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{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1760, "culture": " Latin\n", "content": "Produced by Louise Hope, Frank van Drogen and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net. This\nfile was produced from images generously made available\nby The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries\n           Hieronymi Davidis Gaubii\n                Qua Ostenditur\n     CHEMIAM ARTIBUS ACADEMICIS JURE ESSE\n           Habita XXI. Maji MDCCXXXI.\nQuum publicum Chemiam praelegendi munus in Academia\n          Lugduno-Batava auspicaretur.\n   [Illustration: HIERONYMUS DAVID GAUBIUS]\n               Medicinae Doctor.\nEjusde[m et] Chemiae et Collegii Practico-Medici\n      in ACADEMIA BATAVA, quae LEIDAE est,\n             PROFESSOR ORDINARIUS\n[Cursive text, possibly hand-written: illegible]\n        _Illustrissimis et Nobilissimis Viris_\n        ACADEMIAE LUGDUNA-BATAVAE\n        CURATORIBUS,\nJOHANNI HENRICO, COMITI DE WASSENAER, Domino de Opdam,\nHensbroek, Spierdyk, Zuydwyk, Kernchem, et lage etc. etc.\nEquiti ordinis Johannitici, in equestrem nobilium Hollandiae\nordinem adlecto, ad supremum foederati belgii senatum delegato\netc. etc.\nJOHANNI TRIP, J.U.D. Toparchae in Berkenrode, civitatis\nAmstelaedamensis senatori, cum maxime consulum praesidi,\nSocietatis Indiae Orientalis moderatori. etc. etc.\nARENTIO BRUNONIS, VAN DER DUSSEN, J.U.D. Reipublicae Delphensis\nsenatori et consulari, delegatis praepotentium ordinum\nHollandiae adscripto, etc. etc.\n        EORUMQUE COLLEGIS\n        _Amplissimis, Gravissimisque Viris_\n        _Civitatis Lugdunensis Consulibus_.\nABRAHAMO HOOGENHOUCK, J.U.D. Consulum praesidi.\nDANIELI VAN ALPHEN, J.U.D.\nHENRICO VAN WILLIGEN, J.U.D.\nGERHARDO EMILIO VAN HOOGEVEEN J.U.D.\n    Nec Non Viro Spectatissimo\nDAVIDI VAN ROYEN, J.U.D. Urbis Leidensis Graphiario, Illustriss:\nCuratoribus et Ampliss. Consulibus a Secretis.\n             Hanc Orationem\n        Virtuti et Gloriae Eorum\n              Devotissimus\n        HIERONYMUS DAVID GAUBIUS.\n           Hieronymi Davidis Gaubii\n                Qua Ostenditur\nCHEMIAM ARTIBUS ACADEMICIS JURE ESSE INSERENDAM\nSi quae unquam, in scena vitae meae, magna mihi et peregrina obvenit\nmearum rerum vicissitudo, ea sane est, quam hic nunc subeo. Locus\ninsolitus; inusitata hominum frequentia, horumque omnium conversa in\nme ora atque oculi; munus inconsuetum; nova prorsus sunt omnia: omnia\nalienam subito adepta faciem, pari et stupore et solicitudine percellunt\nanimum.\nScilicet in Academica panegyri perorare jubeor Chemicus, et quidem, dum\nofficii ita poscit ratio, de Chemia. An vero majus uspiam, quam quod\nMercurium inter et Vulcanum est, datur discrimen? An Artium ulla ab\nOratoriae elegantiis abest longius, quam Chemia? Chemia, inquam! quae\naspera, laboriosa, styli incuria politioris, Eloquentiae lenociniis nec\nstudens, nec accommoda, tota in opere versatur, et cultores suos non per\nverba, sed per ignem sapere, per experimenta Philosophari docet.\nInvisite animo saltem, si libet, officinam Chemicam! Ecquid putatis ibi\ninventuros? An numerosam librorum congeriem, et suis pulchre ordinata\nforulis sexcenta Autorum volumina? An priscae monumenta Eloquentiae,\nRhetoribus tam exoptata; aut suggestum Tulliana voce resonantem? Nihil\nprofecto horum: alia omnino est, quae hic occurrit, supellex; alius\nplane apparatus: variae nimirum furnorum alia atque alia ratione\nconstructorum, series, sustentando cuilibet ignis gradui appropriatae;\nerecta tecto tenus loculamenta, quam plurimis artis operibus, ad\npraeparanda nova mox rursum inservituris, adimpleta; innumerae vasorum,\nmaterie et figura discrepantium, species; carbonum cespitumque acervus\nnunquam defecturus; praesto ad usum cola, cribra, spathulae, folles,\nforcipes, et si quae alia vel alendo igni, vel regendo requiruntur. Haec\ninter artificem videbitis, non otiose ad pulpita desidentem; sed atras\ncarbone manus, taciturna attentione, admoventem operi: fumo, cineribus,\nfuligine obsitum, jam igne intensissimo durissima liquare metalla; jam\nvivis urere flammis vegetabile; hinc cautissime opposita committere\ncorpora, flammivomos mox in conflictus ruitira; illinc, calore moderato,\nrerum virtutes, exacto ad numerum stillicidio, elicere; electas alibi,\ntepore naturali, unire arctius et digerere; verbo: totum inter furnos\ndefixum, excitando, applicando, moderando igne occupatissimum, hujus in\ncorpora efficaciam modis omnibus explorare. Hoc opus est, hic labor ejus\nunicus.\nVane heic quaesiverit quispiam limatas Augustaei Seculi locutiones:\nvanus amoena Rhetorices illectamenta. Non aures hic demulcentur, sed\noculi: nec verbis conciliatur adsensus; sed rerum testimoniis\nextorquetur.\nQuid ergo animi putatis esse Chemico? Ubi a sordida Vulcani officina in\nspectatissimum protractus locum, a furnis evocatus in suggestum, solis\nsacratum politissimis sermonibus, Oratoris sustinere cogitur provinciam?\nQuid materiei creditis suppetere? Dum coram Principibus in republica\nViris, in consessu sapientissimorum Professorum, in conspectu denique\nhominum in omni scientiarum genere perfectissimorum, de Arte, plerisque\nhorum ignota, disserendi incumbit necessitas? Sane si aqua haeserit\ntrepido, facilem merebitur veniam.\nHaec vero me sors, hoc meos hodie humeros premit onus: nec, quibus\nfulciar, ulla domi praesidia mihi nascuntur. Quin probe nota virium\nmearum tenuitas, et naturalis mihi, utut agendis rebus publicis inepta\nprorsus, verecundia id etiam animi dejicit, quod audax omnia aggredi\njuventus forte addidisset.\nUndequaque igitur circumspicienti, unica demum superest, quae locum\nrefugii praebet, singularis Vestra, A.O.O. benevolentia, toties experta\niis, quos hoc e suggestu dicendi arduum pressit munus. Facit haec, Vos\nea esse judicii lenitate, suo ut quemque modulo metiti, majora viribus\nnequaquam exigatis: quod quidem aliis dum generose adeo exhibuistis,\nquidni a Vobis et mihi pollicear ego, pro quo tot intercedunt majoris\netiam momenti rationes? Justa certe petitio repulsam ab aequo tulit\nnemine.\nQuo fretus ipsi me accingo operi, cui Thema erit ex eo, quod auspicor,\nofficio desumptum, et Vestra non indignum celebritate. Conabor nimirum\nostendere, _Chemiam Artibus Academicis jure esse inserendam_. Quod dum\nago, faciles in audiendo pariter et judicando Vos praebeatis mihi, enixe\nobsecro: uterque enim seu felix fuerit, seu sinister Orationis meae\neventus, Vestrum me semper ad favorem allegabit, huic ut vel referam\ngratias, vel veniam impetraturus, supplicem.\nAcademiae ea, qua hodie constitutas lege videmus, loci sunt publici,\ndocendis discendisque scientiis et artibus nobilioribus dicati, iisque\nhinc conditionibus et mediis instructi, quibus propositus iste finis\npotest obtineri. Non ergo arti aut scientiae cuilibet sua in his schola\nconceditur; sed ultra vulgi captum elevata, _Nobilitatis_ quodam emineat\nsplendore necesse est, in Academiis quae pedem figere voluerit\ndisciplina.\nQuodsi igitur vera hujusce _Nobilitatis_ insignia, palam exposita, Arti\nSpagyricae competere certis adstruxero documentis, nonne propositi hodie\nmei constabit ratio et veritas?\nVirtus sola atque unica, si Po\u00ebtae habenda fides, _Nobilitate_ impertit\nhominem: nec unius haec diei dos est; nec vera, quoties praeterquam ex\nnatalibus, aliunde probari nequit. Idem vero et eadem ratione obtinet\nin disciplinis, modo, quod ibi datum virtuti est, heic detur usui.\nLaureolam certe quaerunt in mustaceo, qui artis ostensuri dignitatem,\npulchre hoc sibi agere videntur, primis ubi a seculis deductam ejus\noriginem, objective et operum miram jucunditatem, aut quot numeraverit,\nquantosque sui cultores exponunt, parum interim de utilitate soliciti,\nqua sine tamen sordent omnia, antiqua fuerint, dulcia, aut quibusvis\nclara sectatorum nominibus: externa enim isthaec sunt, et veram potius\nornant _Nobilitatem_, quam constituunt. Utile mensura est, illam qua\nmetitur, verum qui rebus pretium statuere solus novit, sapiens.\nQuaecunque hinc usum adfert eximium vel homini in se seorsum spectato,\nvel humanae societati, ea demum disciplina jure _Nobilis_ habetur.\nQuum vero pars hominis melior, mens sit, hanc quae recti bonique\nfacit studiosam, aut veri auget perspicientia, utique aliis omnibus\nantecellit. Neque tamen hac multo inferior, quae corporis curat\nsanitatem: ea namque magis optabile quidquam vix datur mortalibus;\ndeficiens una praegravat animum et deprimit. Hoc quae opus sibi sumsit\nexcolendum, ars dicitur Medica: priori studet cum caeteris Philosophia;\nuna sui parte moderandis occupata affectibus, alteram extendendis\nhumanae intelligentiae limitibus in cognitione rerum existentium\ndedicans: utramque ergo _Nobilissimam_ suo recepere gremio Academiae,\net jure civitatis donarunt, ne ipso quidem livore contradicente.\nHabent autem ambae hae objectum patens quam latissime, et varias hinc\nsub se complectuntur disciplinas, quae partesne dicendae an ministrae?\nopera singulae inter se diversissima, ad eundem tamen ultimum finem, cum\nprincipe, sub qua militant, scientia communem, omnes collineant. Quum\nitaque et has sunt quamlibet commendet usus, et summa ad priorum\nperfectionem necessitas, hinc _Nobiles_ etiam ab Eruditis jure habitae,\ndebitum in Academiis locum obtinuere.\nNonne vero talis est Ars Chemica? Cur ergo duram adeo haec experta\nsortem, nonnisi post plurimas agitatas lites, liberam sui culturam in\nscholis Sapientum impetrare potuit? Sane, rigoris hujus justo acrioris\ncausam vix determinaverim: si tamen, quod vero est simillimum, dicam,\nvidentur ipsius Artis in se spectatae ignari, Artificum duntaxat\nhabuisse rationem judices, quorum ex arbitrio tum pendebant Academiae.\nNata nimirum inter Metallarios et Pyracmonas Chemia; ab illiterato hoc\nrudique hominum genere primum exercita; deturpata dein et obscurata ab\nimpostoribus; in se horrida, laboribus plena, plena periculis; ab\notiosis speculationibus aliena; ignem, fumos, cineres, sordes spirans,\nvix ulla amoenitatis specie cuiquam se commendare potuit, nisi, qui\npenitius eam introspicere dignaretur: atqui externam ejus faciem\nmonstrosam adeo deformemque reddiderat cultorum et ruditas et malitia,\nab interioribus ut perlustrandis deterrerentur Eruditi, eodem haec, si\nnon pejori de luto esse conficta, rati. Frustra ergo suam oravit causam\nChemia talibus coram Arbitris qui praejudicata obcaecati opinione, et\nusus ejus eximios, et summam necessitatem praetervidentes, sententiam\nprius tulerant, quam cognovissent. Factum hinc, a publico ut Sapientum\ncommercio exclusa, privatorum exerceret manus atque ingenia, varias sub\nvariis passa fatorum vicissitudines, nec forte unquam Academicos in\nsuggestus emersura, nisi, quem nacta tandem est, causae patronum, an\nrabulam potius? Eremitam fortuna major quam prudentia secundasset: hic\nenim coeco gementis hujus disciplinae amore, captus, quod autoritate\nrationali et luculentis rerum testimoniis agendum fuisset, bullato id\nverborum nugacissimorum apparatu, mox vero, qua erat morum insolentia,\nigne etiam et armis tentare non dubitavit, successu certe adeo felici,\nut ausu hocce temerario intrusa in Academias Chemia sede potiretur, vel\nipsis contradicentium cineribus inaedificata. Hanc autem quamvis vi\npartam, infirmoque hinc nixam pede, repressa paulo post fundatoris ejus\ntyrannide, rursus pessum dederit impatiens cogi, litteratorum gens\nliberrima; id tamen inde Chemiae boni accesserat, quod durante isthac\nstatione sua, propior Eruditis posita, nonnullos horum, vividissimis\nquibusdam radiis, per offusas sibi quisquiliarum tenebras evibratis,\nlatentis intus foecundissimi luminis sui potuerit commonefacere: quo\nequidem animadverso illi mox excitati, ulterius ad scrutinium se\naccinxere, demtaque sensim imposturarum larva, perruptisque, quibus\nobvolvebatur, ignorantiae nebulis, nudam tandem salutantes, Erudito\nOrbi produxere intuendam. Tum ergo propriis jam refulgens radiis Chemia,\ntum demum, quae personata displicuerat tantopere, nativae suae reddita\nfaciei, adeo pellexit Sapientes, dignam ut reputaverint, ipsorum quae in\nscholas adoptata, strenue coleretur.\nNec sane, si fateri vera velimus, alia Chemiae opus est hedera, nisi,\nut libero a praejudiciis oculo nuda, prout in se est, adspectetur: tam\nnecessariis enim pollet usibus, tot jucundissimis arridet oblectamentis,\nNaturae ut curiosum sui facillime pertrahat in amorem pertractumque\nullo sine taedio detineat. Utique, si sola contemplemur bona, quibus\nquascunque fere artes manuales, humanae vitae commodis inservientes,\nperfundit Chemia, quot, quaeso, et quanta sunt! Dies deficeret\nenumerantem: minima tamen haec, et pro parergis tantum aestimanda.\nNobilior est, quam menti, utilior, quam corpori praestat, opera\nprimaria: huic namque illibatam tuetur sanitatem, amissamque restituit;\nilli vero brevissimam monstrat in adyta Naturae viam, latentisque in\nprofundo veri mira felix aperit, Philosophiae hinc et Medicina\nconjunctissima, nec sine detrimento inde separanda.\nId vero ne precario Vobis obtrudere velle videar, evidentis nunc\nrationes proferam, quibus asserti constet veritas: est enim palmarium\nhocce argumentum, quod si evicero, proposito Orationis meae Themati\nsatisfactum arbitrabor.\nQui corporum naturalium proprietates, vires et effectus per suas quaeque\ncausas sciunt aut rimantur, Physici dicuntur; et haec eorum scientia\nappellatur Physica, Philosophiae generatim sumtae pars non minima. Ejus\nhinc objectum est, quidquid conceptum corporis ingreditur, aut eo reduci\npotest, sive illud commune sit omnibus corporibus, sive peculiare\nsingulis: quum enim Materia indefinita, solis gaudens proprietatibus\ncorporeis generalibus, in rerum natura non detur, nec dari possit; sed\ntantum sit idea intelligentiae, clarioris doctrinae gratia efficta;\ncorpora autem, quae re existunt, omnia individua sint, id est, adeo\nlimitata et determinata, ut, praeter universalem illum Materiae\nconceptum, involvant peculiares etiam alias affectiones, quibus singula\na singulis distinguuntur, et quae faciunt, ut corpus sit hoc praecise\ncorpus, et non aliud: inde clarissime liquet, communes illas Materiae\ndotes non modo, sed et imprimis cuilibet corpori singulari proprias\nPhysicae esse considerationis, utpote, quae corpora naturalia, prout\nvere existunt, vel existere possunt, contemplatur.