (ViMtvL). Still, GW continued to plant small quantities of it, hoping to accumulate enough seed for a full crop. Despite the dissatisfaction with the plant, it was still being advertised in the American Farmer, 1 (1820), 376, for sale in Baltimore. The advertisement referred to it also as \u201cHundred Year\u2019s Clover.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0010-0005", "content": "Title: [October 1764]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n1st. Robert Wright began to Work at my Mill.\nGathered Apples for Cyder.\n   Robert Wright, a local millwright, finished repairing GW\u2019s mill by 20 Oct.\n2. Sowed 7 Bushels of Spelts by the Orchard.\nMorris & George went to Work at Mill along with the Mill wright.\n13. Finishd getting & securing Fodder at Muddy hole & Creek.\n15. Finishd Do. Do. at Doeg Run.\nFinishd Sowing Wheat at Muddy hole & began to Sow Spelts.\n18. Finishd securing fodder at Riv. Side.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0168", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, January 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[January 1764]\nCash\n[Jany]\u2014\nTo abatement in Leather from William Thompson by Collo. Anthony Walke\nTo Interest of Frans Foster pr Jos. Valentine\nContra\nJany 1st\u2014\nBy Cash upon hand this day & carried to Accts for 1764. Folio 175 viz. In Virga Paper Cury \u00a3133.3s.4d. English Silver 25.11.6 Dollars viz. 16 @6/6 3.5.\u2003Pistoles 4 @24/ 4.16.\nBy Servants\nBy Cards \u00a35\u2014Servants 6/9\u2014Ditto 10/\nBy Cards 20/\u2014Exps. at little Ferry Machodic 10/\nBy Servants 2/6\u2014Exps. at Allans Ordy 21/\nBy Expences at Dumfries 7/\u2014Do at Colchestr 19/\nBy Servants 3/3. Ferriage at Luckets 12/\nBy Ferrymen 3/\u2014By Servants 2/9\nBy Ferry at Port Royal 1/3\u2014Exps. at Do 3/1\u00bd\nBy Exps. at Todds Ordy 10/\u2014Do at the Ferry 3/9\nBy Charity 6/\u2014Servants 1/\nBy Mr Craik Jeweller 7/6\u2014Club at Trebels 10/6\n By Club at Southalls 3/9\u20141 Post[ilion] Whip 2/\nBuckles 3/6\u2014Coffee 1/\u2014Charity 5/\nServants 2/6\u2014Club at Trebels 5/9\nBy Mrs Campbells for lodging\nBy Dinner &ca at York 2/6\u2014Ferriage Do 2/9\nBy Servants 7/6\u2014Do 5/\u2014Club at Capah[osi]k 3/9\nBy Mr Fieldg Lewis\u2014Cash lent\nBy Barbers Acct 9/\u2014Servants 3/6\nBy Dinner at Capahosick 5/\u2014Servants 5/\nBy Servants 6/3\u2014Do at Mrs Bushrods 2/6", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-14-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0169", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Stewart, 14 January 1764\nFrom: Stewart, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nMy Dear Sir\nLondon Janry 14th 1764\nI was detain\u2019d at Philadelphia some time after Date of my last to you (by Mr Jo: Watson) however we at length embarkd, on the 28th of October we lost sight of the American Coast and\nafter a Passage of 35 Days in which we had very boisterous weather and two dreadfull Storms on the French Coast from which we with the utmost difficulty escap\u2019d Ship wreck, we arriv\u2019d at Dover, where we gladly Landed and found the Papers fill\u2019d with accounts of the dire effects of these tremenduous Hurricanes\u2014On my arrival here I immediately set about forming an Interest that might enable me to procure a provision in some degree adequate to my long Services and manifold disappointments in America, resolving not to attempt Purchassing till every other Expedient should fail; I had the pleasure to find Genl Monckton, Lord Loudoun and the rest of my American Friends perfectly well disposd towards me, I have likewise been able to add some others of Rank and distinction to them, But these unhappy Party heats and annimosities of which all here seem more or less to participate has for a Time depriv\u2019d me of the weight & Interest of some who could have been of the most Service to me, in the mean Time I am so far fortunate as to get included in a Compy of 25 Gentn most of them Officers and severals of them Men of Fortune who have Petition\u2019d for a Grant of the very valueable Island of St Johns Situated in the Bay of St Lawrence between the 46th & 47th Degree of North Latitude; the Terms propos\u2019d is that each of the Associators shall have Twenty Thousand Acres with all Mines and Minerals therein for themselves and their Heirs for ever, free from Qu[i]t Rents for ten years in which Time we oblige ourselves to Settle thereon one person for every Two hundred Acres: We have had frequent hearings before the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plantations & have been very genteely receiv\u2019d: This Island was deem\u2019d the most pleasant fertile and best Cultivated in French America, it\u2019s Coasts abounds with immense quantitys of Fish, has two very fine Harbours vizt St Peters and Port Joy, is extremely healthy and a great deal of Land clear\u2019d and laid out into fine Farms, the French having upwards of fifteen hundred Families who were Settled there for many years we propose that the environs of these Harbours on which the principal Towns must stand, likewise all the improv\u2019d Lands shall be equally divided amongst us\u2014Some who are well acquainted with this Island seem quite extravagant in it\u2019s praises I have been assur\u2019d that each of the propos\u2019d Dividends by laying out a thousand Pounds Sterg Judiciously will in ten years yeild two\nthousand \u214c annum and that this Calculation is rather under than over the mark however for my part I should be very well satisfied with a 1/4 th of that Sum\u2014certain it is this Island is deem\u2019d very valueable and our Compy is oppos\u2019d by severals of high Rank & Fortune but as we applied near twelve Months before the others, have some Interest and in general merit a little notice from former Services we are assur\u2019d that we will have the preference and that the affair will in a few weeks be Settled to our Satisfaction God knows how this affair will turn out but at present it wears an aspect that merits all the pains and expence I am at about it.\nYour Bill on this place is accepted & that on Liverpool I have sent there to be negotiated be assur\u2019d that nothing but the most pressing necessity will prevail on me to use them on my own accot.\nFor News even this Metropolis affords little at present; Last night arriv\u2019d, the Hereditary Prince of Brunswick, no less renown\u2019d for the Glory he has acquir\u2019d in the Field, than the amiable Princess to whom he will in a few Days be united is celebrated for her Beauty and Virtue, the approaching Nuptials of this exalted pair takes some place in the general Conversation here which till of late was solely engross\u2019d by Political disputes\u2014American affairs is become a standing Topic\u2014It is said I\u2019m afraid from too good authority that the Colonies will be Sadled with a Tax of no less than three hundred thousand pounds Sterg \u214c ann: in order to support the Troops Judg\u2019d necessary for their Defence\u2014the Conduct of the late Commander In Chief in that Country is severely handled by many here, his Errors, contempt of Indians, ill tim\u2019d parsimony, riguour and unfeeling Severity to those who Serv\u2019d under him is expos\u2019d to the publick by some very keene and able Pens[.] These who have the Interest of his Majesty\u2019s Service and the good of the Colonies at heart ardently wish he may be succeeded by General Monckton whose superior Talents and consummate Military knowledge added fresh lustre to the Glory of the British arms at a period when their prowess and honr was thought to have arriv\u2019d at their highest Summit, and who is universally acknowledged to be the most equal to the re-establishing the prosperity of our Colonies and restoring Peace and Tranquillity to the Fronteer Inhabitants who now Groan under a complication\nof the most shocking Miseries\u2014But I fear that G. Monckton will not easily be prevail\u2019d on to accept of the Command as he has refus\u2019d it once already.\nI deferr\u2019d writing you for some time in hopes that some Ship for Virginia or Maryland would Sail soon but as I cannot hear of any that will go soon I could no longer refrain from the pleasure I enjoy in writing to you therefore I send you this by a man of war for N. York.\nI beg you\u2019ll tender my Respectfull Complemts in the warmest and most obliging Terms to your Lady and Family\u2014Capt. Wat Stewart is just arriv\u2019d by whom I had the great pleasure to hear of your welfare that Heaven may pour down it\u2019s choicest Blessings on you & yrs and grant the completion of your desires are the fervent wishes of him who is with the purest regard and most exalted Esteem My Dear Colo. Your Most Affecte & Most Obliged hble Servt\nRobert Stewart\nPlease Direct for me in Lisle Street Leicester Fields.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0170", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 22 January 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nWilliamsburg 22d Jany 1764.\nCaptn Mather whom I met with at this place a day or two ago, seeming to be pretty much distressd to compleat his Loading before the lay days are out, I shall, in order to facilitate his dispatch, give him all the Tobacco I have ready upon York River amounting to Fifty two Hhds, on which please to make Insurance and proportion the charge hereafter for I cannot at this Instant tell what part is mine, nor have I time to enquire, as Captn Whiting by whom I now write, is just ready to Sail\u2014I expect we shall have Seventy, perhaps Eighty Hhds more on this River and these shall be reserved for the Nautilus; but my Crops upon Potomack are vastly deficient, in short a wet Spring, a dry Summer, and early Frosts have quite demolished me.\nAt our next April General Court I expect I shall have occasion to draw upon you in behalf of Master John Parke Custis to the amount of Seven, eight, or more hundred pounds, \u00a3500 certainly, and take this oppertunity of giving you advice of it.