\nProprietates corporum, quatenus certis quibusdam actionibus producendis\nsunt idoneae, dicuntur vires: ex his autem, tanquam ex causis, fluunt,\nquoscunque observamus, effectus corporei, qui hinc determinatam suarum\nquilibet causarum naturam sequentes, si singularibus a viribus\nemanarunt, et ipsi necessario erunt singulares, et contra generales,\nsi a generalibus.\nQuodsi igitur ea hic daretur simplicitas, ut peculiarium quorumvis\ncorporis attributorum sufficiens ratio in communi ejus natura\nfundaretur; jam equidem, praeter solam Mathematicorum operam, nil\nopus esset Physico ad finem suum obtinendum: hi enim ideam corporis\nuniversalem dedere omnium verissimam, et methodum simul exactissimam,\nquaecunque in illa continentur, eliciendi. At vero quam procul abest,\nhaec quin ita sese habeant! Detegit attentior observatio innumera certe\nin corporibus adeo penitus peculiaria, ut cum generali illorum indole\nvix quidquam commune videantur habere, nisi solum, cui inhaerent\nutraque, subjectum: talia autem incognita si quis ex universali\nillo Geometrarum conceptu, utut accuratissimo, a priori eruere, aut\ncognitorum etiam ex hoc rationem exsculpere postulet, nae is et operae\nsimul et olei jacturam sero doleat!\nAtqui maximopere tamen expedit eorundem scientia Physico; quum in his\npotissimum haereat id, quo corpora a se mutuo intrinsecus distinguuntur.\nEa itaque ut evolvantur, non illa certe, quae a data causae idea ad\nintellectum effectus progreditur, sed prorsus alia incedendum via est.\nNimirum quidquid de corporibus vere concipit mens, id omne vel\nPhoenomena sunt ipsi per sensus communicata, vel formata inde judicia:\nproprietates autem et vires corporeae in se primitus imperceptibiles\nlatent; effectus tamen producunt sensibus apparentes, qui determinatae\nipsarum naturae proportionales, hujus hinc cognitionem simul exhibent,\nadeo, ut quo ditior fuerit observatorum cujusque rei effectorum\nsupellex, eo de ejus indole plus certi resciatur. Haecque adeo sola\nsuperest indagandis corporum singularibus via retrograda; dum alteram\nillam, quae a priori haec investigat, humano ingenio imperviam prorsus\nNatura fecit et inaccessam. Sedulus hinc rerum scrutator experimentis\nprius quam ratiociniis insudat, sensuum adminiculo sua examinat objecta,\nhorum peculiares animadvertit effectus, quos sponte sua vel praevio\ntentata consilio ediderint; corpora corporibus adplicat, rursumque ab\ninvicem removet, ut, qui e solis, quique e conjunctis fluant motus,\nexperiatur; tum vero ex hisce gnaviter collectis, sibique mutuo collatis\nquaesitam corporum naturam propriam et singulares dotes a posteriori\ndemum determinare haud infelix praesumit. Nec sane ullo unquam tempore\npatuere clarius Naturae interiora, quam quo huic institum est tramiti:\nparum in Physicis profecere, hunc qui vel ignorarunt, vel neglexere\nscientes.\nSed ecce! dum Physicis totus inhaereo, lenissimo ipsius materiae quasi\nflexu, in intima Artis Spagyricae viscera me devolutum sentio: reducit\nme in Chemiam, quae inde diverterat Physica; hoc ipso docens affatim,\nquam sit propinqua ambarum cognatio, quam indissolubilis nexus.\nNonne enim totum hoc, quod modo diximus, unius prope est Chemiae\nopus? Nonne haec corpora singularia fere omnia, quae Physicae sunt\nconsiderationis, speciatim evolvenda sibi sumit? Imo vero vix aliud\nest Chemiae propositum, quam corporum particularium examen. Quidquid\nFossilium in imis terrae visceribus excoquitur; quidquid protrudit\nVegetabilium, divite de sinu, foecunda tellus; quidquid denique\nAnimantium ubivis fovet alitque alma parens Natura; id fere omne,\nmodo vel sensibus manifestari vel capi vasis queat, suo Chemia sistit\nexamini, rimatur, penetrat: penetrat, inquam, usque eo, ut quaecunque\nin illis vulgaria, facillime obvia, aut extus adhaerentia despiciens,\ntanquam se indigna, aliis relinquat Artibus; sibi vero magis ardua\nquaerens, sublimiora, abstrusiora, intimas rerum virtutes, ultima\nprincipia, prima elementa perscrutetur, hoc tantum, nec alio venditura\npretio suos labores.\nToto sane die hoc agunt strenui Artis hujus cultores: corpora alia\naliis adponunt, rursum ab invicem separant, soluta coagulant, coagulata\nsolvunt, motus inde obortos observant, mutant, novos excitant\ninstrumentis efficacissimis, variata in omnes modos encheiresi. Igne\nutuntur, Elemento mobilissimo, validissimo: Menstrua praesto sunt\nefficacissima, juxta solvendi naturam appropriata. Quid autem his\narduum? Quid inaccessum? Haereant particulae corporis Adamantino inter\nse vinculo; sint ejus viscera aere vel triplici praemunita; lateant\nin profundissimo vires; talium profecto arietum impetu dissilient,\neffringentur, patebunt.\nQuidquid vel agunt corpora vel patiuntur, solo id omne motui venit\ntribuendum; per hunc et omnis eorum sese exserit efficacia, et\nvicissitudines quaecunque producuntur: hisce igitur disquirendis si\nnavat operam Philosophus, quanam breviore poterit via, aut potentiore\nquonam adminiculo sui se voti reddere compotem, quam captis per Ignem\nexperimentis? Cujus equidem adeo mobilis est natura, ut praeter motum\naliud esse nihil, Viri Sapientes crediderint. Est vero et Ignis, quo\npollet ipse, motum aliis communicare corporibus paratissimus; et vis\nejus, per plures gradus intermedios, intendi arte vel minui pro lubitu\npotest: unde certe quam optatissima nascitur Physiologo opportunitas,\nejus ope abditissimas quasque corporum affectiones enucleandi. Istis\nenim applicatus, simul ea in motum ciet, in agilitatem propriam\nsolicitat, medullitus concutit, vires eorum evocat, auget, mutat,\npartes constituentes a se mutuo separat, separatas sigillatim combinat,\nproprias rursus harum virtutes in actum lucemque deducit, adeoque nudis\nusurpanda sensibus praebet, quae alia quacunque arte adjuti attingere\npotuissent nunquam. Quid autem hoc jucundius Naturae scrutatori? Quid\nutilius? Quid magis necessarium?\nSupersedeo horum in fidem rerum adducere testimonia, ne in immensam mea\nexcrescat Oratio. Latent illa neminem, nisi qui misere adeo deperierit\nvetustatem, recentiorum ut in scriptis hospes sit. Omnium instar sint\nbina illa fulgentissima Magnae Britanniae Lumina, _Boyleus_ et\n_Newtonus_: quibus certe haud perspicaciores Naturae Mystas nostra\nagnoscunt secula; an vero videre retroacta? Hi tamen in detegenda\nsingularium corporum indole, in eruendis propriis viribus, vix alio quam\nad Chemiam recurrunt. Quidquid fere inventum est solidi et pulchri circa\nnaturam ignis, caloris, lucis, frigoris; quidquid innotuit de vera\ncolorum, saporum, odorum indole; quidquid de motuum terrae, igniumque\nsubterraneorum causis; quidquid de Magnetismo corporum, et vi\nattractili, id omne Chemicis debetur experimentis.\nEst ergo Chemia extendendis Physicis praestantissima: est Philosophiae\nexperimentali tam arcte copulata, ut, qui praeceptis ejus mentem non\nformaverit, ineptus sit videndis Naturae arcanis. Utrique litem movet\nde jure Academico, qui uni movet.\nAt videor mihi audire nonnullos Vestrum objicientes: Eho! Hanccine\ntu Artem tot laudabilia praestare ais opera, et tam felicem esse in\ndetegendis corporum virtutibus? Hanccine absconditarum veritatum\ncognitione ornare animum adseris? Quae gerris anilibus, historiolis\nfabulosis, confictis turbati cerebri somniis ad nauseam usque offerta,\nsuos his cultores impraegnat; nec aliud quid, praeter arcana crepat\nnunquam visa, saepe impossibilia, et sicubi vera, non tamen nisi denso\ninvoluta peplo exhibet; adeo, ut auram quamvis fide Chemica tutiorem\nesse, verissime cecinerit Poeta.\nHisce equidem haud repugno; nec inficior: pleni sunt talibus libri,\nplenae Chemistarum voces, quorum pars magna servulo illi Terentiano\nsimillima, quae vera audivere, tacent et continent optime; sin falsum,\naut vanum, est, continuo palam faciunt. At enim vero ecquis imprudens\nadeo, aut tam corruptus sederit ad hanc rem judex, Arti ut imputet\nerrores, delira quos et fraudulenta horumce Pseudochemicorum turba\ndispersit? His quia turpe videtur errasse solos, fucata hinc verborum\nspecie allectos quoque alios iisdem implicant erroribus, et, dum propria\nprimi periere ignorantia, sequentes in commune secum trahunt exitium; id\nsaltem adsecuti, quod, sub coacervata aliorum supra alios strage, primae\ntegatur ruinae causa et autor. Non sane hi, praeter nomen, quidquam de\nChemia possident; ne hoc quidem digni: quum suorum duntaxat sensuum\ncupiditatibus, aut malesano natis in cerebro, hypothesium monstris\nobsequiosi, veras Artis regulas nec sciant, nec ad illas conformentur.\nLongissime profecto abest Chemia, inanibus quin credat speculationibus:\naurium ipsarum sublesta illi fides est; solo acquiescit oculorum\ntestimonio. Hinc quicunque caste eam colunt, in singularibus primo\ncorporibus, juxta praescriptum Artis, summa exactitudine, et\naccuratissima omnium phoenomenorum observatione, Naturam ducem secuti,\nvaria instituunt experimenta; horum dein singulos quosque eventus\nsensibiles, bona fide, notant, et ex his demum liquidissime perspectis,\net sibi invicem collatis, severitate Mathematica eliciunt, quae clara et\nindividua sequela inde deduci possunt: haecque tandem sunt, non alia,\nquae pro veritatibus et Theorematis agnoscunt veri Chemiae cultores.\nQuid vero est, si non haec certitudo est?\nQuae cum ita sint, neminem jam Vestrum dari putem, qui perneget,\nrationali Chemiae exercitio mire adaugeri humanae mentis intelligentiam.\nReliquum est, ut paucis, quos corpori adfert, usus exponamus, Arti dum\nMedicae, hujus qu\u00e6 curam gerit, artissime sociata, utilissimam pariter\nac maxime necessariam pr\u00e6stat operam, non aliunde, nisi e Chemiae penu\nderivandam.\nPhysicae Medicinam firmissime conjungi, utriusque docet contemplatio:\nhaec itaque, quo cum illa cohaeret vinculo, eodem et Chemiae nectitur;\nnec hujus demonstratio plura exigeret, nisi propior adhuc ambarum\ndaretur affinitas.\nArs Medica objectum sibi primarium habet corpus humanum, vivens, hinc\nindividuum, singularissimum, cui definitas aliorum corporum singularium\nvires, determinatis sub conditionibus applicando, requisitas in fine\nsuo mutationes imprimit: tota ergo versatur in singularibus, et si ulla\nalia, certe haec virtutes corporum peculiares, et in se invicem\nactiones, quam distinctissime perspectas postulat: quum autem hisce\nindagandis, prae reliquis quibuscunque Artibus, Chemia potissimum omnem\nsuam et unice et felicissime impendat operam; hac sine mancam fore\nmutilamque quis non videt Medicinam? Hinc est, quod mox, ac plebi\nerepta, Litteratos inter coepit vigere, nativo suo tum splendore\nfulgens, Chemia, adeo in sui amorem et culturam omnes pertraxerit\nMedicinae filios, horum ut praeprimis facta fuerit opus, horum deliciae.\nQuid? Quod in ipsam quoque dein Artem Salutarem introducta, communem\nsibi cum hac finem adoptaverit, novo tum nomine Jatro-Chemices, pro\nparte sui longe maxima, insignita: quo quidem sibi placuit tantopere,\nomni ut ilico conatu totam se promovendis sociae suae pomoeriis\nindefessam dederit. Nec profecto, nisi ignarus rerum, pauca ea dixerit,\naut flocci aestimanda, quae inde in Medicinam redundarunt, bona:\nquamcunque enim hujus partem, seu speculatione quae absolvitur, seu ipsa\nquae in operis versatur exercitatione, percurras; utraque innumeros\nclamat Chemiae usus; utraque consortium ejus ad sui perfectionem summe\nnecessarium exemplis docet infiniris.\nPhysiologiam primo Medicam, si libet, contemplemur. Undenam, quaeso,\nconstitit, firmarum corporis humani partium Elementum ultimum et basin\nesse Terram Virginem, simplicissimam, constantissimam, medio glutine\noleoso, pariter fixissimo, adunatam? Eo certe non progreditur subtilitas\nAnatomica: sola id liquido docet Chemia. Undenam vero fluidorum ejus\nsingularis indoles et propriae innotescunt vires? Excepta enim\ngeneraliori liquidorum idea, aliud illis simile frustra quaesiveris\nextra regni Animalis terminos: imo sunt ipsa etiam inter se quam\ndiversissima. Deficit heic Hygrostatica: Chemia sola opitulatur; haec\nest, cui, quantum fere in his sapimus, debemus: Sanguinis naturam mediam\nnec Acidam nec Alcalinam; Seri ejus, ad calorem naturali majorem, facile\ncoagulum; Bilis indolem saponaceam; Salivae, succi Pancreatici, Lymphae\ntemperiem, facultates, et innumera alia nesciremus, abfuisset Chemia.\nQuid nunc functiones memorem, hujus adminiculo pulcherrime evolutas?\nIntimam alimentorum in primis viis solutionem; succi inde Chylosi et\nLactei proventum; cibi potusque necessitatem, appetentiam; originem\nsalium et partium sulphurearum ex ingestis fere insipidis; insignem\nhumorum per vires circuitus mutationem (ut alia praeteream) parum\napposite explicuere, quibus clarior Chemiae lux nondum adfulserat.\nQuodsi nunc pedem promoveamus ad partem Medicinae Pathologiam; innumeri,\niique impeditissimi occurrunt, circa morborum causas, naturam et\nsymptomata, nodi, quibus solvendis unica par est Chemia. Quis miros\nsalium morbosorum in Scorbuto, Arthritide, Lue Venerea ortus, variam\nindolem, alia ex aliis effecta unquam pervidisset? Quis fontem Acidi\naut putridi oleosi, in primis viis, Hypochondriacis tam molesti? Quis\nCalculorum in Cysti Fellea, Renibus, et Vesica Urinaria proventum? Quis\ncariei ossium, adjunctique foetoris causam? Quis tetras stagnantium\nhumorum degenerationes in tenacitatem corneam, aut summam putredinem,\nacrimoniamve corrosivam? Quis denique caloris et frigoris, circulationis\nauctae vel diminutae varias in permutandis humoribus vires tam pulchre\nin lucem ponere potuisset, nisi Chemia praetulisset facem?\nEx binis prioribus Medicinae partibus doctrina de Signis maximam partem\nderivatur: redundant ergo in hanc etiam, quos in illas confert Chemia,\nusus. Exempla in promptu sunt uberrima: Sanguis de vena missus nonne\nluculentum internae dispositionis praebet indicium? At veram ejus\nindolem, nisi examine Chemico, perspicere nemo distincte potest. Latet\nvera Lactis nutricum natura, quem Chemia latet. At quanti est, exactum\nde hoc judicium fere posse! Dum toties miseris illud infantibus, veneni\ninstar, infinitorum cruciatuum, mortisque fit causa, dulcem quod vitae\nfomiteae, sanitatem et incrementum debebat addere. Si solis Medicis\nMedicus nunc loquerer, plurima hic de Sputis, de Sudore, de Urinis et\nAlvi excrementis dicenda superessent, quae satius tamen est involvere\nsilentio; ne his audiendis minus adsuetos prehendat nausea.