\nShoud this Letter get to your hands before the Shipping Sail for Potomack, please to send me over and above what are mentioned in my Invoice, 25 M 8d. 25 M 10d. & 25 M 20d. Nails\u2014I shall write to Mr Jno. Searles of Madeira for another Pipe of Wine directing him to draw upon you for the Costs which I hope will be paid. I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0171", "content": "Title: From George Washington to John Searle, 30 January 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Searle, John\nSir,\n[30 January 1764]\nYour favour of the 22d of August last I have had the pleasure to receive, as also the Wine accompanying of it which lyes yet untasted, but from your recommendation of it I shall suppose it good and therefore desire you will send me such another Pipe and draw as before upon Robert Cary Esqr. & Co. who are advised thereof and will pay accordingly.\nIf no oppertunity shoud offer soon to Potomack River you will please to send the Wine to Norfolk recommended to the care of Collo. Tucker as the last was. I am Sir Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0172", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, February 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[February 1764]\nContra\nFeby\nBy Servants Mr Wormleys\nBy Ferriage at Urbanna\nBy Ditto at Piscataway\n By Expences at Hobbs hole 9/4.\u2003Do at Evans\u2019s 7/6\nBy Do at Bowlers 4/9\u2014little Ferry 1/3\nBy Servants 7\u00bd\nBy Ferriage & Exps. at Boyds hole\nBy other Expences there\n By Ferrymen at Posey\u2019s 2/6.\u200315 Bls Oystrs 15/\nBy Cash for Cards\nBy\u2014Faw for Waggonage of Beef from Goose Ck\nBy Charity 10/\nBy Cash lent Valentine Crawford", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0173", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 13 February 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nMount Vernon 13th February 1764.\nThe Inclosed is a Copy of my last of the 22d Ulto\u2014We have been curiously entertained of late with the description of an Engine lately constructed (I beleive in Switzerland, and undergone some Improvements since in England) for taking up Trees by the Roots\u2014among other things it is related that Trees of considerable Diameter are forced up by this Engine\u2014that Six hands in working one of them will raise two or three hundred Trees in the space of a day\u2014and that an Acre of Ground may be eased of the Trees and laid fit for Plowing in the same time\u2014How far these assertions have been amply reallized by repeated experiments it is impossible for me at this distance to determine but if the accounts are not greatly exaggerated such powerful assistance must be of vast utility in many parts of this wooden Country where it is impossible for our Force (and labourers are not to be hired here) between the finishing of one Crop and preparations for another to clear Grounds fast enough to afford the proper changes either in the Planting or Farming business\u2014The chief purport of this Letter therefore is to beg the\nfavour of you Gentlemen to make minute enquiries into the Tryals that have been made by order of the Society and if they have prooved satisfactory to send me one of these Engines by the first Ship bound to this River (Potomack)\u2014If they are made of different sizes, I shoud prefer one of a middle Size, capable of raising a tree of 15 or 18 Inches Diameter\u2014The Costs I am pretty much a stranger to 15, 20, & 25 Guineas have been spok\u00e9 of but the Price (were it dble that) I shoud totally disregard provided the Engine is capable of performing what is related of it, and not of that complicated nature to be easily disordered, and rendered unfit for use, but constructed upon so plain, simple, and durable a Plan that the common Artificers of this Country may be able to set them to rights if any accidents shoud happen to them\u2014If you shoud send one be so good as to let me have with it the most ample direction\u2019s for the effectual using of it, together with a model of its manner of operating.\nMrs Washington woud take it as a favour, if you woud direct Mrs Shelby to send her a fashionable Summer Cloak & Hatt, a black Silk apron, 1 ps. of penny & one ps. of two penny Ribbon (white) and a pair of French bead Earings and Necklace\u2014and I shoud be obliged to you for sending me a dozen and an half of Water Plates (Pewter with my Crest engraved). I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0174", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Cary & Co., 13 February 1764 [letter not found]\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Robert Cary & Co., 13 Feb. 1764. On 1 May GW wrote to Robert Cary & Co.: \u201cThe Copy of your Letter of the 13th of February . . . is come to hand.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "02-13-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0175", "content": "Title: Invoice from Robert Cary & Company, 13 February 1764\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\n[London] 13 Feby 1764.\nInvoice of Costs and Charges of Goods Ship\u2019d on Board the William & Mary John Boyes Master for Virginia on the proper Acct & Risque of Colo. Geo. Washington and to him Consignd\nTheodosia Crowley Iron\n6 Ex[tr]a Broad Axes 4/\n2 Lathing Hammers 1/2\n\u00bd dozn Augers sorted\n1 dozn large socket headg Chissels\n1 dozn large socket Gouges\n1 dozn Splinter padlocks A\n 1 dozn ditto Ditto\u2003\u2003\u2003B\n6 Iron rimb\u2019d Locks with brass knobs & long box staples &ca compleat @4/3\n1 Iron rimbd Lock with Pulback Wards round key hard & long box Staples &ca compleat\n\u00bd dozn Steel Garden Spades 42/\nCanvas & Cord\nSaml Ballamy Nails\nIn a Cask\nIn a Cask\nIn a Cask\nIn a Cask\nIn a Cask\nIn a Cask\nMauduit & Co.\u2003Woolen\n2 ps. Welch Cotton (95 96) 191 Yds @14\u00bdd.\n8 Yards of ditto for Wrapper @9d.\nCanvas &ca for one Bale\nMoseley &ca\u2003Plaid Hose\n4 dozn plaid Hose No. 4 @12/6\n2 dozn Fearnothg Jackets differt Sizes @6/3\n2 dozn Ditto Breeches Do Do @2/9\n2 pieces best Dutch Blankets @85/\nPackg Cloth for one Bale\nEdwd Hippesley\u2003Linnen\n5 ps. Oznabrigs qt. 516 @9\u00bc\n2 ps. Russia drab 48 Yds @10\u00bd\n\u00bd ps. Hessen\u2019s for Wrapper 18/\n2 ps. Irish Linnen 94 qt. 50 Yds @1/3\n2 ps. Nankeens 6 yds each 7/\nTrimmings to ditto\n1 ps. yd wide Muslin 100/\n1 ps. Holland 29\u00be Ells 6/\nTrunk & wrapper\nMary Vaughan Riddles\n6 Wheat Riddles @3/\n6 brass fine Wheat Sieves @3/6\nHeadg & Mattg 1 Bundle\nThomas Newnham & Co. Grocery\n12 Single Loaves 1 C. 1 Q. 1lb. @78/\nRaisolis 1.17 Gr. 26 Nt 62/\nCurrants 1 large Pott 1.22 Gr. 1.6 lb. Nt 58/\nJordan Almonds 25 lb. @20d.\nMace \u00bd lb. @16/\nNutts \u00bd lb. @9/6\nCinnamon \u00bd lb. @16/\nCloves \u00bd lb. @16/\nWhite Pepper 6 lb. @4/\nWhite Candy 6 lb. @2/\nBrown Ditto 6 lb. @9d.\n1 Tierce 1 Jarr & Carting\nThomas Johnston\u2003Turnery\n6 large Hair Brooms\n12 large blacking Balls\n1 dozn course Sieves\n1 China plate Basket\n3 Shoe Brushes\n1 large Matt\nRichd Clay\u2003Pickles\n4 pottles of French Olives\n3 Ditto of Capers\n3 Ditto India Mangoes\n2 Ditto Anchovies\n12 Pottle Sqrs. Case & Lock\nDurham Mustard 12 bottles & Box\nGround White Lead 1 C.o.14 @36/\nCask with 4 Iron hoops\nFrancis Nalder\u2003Cheese\n1 Cheshire Cheese 29 lb. @5d.\n2 dble Gloster 43 lb. 6d.\nA Box to Ditto\nBenja. Lancaster Harness\nfor a New sett of Harness with brass Buckles brass Sliders on both sides the Housens brass Screws & Watering hooks, the Crest engravd on the Housen Plates, and Bridles, Bitts and Rains\nFor a new Postilion Saddle with Stirrops & Girths\nFor a new spare Bridle with a Bit & Reins & two new kirb bridles for Saddle Horses\nA Cask\nAnn Harris Mantu[amake]r\nMaking a Pompadour brocade satten Sacque\nBody & Sleeve Linings\nMaking a white Lustring Negligee & Coat\nBody & Sleeve Linings with Ferret\nMaking a blue Satten puff Petticoat\nBuckram and Ferret\nMaking a Silver Tabby Petticoat\nFerret 1/\npaid for 4\u00bd yds sprig Muslin @10/6\nMaking the Gown\nBody and Sleeve Linings\nPaid for a Box and Porterage\nTibbetson &ca\u2003Silk\n4\u00bd yds of rich Silver plated Tabby @21/\n20 yds rich white spotted Lustring 7/9\n9 yds blue Satten 7/9\n1 Yd white Lustring\nRichards &ca\u2003Hose\n6 pr Mens fine worsted Hose @6/6\n1 dozn Mens thread Do\n3 pr Mens knit worsted Do 2/6\n6 Mens fine felts No. 1 3/\n4 Mens Castor Hats 2 5/\n1 finest Beaver\nBox for the Hats\nMrs Shelbury &ca Milliny\nTo a suit of Book Muslin Workd\nA fine black laced handf & Hood\nA fine fan\n17 Yards of fine broad Nett 10/6\n2 handsome breast Flowers 12/6\n1 piece 4d. white Ribbon 6d.\n1 piece 3d. Do Do 3d.\n2 yards Velvet Ribbon broad 2/6\n2 pr black silk knit Mitts 2/6\n6 long sprigd wires\nWillm Hallier\u2003Lanths.\n1 horn Lanthorn\n1 pint & \u00bd Coffee pot\n1 3 pint Do\n6 Quart Tin Cans 5/\nMount & Page\u2003Stati[oner]y\n1 large box best Wafers\nPrice & Nalder\u2003Gloves\n3 pr Mens best buck Gloves Stitchd Tops 51/\n3 pr Mens Tannd Do Do 14/6\nStephen Heath\u2003Habery\n5 lb. Shoe thread @15d.\n10 lb. Brown thread 18d.\nChas Brown\u2003Corks\n20 Groce Corks 2/\nBag\nJ: Payne\u2003Jewellery\n1 pr Oval Stone knee Buckles\n1 Silver pencil 6 Inches long marked with Inches and parts\nWilliam Weale\u2003Bracy [Braziery]\n2 pr Nett Candlesticks\n1 large strong Teakettle\n2 Cocks @18d.\n2 Ditto 16d. 2/8\u20031 Beer Do 2/\n1 Wine Do\nDavidson &ca\u2003Sadlery\nA Neat Hogskin Hunting Saddle full welted bent Stirrips and furn[itu]r & oild Leather Snaffle Bridle the front dble lapd with Silk\n2 best checkd saddle cloths bound, with silk Tags &ca\n2 very best Woolen cirsingles lind neats Lea[the]r &ca\n2 Snaffle Bridles @24/ a Dozn\n2 Oild Leathr Do fronts dble lapd wt. silk @3/\n2 bitting Bridles with furniture complt 4/3\n1 dozn leather Halters\n2 pr bottle Stands coverd wt. hairy calfskn @3/\n4 Single Girths @5/ dozn\n4 dble Do lind with leather @17/ Do\nA Neat huntg Whip Chagreen butn & Silvr Plate\nRichard Weale\u2003Cutlery\n1 Good Coffee Mill\n2 pr neat Steel Snuffer\u2019s and Stand\n1 Neat Mahagony Razor case qty two best Tortoize shell Razors &ca\n1 pr large steel knee buckles\n2 pr horse Scissars\n\u00bc lb. brass knetting Needles\n\u00bc lb. Iron Do Do\nLardner &ca\u2003Haberdy\n10 lb. fine Shoe thread @15d.\n20 lb. Maidstone brown thread 2/\n2 lb. whited Ditto 4/3\n1 lb. fine Ditto\n4 Oz. Do India Cotton 21d.\n2 Oz. flowering Ditto 8d.\n2 Oz. fine Do 2/\n4 dozn long do thread 4/\n6 pieces beggars Tape 4d.\n2 pieces fine Diaper Tape 8d.\n4 pieces broad Do 13d.