\nOfferunt se denique posteriores duae Medicinae partes, Hygieine et\nTherapeutice; quae uti inter alias nobilissimae, propius jam fini\naccedunt Medico; ita in has prae reliquis benefica Chemia, quidquid fere\nutilis, quidquid habet boni, sincero adeo affectu, congessit, ut ne sic\nquidem satisfecisse sibi visa, majora viribus tentaverit, ipsos Naturae,\nne dicam Artis limites vanis transgressa pollicitationibus. Ortum hic\nerror ab artificum duxit ignorantia, qui miram videntes complurium\nsuorum inventorum energiam, incitabantur eousque, finitae ut arti inesse\ncrederent infinita. Hi igitur, quae commisere, sua ipsi delicta luant;\nnec debita ideo Chemiae laus denegetur, collata quam ad sanitatis\ntutelam, morborumque propulsionem opera meruit. Quid enim? Nonne ejus\nartificio esculentorum et potulentorum, aquarum, Vinorum, Cerevisiarum\nnatura, virtutes et vitia cognoscuntur optime? Nonne Thermarum illa,\nAcidularum, aliorumque fontium, vi Medicata insignium, elementa,\ncompositionem et facultates tam liquido manifestat, ut vel imitetur, et\nnaturalium defectum arte factis suppleat, haud minoris fere efficaciae?\nMedicamentorum principia, vires, agendi modus, et quidnam in unoquoque\nid sit, cui maxima insidet potentia, perspicacissimum quemque, sine\nanalysi Chemica, fugiunt. Quid nunc commemorem plurimas illas Mortalium\naegritudines, quarum legitimam medendi methodum sola suggerit Chemia?\nQuid sexcenta enumerem selectissimae virtutis medicamina, quorum\ninventionis gloriam illa sibi vendicat? Taceo benignissimam ejus operam,\nqua lethalem nonnullorum corporum ferociam, laudabili adeo eventu,\ncicuravit, e venenis ut remedia evaserint tutissima aeque ac\nefficacissima. Praetereo singularem ejus, in Medicamentorum viribus\nacuendis, extrahendis, in compendium reducendis, et sub alia et alia\ngratiori forma exhibendis, dexteritatem: si enim singula, pro dignitate,\nnunc prosequi susciperem, dies dicentem deficeret. Videte, quae\nillustris Boylaeus, quae Bellinus, Bohnius, Stahlius, Hoffmannus,\naliique laboribus suis Chemicis in Medicina praestitere: verum quid ad\nexteros provocare opus? Immortalia Vestrum omnium in manibus versantur\nscripta, nunquam periturae credidistis memoriae acta praestantissima\nViri vere Magni, quem fortunato coram hic contuemur vivum O diu!\nsospitemque: volvite haec atque revolvite, dictorum testimonia inventuri\nomni exceptione majora.\nEx hisce igitur constat affatim, quanti sint usus, quot probatissima\ninventa, quam innumera beneficia, quibus Chemia quascunque Medicinae\npartes cumulat largissime: patuit, quam amplam, quam necessariam ab hac\nmutuetur Philosophia experimentorum supellectilem. Nec quis jam porro\ninficiatur minime segregandam illam esse a numero Artium Academicarum,\nquae binis harum tam arcto vinculo cohaeret.\nNe tamen ullus relinquatur dubitationi locus, addendum aliud adhuc est\nargumentum, illos convicturum, qui forte oggesserint, alias complures\ndari artes ministras, quarum licet egeant adminiculo disciplinae\nnobiliores, ea tamen non est dignitas, harum ut albo inserantur.\nId equidem si in Chemiam quis contorserit, sciat is, non servile esse\nejus ministerium, sed tale, ut quam Academicis scientiis praestat\noperam, eandem ab his exigat vicissim, et mutuetur reciprocam.\nQuemadmodum enim, ut perfectum quis in Physicum evadat, bonus sit\nChemicus oportet; ita non minus bonum decet esse Physicum, ad plenam\nqui Chemiae notitiam adspirat: ultra vulgus sapiat, emunctis accedat\nnaribus, et imbutam artibus ingenuis habeat mentem necesse est, qui in\nChemia laudabile praestare quidquam, et verus ejus cultor audire gestit.\nQuid enim? Nonne saltum facit maxime absonum scientiae cujusdam\naddiscendae cupidus Tyro, si generalibus illius regulis nondum cognitis,\nad singularia mox pedem promovet? Nonne a simplicioribus ad magis\ncomposita, a facillime obviis ad abstrusa, Naturae ipsius ordo\ncommonstrat viam? Cuinam igitur tam parum nota sunt bonae praecepta\nmethodi? ad corporum ut singularium descendere examen, horum investigare\noccultas vires, affectiones proprias, effecta peculiaria attentet,\nantequam universalem objecti sui ideam sibi comparaverit. Addiscat\nprius, quid sit corpus? Quaenam ejus natura generalis? Quantum a mente\ndifferat? Virium praemittat et proprietatum communium indaginem; et\nsuperficiem ante contempletur, quam in viscera penetrat: Artem calleat\nea, qua decet, accuratione instituendi experimenta: denique nec legum\nsit ignarus, quae ex datis, justo ratiocinio, legitimas docent elicere\nconclusiones et Theoremata: hocque demum apparatu instructus, operi sese\naccingat Chemico, fructus inde non poenitendos adsecuturus.\nQui vero aliter se hac in re gerunt, nae illi oleum perdant et operam!\nAndabatarum enim more procedentes, impingunt undique; et emendato\nintelligentiae destituti lumine, quo in Chemiae adyta irrumpunt\nprofundius, eo hallucinantur magis; nubemque tandem pro Junone amplexi,\nfinem laborum omnium, erroribus, ignorantia, paupertate coronatum vident\nsero et dolent. Hi sunt, quorum illotis olim manibus dum tractabatur\nChemia, foedissimis deturpata errorum et fabularum maculis, adeo\nsorduit, invisa ut Sapientibus et suspecta esset. Hi sunt, a quibus dein\nEruditus Orbis, una cum Arte nobilissima, detestandas illas accepit\nfalsissimarum opinionum pestes, inde in omne fere Scientiarum genus\npropagatas, contagio vix non indelebili. Verificatum hic tritum illud:\nOptimarum rerum abusus pessimi.\nNon tamen isthaec Artis sunt sed artificum: hos enim quamprimum contigit\ntales esse, quales sibi postulat Artis sublimitas, viros Mathematice\ndoctos, qui spreta magistrorum auctoritate, Naturam ducem secuti, res\nipsas, uti in se sunt, contemplari, et de iis judicare, quam praepostere\ncredere maluerunt, mox sordibus detersis, aliam adepta faciem Chemia,\net quibus scatebat ipsa, et qui inde in alias irrepserant scientias,\nerrores non expunxit solum; sed horum etiam locum amplissimis supplevit\ninventis, solidissimis veritatibus.\nVerum desino exhibendis veri Chemici requisitis immorari diutius; ne,\nhorum plurima mihimet ipsi deesse nimis perspiciens, tantillum etiam,\nquod mihi restat, animi, quo aliqualem adhuc in munere hocce meo\nsperaveram successum, prorsus abjiciam, et, nedum facto virium\ntentamine, palaestra fugiam imbellis.\nEx dictis autem abunde innotescit, Chemiam captu vulgi superiorem,\ncultores exigere, praeliminari scientiarum Academicarum supellectile\ninstructos: nec jam ulterius urgent, quae modo posse objici videbantur.\nQuare, nisi vana me eventus spes fefellit, est, cur proposito paratam\nfidem suspicer: constitit enim, Artem Chemicam praeclarissimis,\nquos animi pariter et corporis culturae praestat, usibus insignem,\nPhilosophiae et Medicinae maxime proficuam, summe necessariam,\nindissolubili haerere vinculo, utrinque firmissimo, hae ut illius\nopera utantur, et vice versa. Quid demum impedit, quo minus concludam,\n_Chemiam, Artem Nobilem, Artibus Academicis jure esse inserendam_?\nVestra igitur, ILLUSTRISSIMI ACADEMIAE BATAVAE CURATORES, una cum\nNOBILISSIMIS VESTRIS COLLEGIS, AMPLISSIMIS HUJUS URBIS CONSULIBUS,\nVestra, inquam, sapientissima est cura, quod in celeberrima hac, cui\ntanta cum gravitate, et inusitata adeo vigilantia praeestis, Academia,\nhuic quoque disciplinae, largo firmatam pretio, sedem statueritis, et\nofficinam, ejus exercitio aptissimam; nec hanc volueritis diu frigere,\npostquam impetrata, quam petiverat, missione honorificentissima, inde\nexivit Vir, ob sociatum stupendae eruditioni plusquam Herculeam laborum\ntolerantiam, eo certe provectus in Arte, verus ut Chemiae Restaurator\nmerito laudetur omnibus.\nQuod autem Viro huic incomparabili, nec ambientem me, nec promeritum\nsubadjungere Vobis visum fuerit, Atlanti Pigmaeum; id equidem quoties\nattenta mente perpendo toties immensum, quo Vestra meritis meis\npraeponderat clementia, momentum attonitus miror, veneror humillimus.\nJuvenem namque, alienigenam, nullo dum ingenii dato specimine notum,\ntanto quod condecorare honore, gratiosissime sitis dignati, cuinam magis\nrei adscribam, quam immensae Vestrae benevolentiae et favori inaudito?\nTemerarius equidem videri possem, quod nulla tenuitatis meae ratione\nhabita, hanc amplexus sim provinciam, in qua exequenda, post tantum\nPraedecessorem, ne mediocris quidem applausus spes mihi affulget. At\nenim inglorius plane sit oportet, animoque nimis abjecto, qui hinc\ndignitate, illinc liberalissimo excitatus honorario, torpeat, nascentis\nfortunae suae incurius. Me sane, ut ut exiguas probe agnoverim vires,\nhi tamen stimuli haud pupugere insensilem: novum insuper admovit calcar\nfavoris plenissima Vestra, de me meisque studiis concepta, opinio:\nanimum denique addidit consueta Vobis et propria generosae mentis\nindoles, qua ultra, quam juveniles pertingunt vires, a juvene nil\nexigitis. His adductus conditionibus accepi munus: his fretus illud\nnunc auspicor.\nFaciet insculpta animo meo sempiterna hujus Vestrae in me munificentiae\nmemoria, omnem ut moveam lapidem, ea ne plane indignus videar. Industria\npensabo vires, ingenium assiduitate, labore indefesso aetatem, animo\ndenique fulciam corpus, et quidquid in utroque est vigoris, totum id\npromovendis Academiae commodis unice sacrabo.\nSic, spero, fiet, ut beneficii, a Vobis apud me collocati, Vos non\npoeniteat, nec me pudeat accepti. Quod agentem juvet bonorum omnium\nscaturigo inexhausta, Deus! A quo et Vobis, ILLUSTRISSIMI ACADEMIAE\nPROCERES, perpetuam salutis omnigenae et felicitatis intaminatae\nabundantiam, toto ex animo, apprecor.\nAd vos me converto, CELEBERRIMI PROFESSORES! Vos alloquor, Clarissima\nhujus Academiae Lumina! Miramini enim, dubio procul, juvenem, plurimis\nVestrum incognitum, nonnulis autem, sexennio vix elapso, inter\ndiscipulos numeratum, eo procedere temeritatis, haec ut conscendat\nsubsellia, Vestris sacra doctissimis vocibus, Vestris oraculis. At\ntemeritatem ne putate, quae justa tantum aemulatio est, studiorum\ncommodis inservitura. Quid quisque possit, nisi tentando, non didicit.\nProbabitis itaque ausum huncce meum, meimet ipsius notitiam mihi\nexhibiturum, nec sane a fastu, a quo merito sum alienissimus, sed a\nlatente in praecordiis honestae gloriae igniculo profectum. Juvat\nmagnorum Virorum ad exempla componi. Vos igitur praeeuntes, a tergo\nconspicabor, et, dum nunquam dabitur assequi, saltem ex intervallo\nsequar. Quo ipso Vestram non praepediens viam, certa tamen reperero\nvestigia, quae gressus dirigent meos, nec aberrare sinent. Hujus interim\nbeneficii ea erit apud me vis, ut omni vos honoris et observantiae\ncultu, pro ea, qua estis, dignitate, venerabundus suspiciam.\nVobis praesertim, qui Philosophiae et Medicinae sacra, tanto cum omnium\napplausu, panditis, VIRI FAMIGERATISSIMI! Vobis, dum et publica me et\nprivata voce formavistis, omnibus et singulis, jubente ita pietate\nPraeceptoribus debita, sigulari ut reverentia totum me in aeternum\ndevoveam, pertinax faciet acceptorum memoria.\nEst hinc, cur Tibi, VIR ACUTISSIME, PERSPICACISSIME 'S GRAVESANDE!\npublicas hic nunc persolvam grates, quod et privato me labore\ninconcussis Mathematicae Tuae Philosophiae praeceptis imbuere non\nsis dedignatus.\nTu quoque, ANATOMICORUM DEXTERRIME, SUBTILISSIME ALBINE! Qui, pari\nopera, necessariam adeo fabricae humani corporis cognitionem per\naures mihi et oculos infudisti solertissime, animum Tibi meum longe\nobstrictissimum nunquam non comperies.\nTe vero, CELEBERRIME BOERHAVI! Te cumprimis ni sigillatim hic compellem,\nmortalium ingratissimus jure habebor: si quid enim est in me ingenii, si\nqua artis Medicae peritia, si qua in Chemicis exercitatio, Tibi ego id\nomne soli debeo. Tres alias frequentaveram Tyro Academias, antequam\nprospera huc advectus fortuna, Tuo ab ore pependerim. Solam Te penes\naddiscere praxim animus erat, studiisque meis Academicis imponere\ncoronidem: sed vixdum primis gustaveram labiis defoecatissimae Tuae\ndoctrinae nectar, cum summa ejus dulcedo me mox tantopere rapuit,\nut quidquid vel publicis vel privatis in lectionibus, ad quamcunque\npertinens Medicinae partem, mellifluo ab ore Tuo prodiit, haurire\nsategerim avidissimus. Dolens nimirum vidi, fore per temporis mihi\nrelicti angustiam, ut ablactarer citius, quam satiatus a Te recederem.\nSive itaque vernam dici speciem, amabilissimis horti divitiis mira\nsuavitate exponendis, dicares, jucundo Botanices studio discipulorum\nanimos tanto redditurus alacriores ad laborum magis arduorum\ntolerantiam; seu inter furnos desudans, ad secretissimos Chemiae\nrecessus viam monstrares, certo castigatissimae methodi filo tutissimam\npariter ac facillimam; seu exacta ad normam Mathematicam stabilires\nTheoriae Medicae fundamenta, quibus mox inaedificares immota Praxeos\ndogmata, medendi methodum felicissimum; Te ego secutus undique, illam\npotissimum diei partem optime a me collocatam credidi, quam Tibi\nconsecraveram. Totum ergo Tuum est, si quid isthac mea industria\nprofeci: Tu ejus omnem fructum, jure Tuo, a me repetis: quod dum gratus\nagnosco, poterat id solum Tibi me mille modis in aeternum devincire.\nTu vero, VIR MAXIME! cujus immensa eruditione non minor est singularis\nhumanitas, hocce beneficium majore alio cumulasti: dum eo quoque\ntempore, quo post exactum vitae Academicae curriculum vel exteras\nvisurus regiones, peregre profectus eram; vel praxeos exercendae\ngratia, in aliis hujus Belgii urbibus morabar; quoties aut literis,\naut praesenti Te colloquio solicitavi audax, miro semper favore mihi\nvacare, et saluberrima suppeditare consilia non es dedignatus.\nImo ne hic quidem substitit summa Tua in me benevolentia: nam Tibi etiam\ndebeo, quo nunc impertior, laboris mei praemium. Tu, quod benignum adeo\napud Proceres de me judicium tuleris, effecisti, ut huic admotus muneri,\nhoc sim honore ornatus. Dum igitur pluribus Tibi obstringor nominibus,\nquam quibus unquam dissolvendis ulla me aetas parem faciet, accipe\ngratissimam horumce agnitionem, et sempiternum, quam publice hic nunc\ntanquam in tabella suspendo, memoriam in qualiscunque locum Charisterii;\net certus crede, omnibus me nervis eo adnisurum, Tibi ut monstrem,\nquam procul absim ab ingrati animi crimine! Plura adjicere Tua vetat\nmodestia, meusque pudor.\nAntequam tamen Te dimittam, jubet nota mihi mearum tenuitas virium, et\noperis, quod suscipio, difficultas, Te ut enixe obtester, velis eodem,\nquo me huic admovisti, favore, id aggressurum sublevare, et Tuis,\nquoties imploravero, sapientissimis mihi consiliis adesse. Tibi, at\nquanto Viro! succedo: Tu viae, quam toties trivisti, peritissimus, nisi\npraeiveris, omnem despondeo animum: manu igitur me prehende juvenem,\nhaud aequis passibus Te secuturum; dumque, quo Tua Te divino ingenio\nsociata decumana industria provexit in arte, eo eniti insanientis est,\nid saltem fac ut laudis consequar, Tuis quod vestigiis reptabundus\nquidem, at non indecorus tamen, inhaeream.\nVos denique, PRAESTANTISSIMI JUVENES! Vos, sacrata Philosophiae et\nMedicinae Pectora, alloquor! Vestris enim usibus totam se dedicat\nChemia; vestris arctissime copulata studiis haeret. Si quo igitur ejus\namore capti, doluistis, aliquo illam tempore siluisse, erigite nunc\nanimos! Patet rursum officina: ardebunt furni: accedite, et mecum ad hos\ndesudate! Suprahumano labore, sedulitate indefessa, sexcentis periculis,\nviam ante difficillimam expedivit Chemicorum Summus BOERHAVIUS, et, quo\nipse usus est filo probatissimo, idem bona nobis fide porrigit: hujus\nergo tenaces, Illum sequamur ducem, tuti et felices in artis adyta\npenetraturi. Vobis ego me offero comitem, et, si placet, adhortatorem.\nSi quid in me est virium, officii, aut consilii, utamini eo pro lubitu;\nVobis id omne dico: Vestris enim prodesse studiis, ea demum est votorum\nmihi summa, is laborum finis erit unicus.\n[Transcriber's Errata:\nEjusde[m et] Chemiae et Collegii Practico-Medici\n  _bracketed letters are conjectural_\nJOHANNI TRIP, J.U.D. Toparchae in Berkenrode, civitatis\nAmstelaedamensis senatori\n  _text reads_ ...senatorl\nutilissimam pariter ac maxime necessariam pr\u00e6stat operam\n  _text reads_ utillissimam...\nTaceo benignissimam ejus operam, qua lethalem nonnullorum corporum\nferociam\n  _text reads_ ...nonnulorum...\ntuti et felices in artis adyta penetraturi\n  _text reads_ ...penetraruri ]", "source_dataset": "gutenberg", "source_dataset_detailed": "gutenberg -  Chemiam artibus academicis jure esse inserendam\n"},