\n2 pieces of best 4d. ferretg 5/\n1 piece rich 10d. dble Ribbon\n1 lb. sorted Beladine Silk\n2 Oz. Barbers Ditto 21d.\n2 Oz. best Chinese Ditto 3/6\n2 Oz. Do blond Ditto 3/6\n1 packet of black hair pins\n1 Groce mould Shirt button\u2019s\n2 Superfine Men\u2019s Cotton Caps 2/6\n6 best horn Combs sorted 6d.\n3 Superfine dandrif Do Do 14d.\n3 Superfine Do 2/3\n8 dozn laced bobbins 1/6\n3 pr Women\u2019s best white kid french Glos. 2/\n2 pr ditto colourd Do 2/\n3 pr Ditto Do Mitts 2/\n3 pr Ditto White Do 2/\nJno. Didsbury\u2003Shoes\n6 pr wooden heeld Shoes 8/6\n3 pr Callimanca pumps 7/6\n1 pr Satten pumps embroiderd with gold\n1 pr plain Satten Do\n9 pr Mens Servant Shoes 5/6\n1 pr Boots Do Do\nFor Master Custis\n4 pr calf Leathr Shoes & 4 pr Pumps 4/\n3 pr boys Servants Shoes 4/9\n2 pr Womens Servants Shoes 3/\nFor Miss Custis\n6 pr Callimanca Pumps 4/6\n2 pr Satten Pumps\n3 pr Leathr Pumps 3/6\n2 pr Womens Servants Shoes 3/\nSusanna Coleman\n1 pair buck Breeches\nThomas Bromwich\u2003Paper\n6 pieces crimson ground sprigd Papr 4/\n5\u00bd dozn borders 6d.\nEdwd Polhill\u2003Uphol[ster]y\n12 Chairs covered with Leather and brass Naild @16/\n2 Elbows to ditto @24/\n6 Windsor Chairs painted Green 7/\n10 Mats 13d.\nSymes & Co.\u2003Seeds\n100 Weight hopclover @7d.\u2003bag 1/\nSt Foine 1 Bushel 5/\u2003bag 1/\n10 lb. Lucerne 13d.\n20 lb. Turnip Seed @12d.\u2003bag 8d.\n1 Peck early Peas 3/\u2003bag 8d.\nGarden Seeds sorted 20/\u2003bag 1/\nJas Maidment\u2003Earthnw[are]\n6 pr white stone bottles & Bason\u2019s\n6 pr Do Do Do Do lesser\n12 Chamber Pots\u2003Package 1/\nAnn Dennis\u2003Glass\n150 Squares best London Crown Glass 103\u00bd feet @11d.\n15 lb. Putty 6d.\nBladder to pack it in 2d.\nA case to pack\nBenja. Kenton\u2003Porter\n24 dozn fine old Porter Bottled packd and Wiered at 6/6 pr Dozn\n2 Casks\nPaid Carteridge Wharfage and Waterage\nSaml Lowe\u2003Glass\n12 Mellon Glasses\n72 dozn Quart Bottles\n8 Hhds\nCharges of Shipg\nLeaver Legg\u2003Cloth\n5\u215b Yards best Superfine Cloth 18/\n5\u215b yards Do blue Do 19/\n8\u00bd fine Shaloon 2/\nWillm Bennet\u2003Bisquet\n1/2 C White Bisquet\nCharges\nJno. Shakespear\u2003Cordage\n200 fathom of Leadg Lines 3/8 Diamr 0 C. 3 Q. 22 @5d.\n6 best Bed Cords 6/ Matt. & Shipg Chs. 2/\nChas Lawrence\u2003Taylor\nMakg a mixture sute unlined, edges bound dble breasted coat & Waistt\n35 Yds hair & Silk bindg @8d. 23/4\nLining and Pockets to Breeches Garters and Puffs\nSowing Silk, & Silk twist &ca\nDimoty to Waistcoat\n2 dozn Coat Buttons\u20034 dozn breast Do\nSleeve Linings to Coat\nTo makg a blue Suit and Breeches bound with Gold\n20 yds rich gold binding at 3/4\n1 pr broad gold Garters\n2 dozn rich gold Coat Buttons 8/\n4 dozn Do Do Breast Do 4/\nSewing Silk, Silk twist &ca\nLin[in]gs & Pockts to Breechs 1 pr Gartrs & Puffs\nDimothy to Waistcoat\nPockets to coat & Waistt & Sleeve Lings to Coat\nA Box\nA Chest\nPipes & Tobacco not Charged\n12 Doyles Rubrs\nTurling[to]n Balsn\nEntry out Searchers Fees & Shipg Chars.\nFreight Primage & Bills of Loadg\nPrems. of \u00a3400 Insurd at 2\u00bd prCt\nCommissions 2\u00bd prCt\nE. E. Robt Cary & Co.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0176", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, March 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[March 1764]\nCash\nTo Mr Robt Rutherford on Acct Thos Digges\nTo Mr [Charles] Green\nContra\nBy Captn McCabes order paid Mr Thos Digges viz. Sterling \u00a35.0.0 50 prCt Excha. on Do 2.10.\nBy Exps. at Leesburg\nBy Edwd Violette to pay Sundries\nBy Servants 11/\u2014Sent to Phila. for a pr Lr Breeches 35/\u2014gave Taylor takg Mea[sur]e 1/\nBy Exps. at Collo. Hites\nBy altering my Boots\nBy Servants 2/6\u2014Charity 10/\nBy Bryan Bruin\u2019s Ord[inar]y Acct\nhis Servants 6/\u2014Exps. at Wests 3/\nBy Servants 2/3\u2014By Thos Bishop \u00a36\nBy Nelson Kelly for Balle of Acct", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0177", "content": "Title: Notice of Truro Parish Vestry Meeting, 20 March 1764\nFrom: Truro Parish Vestry Meeting\nTo: \nVirginia, Fairfax County, March 20, 1764.\nNotice is hereby given to any Person or Persons, who are willing to undertake the Building a Brick Church at the Falls in Truro Parish in the County aforesaid, (to contain 1600 Feet superficial Measure, with convenient Galleries) That on the Third Monday in June next, there will be a meeting of the Vestry, at what is commonly called the Upper Church: At which Time and Place, any Person or Persons, who will under take the same, are desired to attend, with their Plans, and Estimate of the Expence, and to give Bond, with good Security, to the Church wardens of the said Parish, for his or their true Performance.\nGeorge W. Fairfax,\nChurch wardens.\nGeorge Washington.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-28-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0178", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Cary & Co., 28 March 1764 [letter not found]\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Robert Cary & Co., 28 Mar. 1764. On 10 Aug. GW wrote to the firm, mentioning \u201cyour other Letter of the 28th of March.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0179", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, April 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[April 1764]\nCash\nApl\u200726\u2014\nTo Cash for March Acct\nTo Interest of Mrs [Joanna] McKenzies Bond\nTo Collo. Fieldg Lewis pr Acct\nTo Interest of Mr Phil. Claiborne\nTo Cash of Mr Valentine\nTo Ditto of Collo. Lewis for a Bill of Excha. drawn in favour of J. P. Custis \u00a3100 Sterl.\nTo Ditto of Mr Jas Gibson for Bills drawn in behalf of Ditto \u00a3200 Sterlg\nTo Ditto of Collo. Lewis Dismal Adventure\nTo Cash of Jno. Ward\nTo Mr Robt Adam Balle acct\nTo Cash of Collo. Byrd for Rent\nContra\nApl\u2007\u20071\u2014\nBy Mr Wm Digges pr Rect for Mr R. Rutherford\nBy Cards &ca\n1 lock 2/6\u2014Exps. at Colchester 22/9\nBy Servants 3/1\u00bd\u2014Exps. at Port Royal 5/4\nBy Exps. at Hobs hole 5/\u2014Servants 2/6\nBy Ferriage at Brick house 7/. Exps. there 1/3\nBy Trebell for Wmsburg Octr Purse 1763\nBy Ditto Club 2/6\u2014Searchg Records 2/6\nBy Carter & Camms Pamphlets\nBy 1 Lock 1/3\u2014Club at Trebells 10/\nBy Club at Trebells 8/3\nBy Raffling 30/\u2014Sadler [Alexander] Craik 2/\nBy Subscription to Wmsburg Purse Apl 1764 paid Mr William Brent\nBy Servants 3/9\u2014Preceptor &ca 28/6\nBy 4 pr Hinges & Screws 7/. B[ryan] Allison 10/\nBy Mr Hubbard for Miss Fairfax\nBy Mr Calvert for freight of a Pipe of Wine\nDitto Duty of Do\nBy Collo. [Robert] Tucker for 1 Box of Citron\nBy Mr Robt Miller Store Acct\nBy Cash given 1/3\u2014Mrs Devenport 13/6\nBy Watchmaker mendg Mr [Charles] Greens Watch\nBy 1/2 ps. of Persian \u00a32.17.6\u2014Sundries 11/\nBy Mr Jno. Washington pr Collo. Richd Lee to pay Exrs of Tibbs for Negroes\nBy Mr Cunninghams rect for Iron of Messrs Snowdens\nBy Mr Wm Dangerfield for hire of Bricklr", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-02-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0180", "content": "Title: Invoice from Robert Cary & Company, 2 April 1764\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\n[London] Apl 2d 1764.\nInvoice of Costs & Charges of Goods Shipd by Robt Cary & Co. on board the Charming Polly Robt Watson Master upon the acct & Risk of George Washington & to him Consignd\nSaml Ballamy Nails\nIn a Cask 3/ 12\u00bd M 20d. flat pts 7/\nIn a Cask 3/ 12\u00bd M 20d. Do Do 7/\nIn a Cask 3/ 26 M 10d. Do Do 5/\nIn a Cask 3/ 25 M 10d. Do Do 5/\nEntry out Searchers Fees & Shipg Chars.\nFreight primage & Bills of Loadg\nCommissions 2\u00bd prCt\nE. E. Robt Cary & Co.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-30-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0181", "content": "Title: Guardian Accounts, 30 April 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMr John P: Custis\nDr\nSterlg\nCurry\ns. d.\nApl 30\nTo my order on Robt Cary Esqr. & Co. for the Contra Sterg Balle\nMay 4\nTo \u2153 of \u00a35.0.4\u2014a Balle paid Colo. [Burwell] Bassett on acct of Lyonel Lyde Esqr.\nJuly\nTo \u2154 of 90 lbs. of Tobo paid Secretarys fees Recordg Estates acct &ca that is 60 lbs. @2d.\nSept\nTo \u00bd of \u00a324.7.9 paid Mr Macrae for their Tutors passage & Exps.\nOctr 24th\nTo Rudimans Grammer of Mr [John] Stretch\nNovr 6\nTo Mr Bartholamew Dandridge for Sundries\nJan. 16\nTo 1 pr of Silvr knee buckles of Mr [James] Craig\nDo\nTo 1 pr of Shoe & knee Do of Do for his boy\nTo Bryan Allison Taylors acct\nTo \u00bd of Mr [Walter] Magowan their Tutors Levy & Tax\u2014viz. 21 lbs. Tobo\nTo the above 21 lbs. of Tobo @ 2d\nTo his Maid Moll\u2014the \u00bd of her Levy & Tax\nApl\nTo Books vizt the Preceptor 26/ Erasmus 3/9 Londn Vocabularry 2/6\nTo Toys of Mr [James] Hubbard 7/6 To a blank book for Accts 3/3\nApl 30\nTo Balle carried to New Acct\nContra\nCr\nSterlg\nCurry\nApl 29\nBy Balle of Acct pr Settlement with the Genl Court of this date\nMay 4\nBy \u2153 of \u00a333.11.3 recd of Colo. Bassett for Sundry horse Furniture sold him\nSeptr\nBy 300 Bushls of Oats from the Eastern shore\u2014freight being paid by G. Washington\nBy Cash of Joseph Valentine\n  Miss Martha P: Custis\n  Dr\n  Sterlg\n  Curry\nApl\nTo Balle of your Acct settled with the Genl Court this day\nTo \u2153 of \u00a35.0.4 paid Colo. Basset for Balle due Lyonel Lyde Esqr.\nTo Colo. Bassets Bond upon Inte\u27e8rest\u27e9 \u27e8mutilated 23\u27e9d of Apl 1763 for\nTo Mr Barthw Dandridges & Bassets Bond Interest dated 23d of April 1763\nTo Mrs [Joanna] McKenzie Milinary \u27e8mutilated\u27e9\nTo \u2153 of 90 lbs. of Tobo pd \u27e8Secretarys fees\u27e9 Recordg Estate \u27e8Acct &c.\u27e9 30 lbs. @2d.\nTo \u00bd of \u00a324.7.9 paid Mr [Allan] Macrae for \u27e8their tutors\u27e9 passage & Expences\nTo Mr Stretch for a Music Book\nTo Mr [William] Prentis for 6 pr Gloves and \u27e8mutilated\u27e9\nTo the \u00bd of Mr Magowans \u27e8their Tutors\u27e9 \u27e8Levy & Tax\u27e9 viz. 21 lbs. Tobo & 2d.\nTo the \u00bd of Maid Molls \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 Do\nTo Clarkes Corderius 3/9 A Blank Book for Accts 3/3 Toys 2/6\n30 Apl\nTo Balle carried to New Acct\nContra\nCr\nApril\nBy Balle pr Acct Settled \u27e8with the\u27e9 Genl Court in Apl last\nMay\nBy 1 Years Interest of Wm Dandridges Bond\nDitto\nBy Interest of Colo. Bassett \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 Apl 23d 1763\nDo 4\nBy \u2153 of \u00a333.11.3 recd of Colo. Bassett \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 horse Furniture sold\nBy Interest recd of \u27e8Barthw Dandridge\u27e9 April 23rd 1763\nApl\nBy Do of Mrs Mc\u27e8Kenzies\u27e9 Bond\nBy Mr Phil. W. Claiborne\nBy Balle carried to New Acct\nThe Accts above are exact Copies of those settled by Commissioners appointed by the Genl Court\u2014namely Peyton Randolph Esqr. & Jno. Mercer & Thos Everard Gentlemen the 30th of April 1764", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0182", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, May 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nContra\nMay 1\u2014\nBy Mr Jos. Valentine to take up my Bonds given to Buckners Exrs for Negroes\nBy Barbers Acct 12/6\u2014Mrs Campbells Do 44/\n By mendg Harness 8/6.\u2003Do Chair 15/\n By Club at Trebels 5/.\u2003Charity 20/\nBy Ferriages at Claibornes 3/6\u2014Exps. at Tods 5/\nBy Expenses at Sneads 11/6\u2014Ferriage at Por[t] R[oya]l 2/6\nBy ferriage at Hoes 14/\u2014Ferrymen at Do 2/6\nBy Jno. McClockland Balle of Accts\nBy Danl Bush for 2 Groce Bottles @30/\nBy 50 Bushl Salt @1/9\nBy Jno. Askew\nBy Captn Posey\u2014lent on acct Wm Whiting\n By Card money \u00a35.\u2003By Thos Nichols \u00a34\nBy Mr [Harry] Piper for two Guns\nBy Jno. Alton\nBy freight of Goods from Norfolk\nBy 1176 Bushls Oyster shells @18/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0183", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 1 May 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nWilliamsburg 1st May 1764.\nThe Copy of your Letter of the 13th of February\u2014by Talman\u2014is come to hand, but for want of the account Inclosed in the Original I am at a loss to conceive how my ballance can possibly be so much as \u00a31811.1.1 in your favour, or Master Custis\u2019s so little as \u00a31407.14.7 in his; however as the several accts will shew what Articles are charged and credited\u2014without which there can be no judging\u2014I shall postpone an explicit answer till they arrive.\nYour observation\u2019s in regard to the money which Master Custis has in your hands are most certainly just, for his Acct and mine alth\u00f4 both under my directions, are become very distinct things since the Settlement of the Estate and on his behalf I now draw three Bills upon you\u2014two of them in favour of Fielding Lewis Esqr. for \u00a3100 & \u00a3500 and the 3d in favour of Mr James Gibson for \u00a3200 makg in all \u00a3800 for which Sums your acct will have credit not doubting the due acceptance of the Bills.\nAs to my own Debt I shall have no objections to allowing you Interest upon it untill it is discharged and you may charge it\naccordingly from this time forward, but had my Tobacco sold as I expected and the Bills been paid according to promise I was in hopes to have fallen very little in arrears; however as it is otherwise I shall endeavour to discharge the Balle as fast as I can, flattering myself there will be no just cause for complts of the Tobacco this year\u2014What little I make upon Potomack\u2014which indeed will not exceed 30 or 35 Hhds\u2014will I hope be of a better quality than the last\u2014& from this River (York) there remains 81 Hhds which I am told will proove good, 21 of which belongs to me and the other 60 to Master Custis\u2014of the 52 which went in Mathers 15 were mine & 37 Master Custis\u2019s.\nI wish my fears may not proove true, but I am very apprehensive Boyes will stick long upon hand here, however what Tobacco I have both on this River & Potomack shall be applied in loading of him and I wish a better dispatch to the Ship than many of your Corrispondants seem Inclined to give to it being, Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0184", "content": "Title: To George Washington from James Gildart, 18 May 1764\nFrom: Gildart, James\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nLeverpoole May 18th 1764\nI am favoured wth yours of the 26 April Last year Accquainting me that the Six hhds of wc. you \u27e8hav\u27e9e above the Acct Sales Ntt Proceeds \u00a346.8.4\u00bc are to be braugt to the Credt of Master Custis in New Acct & that the balle due me from the Estate of the Late Coll Custis \u00a317.9.8 you will Remitt me for wc. Shall be Noted Accordingly & as on the other Side you have a State of the Acct have it Stands wc. you will please to have noted Accord[ingl]y.\nI wish it had been in my Power to have Rendd A more Agreeable Acct \u214c Sales but from the lowness of the Marketts it was not. Should you be pleased to fav\u27e8o\u27e9ur me wth further Consignts of a few hhds of the Estates Tobo may depend Shall exert mySelf to Serve the Concerned As well in that as any other of your Comms. I wish wth you the Peace may be of along Continuance & that the Tobo Trade may revive & florish but am Sorry to Say I never Rememr it duller than Just Now & have been Concerned in it Upwards of thirty years in short the Importation exceeds the Consumpn but Surely the Growth of Hemp & Flax wth you will lessen it wc. I wish to See, you Gent. will no doubt find an advantage Cultiv. from those & am very Respy Sir Yr Most Obt\nJame. Gildart", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "05-22-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0185", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Anthony Strother, 22 May 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Strother, Anthony\nSir,\nMount Vernon 22d May 1764\nWhen I was at Winchester in March last, I had an opperty of speaking to Mr Gabriel Jones concerning the Land which Mr\nFitzhugh recovered of you, and which I was adjudged to make good; and he seemed to think it but reasonable that I shoud be made whole by your Brothers Estate, desiring me at the same time to let them into a thorough state of the affair, and he or Mr Maddison, one of which woud be at Fredericksburg in June, woud settle the matter with Collo. Lewis on my behalf. Now Sir, the favour I have to ask is, that you woud be so good as to let me, or Mr Lewis between this, or at the Fair, into a full state of the case; for the whole transactions happening so long ago, and at a time when I had very little leizure to attend to my own private concerns, I really know little or nothing of the matter, but common sense, & equity tells me, that if I was answerable to you for Lands sold by my Fathers Exrs that your Brothers Estate shoud be liable to me for the same Lands, sold by his Executrix pursuant \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 his Will. you will be so good as to excuse the \u27e8tr\u27e9ouble I am giving you\u2014with respect I am Sir Yr Most Obedt Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0188-0002", "content": "Title: Enclosure: Invoice from William McGachen, 1764\nFrom: McGachen, William\nTo: Washington, George\n[London 1764]\nInvoice of Sundrys bought by Captn Willm McGachin for my use and brought in by himself\nWillm Webster Jeweller\nFor a new Key piece to a Chain and Swivel for a Man\u2019s Watch\nMending all the ringholes to the middle & strengthening the Rings\nGold added to the Chain 0.22 G[rai]ns\nDo to the Swivel\u2003\u2003\u2003\u2007\u20071.\u20072\nDanl Moore Pistols\nTo a new Silver Mounted shamback work Pistol, made to fellow another, Mold, Key Bags, & the old one cleaned &ca\nAbernithy &ca Cruits\nTo 3 Cruits cut to Pattern @2/\nCharles Topping Seeds\n1 Bushel fine St Foine Seed\n1 Canvas Bag", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "06-17-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0189", "content": "Title: Memorandum List of Tithables and Taxable Land and Property, 17 June 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nA List of Tythables in Truro Parish\u2014Fairfax County\u2014also of Wheel Carriages\u2014given in June 17th 1764.\nGeorge Washington\nWalter Magowan, Thomas Bishop, Robt Haims, Mathis Seale. Ho. Servts: Breachy, Jack, Schomberg, Doll, Jenny, Betty, Sarah, Kate, Betty, Sall, Moll. Tradesmen: Tur[ne]r Crump, Will, Michael, Morris, George, Sam, Tom, Ned, Jupiter, Peter, Nat, George. Home Plantn: Thos Nicholas, Jack, Jack, Lewis, Ben, Ned, Davy, Robin, Charles, Sarah, Judy. Muddy hole: John Alton, Grig, Will, Sam, Kate, Phillis, Hannah, Ph\u0153be. Doeg Run: Jas Devenport, Peros, Will, London, Stafford, Essex, Orford, Betty, Sue, Flora, Lucy, Jone, Moll. River Side: Jno. Chowning, Tom, Ben, Natt, George, Robin, Ruth, Peg, Murria, Flora, Doll. Creek Qr: Josiah Cook, Matt, Cupid, Will, Kitty. In all\u201476.\nA List of Lands\u2014given in according to Act of Assembly in the counties where they lye.\nFairfax County\n5118 Acres\nFrederick\nKing George\nLoudoun\nHampshire\n9381 Total\n1 Chariot", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0190", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, July 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nContra\nJuly 1\u2014\nBy Barber 1/\u2014paid for hooks 4/\nBy Negroe 2/6\u2014By Surveyors run[nin]g Road 10/\nBy Mr Halls order for Thos Bishop\nBy Barber 1/\u2014Servants 13/9\u2014Barber 2/\nBy Club at Mrs Vobes 9/. Do at Trebels 21/ 7\u00bd\nBy Collo. Bassetts Servants 7/6. Sailors 10/\nBy the Speakers Servants 6/6\u2014boy 1/\nBy Mr W. Washington\u2019s Servants\nBy Expences at Evans\u2019s Ordy 8/6. Ferriage Pis[catawa]y 5/7\u00bd\nBy Exps. at Hobs hole 23/6\u2014Do at Leeds Town & Fer[rag]e 23/\nBy Ferriage at Hoes 42/\u2014Exps. at Laidlers 10/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-04-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0191", "content": "Title: Appraisement of Dismal Swamp Slaves, 4 July 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nAppraisement of Slaves sent to the Dismal Swamp\nJuly the 4th 1764\nMr William Nelson: Harry, \u00a360; Jupiter, 60; George, 50; Jolly, 60; B\u27e8ella\u27e9, 45\u2014\u00a3275.\nMr Secretary: George, 75; Phill, 65; Joe, 60; Humphrey, 75; Rachel, 60\u2013335.\nMessrs Tucker & Page: Isaac, 60; Jack, 60; Primus, 60; Minne, 75\u2013255.\nGeor: Washington: Harry, 75; Jack, 80; C\u00e6sar, 75; Topsom, 60; Nan, 50; Toney a boy, 25\u2013365.