{"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1760, "culture": " Dutch\n", "content": "Produced by Louise Hope, Frank van Drogen, Janet Blenkinship\nand the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at\ngenerously made available by the Canadian Institute for\nHistorical Microreproductions (www.canadiana.org))\n                    INAUGUREELE REDE\n               HIERONYMUS DAVID GAUBIUS,\n                Waarin Wordt Aangetoond,\n         dat de Scheikunde met recht een plaats\n             verdient onder de Akademische\n            Gehouden op den 21sten Mei 1731,\n     Toen Hij het Openbare Ambt van het Houden van\nVoordrachten over de Scheikunde aan de Leidsche Akademie\n                  Plechtig Aanvaardde\n   [Illustration: HIERONYMUS DAVID GAUBIUS]\n               Medicinae Doctor.\nEjusde[m et] Chemiae et Collegii Practico-Medici\n      in ACADEMIA BATAVA, quae LEIDAE est,\n             PROFESSOR ORDINARIUS\n   [Tekst onduidelijk: naam van de drukker?]\n       [Script unclear: printer\u2019s name?]\n       Aan de zeer doorluchte en edele mannen,\n       curatoren der Leidsche Akademie,\nJOHANNES HENDRIK, GRAAF VAN WASSENAER, heer van Opdam, Hensbroek,\nSpierdyk, Zuydwyk, Kernchem en Lage, enz. enz. ridder van de\nJohanniterorde, lid van de ridderschap der edelen van Holland,\nafgevaardigde ter Staten-generaal enz. enz.,\nJOHANNES TRIP, doctor in de beide rechten, drost in Berkenrode, lid\nvan den raad van de stad Amsterdam, op dit oogenblik voorzitter der\nburgemeesters, bewindhebber der O.-I. Compagnie, enz. enz.,\nAREND BRUNO\u2019SZOON VAN DER DUSSEN, doctor in de beide rechten, lid\nvan den raad der stad Delft en oud-burgemeester, afgevaardigde ter\nhoogmogende Staten van Holland, enz. enz.,\nen aan hun ambtgenooten, de zeer aanzienlijke en waardige mannen,\nburgemeesters der stad Leiden,\nABRAHAM HOOGENHOUCK, doctor in de beide rechten, voorzitter der\nburgemeesters,\nDANI\u00cbL VAN ALPHEN, doctor in de beide rechten,\nHENDRIK VAN WILLIGEN, doctor in de beide rechten,\nGERHARD EMILE VAN HOOGEVEEN, doctor in de beide rechten,\nOok aan den zeer voortreffelijken heer DAVID VAN ROYEN, doctor in de\nbeide rechten, secretaris der stad Leiden, geheimschrijver der zeer\ndoorluchte curatoren en zeer aanzienlijke burgemeesters,\n                        draagt gaarne en naar verdienste\n                de aan hun voortreffelijke en roemrijke personen\n                            zeer verknochte dienaar\n                           HIERONYMUS DAVID GAUBIUS.\n                    INAUGUREELE REDE\n               HIERONYMUS DAVID GAUBIUS,\n                Waarin Wordt Aangetoond,\n         dat de Scheikunde met recht een plaats\n             verdient onder de Akademische\nIndien mij ooit op het schouwtooneel mijns levens een groote en vreemde\nlotswisseling overkwam, dan is het wel deze, die ik hier thans beleef.\nDe plaats is ongewoon; de toevloed der menschen grooter dan gebruikelijk\nis en van die allen zijn gelaat en oogen op mij gericht; de taak is mij\nvreemd; alles is geheel en al nieuw: alles heeft plotseling een vreemd\nvoorkomen aangenomen en verontrust mijn gemoed door een even groote\nverbijstering als bezorgdheid.\nImmers in een Akademische feestvergadering noodigt men mij, een\nscheikundige, uit een redevoering te houden, en wel aangezien de aard\nvan mijn ambt dat zoo vereischt, over de Scheikunde. Of wordt wel ergens\ngrooter onderscheid gevonden dan, dat tusschen MERCURIUS[1] en VULCANUS\nbestaat? Of is er wel een der wetenschappen, die verder staat van de\nbevalligheden der welsprekendheid dan de Scheikunde? de Scheikunde,\nzeg ik, die, ruw en altijd bezig, zich niet bekommerend om een meer\ngepolijsten stijl, zich evenmin toeleggend op de lokmiddelen der\nwelsprekendheid als er voor geschikt, geheel opgaat in haar werk en haar\nbeoefenaars niet door woorden maar door het vuur de wijsheid, door\nproeven wijsgeerig redeneeren leert.\n  [Note 1: God der welsprekendheid. (Vertaler.)]\nBezoekt met den geest althans, als het u belieft, een scheikundige\nwerkplaats! Wat meent gij wel daar te zullen vinden? Soms een\nopeenhooping van talrijke boeken en ontelbaar veel deelen van schrijvers\nnetjes geordend alle in hun kasten? Soms de gedenkteekenen der oude\nwelsprekendheid zoo gewenscht voor de redenaars, of een spreekgestoelte\nweergalmend van de stem eens TULLIUS[2]? Niets voorwaar van die dingen:\nDe inrichting, die hier zich voordoet, is geheel anders: volkomen anders\nzijn de hulpmiddelen: verschillende rijen namelijk van fornuizen, die\ntelkens weer op andere wijze zijn saamgesteld, welke rijen geschikt\nzijn om iedere sterkte van het vuur uit te houden; kastjes tot aan de\nzoldering opgebouwd, geheel gevuld met zooveel mogelijk voorwerpen door\nde wetenschap vervaardigd, die weldra weer moeten dienen om nieuwe in\ngereedheid te brengen; tallooze soorten van vaatwerk, dat in stof en\ngedaante verschilt; een hoop kolen en zoden, die nooit mag op raken; bij\nde hand zijn voor het gebruik verschillende soorten van zeven, spatels,\nblaasbalgen, tangen en al het andere, dat vereischt wordt om het vuur \u00f2f\nte onderhouden \u00f2f te regelen. Te midden daarvan zult gij den meester\nniet werkeloos bij zijn katheder zien neerzitten, maar hoe hij zijn\nhanden zwart van kool in zwijgende aandacht aan het werk slaat, hoe hij\ngehuld in rook, bedekt met asch en roet nu eens met het felste vuur de\nhardste metalen vloeibaar maakt, dan weer een stof uit het plantenrijk\nmet levende vlammen doet branden; hoe hij aan den eenen kant met de\ngrootste voorzichtigheid tegengestelde lichamen bij elkaar brengt, die\nzich dra in een vlammenbrakenden strijd zullen storten; aan den anderen\nkant door een matige warmte de vermogens der stoffen te voorschijn roept\ndoor het druppelen van water naar een bepaald getal te regelen; en bij\neen andere gelegenheid die vermogens na ze te voorschijn te hebben\ngeroepen door een natuurlijke lauwe temperatuur nauwer bindt en afdeelt;\nin \u00e9\u00e9n woord: hoe hij geheel tusschen zijn fornuizen levend, zich\nslechts bezighoudend met het aanwakkeren, toepassen en regelen van het\nvuur, de werking daarvan op lichamen op alle mogelijke wijzen nagaat.\nDit is zijn werk, hiervoor spant hij zich alleen in.\n  [Note 2: M. Tullius Cicero. (Vertaler.)]\nHier zou iemand tevergeefs zoeken naar de gladgevijlde spreekwijzen van\nde eeuw van AUGUSTUS; tevergeefs naar de bekoorlijke aanlokselen der\nredekunst. Niet de ooren worden hier gestreeld maar de oogen: en niet\ndoor woorden wordt instemming gewonnen, maar door de getuigenissen van\nfeiten ontwrongen.\nHoe denkt gij dan, dat een scheikundige te moede is, wanneer hij uit de\nvuile werkplaats van VULCANUS in het daglicht getrokken naar een plaats,\nop welke aller blikken zijn gevestigd, van zijn fornuizen weggeroepen\nnaar het spreekgestoelte, dat slechts gewijd is aan de meest gepolijste\nredevoeringen, zich gedwongen ziet het werk van een redenaar op zich te\nnemen! Welke stof gelooft gij, dat hem ten dienste staat, terwijl de\nnoodzakelijkheid op hem rust te spreken in tegenwoordigheid van de\neerste mannen in den staat, in de vergadering van zeer wijze\nhoogleeraren, ten slotte onder de oogen van menschen, die ten zeerste\nuitmunten in elke soort van wetenschap, over een wetenschap, die den\nmeesten van hen onbekend is. Inderdaad als hij in zijn schroomvalligheid\nblijft steken, zal hij licht verdienen, dat men hem vergeeft.\nWaarlijk dit lot drukt mij, deze last drukt heden op mijn schouders: en\nuit mij zelf doen zich voor mij geen hulpmiddelen op, om op te steunen.\nJa zelfs doen de geringheid mijner krachten, die ik mij zeer goed bewust\nben, en de mij ingeschapen bedeesdheid, geheel ongeschikt om iets in het\nopenbaar, hoe dan ook, te verrichten, zelfs dien moed mij ontzinken,\ndien mij de jeugd, stoutmoedig om zich aan alles te wagen, misschien zou\ngeven.\nWanneer ik dus overal rondzie, blijft er slechts \u00e9\u00e9n ding over,\nwaartoe ik mijn toevlucht kan nemen. Uw buitengemeene welwillendheid,\nhooggeschatte hoorders, die reeds zoo dikwijls zij ondervonden hebben,\ndie de moeilijke taak drukte van uit dit spreekgestoelte het woord te\nvoeren. Deze maakt, dat gij zoo zacht van oordeel zijt, dat gij ieder\nnaar zijn eigen maatstaf metend geenszins dingen eischt, die iemands\nkrachten te boven gaan: daar gij nu anderen dit zoo edelmoedig hebt\ngetoond, waarom zou ik dit dan van uw kant ook mij zelf niet in het\nvooruitzicht stellen, voor wien zooveel redenen van nog grooter gewicht\npleiten? Zeker is een rechtvaardig verzoek door geen billijk persoon\nooit van de hand gewezen.\nHierop vertrouwend gord ik mij aan tot het werk zelf, waarvan het\nonderwerp zal ontleend zijn aan dat ambt, dat ik plechtig aanvaard, en\nuw geachte verzameling niet onwaardig. Ik zal namelijk trachten aan te\ntoonen, _dat de Scheikunde met recht een plaats verdient onder de\nAkademische wetenschappen_. En terwijl ik dat doe, bezweer ik u met\naandrang, dat gij u in het luisteren even als in het beoordeelen\nwelwillend tegen mij toont. Want de afloop mijner redevoering zij\ngunstig of ongunstig, in beide gevallen zal ik steeds tot uw\ngoedgunstigheid verwezen worden, om die \u00f3f dank te zeggen \u00f3f om\ntoegeeflijkheid te smeeken.\nDe Akademies zijn volgens de wet, waardoor wij ze heden geregeld zien,\nopenbare plaatsen bestemd om de meer edele wetenschappen en kunsten\nte onderwijzen en te leeren, en dien ten gevolge voorzien van die\nvoorwaarden en middelen, waardoor dit voorgenomen doel kan worden\nbereikt. Derhalve wordt bij deze maar niet aan iedere kunst of\nwetenschap een leerstoel toegestaan, maar het is noodig, dat de\nwetenschap, die aan de Akademie vasten voet wil vatten, boven de\nbevatting van het gemeene volk zich verheffend, uitblinke door een\nzekeren glans van adeldom.\nBijaldien ik dus met zekere bewijzen zal aantoonen, dat de ware\nkenteekenen van dien adeldom, nadat ik ze openlijk heb uiteengezet, de\nSpagyrische wetenschap[3] toekomen, zal dan niet de goede grond en de\nwaarheid van hetgeen ik mij heden heb voorgesteld te bewijzen, vast\nstaan?\n  [Note 3: Als afleiding wordt opgegeven: \u03c3\u03c0\u1fb6\u03bd = (uit elkaar)\n  trekken en \u1f00\u03b3\u03b5\u1f77\u03c1\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd = vereenigen, verzamelen. De wetenschap, die\n  scheidt en vereenigt, zou dus bedoeld worden. (Vertaler.)]\nDe deugd eenig en alleen, als wij den Dichter[4] moeten geloof schenken,\nverleent den mensch adeldom. Maar deze is niet de gave van \u00e9\u00e9n dag, noch\nis die de ware, zoo dikwijls als hij uit niets anders kan bewezen worden\ndan uit de afkomst. Hetzelfde echter is op dezelfde wijze het geval bij\nde wetenschappen, slechts moet dat, wat daar aan de deugd is toegekend,\nhier worden toegekend aan het nut. Voorzeker zoeken zij zich op\ngoedkoope wijze een lauwerkransje te verdienen, die, als zij de\nwaardigheid van een wetenschap willen toonen, zich verbeelden dit fraai\nte doen, wanneer zij zakelijk uiteenzetten, hoe haar oorsprong uit de\neerste eeuwen afgeleid kan worden, en het buitengewone genot in de\nwerken ervan gelegen, of hoeveel en hoe groote beoefenaars zij heeft\ngesteld, terwijl zij zich ondertusschen weinig bekommeren over het nut,\nzonder hetwelk toch alles niets wil zeggen, al is het oud, aangenaam of\nberoemd door welke namen ook van volgelingen; want dit zijn uiterlijke\ndingen en sieren veeleer den waren adeldom op dan dat ze hem uitmaken.\nHet nut is de maatstaf, waarnaar degeen, die alleen de werkelijke waarde\nder dingen weet vast te stellen, de wijze, haar afmeet.\n  [Note 4: Mogelijk heeft hier de redenaar Horatius, Carmina III,\n  2, 17 volgg. op het oog. (Vertaler.)]\nElke wetenschap dus, die een bijzonder nut verschaft hetzij aan een\nmensch afzonderlijk op zich zelf beschouwd, hetzij aan de menschelijke\nmaatschappij, die wordt eerst met recht voor edel gehouden. Daar echter\nhet beste deel van den mensch zijn geest is, zoo blinkt die wetenschap,\ndie dezen zich doet toeleggen op hetgeen recht en goed is, of haar\nverrijkt met het inzicht der waarheid, in elk geval boven de andere uit.\nMaar toch is niet veel minder dan deze die wetenschap, die zorgt voor de\ngezondheid van het lichaam, want dit is wel het meest gewenschte, dat\naan de stervelingen wordt gegeven; wanneer zij kwijnt, dan maakt zij\nmeer dan iets anders den geest log en drukt hem terneer. Die kunst, die\nhet voltooien van dat werk op zich heeft genomen, wordt de Geneeskunde\ngenoemd: op het eerste legt zich de Wijsbegeerte met de overige\nwetenschappen toe; met haar eene helft toch houdt zij zich bezig met\nhet beheerschen der aandoeningen, haar andere helft wijdt zij aan het\nuitbreiden der grenzen van het menschelijke begrip ten opzichte van de\nkennis der bestaande dingen: beide wetenschappen hebben dus, als de\nedelste, de Akademies in haar schoot opgenomen en met het burgerrecht\nbegiftigd, zonder dat de nijd zelf zich er tegen verzette.