\nMr Walker: James, 52.10; Vulcan, 75; James, 55; Hannabel, 60; Yarrico, 60\u2013302.10.\nMessrs Bacon & Lewis: Harry, 75; Tom, 60; Robin, 75; Daniel, 75; Tom, 75; Sam, 50; Charles, 60; \u27e8Hio\u27e9, 30; Bab, 50; Hannah a Girl, 37.10\u2013587.10.\nMr Mead: Anthony, 85; Essex, 75; Penny, 70\u2013230.\nMr Gist: Jupiter, 50; Tom, 52.10; Sampson, 35; Jacob, 62.10; Molly, 60\u2013260.\nMr Tucker: Codger, 65; James, 50; Braford, 50\u2013165.\nMr Waters: Paul, 80; Joe, 75.\nMessrs Lewis & Bacon: Lewey, 85.\nCollo. Burwell: Jack, 70; Venus, 60.\nJno. Robinson Esqr.: Davy, 75; Amos, 75; Sambo, 75.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0192", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 10 July 1764\nFrom: Capel & Osgood Hanbury\nTo: Washington, George\nEsteemd Friend\nLondon July 10. 1764\nWe wrote thee \u214c Capt. Necks wth Accot Curt this now Covers the Sale of thy 12 Hds Tobacco \u214c Lewis & 12 \u214c Esten. we are sorry it clears no more the former was owing to the heavy Charges it came home under & the \u27e8latter mutilated\u27e9 the Tobacco being much out of condition so that the Buyers for home Consumption would not meddle wth but one Hd. We assure thee that no Care or attention is wanting in us to make the most of thy Tobacco. It gives us concern that we are not favourd any part of thy Crops \u214c Capt. Esten this year. hope for it \u214c one of the latter Ships & if it turns out quite fine Tobacco it will give us an additional pleasure as it will then fetch a tollerable good price; midling & ordinary sells very low. In thy next please to advise if we shall debit D.P. Custis\u2019s Estt. for the 14 Hds Tobo \u214c the Joseph & \u27e8give\u27e9 J.P. Custis Credit for it or if thee would have it stand to the Credit of the former as \u214c Accot Currt sent. We are wth Esteem Thy Assurd Friends\nC. & O. Hanbury", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-18-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0193", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Joseph Valentine, 18 July 1764 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Valentine, Joseph\nLetter not found: to Joseph Valentine, 18 July 1764. On 29 July Valentine wrote to GW: \u201cI Rec\u2019d yours of the 18th [July].\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-29-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0194", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Joseph Valentine, 29 July 1764\nFrom: Valentine, Joseph\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nJuly 29th 1764\nI Rec\u2019d yours of the 18th which has Gave me a good deel of uneasiness and if I was gilty of the Crime you Lay to my Charge you have Just Cause to Blame me, but so farr from that I have had a good deel of defferance with the Overseers when they did Raily want to get sum other Sort of tobaco to plant, and have ordred if they had not plants of th\u27e8mutilated\u27e9 not to get plants any wheare but had Reather their ground should ly unplanted then to plant arronoco\u2014the Sort of tobo you saw at dite Howls ass he had the Seed from Gilliam is Rank arronoco which Gilliam Said he had from Graves I have had several disputs abought it Graves has offerd several times to swear pine Blank that gilliam never had a seed from him in his life I saw a little of that sort of tobaco in gilliams Crop Last year I got a little of it and planted wheare I live on purpose to make a tryal of it and to S\u27e8ee\u27e9 which was in the Rong which tobaco Sir I \u27e8b\u27e9elieve you saw growing by my plant patch abught 300 plants and is Raily Rank arronoco and no more like graveses tobaco then Chalk is like Chees wheare gilliam got this seed from I Cant tel I am sertain he did not get it from graves the other Sort you saw at dite Howls is the Rail tru sweet sented he had the seed from me abaught two years ago ass we Change our seed from the defferant plantations to preserve it for it will alter and ware out if it is planted two long upon one plantation with out shifting[.] the tobaco you saw at the plantations in yorke is the Rail tru sort of sweat sented if their is any Sutch planted although it is narrow now accasiond by the dry weather I have seen it a good deel narrower in Colo. Custises life time and two thirds of it wolloon\u2014Goddins tobo is from Seed I Sent him Last winter and is the Rail tru sort it is the Same at old Quarter so their is not any arronoco but what you saw at dite Howls &\ngilliams exepting that Little I planted on purposly to make the tryal I above menchi\u27e8o\u27e9ned I find gilliam is in the Rong and it is \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 that hes got that Sort of tobo from sum wheare I Cant tel wheare though I am determind to distroy the sort intirely they shall plant no more of it\u2014this Sir is the Very truth of the matter ass near ass I can Relate it I Submit the whole to your Judgment and if you think Sir my Crime is unpardenable and I am to Remove it will be the Better for me\u2014for I am Cept in perpeatual troble and my life is misery to me for every falt falls upon me though I Can Say it with a Clear Conchisons that nobodey Cud or wod aStrove more for the advantage of the Estate I had in my Care then I have done in Every Shape\u2014I believe sir it is unposable for any one or even you your self to be heir to have every thing done Right to your Sadisfaction and orders ass you wod have it done at those distiant Quarters.\nWe have ben very dry \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 your Corn has sufferd very mutch but we have Just had a fine shour of Rane and Revived it very mutch your fellow Brunswick is very Bad I am Railey afraid we shall Loos him I am afraid he is poysond I have had a negro doctor to Look at him and am agoing to try what he Can do for him. have in C[l]osd you the weights of all the Crop of tobo Excepting the Eastron shore 7 hhds which I have not got have Sold all your Corn at King Wm Quarter to Mr Braxton @11/ pr Barel the money agreed to be paid in October next have no more to ad at present But Remain Sir your most abliging and Humble servent\nJoseph Valentine", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0195", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, August 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[August 1764]\nCash\nAugt\u200726\u2014\nTo Captn [Sampson] Darrel\nTo Postage of Strays\nContra\nAugt\u2007\u20073\u2014\nBy Collo. Fairfax\u2019s Groom 10/\u2014Postage Letters 6/9\nBy William Carlin Taylors Acct \u00a33.16.2 Ditto for Mastr Custis Do Do .7.6\nBy Turner Crump\nBy Water Mellons 1/\u2014By Onion\u2019s 5/\nBy Mulatto Jacks ferriage 2/\nBy Jno. Bennet bringing 2 Hhds of Tobo in Jos. Thompson\u2019s Waggen from Frederick\nBy Mr [William] Ramsay for Balle Accts\nBy a Sorrel Mare bought of Mr L[un]d Washington\nBy Thomas Collett Brickwork\nBy Jno. Chowning\u2014lent\nBy Captn [John] Posey money lent\nBy Mr [Charles] Green Balle Acct\nBy Exps. at Trammels 5/6.\u2003Do at Leesburg 10/3\nBy Edwd Voilet\nBy 1 dark bay mare of Farrel Littleton\nBy my Negroe Joe 2/6.\u2003By Gerrd Bowling 12/6\nBy Expences at Leesburg 11/9\u2014Do at Tramls 4/6", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-06-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0196", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Joseph Valentine, 6 August 1764\nFrom: Valentine, Joseph\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nAugust 6th 1764\nin my Last Letter to you I told you I had in Closd the weights of the Crops of tobaco but in makeing up my Letter I had three others to in Close and I intirely forgot to put in that I have in Closd that to you now and hope it will not be amiss.\nI have Seen Jonathan Catlif and have spoke to him a bought the mill stones he tels me the best size is 4 feet over and 14 inches thick Brumswick I think is a good deel Better then he was when I wrote to you Last he sertainly was poysond we have had a fine Refreshing Rain and has nightly Revived our Crop which was almost Burnt up be fore the Rain Came but if the weather suts I am in hopes of makeing a tolarable Good Crop yet and if in my power will have it made Exceeding good ass to the arronoco tobo that gilliam and dite Howl has got I will have it kept by itself and do ass you think proper with it have no more to ad at present but Remain your most humble servent\nJoseph Valentine", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0197", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Andrew Burnaby, 10 August 1764 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Burnaby, Andrew\nLetter not found: to Andrew Burnaby, 10 Aug. 1764. On 29 April 1765 Burnaby wrote to GW: \u201cWant of Opportunity alone has prevented me from answering your obliging letter of the 10th of Augst last.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0198", "content": "Title: From George Washington to John Didsbury, 10 August 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Didsbury, John\nSir,\n[Mount Vernon] 10th Augt 1764.\nPlease to forward the Shoes &ca as required below, and Robert Cary Esqr. & Co. will pay the costs which are to be placed in distinct Bills as there directed.\n4 pr bla: Callimanca pumps\nfor Mrs Washington\n1 pr bla: & 1 pr white Satten Do\nNote, those sent last year were too narrow over the Instep, & rather too short\u2014a small size larger will do.\n1 pr dble Campaigners\nfor G. Washington\n1 pr dble Channel Pumps\n1 pr Nett Shoe Boots pr Measure\u2014with two pr boot straps & 2 pr Spur L[eathe]rs\nNote the above Shoes &ca to be chargd to G. W\u2014\u2014n.\nFor Master Custis\u201411 Years old & to be chargd to him\n         his foot at present is 8 Inchs long.\n2 pr of Shoes for his Servt 16 Yrs old & large.\nFor Miss Custis\u20149 years old\n8 pair black Callimanca pumps\nher foot at present is 7\u00bd Inchs long.\nFor Mrs Dandridge\n4 pr bla: Callimanca Pumps pr measure inclosed.\nThe Shoes which you sent for my own wear last that were of a very good size & needs no alteration in yr respt. I am Sir Yr Very Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0201", "content": "Title: Martha Washington to Mrs. Shelbury, 10 August 1764\nFrom: Washington, Martha\nTo: Shelbury, \u2014\u2014 (Mrs.)\nMadam\nMount Vernon 10th August 1764.