\nDeze beide nu hebben een arbeidsveld, dat zich zoover mogelijk\nuitstrekt, en dientengevolge sluiten zij in zich verschillende\nwetenschappen, die men zoowel onderdeelen als helpsters kan noemen.\nHoewel ze op zich zelf, wat haar werk betreft, onder elkaar ten zeerste\nverschillen, zoo mikken zij toch alle op een zelfde wit ten slotte, dat\nze gemeen hebben met de hoofdwetenschap, waaronder ze dienen. Daar\nderhalve \u00e8n het nut dezen, hoe ze ook zijn mogen, tot aanbeveling\nstrekt, \u00e9n het feit, dat ze ter volmaking der eersten in den hoogsten\ngraad noodzakelijk zijn, op dien grond werden zij ook door de beschaafde\nlieden met recht voor edele wetenschappen gehouden en hebben zij de haar\ntoekomende plaats aan de Akademies verkregen.\nIs dan voorwaar de Scheikunde niet een dergelijke wetenschap? Waarom\nheeft zij dan zulk een hard lot ondervonden en niet dan na het voeren\nvan veel strijd kunnen verkrijgen, dat men haar vrij mocht beoefenen aan\nde scholen der geleerden? Waarlijk, ik zou moeilijk de reden van die al\nte groote strengheid kunnen bepalen: indien ik echter zal zeggen, wat\nhet waarschijnlijkst is, dan schijnt het mij toe, dat de rechters, van\nwier goeddunken toen de Akademies afhingen, onbekend met de wetenschap\nop zichzelf beschouwd, slechts rekening hebben gehouden met de\nbeoefenaars.\nImmers de Scheikunde geboren onder metaalbewerkers en\naanbeeldvuurwerkers[5], eerst beoefend door dat ongeletterd en ruw\nslag van menschen, vervolgens door bedriegers misvormd en in discrediet\ngebracht, op zich zelf afstootend, vol moeilijkheden, vol gevaren, van\nrustige bespiegelingen ver verwijderd, ademend in vuur, rook, asch en\nvuil, kon zich bezwaarlijk door eenigen schijn van lieflijkheid bij\niemand aangenaam maken, tenzij bij diengene, die zich verwaardigde\ndieper met zijn blik in haar binnenste door te dringen. Maar zoowel de\nruwheid als de schelmerij van degenen, die haar beoefenden, hadden haar\nuiterlijke verschijning z\u00f3\u00f3 monsterlijk en afzichtelijk gemaakt, dat de\nbeschaafde lieden er van werden afgeschrikt haar kern na te sporen, in\nde meening, dat die uit dezelfde, zoo niet erger, vuiligheid bestond.\nTevergeefs heeft dus de Scheikunde haar zaak tegenover dergelijke\nscheidsrechters bepleit, die verblind door een vooraf opgevatte meening,\nzoowel de buitengewone voordeelen, die zij bood, als haar hooge\nnoodzakelijkheid over het hoofd ziende, een oordeel hadden geveld,\nvoordat zij kennis van de zaak hadden genomen. Daardoor is het gekomen,\ndat zij van het openbare verkeer met geleerden uitgesloten, handen en\nhoofden van particulieren bezig hield, waarbij zij onder verschillende\npersonen verschillende lotswisselingen te verduren had, en misschien\nnooit zich opgewerkt zou hebben tot de Akademische spreekgestoelten, als\nniet een grooter geluk dan verstand dien advocaat -- of moest ik liever\nverdediger door dik en dun zeggen? -- dien zij eindelijk heeft gekregen,\nEREMITA[6] had ten dienste gestaan. Deze namelijk aangegrepen door een\nblinde liefde voor die verdrukte wetenschap, aarzelde niet dat, wat had\nmoeten gedaan worden door het gezag der rede en duidelijke bewijzen\nvan feiten, te beproeven door een systeem van bullen vol met de meest\nbeuzelachtige woorden, weldra echter, wat bij zijn niets ontziend\nkarakter begrijpelijk was, zelfs te vuur en te zwaard, waarbij hij in\nelk geval een dergelijk succes had, dat de Scheikunde, door dat vermetel\npogen in de Akademies gedrongen, daar zich een zetel veroverde, die\nzelfs juist op de asch der tegenstanders werd opgericht. Hoewel verder\ndezen met geweld verworven en daarom op zwakken grondslag rustenden\nzetel, nadat kort daarop de dwingelandij van zijn oprichter was\nonderdrukt, het van vrijheidsliefde blakende volk der geletterden,\ndat geen dwang kan dulden, wederom heeft omvergeworpen, was toch de\nScheikunde daardoor dit ten goede gekomen, dat zij, zoolang haar\nverblijf daar duurde, meer in de nabijheid van beschaafde lieden\ngeplaatst, de aandacht van enkelen van dezen door eenige zeer heldere\nstralen, die zich door de haar omhullende duisternis van nietigheden\nheenboorden, kon vestigen op het uiterst vruchtbare licht, dat in haar\nbinnenste verscholen was. En weldra, door die waarneming er toe\naangespoord, hebben zij zich inderdaad tot een verder onderzoek\naangegord en na langzamerhand het masker van bedriegerijen te hebben\nweggenomen en de nevels van onkunde, waarmee zij werd omsluierd, te\nhebben doorbroken, hebben zij, eindelijk haar in haar naaktheid\nbegroetend, haar aan het daglicht gebracht ten schouwspel voor de\nbeschaafde wereld. Toen dan heeft de Scheikunde, thans schitterend met\nhaar eigen stralen, toen eerst heeft zij, die vermomd zoo zeer had\nmishaagd, hersteld in haar natuurlijke gedaante, de geleerden zoo voor\nzich weten in te nemen, dat zij haar waardig keurden om onder hun\nscholen opgenomen met allen ijver te worden beoefend.\n  [Note 5: \u201eInter Pyracmonas.\u201d \u201ePyracmon\u201d is in de mythologie naam\n  van een Cycloop werkzaam in de smidse van Vulcanus, samengesteld uit\n  \u03c0\u1fe6\u03c1 = vuur en \u1f04\u03ba\u03bc\u03c9\u03bd = aanbeeld. (Vertaler.)]\n  [Note 6: Keizer Rudolf II van Duitschland, die \u00b11600\n  regeerde, stelde zulk een belang in de alchemie, dat hij er zijn\n  regeeringsplichten voor verwaarloosde. Hem werd de naam van den\n  tweeden Hermes Trismegistus gegeven. Heeft nu Gaubius, die niet\n  sterk is in orthographie, hem soms met Eremita bedoeld? (Vertaler.)]\nEn waarlijk ook als wij voor de waarheid willen uitkomen, heeft de\nScheikunde geen andere krans noodig, dan dat zij met een oog vrij van\nvooroordeelen naakt, zooals zij op zich zelf is, wordt beschouwd. Want\nzoo noodig zijn de toepassingen, waarin haar kracht is gelegen, zoo\nalleraangenaamst de genoegens, waarmee zij ons toelacht, dat zij zeer\ngemakkelijk den natuurvorscher er toe brengt haar lief te hebben, en\nals hij eenmaal daartoe gebracht is, hem geboeid houdt zonder de minste\nverveling. Zeker als wij alleen op de voordeelen acht slaan, waarmee\nde Scheikunde nagenoeg alle soorten van handwerk, die dienen voor de\ngemakken van het menschelijk leven, kwistig bedeelt, eilieve hoe groot\nis dan niet hun aantal en hoe gewichtig zijn zij! De dag zou te kort\nzijn wilde ik ze opsommen. Toch zijn die dingen van zeer weinig\nbeteekenis en slechts als bijzaken te beschouwen. De voortreffelijke\ndienst, dien zij den geest bewijst, is edeler, die, welken zij het\nlichaam bewijst, nuttiger. Want voor dit houdt zij de gezondheid\nongedeerd in stand, en, wanneer die verloren is, geeft zij ze weer; aan\ngene echter wijst zij den kortsten weg in de binnenste heiligdommen der\nnatuur, en ontvouwt in vruchtbare werkzaamheid de wonderen der waarheid,\ndie in haar diepte schuilt; dien ten gevolge is zij zoowel met de\nwijsbegeerte als met de geneeskunde ten nauwste verbonden en niet zonder\nnadeelen daarvan te scheiden.\nOpdat het echter niet den schijn hebbe, dat ik u dit zonder voldoenden\ngrond wil opdringen, zal ik thans duidelijke redenen aanvoeren ter\nstaving van de waarheid mijner bewering. Want dit is een prachtig\nbewijsmiddel; als ik dit onwederlegbaar aantoon, zal ik het er voor\nhouden, dat voldaan is aan hetgeen ik mij in mijn redevoering voornam\nte bewijzen.\nZij, die de eigenschappen van de lichamen door de natuur geschapen,\nhun krachten en uitwerkingen, alles door zijn bepaalde oorzaak\nteweeggebracht, weten of nasporen, worden Physici genoemd en deze\nwetenschap van hen heet Physica, zeker niet het geringste onderdeel der\nWijsbegeerte in het algemeen genomen. Derhalve richt zij zich op alles,\nwat onder het begrip \u201elichaam\u201d valt, of daartoe herleid kan worden,\nhetzij het allen lichamen gemeen is, hetzij enkelen in het bijzonder\neigen. Daar namelijk de niet nader te omschrijven Materie, die in het\nbezit is alleen van de algemeene eigenschappen der lichamen, in de\nnatuur niet voorkomt en ook niet kan voorkomen, maar slechts een beeld\nvan onzen geest is, gevormd ter verduidelijking van een theorie, de\nlichamen daarentegen, die inderdaad bestaan, alle op zichzelf staande\ndingen zijn, d.w.z. z\u00f3\u00f3 begrensd en bepaald, dat zij, behalve dat dat\nalgemeene begrip \u201eMaterie\u201d op hen van toepassing is, ook nog bijzondere\nandere eigenschappen bezitten, waardoor het eene van het andere\nonderscheiden wordt en die maken, dat een lichaam juist dat lichaam is\nen geen ander: daardoor is het helder en klaar, dat niet slechts die\nalgemeene gaven der Materie, maar wel in de eerste plaats die, welke elk\nlichaam afzonderlijk eigen zijn, het voorwerp zijn van de Physische\nstudie, daar deze immers de lichamen door de natuur geschapen beschouwt,\nnaar dat zij werkelijk bestaan of kunnen bestaan.\nDe eigenschappen der lichamen worden krachten genoemd, voor zoover zij\ngeschikt zijn om zekere bepaalde handelingen teweeg te brengen; uit deze\nvloeien verder, als uit de oorzaken, alle lichamelijke werkingen voort,\ndie wij waarnemen en die daardoor, ieder den bepaalden aard van haar\noorzaak volgend, zoo zij uit bijzondere krachten zijn voortgekomen, ook\nzelf noodzakelijkerwijs bijzonder zijn, maar daarentegen algemeen, als\nzij uit algemeene krachten zijn voortgekomen.\nIndien zich dus hierbij deze eenvoudige stand van zaken voordeed, dat\neen voldoende reden voor alle mogelijke eigenaardige eigenschappen van\neen lichaam gelegen was in zijn algemeene natuur, dan zou voorwaar de\nphysicus, behalve alleen de hulp der wiskunstenaars, niets noodig hebben\nom zijn doel te bereiken. Want dezen hebben de meest ware algemeene\nvoorstelling van een lichaam gegeven en tevens de meest nauwkeurige\nmethode om daar uit te halen, al wat er in vervat is. Maar hoeveel\nscheelt het inderdaad, dat dit zoo is! Een meer oplettende beschouwing\nontdekt in de lichamen zeker tallooze dingen, die zoo door en door\neigenaardig zijn, dat het schijnt, dat zij met het algemeene karakter\ndier lichamen bijna niets gemeen hebben, behalve alleen het voorwerp,\nwaaraan beide eigen zijn. Indien nu iemand deze zaken, wanneer zij\nonbekend zijn, uit die algemeene opvatting der wiskunstenaars, hoe\nuiterst nauwkeurig ze ook zij, a priori zou verlangen af te leiden of\nook de reden van die zaken, wanneer zij bekend zijn, daaruit op te\nmaken, voorwaar die zou zich te laat over zijn verlies aan moeite\nbeklagen!\nMaar toch is de kennis juist van die dingen voor den physicus van het\nallerhoogste belang, daar in de eerste plaats daarin datgene is gelegen,\nwaardoor de lichamen zich wederkeerig van elkaar inwendig onderscheiden.\nOpdat die dus ontwikkeld worden, moet men zeker niet dien weg betreden,\ndie van een gegeven denkbeeld omtrent de oorzaak uitgaand, leidt tot\nbegrip van de uitwerking, maar een geheel anderen. Immers elke juiste\nopvatting, die de geest zich omtrent de lichamen vormt, behoort \u00f3f tot\nde verschijnselen, dien geest door middel der zintuigen meegedeeld, \u00f3f\ntot de daaruit, gevormde oordeelen. De eigenschappen nu en de krachten\nvan een lichaam blijven verborgen, daar zij eerst op zich zelf niet\nwaarneembaar zijn; zij brengen echter uitwerkingen te weeg, die zich den\nzintuigen vertoonen en die, in vaste verhouding staand tot haar eigen\nbepaalde natuur, op die wijze tevens de kennis hiervan opleveren,\nzoozeer, dat, hoe rijker bij iedere zaak het materiaal is der\nwaargenomen uitwerkingen, men des te meer zekerheid verkrijgt omtrent\nhaar aard. En deze van het een op het andere terugvoerende weg blijft\ngeheel alleen over om de eigenaardigheden der lichamen op te sporen,\ndaar de natuur dien anderen weg, die ze a priori tracht te ontdekken,\ngeheel onbegaanbaar en ontoegankelijk heeft gemaakt voor het menschelijk\nverstand. Derhalve spant de volijverige navorscher van die zaken zich\neerder in voor proeven dan voor redeneeringen, met hulp van zijn\nzintuigen onderzoekt hij de voorwerpen zijner studie, hij merkt op hun\neigenaardige uitwerkingen, die zij uit zich zelf of nadat zij volgens\neen voorafgaande methode zijn behandeld, vertoonen; hij voegt lichamen\nbijeen, en verwijdert ze weer van elkaar, opdat hij ervare, welke\nbewegingen uit hen alleen en welke uit hen, wanneer zij vereenigd zijn,\nvoortvloeien. Dan eerst waagt hij het niet zonder succes uit deze\ngegevens, die hij vol ijver verzameld en met elkaar wederkeerig\nvergeleken heeft, de door hem gezochte eigenaardige natuur der lichamen\nen hun bijzondere gaven a posteriori te bepalen. En waarlijk nooit en\nnimmer hebben de verborgenheden der Natuur zich duidelijker geopenbaard,\ndan toen men dit pad heeft betreden. In de Physica hebben zij het niet\nver gebracht, die hetzij dit pad niet kenden hetzij er tegen beter weten\nin geen acht op sloegen.\nMaar zie! Terwijl ik geheel en al bezig ben met de Physica, merk ik,\ndat ik als het ware door een zeer geringe wending, die de stof van\nzelf heeft genomen, ben terecht gekomen in het hartje der Spagyrische\nwetenschap; de Physica, die mij van de Scheikunde had afgebracht, brengt\nmij er ook weer toe terug, daardoor juist voldoende bewijzend, hoe nauw\nbeider verwantschap is, hoe onverbrekelijk haar band.\nIs immers dat alles wat wij zooeven besproken hebben, niet bijna het\nwerk van de Scheikunde alleen? Stelt deze zich niet tot taak bijna alle\nafzonderlijke lichamen, die het voorwerp zijn van de physische studie,\nin het bijzonder te onderzoeken? Ja nog sterker, de Scheikunde kent\nhaast geen ander doel dan het onderzoek der lichamen afzonderlijk.\nAl wat aan delfstoffen in de binnenste ingewanden der aarde wordt\nuitgesmolten, al wat tot het plantenrijk behoorend de vruchtbare aarde\nuit haar rijke schoot doet ontspruiten, al wat ten slotte, tot het\ndierenrijk behoorend, overal de weldadige moeder Natuur koestert en\nvoedt, dit alles nagenoeg, mits het zich \u00f3f kan openbaren aan de\nzintuigen \u00f3f kan worden opgevangen in eenig vaatwerk, onderwerpt de\nScheikunde aan haar onderzoek, doorwoelt en doordringt zij. Zij dringt\ner in door, herhaal ik, z\u00f3\u00f3 ver, dat zij minachtend neerziend op al wat\nbij die dingen gewoon is, zich zeer gemakkelijk voordoet of er slechts\nuiterlijk mee in verband staat, als harer onwaardig, dit aan andere\nwetenschappen overlaat maar, voor zich zelf het meer moeilijke, het\nmeer verhevene en verborgene opzoekend, navorscht de in het binnenste\nder dingen gelegen vermogens, de laatste grondbeginselen, de eerste\nelementen, vast voornemens voor dezen prijs alleen en geen anderen haar\nmoeiten veil te hebben.\nDen geheelen dag voorwaar leggen de wakkere beoefenaars van deze\nwetenschap zich daarop toe: zij brengen het eene lichaam bij het andere\nen scheiden ze weer van elkaar; opgeloste lichamen doen zij stollen en\ngestolde lossen zij op; de bewegingen, die daaruit ontstaan, nemen zij\nwaar en wijzigen zij, nieuwe roepen zij te voorschijn door zeer\nkrachtige instrumenten, waarbij de manier van behandelen op allerlei\nwijzen afwisselt. Zij bedienen zich van het vuur, het meest beweeglijke\nen krachtige element; zeer sterke splitsingsmiddelen staan ten dienste,\nafgemeten naar den aard der oplossing (die men wil bewerkstelligen). Wat\nis dan voor die dingen moeilijk? Wat onbereikbaar? Laten de deeltjes van\neen lichaam maar met een stalen band onder elkaar verbonden zijn, laten\nzijn ingewanden zelfs achter een driedubbelen metalen muur verschanst\nzijn, laten zijn krachten in de onderste diepte verborgen zitten;\nwaarlijk onder het beuken van dergelijke stormrammen zullen zij uit\nelkaar springen, opengebroken worden, aan het daglicht treden.\nAl wat de lichamen hetzij doen, hetzij ondergaan, dit alles is alleen\naan de beweging toe te schrijven; door deze treedt \u00e9n al hun kracht naar\nbuiten \u00e9n worden alle mogelijke afwisselingen te weeg gebracht. Indien\nderhalve de wijsgeer zich moeite geeft om deze te onderzoeken, welken\nkorteren weg zal hij dan wel kunnen inslaan of van welk machtiger\nhulpmiddel zich bedienen om zijn doel te bereiken, dan wanneer hij\nproeven neemt door middel van het vuur? Want voorwaar de aard daarvan is\nzoo beweeglijk, dat de wijzen[7] geloofd hebben, dat het niets anders\nwas dan beweging. Maar het vuur is ook zeer geschikt om de beweging,\nwaarin zijn eigen kracht is gelegen, aan andere lichamen mee te deelen\nen zijn geweld kan op verscheidene tusschenliggende graden kunstmatig\nversterkt of verminderd worden, al naar men het verkiest. Daardoor\nontstaat voorzeker voor den physioloog de hoogst gewenschte gelegenheid\nom met de hulp daarvan de meest verborgen eigenschappen der lichamen tot\nin de kleinste bijzonderheden na te gaan. Want wanneer het bij deze\nwordt aangewend, brengt het hen tegelijkertijd in beroering, wekt ze\nop tot de beweging, die hun in het bijzonder eigen is, schudt ze tot\nin \u2019t merg door elkaar, roept hun krachten te voorschijn, verhoogt en\nverandert ze, scheidt de samenstellende deelen van elkaar en vereenigt\nde van elkaar gescheiden een voor een, brengt wederom de vermogens van\ndie verschillende deelen in het bijzonder in werking en aan het licht\nen maakt zelfs, dat dingen kunnen worden waargenomen louter door de\nzintuigen, die zij geholpen door een andere kunst, welke dan ook, nooit\nhadden kunnen bereiken. Wat is echter voor den natuurvorscher aangenamer\ndan dit? Wat nuttiger? Wat noodiger?\n  [Note 7: Hier schijnt de redenaar in de eerste plaats Heraclitus\n  van Ephesus \u00b1500 v. Chr op het oog te hebben. (Vertaler.)]\nIk zie er van af om ter bevestiging hiervan de getuigenissen der feiten\naan te voeren, opdat niet mijn redevoering in het onmetelijke groeie.\nNiemand zijn die onbekend, tenzij dat hij zoo akelig verzot is op de\noudheid, dat hij vreemd is aan alles, wat in geschriften uit later tijd\ndateert. In plaats van dit alles mogen hier genoemd worden die beide\nzeer stralende lichten aan Groot-Britannia, BOYLE en NEWTON. Hen\nerkennen zeker onze eeuwen als de meest scherpzinnige ingewijden in de\ngeheimen der Natuur. En zagen soms de voorbijgegane nog scherpzinniger\ndan zij? deze echter nemen bij het ontdekken van den aard der lichamen,\nbij het opsporen van de hun eigen krachten haast tot niets anders hun\ntoevlucht dan tot de Scheikunde. Nagenoeg elke duurzame en schoone\nvondst betrekking hebbende op den aard van het vuur, van hitte, licht\nen koude, al wat bekend is geworden over het ware karakter van kleuren,\nsmaken, geuren; omtrent de oorzaken der aardbevingen, en van het vuur,\ndat zich op verschillende plaatsen onder de aarde bevindt; omtrent het\nmagnetisme van lichamen en hun aantrekkingskracht, dit alles is men aan\nscheikundige proeven verschuldigd.\nDe Scheikunde is dus bij uitstek geschikt om de Physica uit te breiden:\nzij is met de proefondervindelijke Wijsbegeerte z\u00f3\u00f3 nauw saamgekoppeld,\ndat hij, die zijn geest niet gevormd heeft met haar voorschriften,\nongeschikt is de geheimen der Natuur te zien. Aan beide betwist _hij_\nhet recht aan de Akademie te worden onderwezen, die het aan \u00e9\u00e9n betwist.\nMaar ik verbeeld mij sommigen van u mij te hooren tegenwerpen. \u201eZacht\nwat! Zegt ge dat die wetenschap zooveel lofwaardige werken verricht en\nzooveel succes heeft in het ontdekken van de vermogens der lichamen?\nVerzekert gij, dat die den geest toerust met de kennis van verborgen\nwaarheden? Een wetenschap, die tot walgens toe opgepropt met\noudewijvenpraatjes, fabeltjes en droomerijen, gevormd in verwarde\nhersenen, haar beoefenaars daarmee geheel en al vervult; en die over\nniets anders den mond vol heeft dan over geheime, nooit geziene dingen,\ndie dikwijls onmogelijk zijn, en, indien zij soms al ware dingen laat\nzien, dan toch slechts in een dichten sluier gehuld; zoo zelfs, dat zeer\nterecht een dichter gezongen heeft, dat elk vluchtig koeltje eerder te\nvertrouwen is dan, wat de Scheikunde verzekert\u201d.\nDit wil ik, wat mij betreft, niet bestrijden noch ontkennen: vol van\ndergelijke zaken zijn de boeken, vol de uitlatingen der Alchemisten, van\nwie een groot deel gelijk aan dien slaaf[8] bij TERENTIUS, wat zij waars\nhooren, uitstekend weten te verzwijgen en verborgen te houden; maar als\niets onwaar of leugenachtig is, maken zij het onmiddelijk openbaar. Maar\nwaarlijk is er wel iemand, die over deze zaak de vierschaar spant, z\u00f3\u00f3\nonverstandig of z\u00f3\u00f3 verdorven, dat hij de wetenschap de dwalingen\naanrekent, die de krankzinnige bedriegersbende dier pseudoscheikundigen\nheeft verbreid? Omdat het dezen schandelijk toeschijnt alleen gedwaald\nte hebben, lokken zij daarom ook anderen tot zich door schoonschijnende\nsier van woorden en wikkelen hen in dezelfde dwalingen en, daar zij het\neerst door hun eigen onwetendheid te gronde zijn gegaan, trekken zij\nhun volgelingen met zich in een gemeenschappelijk verderf, waarbij zij\ntenminste dit bereiken, dat onder den opgestapelden hoop, de een boven\nop den ander, de oorzaak en bewerker van den eersten val bedekt wordt.\nZij bezitten voorwaar niets van de Scheikunde behalve den naam, dien\nzij zelfs ook niet waardig zijn, daar zij slechts luisterend naar de\nbegeerten van hun zinnen of naar monsters van hypothesen in een\nwaanzinnig brein geboren, de ware regels der wetenschap noch weten noch\nzich er naar richten.\n  [Note 8: TERENTIUS\u2019 Eunuchus I. 2. v. 23 en 24. (Vertaler.)]\nDe Scheikunde is er inderdaad zoo ver mogelijk van af geloof te schenken\naan ijdele bespiegelingen. De betrouwbaarheid der ooren zelfs is voor\nhaar gering; zij legt zich alleen neer bij het getuigenis der oogen.\nVandaar dat al degenen, die haar op de onvervalschte manier beoefenen,\neerst op de afzonderlijke lichamen volgens het voorschrift der\nwetenschap verschillende proeven nemen met de hoogste nauwkeurigheid\nen de meest zorgvuldige waarneming van alle verschijnselen, hierbij de\nnatuur als leidsvrouw volgend; vervolgens teekenen zij telkens de\nwaarneembare uitkomsten eerlijk op en eerst nadat zij daarin een\nvolkomen helder inzicht hebben gekregen en ze met elkaar vergeleken\nhebben, maken zij daaruit met wiskundige strengheid die\ngevolgtrekkingen, die er in duidelijke en onafgebroken volgorde uit\nkunnen worden afgeleid. En dit eerst is het, niets anders, wat de ware\nbeoefenaars der Scheikunde als waarheden en leerstellingen erkennen.\nIn waarheid wat is zekerheid, indien dat het niet is?\nDaar dit zoo is, meen ik, dat er niemand meer van ulieden zal gevonden\nworden, die hardnekkig blijft ontkennen, dat door een verstandige\nbeoefening der Scheikunde het begrip van den menschelijken geest\nverbazend wordt vermeerderd. Er blijft nog over, dat wij in \u2019t kort de\nvoordeelen uiteenzetten, die zij het lichaam aanbiedt, daar zij, ten\nnauwste verbonden aan de Geneeskunde, die daarvoor zorgdraagt, deze een\nbuitengewoon nuttige en tevens zeer noodige hulp betoont, die aan niets\nanders kan ontleend worden dan aan datgene, waarover de Scheikunde\nbeschikt.\nDat de Geneeskunde zeer hecht met de Physica verbonden is, leert de\nbeschouwing van beide. Derhalve wordt zij met denzelfden band, waardoor\nzij met gene vereenigd is, ook aan de Scheikunde gekoppeld en de\nuiteenzetting daarvan zou geen woorden meer vereischen, als niet nog\neen nauwer verwantschap van beide zich voordeed.\nDe Geneeskunde heeft als haar eerste voorwerp van studie het menschelijk\nlichaam, dat leeft en derhalve ondeelbaar, verder geheel op zich zelf\nstaande is, waaraan zij door er bepaalde krachten van andere op zich\nzelf staande lichamen onder vaste voorwaarden op aan te wenden die\nveranderingen oplegt, die voor haar doel vereischt worden. Zij houdt\nzich dus geheel bezig met op zich zelf staande dingen en zoo eenige\nandere wetenschap, dan heeft zij er belang bij, dat de bijzondere\nvermogens der lichamen, en hun werkingen wederkeerig op elkaar zoo\nduidelijk mogelijk gekend worden. Daar nu aan het nasporen hiervan de\nScheikunde vooral boven alle overige wetenschappen bij uitstek en met\nveel succes al haar moeite besteedt, wie ziet dan niet in, dat zonder\nhaar de Geneeskunde kreupel en gebrekkig zou zijn? Hieraan is het te\ndanken, dat de Scheikunde weldra en na zich aan het gemeen onttrokken te\nhebben onder de geletterden in aanzien begon te komen, thans stralend in\nhaar eigen oorspronkelijken glans, en zoozeer alle zonen der Geneeskunde\ner toe heeft gebracht haar lief te hebben en te beoefenen, dat zij in de\nallereerste plaats van hen het werk, van hen de lust is geworden. Ja nog\nmeer; vervolgens ook in de Heilkunst zelf gebracht heeft zij voor zich\neen gemeenschappelijk doel met deze aangenomen en is toen met den\nnieuwen naam Iatrochemie naar verreweg haar grootste deel gesierd\ngeworden. Daarin dan schepte zij zulk een behagen, dat zij terstond\nonvermoeid met alle krachtsinspanning zich geheel er aan gegeven heeft\nom de landpalen van hare bondgenoote uit te zetten. En voorwaar slechts\niemand, die geen kennis van zaken heeft, zal die dingen weinig noemen of\nvan geringe waarde, die daaruit de Geneeskunde ten goede zijn gekomen.\nImmers welk gedeelte van haar men ook moge nagaan, hetzij dat, wat door\nbespiegeling wordt volbracht, hetzij dat, wat zich bezig houdt juist met\nde uitoefening van het werk zelf, beide getuigen luide van de ontelbare\ndiensten der Scheikunde; beide leeren door oneindig veel voorbeelden,\ndat de samenwerking met deze in de hoogste mate noodig is tot haar eigen\nvolmaking.\nLaten wij eerst de medische physiologie, als gij het goed vindt,\nbeschouwen. Eilieve, waardoor wel is men tot de overtuiging gekomen,\ndat het laatste element en de basis der vaste deelen van het menschelijk\nlichaam de maagdelijke Aarde is, die slechts uit een enkel bestanddeel\nbestaand en zich zelf steeds gelijk blijvend, saamgehouden wordt door\neen olieachtige lijm in haar midden, die eveneens zeer vast is? Zoo ver\nkomt zeker niet de scherpzinnigheid der anatomen. Alleen de Scheikunde\nleert dit met volkomen zekerheid. Waardoor wel worden de bijzondere aard\nvan de vochten in het lichaam en eigenaardige krachten daarvan bekend?\nWant met uitzondering van den meer algemeenen vorm van vloeistoffen zal\nmen tevergeefs zoeken naar iets anders aan hen gelijk buiten de grenzen\nvan het dierenrijk: ja zelfs zijn zij ook zelf onder elkaar zoo\nverschillend als maar mogelijk is. Hier schiet de Hygrostatica te kort;\nalleen de Scheikunde biedt hulp; zij is het, aan wie wij nagenoeg alles,\nwat wij van die zaken weten, verschuldigd zijn. Den aard van het bloed,\ndie het midden houdt en noch zuurachtig noch alcalisch is, het\ngemakkelijk stollen van het serum daarvan bij een hitte grooter dan de\nnatuurlijke, het zeepachtig karakter van de gal, de juiste samenstelling\nen eigenschappen van het speeksel, van het pancreassap en der lymphe en\ntallooze andere dingen zouden wij niet weten, indien de Scheikunde er\nniet geweest ware. Waartoe zal ik nu gewag maken der functies, die met\nhaar bijstand schitterend zijn blootgelegd? Het inwendig oplossen der\nspijzen in de eerste wegen, het daaruit voortkomen van het chylus- en\nmelksap, de noodzakelijkheid van spijs en drank en de begeerte daarnaar,\nhet ontstaan der zouten en zwavelachtige deelen uit het opnemen van\nvrijwel smakelooze stoffen, de merkwaardige verandering der vochten door\nde krachten van den kringloop (om nog andere dingen voorbij te gaan)\nhebben _zij_ weinig passend verklaard, voor wie het meer heldere licht\nder scheikunde nog niet had geschenen.\nIndien wij dan nu een stap verder gaan tot het onderdeel der\nGeneeskunde, de Pathologie, dan doen zich tallooze en bovendien nog zeer\ningewikkelde kwesties voor met betrekking tot de redenen der ziekten,\nden aard en de verschijnselen daarvan, die de Scheikunde alleen vermag\nop te lossen. Wie zou ooit doorzien hebben het wonderbaarlijke ontstaan\nen het verschillend karakter der ziekelijke zouten bij scheurbuik, jicht\nen lues Venerea, en hoe het een uit het andere voorkomt? Wie de bron van\nhet zuur of van de olieachtige bedorven stof, die zich in de eerste\nwegen bevindt en zoo lastig is voor de miltlijders? Wie de herkomst van\nsteenen in de galblaas, de nieren en de urineblaas? Wie de oorzaak van\nhet bederf van beenderen en van den stank, die er mee gepaard gaat? Wie\nhet vieze overgaan van stilstaande vochten in een hoornachtige stijfheid\nof in zeer sterke ontbinding of inbijtende scherpte? Wie ten slotte zou\nden verschillenden invloed van hitte en koude, van het vermeerderen of\nverminderen der circulatie op het veranderen van vochten zoo schoon in\nhet licht hebben kunnen stellen, als niet de Scheikunde met haar fakkel\nwas vooraangegaan?