\nIn an Invoice to Mr Cary I have directed all the Goods for Miss Custis\u2019s use to be got from you as I approvd of your last years choice\u2014Such things as Misses of her age usually wear here I have sent for; but if you can get those which may be more genteel and proper for her, I shall have no objections to\nit, provided it is done with frugality, for as She is only nine year\u2019s old a superfluity, or expence in dress woud be altogether unnecessary\u2014you will please to observe that all ther things is to be charged seperate from mine altho. both accounts will be paid you by Robt Cary Esqr. & Co.\nI have also ordered a few things for my own use together with a pair of stays which I beg may be very good, easy made, and very thin. The Ruffles you sent last year I have kept myself and desired Mr Cary to pay you for them\u2014Mr Washington wrote to mr Cary in February last to purchase of you a french Necklace & Earings for m\u27e8e\u27e9\u2014if they are not already sent, I woud rather choose a blew Turkey stone Necklace & Earings sent in their place if the price does not exceed two Guineas. I am Madam, Yr Very Hble Servt\nMartha Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "08-15-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0202", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Charles Washington, 15 August 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Washington, Charles\nDear Charles,\nMount Vernon 15th Augt 1764.\nI have long been pestered with a Tenent that lives in the very heart of the Plantations which I have settled in Clifton\u2019s Neck; and altho. I have made several proposition\u2019s to him in order to get him out (for he has a Lease) I have failed in them all untill the other day (for wanting him away now more than ever, I attacked him again) he consented to give up his lease to me, upon condition\u2019s of obtaining one for your Plantation at the Mill in Frederick County, including about an hundred or 150 Acres upon a reasonable Rent; As I think it was your Intention to lay of your Land in Lotts there, and to Lease them out, I told him that I woud write to you on this Subject that he might know the\nresult as soon as possible, and be preparing for the change in case you woud admit him to it.\nHe is a very honest Man, & very punctual in paying his Rents so that you need have no scruples on that acct and the Reason why he has fixed upon that place is because there are Houses and every thing in order for Croppg at once without the expence or trouble of building a thing he woud avoid as he is advanced in years and only wants a lease during his own Life and a Woman\u2019s that lives with him (equally as old as himself which I suppose may be about 45.)\u2014If it suits you to let this place, it woud oblige me, as well as John Carney (the Person of whom I am speaking) to let him have it\u2014but if it shoud interfere with any of your \u27e8o\u27e9wn views I do not desire it\u2014but as a friend, I woud advise you never to put hands upon it yourself, whilst you have tolerable good Land, and enough of it to work your Negroes upon below for from experience I have found so has my Brothr John, and almost every body else, that it will not answer to keep only a single Quarter at so great a distance\u2014Mr Wormeley, & those Gentlemen who have so many Plantations together as to enable them to employ a Person of Character to manage the whole, profit by it, but I beleive the rest, unless it is a very rare instance to the contrary, rather loose annually than gain\u2014I know this is my case in spite of my utmost care to the contrary and I know that I have an 100 times resolvd to bring my Negroes away and shoud have done it long e\u2019er this if I had Lands that woud work them to any advantage near me\u2014this I do not say in order to induce you to Lease out the Mill Land but as my real sentiments, often exprest\u2014however I shoud be glad of your answer\u2014that is to know whether it will or will not sute you to lease it\u2014& if it does, upon what terms; in order that I may let Carney, as well as the Tenant that is now upon it know thereof; as I shall set of for Frederick about the 24th Instt\u2014If it does not suit you to give a lease for Lives (two, as he wants) perhaps it may be agreable to give a certainty of it for a few year\u2019s, in which time as he has Land of his own not a great way from that place he may build upon it having some consideration made him for that purpose by me. We shall expect to see you at the time appointed, and my Sister too if its convenient.\nI shoud be glad if you woud, or coud by some means, contrive the Inclosd to the Majestrates appd to take the List of\nTythes in King George. and pay the sheriff the Land Tax on that quantity of Acres for last year\u2014for I do not know what other method to hit upon for that purpose unless it can fall in your way to do it.\nMulatto Jack who brings this, is to fetch up the Plow which Thos Nichols has at Mr Haslows I shoud be obligd to you or Mr Lewis to put him in a way of doing it the best advantage. I am Dr Charles Yr Most Affecte Brother\nGo: Washington\nP.S. The Sturgeon are now jumping.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0203", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, September 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[September 1764]\nCash\nSeptr 1\u2014\nTo Mr [Charles] Green on acct of Wheat\nTo Cash of Edward Violett to pay Mr [Walter] Magowan\nTo Cash of Chrr Hardwick for Mr Chs Washington\nContra\nSeptr 1\u2014\nBy Mr Magowan\u2014the Cash recd of Edd Voilet\nBy two Horse Collars\u2014pd Nelson Kelly\nBy Cash paid Nelson Kelly\nBy Thomas Nicholas bal[anc]e due for his Wages\nBy Thomas Bishop\nBy Postage of a Letter\u2014Alexa.\nBy Edward Voilet\u2014sent pr Chr Hardwick\nBy Expences to the Great Falls\u2014fishing\nBy Mr Chs Washington for Deeds in Fredg\nBy Do Money recd of C: Hardwick\nBy Jno. Askew\nBy Colo. [John] Carlyle in part for Transfer Tobo @11/7\nBy Jno Askew pr Turner Crump\nBy 1 pr knee buckles for Breechy\nBy Club at Grayson\u2019s 3/9\u2014Gave skipper 10/\nBy a Pettuager bot of Abram Beach\nBy Holferd Burk & others Ditchers\nBy Michael Grater for 87 lbs. of Beef @3d.\nBy Colo. Carlyle Balle of Accts\nBy Jno. Alton\nBy taking up Grig\nBy 5 Yards persian\nBy Saml Moxley for 18 head of Cattle\nBy Servants 2/6\u2014By Ditchers 10/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "09-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0204", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 20 September 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nMount Vernn Septr 20th 1764.\nYou will now receive Invoices for such Goods as are wanting for Master Custis and myself on York Rivr which I beg may be sent as early as possible as the Hoes will be very much wanted (owing to the useless ones lately sent) and the Seins come too\nlate for the fishing Season if any ways delayed. I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0205", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, October 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[October 1764]\nCash\nTo Cash of Saml Moxley for Smiths Work\nOctr 8\u2014\nTo Ditto from Doctr [Thomas] Cockburn for Smiths Work\nTo Ditto recd of Mr [John] Semple by Mr Macrae\nContra\nOctr 9\u2014\nBy 2522 feet Inch Pine Plank @6/6 \u00a38.4. 50 feet Inch & \u00bc Do Do @8/4 4[s]. 2[d.] Maryld Cury pd with 4 pists. & 8 Dollars \u00a38.8.2\nBy Edward Williams\nBy Jno. Sheridine\nBy Jno. Prescot\nBy Hunting Creek Inspection viz. 34 Hhds\nBy Dancing Master\u2014Mackey for Childn\nBy Club at Grayson\u2019s 5/\nBy Turner Crump balle of Acct\nBy freight of a Pipe of Wine from Norfolk\nBy two Barrels of Tarr @12/6\nBy 5 Bushels of Oysters @1/\nBy Robt Wright Millwright repairing my Mill\nBy Holferd Buck &ca Ditchers\nBy Ditto lent James Devenport\nBy Mr Lund Washington\nBy Chesnuts 1/\u2014Ferriage at Occoquan 7/\n By Servants 1/\u20141 Postilian Cap 3/6\nBy my Mother\nBy Sadler 6/\u2014Farrier 5/\u2014Watch 12/6\nBy Servants 1/\u2014Exps. at Hubbards 20/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-08-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0207", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 8 October 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nMount Vernon 8th October 1764.\nSince my last, I have got Six Hhds more of my Tobacco from the Mountains, and have put them on board the Polly Ogle Captn Benja. Dawson to your address\u2014Please to have them Insured\u2014these are all I coud get down for this Ship\u2014there yet remains four or five others which I suppose must continue for the Spring Shipping as there is but little chance of getting them forwarded this Fall. I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "10-14-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0208", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 14 October 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nMount Vernon 14th October 1764.\nHerewith you will receive Copys of my last Letters (of the 20th of Septr and 8th of October)\u2014also a Bill of Loading for the Six Hhds of Tobacco on board the Polly Ogle Captn Errington (instead of Captn Dawson as I conceived it to be, and accordingly wrote you)\u2014I wish the Tobacco safe to hand, and to a better Market than most of mine hath lately come to, and am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0209", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, November 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[November 1764]\nCash\nNovr 8\u2014\nTo Cash recd of the Treasurer, for pay as a Commissioner, appd to settle the Militia Acct\nTo Ditto recd of Ditto for the use of Mr Jno. Kirkpatrick\nTo Ditto of the Honble Jno. Blair Esqr.\nTo Ditto Recd of Colo. Basset for a horse sold him\nTo Ditto of Mr Josh Valentine &ca as follow to wit\u2014of Mr George Thomas \u00a313. of Colo. [Littleton] Eyres 54.12. Colo. Basset 34.3. Mr Campbel 11.11.3 Mr Valentine 111.11. Total, & for wch I passd my rect to Jos. Valentine\nTo Jno. Robinson Esqr. for the overplus value of my Slaves provided for Draing the Dismal Swm.\nTo Cash of Mr Joseph Valentine\nTo Ditto took from Card money in my Pockt\nTo Ditto of Mr Whitehead\u20141 Dbleloon\nContra\nNovr 1\u2014\nBy Childrens Books for J.P.C.\nBy Colo. Richd Henry Lee my Bond for Negroe Judy & Child bot of Gawin Corbin Esqr. Estat.\nBy Colo. Tucker for Sundries\nBy Ditto for Leather of\u2014Campbell\nBy Servants\nBy \u00bd quire paper 1/\u2014By Mrs Washington \u00a315\nBy Mr Geo: Johnston to pay Mr Jno. Kirkpatrick\nBy Servants 3/\u2014By Coffee 2/\nBy Club at Trebels 15/\u2014Coffee sevl times 7/6\nBy Servants 1/3\u2014Clubs at Trebels 27/6\nBy Subscription to Purse\u2014pd Colo. [John] Tayloe\nBy Club at Trebels 5/\u2014Raffling for a Watch 20/\nBy 2 Oz. Verdigrease 1/3. Coffee &ca 5/\nBy Mrs Ross pr her daughter for washing\nBy Club at Trebels 10/\u2014Mr Prentis 1/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-07-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0210", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 7 November 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nWilliamsburg 7th Novr 1764.\nIn behalf of Master John Parke Custis I have this day drawn an order upon you in favour of William Dandridge (who is now in the Fleet Prison) for One hundred pounds Sterling which I hope will be immediately paid as I have already taken Bond from his Friends here for the amount of that Sum in Currt Money, at the prevailing Exchange with Interest, and shall carry the same to the Credit of Master Custis\u2019s Account here. I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0211", "content": "Title: Report of the Commissioners to Examine the Accounts of the Militia, 9 November 1764\nFrom: Commissioners to Examine the Accounts of the Militia\nTo: \n[9 November 1764]\nMr George Washington laid before the House a Report from the Commissioners appointed by Act of Assembly to examine, state, and settle, the Account of the Pay, Provisions, Arms, and Necessaries, for the Militia of this Colony; which was read, and is as follows:\nThe Commissioners not thinking themselves empowered by Law to allow some of the Officers lately employed in the Service of the Country the Pay by them demanded, have judged it necessary\nto add a Representation of such Officers Cases respectively in the Manner they appeared, as follows:\nColonel Adam Stephen, who had been employed by his Honour the Governour as Commander in Chief of the Militia in the Northern District, and who is Lieutenant of the Counties of Hampshire and Frederick, requested to be allowed 20s. a Day for his Service in both those Counties; and though it appeared that his Expense and Trouble in the Execution of his Office had been considerable, they have allowed him only 10s. a Day, being the Pay allowed by Law to a County Lieutenant.\nIt appeared to the Commissioners that Capt. John Field, of the County of Culpeper, was by Col. Stephen appointed to act as Major of the Militia in his District; and that the Colonel had from Time to Time given the said Field written Orders and Instructions to visit the several Posts, make Returns, &c. That Capt. Field had in all Things strictly performed the said Office, and had been extremely active, brave, and zealous in the Defence of his Country, constantly exposed to the greatest Dangers, and expending considerable Sums of Money in Order to appear with becoming Dignity in his Office, which would have been unnecessary had he remained a private Volunteer, which was the Station he at first engaged in. It further appeared that Col. Stephen had Directions from his Honour the Governour to employ Capt. Field, in such Manner as he thought he could be most serviceable to the Country.\nIt also appeared that George Wilson had obtained a Commission to act as Major of the County of Hampshire, and that he had the Command of a Company of the Hampshire Militia given him by Col. Stephen; that the said Wilson had also been brave and active, in the Command of the said Company: But it appearing, from the Testimony of Col. Stephen, that the said Wilson was intended only to act as Major of the Militia of Hampshire, and as Captain with Respect to the Company he commanded, the Commissioners have thought fit to allow the said Wilson only Captain\u2019s Pay, and to refer his Case to the General Assembly for a further Allowance, if they should think proper to give him any. And, upon the Whole, the Commissioners think that Capt. Field, in Equity and Justice, is entitled to the Pay of a Major, or an Allowance equal thereto: But as he was not lawfully appointed, they do not think themselves authorized to allow him\nhis Pay; and therefore, in Justice to his Merit, do earnestly recommend him to the Favour of the House.\nThat Captain Luke Collins, of the Hampshire Militia, was ordered by Col. Stephen to join Major Wilson with as many able Men as should be in his Power to collect in a short Time, and to march in Quest of a Party of Indians who had killed several of the Inhabitants of Hampshire, at a Place called Welton\u2019s Meadow; in Consequence of which Order Capt. Collins did march with 21 Men under his Command, not having Time to raise a greater Number; That he, with Major Wilson and his Party, did overtake the Party of Indians at Cheat River, attacked and killed three of them, wounding several others, and retook a Prisoner who had been carried from Welton\u2019s Meadow, together with a large Quantity of Plunder: And that Capt. Collins, with his Party, were out on the said Service ten Days. The Commissioners not thinking themselves authorized by Law to allow the Captain his Pay, on Account of the small Number of Men in his Company, have allowed the Men their Pay, and refer his Case to the House.\nThat Capt. John Moss, with Lieutenant Gore, an Ensign, and 24 private Men, were ordered by Colonel Minor of Loudoun County to march to Winchester, there to take Orders from Col. Stephen, and to proceed from thence as he should direct; at the same Time telling Capt. Moss that he would complete the Company, and send the Number then wanting immediately up to Winchester, under the Command of an Officer: That some Time after Capt. Moss\u2019s Arrival at Winchester he was ordered by Col. Stephen to proceed to one of the Forts on the Frontiers, and an Express was sent by Colonel Stephen to inform Col. Minor that he need not send up any more Men until further Orders; which Express met the Men sent by Col. Minor, with Intent to join Capt. Moss, on the Blue Ridge, whereupon they returned, and Capt. Moss remained in the Service, with the aforesaid Company, 60 Days. The Commissioners, therefore, have only allowed the Ensign, two Sergeants, and the private Men their Pay, referring the Captain and Lieutenant to the Consideration of the House.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-10-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0212", "content": "Title: From George Washington to James Gildart, 10 November 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Gildart, James\nSir\nWilliamsburg 10th Novr 1764.\nThe chief design of this Letter is to cover two Bills of John Poseys: for the amount of which please to give my Account Credit; that is, for \u00a38.4.2\u00be drawn on yourself, and \u00a311.2.10\u00be on Messrs Crosbies & Trafford.\nI shall direct Six Hhds of Master Custis\u2019s Tobo to be put on board Captn Mulloy to your address on wch please to make such Insurance as you think the Tobo will bear, & advice me thereof\u2014The charge of doing this must be placed to the young Gentlemans Account and credit given him for the nett proceeds. I am Sir Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0213", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Charles Lawrence, 20 November 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Lawrence, Charles\nMr Lawrence,\n[Williamsburg] Virginia 20th Novr 1764.\nOn the 10th of August last, I wrote to you for two Sutes of Livery Cloaths directing in what manner they were to be made, lined, trimmed, and charged; since which I have altered my Mind in some respects, and woud have the Coats and waistcoats made of the same light coloured Shag as I then Inclosed you, and the Breeches to be red Shag; and no livery lace at all to be put upon either Coat or Waistcoat\u2014In all other respects you will please to follow the direction\u2019s contained in my said Letter of the 10th of August, the only difference lying, in having the Breeches red instead of the Waistcoat, and in discarding the Lace altogether. I am Sir Yr Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "11-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0214", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 20 November 1764\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nWillgs 20th Novr 1764.\nI should be obliged to you for forwarding the Inclosed. I am Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-07-02-0217", "content": "Title: Memorandum List of Quitrents, 1764\nFrom: Washington, George,Hough, John\nTo: \nA List of Lands, belonging to George Washington and on which Quit-Rents became due at Michaelmas 1764.\nIn Fairfax County Mount Vernon\nAcres\nBought of [Sampson] Darrel\nClifton\nBrent\nWm Ashford\nGeo. Ashford\nPearson\nWhitings\nFrederick County taken up\nDitto\nDitto\nBought of Johnston\nDitto of McCraken\nKing George County\nLoudoun Ditto\nHampshire Ditto\nTotal amount\nJune 17th 1765 Then Receivd from George Washington the Currt Sum of Eleven pounds nineteen Shillings and Six pence in full for Quit Rents of the above Lands viz. Nine thousand five hundred and eighty one Acres due Michaelmas 1764.