\nUit de beide vorige onderdeelen der Geneeskunde wordt voor het grootste\ndeel de leer der kenteekenen afgeleid. Derhalve komen ook haar de\nvoordeden ten goede, die de Scheikunde aan gene bezorgt. Overvloed van\nvoorbeelden zijn bij de hand: verschaft het bloed uit de ader gelaten\nniet een duidelijke aanwijzing omtrent den inwendigen toestand? Maar in\nden waren aard daarvan kan niemand een juist inzicht krijgen tenzij door\neen scheikundig onderzoek. Hem blijft de ware natuur der voedstermelk\nverborgen, voor wien de Scheikunde iets verborgens is. Maar hoeveel is\nhet waard, daarover een zuiver oordeel te kunnen vellen! daar d\u00e1t zoo\ndikwijls voor de ongelukkige kinderen een vergif gelijk, de oorzaak\nis van oneindig veel folteringen en den dood, wat aan hun zorgvuldig\ngekoesterd leven juist de zoete gezondheid en wasdom had moeten geven.\nAls ik als geneeskundige nu alleen voor geneeskundigen sprak, zou hier\nzeer veel te zeggen overblijven betreffende sputum, zweet, verschillende\nsoorten van urine en ontlasting, die het echter beter is in stilzwijgen\nte hullen, opdat niet hen, die minder gewoon zijn die dingen te hooren,\neen walging bevange.\nTen slotte vertoonen zich de laatste twee onderdeelen der Geneeskunde,\nde Hygi\u00ebne en de Therapie. Evenals deze, boven de andere in adel\nuitblinkend, al dichter naderen tot het door de Geneeskunde zich\ngestelde doel, zoo betoonde zich de Scheikunde jegens haar milddadiger\ndan jegens de overige en overlaadde haar met nagenoeg al het nuttige,\nal het goede, dat zij heeft, met zulk een oprechte toeneiging, dat zij\nzelfs op die manier zich zelf niet scheen te voldoen en dingen\nbeproefde, die haar krachten te boven gingen, waarbij zij met ijdele\nbeloften de grenzen zelf der Natuur, om niet te zeggen der wetenschap\noverschreed. Deze dwaling is ontstaan uit de onwetendheid der\nkunstenaars, die ziende de wonderbare kracht van verscheidene van hun\nuitvindingen daardoor z\u00f3\u00f3 in vuur geraakten, dat zij meenden, dat in hun\nbegrensde kunst onbegrensde dingen besloten waren. Laten die dus zelf\nde misgrepen boeten, die zij begingen, en laat daarom niet aan de\nScheikunde de haar verschuldigde lof ontzegd worden, dien zij door zich\nmoeite te geven voor de bescherming der gezondheid en het verdrijven van\nziekten verdiend heeft. Want wat is het geval? Leert men niet door haar\nkunst den aard, de goede en slechte eigenschappen van eet- en\ndrinkwaren, van verschillende soorten water, wijn en bier uitstekend\nkennen? Openbaart zij niet de elementen, samenstelling en eigenschappen\nvan warme, zuurhoudende en andere bronnen, beroemd om haar geneeskracht,\nz\u00f3\u00f3 duidelijk, dat zij ze zelfs namaakt en het ontbreken van natuurlijke\nwateren vergoedt door kunstmatig vervaardigde, die bijna geen geringere\nuitwerking hebben? De grondstoffen, krachten, de wijze van werken der\ngeneesmiddelen en, wat toch wel in elk dat is, waarin de grootste macht\nschuilt, ontgaan den scherpzinnigste zonder scheikundige analyse.\nWaartoe zou ik nu melding maken van die veelvuldige kwalen der\nstervelingen, wier behoorlijke geneesmethode alleen de Scheikunde\naan de hand doet? Waartoe zou ik de ontelbare geneesmiddelen van een\nuitgezochte voortreffelijkheid opsommen, welke uitgevonden te hebben\nzij zich beroemt? Ik zwijg nog van haar uiterst weldadige werkzaamheid,\nwaarmee zij de vreeselijke, doodelijke kracht van sommige lichamen heeft\nweten onschadelijk te maken met zulk een lofwaardige uitkomst, dat zij\nvan vergiften geneesmiddelen zijn geworden, waarvan de volkomen\nveiligheid de uitwerking evenaart. Ik ga voorbij haar bijzondere\ngeschiktheid om de krachten der geneesmiddelen te verscherpen om ze te\nvoorschijn te brengen, om ze te herleiden tot een beperkten omvang en om\nze telkens weer onder een aangenamen vorm te doen verschijnen. Want als\nik op mij nam alles thans een voor een naar verdienste na te gaan, zou\nde dag voor mijn woorden te kort zijn. Ziet, wat de doorluchte BOYLE,\nwat BELLINI, BOHN, STAHL, HOFFMAN en anderen door hun scheikundige\nwerken in de Geneeskunde hebben tot stand gebracht. Maar waartoe is het\nnoodig een beroep te doen op buitenlanders? Onsterfelijke geschriften\nbevinden zich in uw aller handen, onvergankelijk hebt gij in uw geheugen\ngeprent de voortreffelijke daden van den waarlijk grooten man, dien wij\ngelukkig hier tegenwoordig in leven -- o moge hij dat lang blijven! --\nen in welstand zien. Slaat deze geschriften telkens en telkens weer op\nen gij zult daarin getuigenissen van het gezegde vinden, die boven elke\nbedenking verheven zijn.\nHierdoor is dus met voldoende zekerheid bewezen, hoe groot de diensten,\nhoe talrijk de algemeen gewaardeerde uitvindingen, hoe ontelbaar de\nweldaden zijn, waarmee de Scheikunde alle mogelijke onderdeelen der\nGeneeskunde op de meest kwistige wijze overlaadt. Het is duidelijk\ngeworden, welk een omvangrijke, welk een noodzakelijke voorraad\nproefondervindelijke bewijzen de Wijsbegeerte aan haar ontleent. En wel\nniemand zal verder meer ontkennen, dat _zij_ allerminst uit het getal\nder Akademische wetenschappen moet worden afgezonderd, die met twee er\nvan door zulk een nauwen band te zamen hangt.\nOpdat er echter in het geheel geen plaats voor twijfel overblijve, moet\nnog een ander bewijs er aan worden toegevoegd, dat hen zal overtuigen,\ndie misschien zullen aanvoeren, dat er verscheidene andere\nhulpwetenschappen bestaan, wier aanzien, ofschoon de meer edele\nwetenschappen haar bijstand behoeven, toch niet zoo groot is, dat zij\nin de lijst van deze worden opgenomen.\nIndien iemand voorwaar dit op de scheikunde toepast, laat hij dan weten,\ndat haar dienstbaarheid niet die van een slavin is, maar een zoodanige,\ndat zij denzelfden dienst, welken zij den akademischen wetenschappen\nbewijst, op haar beurt van deze eischt en wederkeerig van haar borgt.\nWant evenals iemand, om het tot een volmaakt physicus te brengen, een\ngoed scheikundige moet zijn, zoo behoort hij, die de volledige kennis\nder Scheikunde najaagt, niet minder een goed physicus zijn. Hij moet\nin verstand boven den grooten hoop uitsteken, met fijne smaak tot het\nwerk nader treden, een geest hebben doorkneed in de schoone kunsten en\nwetenschappen, die in de Scheikunde iets lofwaardigs verlangt tot stand\nte brengen en een waar beoefenaar van haar te heeten.\nWant hoe kan het anders? Maakt een beginner, die begeerig is een zekere\nwetenschap te leeren, niet een allerongerijmdsten sprong, indien hij\nzonder nog de algemeene regels ervan te kennen, terstond voortschrijdt\ntot de bijzonderheden? Wijst niet de orde in de natuur zelf den weg\nvan het meer eenvoudige naar het meer samengestelde, van hetgeen\nonmiddellijk voor de hand ligt naar hetgeen diep is verscholen? Aan wien\ndan toch zijn de voorschriften van een goede methode z\u00f3\u00f3 weinig bekend,\ndat hij beproeft zich te verdiepen in een onderzoek van afzonderlijke\nlichamen en hun verborgen krachten, bijzondere eigenschappen en\neigenaardige uitwerkingen na te sporen, voordat hij zich een algemeen\ndenkbeeld heeft verschaft van zijn onderwerp? Eerst leere hij, wat een\nlichaam is, wat wel zijn algemeene natuur is, hoeveel het verschilt van\nden geest. Hij moet laten voorafgaan een onderzoek naar de algemeene\nkrachten en eigenschappen en eerst de oppervlakte beschouwen, voordat\nhij in de ingewanden doordringt. Hij moet de kunst verstaan, met die\nnauwkeurigheid, waarmee dat behoort, proeven te nemen. Ten slotte zij\nhij ook niet onbekend met de wetten, die leeren uit gegevens volgens een\njuiste redeneering de goede gevolgtrekkingen te maken en leerstellingen\naf te leiden, en eerst van deze toerusting voorzien gorde hij zich aan\ntot den scheikundigen arbeid, waarvan hij vruchten zal plukken, die hem\nnimmer zullen berouwen.\nZij echter, die zich in deze zaak anders gedragen, waarlijk zij doen\nvergeefsche moeite. Want als blindemannen[9] voortgaande, stooten zij\noveral tegen aan en, daar zij van het zuivere licht van het begrijpen\nverstoken zijn, bazelen zij des te erger hoe dieper zij in de binnenste\nheiligdommen der Scheikunde doordringen en eindelijk, een wolk in plaats\nvan Juno[10] omhelsd hebbend, zien zij tot hun smart te laat, dat het\neind van al hun moeiten bekroond wordt met dwalingen, onwetendheid,\nen armoede. Zij zijn het, die gemaakt hebben, dat de Scheikunde eens,\nzoolang zij door hun ongewasschen handen werd behandeld, ontsierd\ndoor de vuilste vlekken van dwalingen en fabeltjes, z\u00f3\u00f3 in het slijk\ngeraakte, dat zij den geleerden gehaat en verdacht was. Zij zijn het,\nvan wie vervolgens de beschaafde wereld tegelijk met de edelste\nwetenschap dien afschuwelijken vloek van geheel valsche meeningen\nontving, die zich vandaar over ongeveer elk soort van wetenschap\nuitbreidde met een bijna niet te keeren besmetting. Hier werd dat\nbekende gezegde bewaarheid: Van de beste dingen is het misbruik het\nergst.\n  [Note 9: \u201emore andabatarum\u201d. Andabatae, gladiatoren die streden\n  in een helm zonder kijkgaten. (Vertaler.)]\n  [Note 10: Dit wordt van Ixion verteld, die Juno met zijn liefde\n  vervolgde en tot zijn straf in de onderwereld op een altijd draaiend\n  rad werd gebonden. (Vertaler.)]\nDat is echter niet de schuld van de wetenschap maar van haar\nbeoefenaars. Immers zoodra het geviel, dat deze zoo waren, als de\nverhevenheid der wetenschap voor zich eischt, mannen, wiskundig\nonderlegd, die zonder zich te storen aan het gezag van meesters, de\nnatuur als leidsvrouw volgend, liever de zaken zelf, zooals zij in haar\nwezen zijn, wilden beschouwen en daarover oordeelen dan verkeerdelijk\ngelooven, heeft niet alleen de Scheikunde, na ras al dat vuil te\nhebben afgewischt en een ander voorkomen te hebben gekregen, zoowel de\ndwalingen, waarvan zij zelf krioelde, als die, welke uit haar in andere\nwetenschappen waren geslopen, uit den weg geruimd, maar ook de plaats\ndaarvan weer aangevuld met de prachtigste uitvindingen en de meest\nonbetwistbare waarheden.\nEdoch, ik houd op langer te vertoeven bij de uiteenzetting van de\nvereischten voor den waren scheikundige, opdat ik niet, maar al te goed\ninziend, dat de meeste daarvan mij zelf juist ontbreken, ook nog dat\nweinigje moed geheel en al verlies, dat mij nog blijft en waardoor ik\nnog op eenig succes in dit mijn ambt had gehoopt, en lafhartig vlucht\nuit het strijdperk zonder zelfs mijn krachten te beproeven.\nUit hetgeen gezegd is, wordt het echter meer dan voldoende duidelijk,\ndat de Scheikunde, de bevatting van het gemeen te boven gaand,\nbeoefenaars vereischt vooraf voorzien van een uitrusting bestaande\nuit Akademische wetenschappen, en niet langer meer verontrusten haar\ndie dingen, die men haar nog zooeven scheen te kunnen verwijten.\nEn daarom, als ik mij niet door een ijdele hoop op de uitkomst heb laten\nmisleiden, heb ik grond te vermoeden, dat ik geloof heb gevonden voor\nhetgeen ik mij voornam te bewijzen. Want met zekerheid is voorgesteld\ngeworden, dat de scheikundige wetenschap uitblinkend door de\nschitterende diensten, die zij zoowel aan de verzorging van de ziel\nals aan die van het lichaam bewijst, van het grootste nut en de hoogste\nnoodzakelijkheid voor Wijsbegeerte en Geneeskunde, daarmee door een\nonverbreekbaren band samenhangt, sterk in twee\u00ebrlei opzicht namelijk,\ndat deze zich van haar hulp bedienen, en omgekeerd. Wat belet mij ten\nslotte te besluiten, _dat de Scheikunde, een edele wetenschap, met recht\neen plaats verdient onder de Akademische wetenschappen?_\nAan u derhalve, zeer doorluchte curatoren der Bataafsche Akademie te\nzamen met uw zeer edele collega\u2019s, de zeer aanzienlijke burgemeesters\nvan deze stad, aan u, zeg ik, is de zeer wijze maatregel te danken, dat\ngij aan deze zeer beroemde Akademie, die gij met zooveel waardigheid en\nmet een gansch ongewone waakzaamheid bestuurt, ook voor deze wetenschap\neen leerstoel, door een ruime toelage gesteund, hebt ingesteld en eene\nwerkplaats zeer geschikt om haar te beoefenen, en, dat gij niet gewild\nhebt, dat deze leeg stond, nadat na het meest eervolle ontslag te hebben\nverkregen, waarom hij had gevraagd, daar uit was getreden de man, die\nwegens de verbinding van een verbijsterende geleerdheid met een meer\ndan Herkulische werkkracht zeker zulk een hoogte in de wetenschap heeft\nbereikt, dat hij terecht door allen wordt geprezen als de ware\nhernieuwer der Scheikunde.\nWat echter het feit betreft, dat het u behaagd heeft mij, zonder dat ik\ner naar dong of het verdiende, toe te voegen aan dien onvergelijkelijken\nman, een pigmee aan een Atlas, voorwaar zoo dikwijls ik dat aandachtig\noverweeg, sta ik in stomme verbazing over het kolossale gewicht, dat\nuw goedertierenheid meer in de schaal heeft moeten leggen dan mijn\nverdiensten, en ik erken het nederig en eerbiedig. Want dat gij u\nallergenadigst hebt verwaardigd een vreemden jongeling, die nog door\ngeen enkel bewijs van talent was bekend geworden, met zulk een eer te\nbegiftigen, waaraan zal ik dit wel meer moeten toeschrijven dan aan uw\noneindige welwillendheid en ongehoorde gunst?\nVoorwaar ik zou vermetel kunnen schijnen, omdat ik zonder rekening te\nhouden met mijn eigen kleinheid deze taak heb aanvaard, bij het\nvolbrengen waarvan mij zelfs niet de hoop op een middelmatig applaus\ntoeschittert na zulk een voorganger. Maar toch _hij_ moet wel geheel van\neerzucht zijn ontbloot en al te versaagd zijn van geest, die aan den\neenen kant door de eer, aan den anderen door een zeer mild honorarium\naangespoord, onbeweeglijk blijft zonder zich te bekommeren om den groei\nvan zijn fortuin. Ik zeer zeker, hoe volkomen ik ook mijn geringe\nkrachten erkende, was toch niet ongevoelig voor het steken van die\nprikkels. Bovendien strekte mij tot een nieuwen spoorslag uw bijzonder\ngunstige meening, die gij omtrent mij en mijn studi\u00ebn hebt opgevat. Moed\ngaf mij tenslotte uw gewone inborst eigen aan een edelaardigen geest,\nwaardoor gij niets verder van een jongeling verlangt, dan de jeugdige\nkrachten reiken. Door deze omstandigheden er toe gebracht heb ik mijn\nambt aangenomen: op deze vertrouwend aanvaard ik het nu plechtig.\nDe eeuwigdurende herinnering aan uw mildheid jegens mij zal, in mijn\ngeest gegrift, maken, dat ik alles in het werk zal stellen, opdat ik\ndie niet algeheel onwaardig schijne. Door vlijt zal ik mijn krachten\ngoedmaken, mijn talent door gestadige toewijding, door onvermoeiden\narbeid mijn jeugd, met mijn geest ten slotte zal ik mijn lichaam\nschragen en alle kracht, die in beide is, zal ik geheel eenig en alleen\naan het bevorderen der belangen van de Akademie wijden.\nZoo zal het, hoop ik, geschieden, dat het noch u berouwt mij dien\nweldaad te hebben bewezen, noch ik mij schaam haar te hebben aangenomen.\nMoge daarbij God helpen, de onuitputtelijke bron van al het goede.\nVan Hem bid ik ook u, zeer doorluchte leidslieden der Akademie, een\nbestendigen overvloed aan alle mogelijke heil en onbevlekt geluk van\nganscher harte toe.