\n\u214c John Hough", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "01-19-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0007", "content": "Title: From Thomas Jefferson to John Page, 19 January 1764\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Page, John\n                    The contents of your letter have not a little alarmed me: and really upon seriously weighing them with what has formerly passed between \u03b1\u03b4\u03bd\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03b2 and myself I am somewhat at a loss what to conclude. Your \u2018semper saltat, semper ridet, semper loquitur, semper solicitat\u2019 &c. appear a little suspicious, but good god! it is impossible! I told you our confab in the Apollo: but I beleive I never told you that we had on another occasion. I then opened my mind more freely and more fully. I mentioned the necessity of my going to England, and the delays which would consequently be occasioned by that. I said in what manner I should conduct myself till then and explained my reasons, which appeared to give that satisfaction  I could have wished. In short I managed in such a manner that I was tolerably easy myself without doing anything which could give \u03b1\u03b4\u03bd\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03b2\u2019s friends the least umbrage, were the whole that passed to be related to them. I asked no question which would admit of a categorical answer, but assured \u03b1\u03b4\u03bd\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03b2 that such questions would one day be asked. In short were I to have another interview with him I could say nothing now which I did not say then: and were I, with a view of obtaining one, licentiam solicitandi ab iis quibus degit postulare, it would be previously necessary to go the rounds cum custodibus: and after all this he could be in no other situation than he is at present. After the proofs I have given of my sincerity he can be under no apprehensions of a change in my sentiments: and were I to do as my friends advise me, I could give him no better security than he has at present. He is satisfied that I shall make him an offer, and if he intends to accept of it he will disregard those made by others. My fate depends on \u03b1\u03b4\u03bd\u03b9\u03bb\u03b5\u03b2\u2019s present resolutions: by them I must stand or fall: if they are not favorable to me, it is out of my power to say anything to make them so which I have not said already: so that a visit could not possibly be of the least weight, and it is I am sure what he does not in the least expect. I hear you are courting F\u2003\u2003\u2003y B\u2003\u2003\u2003l but shall not listen to it till I hear from you. When I was up the country I wrote a letter to you dated Fairfeilds December 25. 1763. Let me know if you have received such a one. As I suppose you do not use your Statutes of Britain if you can lend them to me till I can provide myself with a copy it will infinitely oblige me. Adieu dear Page.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "03-20-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0009", "content": "Title: From Thomas Jefferson to William Fleming, 20 March 1764\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Fleming, William\n                    As the messenger who delivered me your letter, informs me that your boy is to leave town tomorrow morning I will endeavor to answer it as circumstantially as the hour of the night, and a violent  head ach, with which I have been afflicted these two days, will permit. With regard to the scheme which I proposed to you some time since, I am sorry to tell you it is totally frustrated by Miss R. B\u2019s marriage with Jacquelin Ambler which the people here tell me they daily expect: I say, the people here tell me so, for (can you beleive it?) I have been so abominably indolent as not to have seen her since last October, wherefore I cannot affirm that I know it from herself, though am as well satisfied that it is true as if she had told me. Well the lord bless her I say! But S\u2003\u2003\u2003y P\u2003\u2003\u2003r is still left for you. I have given her a description of the gentleman who, as I told her, intended to make her an offer of his hand, and asked whether or not he might expect it would be accepted. She would not determine till she saw him or his picture. Now Will, as you are a piece of a limner I desire that you will seat yourself immediately before your lookingglass and draw such a picture of yourself as you think proper: and if it should be defective, blame yourself. (Mind that I mentioned no name to her.) You say you are determined to be married as soon as possible: and advise me to do the same. No, thank ye; I will consider of it first. Many and great are the comforts of a single state, and neither of the reasons you urge can have any influence with an inhabitant and a young inhabitant too of Wmsburgh. For St. Paul only says that it is better to be married than to burn. Now I presume that if that apostle had known that providence would at an after day be so kind to any particular set of people as to furnish them with other means of extinguishing their fire than those of matrimony, he would have earnestly recommended them to their practice. Who told you that I reported you was courting Miss Dandridge and Miss Dangerfeild? It might be worth your while to ask whether they were in earnest or not. So far was I from it that I frequently bantered Miss J\u2003\u2003\u2003y T\u2003\u2003\u2003o about you, and told her how feelingly you spoke of her. There is scarcely any thing new going on here. You have heard I suppose that J. Page is courting Fanny Burwell. W. Bland, and Betsy Yates are to be married thursday se\u2019nnight. The Secretary\u2019s son is expected in shortly. Willis has left town intirely so that your commands to him cannot be executed immediately, but those to the ladies I shall do myself the pleasure of delivering tomorrow night at the ball. Tom: Randolph of Tuckahoe has a suit of Mecklenburgh Silk which he offered me for a suit of broadcloth. Tell him that if they can be altered to fit me, I will be glad to take them on them terms, and if they cannot, I make no doubt but I can dispose of them here to his advantage. Perhaps you will have room to bring them in your  portmanteau, or can contrive them down by some other opportunity. Let him know this immediately. My head achs, my candle is just going out, and my boy asleep, so must bid you adieu.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "04-09-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0010", "content": "Title: From Thomas Jefferson to John Page, 9 April 1764\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Page, John\n                    This letter will be conveied to you by the assistance of our friend Warner Lewis. Poor fellow! never did I see one more sincerely captivated in my life. He walked to the Indian camp with her yesterday, by which means he had an opportunity of giving her two or three love squeezes by the hand, and like a true Arcadian swain, has been so enraptured ever since that he is company for no one. Betsy Yates has at last bestowed her hand on B\u2003\u2003\u2003d and whether it was for money, beauty, or principle, will bear so nice a dispute that no one will venture to pronounce. Two days before the wedding I was not a little surprised on going to the door at my house to see him alight from his horse. He stepped up to me and desired the favor of me to come to Mr. Yates\u2019s at such a time. It was so unexpected that for some time I could make no reply; at last I said \u201cyes\u201d and turned about and walked back into my room. I accordingly attended, and to crown the joke, when I got there, was dubbed a bridesman. There were many other curious circumstances too tedious to mention here. Jack Walker is expected in town tomorrow. How does your pulse beat after your trip to the Isle of White? What a high figure I should have cut had I gone! When I heard who visited you there I thought I had met with the narrowest escape in the world. I wonder how I should have behaved? I am sure I should have been at a great loss. If your mistress can spare you a little time, your friends here would be very glad to see you, particularly Small, and myself, as everything is now ready for taking the height of this place above the water of the creeks. Fleming\u2019s relapse will justly afford you great matter of triumph after rallying you so much on being in love. Adieu dear Page.\n                        P. S. Walker is just arrived: he goes out of town on Wednesday and will return again in about three weeks.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764},
{"created_timestamp": "07-26-1764", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-27-02-0589", "content": "Title: From Thomas Jefferson to \u2014\u2014, 26 July 1764\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Unknown\nWmsburgh July 26th 1764\nI like your proposal of keeping up an epistolary correspondence on subjects of some importance. I do not at present recollect any difficult question in natural philosophy, but shall be glad to have your opinion on a subject much more interesting. What that is I will tell you. In perusing a magazine some time ago I met with an account of a person who had been drowned. He had continued under water 24 hours, and upon being properly treated when taken out he was restored to life. The fact is undoubted, and upon enquiry I have found that there have been many other instances of the same kind. Physicians say that when the parts of the body are restrained from performing their functions by any gentle cause which does not in any manner maim or injure any particular part, that to restore life in such a case nothing is requisite but to give the vital warmth to the whole body by gentle degrees, and to put the blood in motion by inflating the lungs. But the doubts which arose in my mind on reading the story were of another nature. We are generally taught that the soul leaves the body at the instant of death, that is, at the instant in which the organs of the body cease totally to perform their functions. But does not this story contradict this opinion? When then does the soul take it\u2019s departure? Let me have your opinion candidly and at length on this subject. And as these are doubts which, were they to come to light, might do injustice to a man\u2019s moral principles in the eyes of persons of narrow and confined views it will be proper to take great care of our letters. I propose as one mean of doing it to put no name or place to the top or bottom of the letter, and to inclose it in a false cover which may be burned as soon as opened. No news in town only that Sir John Cockler has given Knox \u00a3450 for his house and lots here. Orion is 3 Hours\u201440\u2019 west of the sun and of consequence goes down and rises that much before him. So you must rise early in the morning to see him. The upper star in his belt is exactly in the \u00c6quinoctial.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1764}
]