\nTot u wend ik mij, zeer beroemde hoogleeraren, u spreek ik toe,\nschitterende lichten dezer Akademie! Gij verbaast u toch zonder twijfel,\ndat een jongeling, den meesten van u onbekend, die voorts van sommigen\nternauwernood zes jaar geleden de leerling was, zulk een trap van\ndriestheid heeft bereikt, dat hij dezen zetel bestijgt, die aan uw zeer\ngeleerde stemmen is gewijd, aan uw orakelspreuken. Maar wilt niet voor\ndriestheid houden, wat slechts een geoorloofde wedijver is, welke den\nstudiebelangen ten goede zal komen. Niemand leert kennen, wat hij\nvermag, indien hij niet de proef neemt. Gij zult derhalve deze\nonderneming van mij goedkeuren, die mij de kennis van mijzelf zal\nverschaffen, en die waarlijk niet haar oorsprong heeft in\nhooghartigheid, waar ik terecht zeer ver van verwijderd ben, maar in\nde in mijn hart verborgen vlam van betamelijke roemzucht. Het is mij\neen genot tegenover de voorbeelden van groote mannen geplaatst te\nworden. U derhalve zal ik, zooals gij voor mij uitgaat, van achteren\naanschouwen, en, terwijl het mij nooit zal gegeven worden u in te halen,\nzal ik u tenminste met een tusschenruimte volgen. Daardoor juist zal ik\nzonder uw weg te versperren toch zekere voetsporen vinden, die mijn\nschreden zullen leiden en zullen beletten af te dwalen. Intusschen zal\ndie weldaad zulk een invloed op mij behouden, dat ik u alle mogelijke\neer bewijzend en hoogachting betoonend, waarop de verdiensten, die gij\nhebt, u recht geven, met eerbied tegen u zal blijven opzien.\nAan u vooral, die de heiligdommen der Wijsbegeerte en der Geneeskunde\nonder zulk een algemeene toejuiching ontsluit, zeer beroemde mannen,\ndat ik aan u, zoowel aan allen als aan ieder afzonderlijk, daar gij mij\nzoowel door uw openbaar als door uw particulier onderricht hebt gevormd,\nmet bijzonderen eerbied mij geheel voor altijd wijd, zooals de\ndankbaarheid den leermeesters verschuldigd dat vereischt, daarvoor\nzal de voortdurende herinnering aan het ontvangene zorgen.\nZoo komt het ook, dat ik u, zeer vernuftige en scherpzinnige\n\u2019s GRAVESANDE, hier nu openlijk den u toekomenden dank breng, omdat\ngij het niet beneden u hebt geacht mij ook particulier in de vaste\nregels uwer wiskundige Wijsbegeerte in te wijden.\nOok gij, handigste der anatomen, zeer scherpzinnige ALBINUS, die mij met\ngelijke moeite de absoluut noodzakelijke kennis van den bouw van het\nmenschelijk lichaam met de grootste bekwaamheid door ooren en oogen hebt\nbijgebracht, steeds zult gij bevinden, dat mijn hart u in de hoogste\nmate erkentelijk is.\nU echter, zeer beroemde BOERHAAVE, als ik u hier niet in de\neerste plaats afzonderlijk toespreek, zal men mij terecht voor den\nondankbaarsten der stervelingen houden. Indien ik namelijk eenig talent\nbezit, eenige bedrevenheid in de Geneeskunde, eenige oefening in de\nScheikunde, dan ben ik dat alles u alleen verschuldigd. Drie andere\nAkademies had ik als nieuweling bezocht, voordat ik door een gelukkige\nlotsbestiering hier aangekomen, aan uw lippen heb gehangen. Ik was\nvoornemens alleen de praktijk bij u te leeren en mijn Akademische\nstudi\u00ebn te besluiten. Maar nauwelijks had ik nog met den rand mijner\nlippen de nectar van uw kristalhelder onderricht geproefd, of de\nbuitengewoon lieflijke smaak daarvan heeft mij dra zoozeer verleid, dat\nik voldoende werk had om alwat hetzij in openbare hetzij in besloten\nvoorlezingen als honig uit uw mond te voorschijn vloeide, op welk deel\nder Geneeskunde het ook betrekking had, met de grootste graagte in te\ndrinken. Tot mijn smart zag ik namelijk dat ik wegens de kortheid van\nden mij nog overgebleven tijd eerder zou gespeend worden, dan ik\nverzadigd van u heen zou gaan! Hetzij gij derhalve een schoonen lentedag\nbesteeddet aan het verklaren der lieflijke rijkdommen van den Hortus op\neen bewonderenswaardig aantrekkelijke wijze, om zoo door de aangename\nstudie der Botanie uw leerlingen des te meer lust in te boezemen om zich\nmoeilijker arbeid te getroosten, hetzij gij in het zweet uws aanschijns\ntusschen de fornuizen tot de meest afgelegen schuilhoeken der Scheikunde\nden weg weest, die door den zekeren leiddraad van uw zoo eenvoudige\nmethode even veilig als gemakkelijk was; hetzij gij de grondslagen der\ntheorie der Geneeskunde volgens den wiskundigen regel vaststeldet om\nweldra de onomstootelijke dogma\u2019s der praktijk, de meest vruchtbare\ngeneesmethode daarop te bouwen, u volgde ik overal en meende, dat vooral\ndat deel van den dag het best door mij was besteed, dat ik aan u had\ngewijd. Het is derhalve geheel uw verdienste, indien ik met dien ijver\nvan mij iets heb tot stand gebracht. Gij moogt op alle vruchten daarvan\nmet volle recht aanspraak maken en, daar ik dit dankbaar erken, zou dit\nalleen mij reeds op duizenderlei wijze voor eeuwig aan u hebben kunnen\nverplichten.\nMaar gij, o groote man, van wien de bijzondere minzaamheid de\nonmetelijke geleerdheid evenaart, hebt op dien weldaad nog een anderen\ngrooteren laten volgen, daar gij ook in dien tijd, dat ik, na mijn\nAkademischen loopbaan volbracht te hebben, hetzij naar het buitenland\nwas vertrokken om vreemde landen te bezoeken, hetzij tot het uitoefenen\nder praktijk in andere steden hier in de Nederlanden vertoefde, het niet\nbeneden uw waardigheid hebt geacht, zoo dikwijls als ik zoo vermetel\nwas hetzij per brief hetzij persoonlijk in een onderhoud uw hulp in\nte roepen, steeds met een verbazende goedgunstigheid u ter mijner\nbeschikking te stellen en mij de heilzaamste raadgevingen te schenken.\nJa zelfs daar bleef uw overgroote welwillendheid jegens mij niet staan.\nWant aan u ben ik ook de belooning van mijn moeite verschuldigd, die\nthans mijn deel wordt. Gij hebt bewerkt, doordat gij zulk een welwillend\noordeel tegenover de leidslieden over mij hebt geveld, dat ik tot dit\nambt ben geroepen, die eervolle onderscheiding heb genoten. Daar ik dus\nte veel verplichting jegens u heb, dan dat ooit eenige tijd het mij\nmogelijk zal maken mij er van te kwijten, aanvaard daarom de erkenning\ndaarvan, getuigend van de diepste dankbaarheid, en de onvergankelijke\nherinnering daaraan, die ik hier nu openlijk als in een gedenktafel\ngegrift ophang, in plaats van elk dankoffer, en wees ervan overtuigd,\ndat ik met al mijn krachten mij hiertoe zal inspannen, dat ik u toone\nhoever ik de beschuldiging van ondankbaarheid van mij kan werpen.\nMeer hieraan toe te voegen verbiedt mij uw bescheidenheid en mijn\nschaamtegevoel.\nVoordat ik echter u verlaat, noopt mij de mij bekende zwakheid mijner\nkrachten en de moeilijkheid van het werk, dat ik op mij neem, dat ik u\ndringend bezweer, dat gij met dezelfde gunst, waarmee gij mij tot dit\nwerk hebt geroepen, mij wilt steunen, nu ik op het punt sta het te\naanvaarden en, zoo dikwijls als ik er u om bid, met uw wijze\nraadgevingen mij ter zijde staan. U en welk een man, volg ik op. Als gij\nmet uw groote ervaring omtrent den weg, dien gij zoo vele malen hebt\nafgelegd, mij niet voorgaat, laat ik allen moed zinken. Vat mij, jongen\nman, dus bij de hand, hoewel ik u niet met gelijke schreden zal kunnen\nvolgen en wil maken, dat, terwijl het krankzinnig zou zijn te trachten\ndie hoogte te bereiken, waartoe u uw geweldige ijver gepaard aan een\ngoddelijk talent in de wetenschap heeft gebracht, ik tenminste die lof\nmij verwerf, dat ik uw voetstappen blijf drukken, wel is waar kruipend\nvorderend maar toch niet geheel roemloos.\nU, tenslotte, voortreffelijke jongelieden, u, die u met hart en ziel\naan de Wijsbegeerte en Geneeskunde wijdt, spreek ik toe. Immers de\nScheikunde stelt zich geheel en al in dienst van uw belangen, met uw\nstudi\u00ebn is zij ten nauwste saamgekoppeld en onafscheidelijk verbonden.\nIndien gij dus soms in liefde voor haar ontstoken, het betreurd hebt,\ndat zij eenigen tijd gezwegen heeft, weest dan nu weder goedsmoeds.\nWederom is de werkplaats geopend, de fornuizen zullen branden: komt,\nen werkt daarbij met mij samen in het zweet uws aanschijns. Door\nbovenmenschelijken arbeid, door onvermoeide werkzaamheid, onder duizend\ngevaren heeft BOERHAAVE, de opperste der scheikundigen, den vroeger zoo\nmoeilijken weg begaanbaar gemaakt en diezelfde beproefde methode,\nwaarvan hij zichzelf bediend heeft, geeft hij naar zijn beste weten ons\nin handen. Laten wij dus daaraan vasthoudend hem als leidsman volgen om\nzoo in veiligheid en met succes in de heiligdommen der wetenschap binnen\nte dringen. Aan u bied ik mijzelf als begeleider aan en, indien gij dat\nwilt, als raadgever. Indien ik over eenige krachten, dienstvaardigheid\nof verstand kan beschikken, gebruikt die dan, zooals gij verkiest. Aan u\nwijd ik dit alles toe. Want uw studi\u00ebn te bevorderen, dat is vooral het\ntoppunt mijner wenschen, dat is het eenige doel mijner moeiten.\n    IK HEB GEZEGD.\n[Errata:\nEjusde[m et]...\n  _onduidelijke letters: opgemaakt uit context_\n  _conjectural reading: letters invisible_\n... verscheidene van hun uitvindingen ...\n  _original/origineel: \u201euitvingen\u201d_ ]\nEnd of Project Gutenberg's Inaugureele Rede, by Hieronymus David  Gaubius\n*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INAUGUREELE REDE ***\n***** This file should be named 18147-0.txt or 18147-0.zip *****\nThis and all associated files of various formats will be found in:\nProduced by Louise Hope, Frank van Drogen, Janet Blenkinship\nand the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at\ngenerously made available by the Canadian Institute for\nHistorical Microreproductions (www.canadiana.org))\nUpdated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions\nwill be renamed.\nCreating the works from public domain print editions means that no\none owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation\n(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without\npermission and without paying copyright royalties.  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{"created_timestamp": "05-30-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0001-0005", "content": "Title: May 30 1760. Friday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Rose early. Several Country Towns, within my observation, have at least a Dozen Taverns and Retailers. Here The Time, the Money, the Health and the Modesty, of most that are young and of many old, are wasted; here Diseases, vicious Habits, Bastards and Legislators, are frequently begotten.\n       Nightingale, Hayden, Saunders, J. Spear, N. Spear, Benoni Spear, would vote for any Man for a little Phlip, or a Dram. N. Belcher, John Spear, O. Gay, James Brackett, John Mills, Wm. Veasey &c. voted for T. for other Reasons.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-31-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0001-0006", "content": "Title: 1760 May 31th. Saturday\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Read in naval Trade and Commerce, concerning Factors, Consuls, Embassadors, &c., and the South Sea Company, &c. Went into Water. Talked with Wm. Veasey about Church &c. He will not allow that Dr. Mayhew has any uncommon Parts. He had haughty Spirits, and Vanity &c.\u2014How the Judgment is darkened and perverted by Party Passions!\n       Drank Tea with Zab. Ran over the past Passages of my Life. Little Boats, water mills, wind mills, whirly Giggs, Birds Eggs, Bows and Arrows, Guns, singing, pricking Tunes, Girls &c. Ignorance of Parents, Masters Cleverly, Marsh, Tutors Mayhew &c. By a constant Dissipation among Amuzements, in my Childhood, and by the Ignorance of my Instructors, in the more advanced years of my Youth, my Mind has laid uncultivated so that at 25, I am obliged to study Horace and Homer.\u2014Proh Dolor!", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0001", "content": "Title: [May 1760]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n      Monday May 26th 1760.\n       Spent the Evening at Mr. Edd. Quincy\u2019s, with Mr. Wibird, and my Cozen Zab. Mr. Quincy told a remarkable Instance of Mr. Ben. Franklin\u2019s Activity, and Resolution, to improve the Productions of his own Country, for from that source it must have sprang, or else from an unheard of Stretch of Benevolence to a stranger. Mr. Franklin, happening upon a Visit to his Germantown Friends, to be at Mr. Wibirts Meeting, was asked, after Meeting in the afternoon, to drink Tea, at Mr. Quincys. The Conversation turned upon the Qualities of American soils, and the Different Commodities raised in these Provinces. Among the rest, Mr. Franklin mentioned, that the Rhenish Grape Vines had been introduced, into Pensylvania, and that some had been lately planted in Phyladelphia, and succeeded very well. Mr. Quincy said, upon it, I wish I could get some into my Garden. I doubt not they would do very well in this Province. Mr. Franklin replied, Sir if I can supply you with some of the Cuttings, I shall be glad to. Quincy thanked him and said, I dont know but some time or other I shall presume to trouble you. And so the Conversation passed off. Within a few Weeks Mr. Quincy was surprised with a Letter from some of Franklins friends in Boston, that a Bundle of these Rhenish slips were ready for him. These came by Water. Well, soon afterwards he had another Message that another Parcell of slips were left for him by the Post. The next Time Mr. Franklin was in Boston Mr. Quincy waited on him to thank him for his slips, but I am sorry Sir to give you so much Trouble. Oh Sir, says Franklin the Trouble is nothing Sir, to me, if the Vines do but succeed in your Province. However I was obliged to take more Pains than I expected when I saw you. I had been told, that the Vines were in the City but I found none and was obliged to send up to a Village 70 miles from the City for them. Thus he took the Trouble to hunt over the City, and not finding Vines there, he sends 70 miles into the Country, and then sends one Bundle by Water, and least they should miscarry another by Land, to a Gentleman whom he owed nothing, and was but little acquainted with, purely for the sake of Doing Good in the World by Propagating the Rhenish Wines thro these Provinces. And Mr. Quincy has some of them now growing in his Garden. This is an Instance too of his amazing Capacity for Business. His Memory and Resolution. Amidst so much Business as Counsellor, Post Master, Printer, so many private studies, and so many Publick Avocations too, to remember such a transient Hint and exert himself, so in answer to it, is surprising.\n       This Rhenish Wine is made of a Grape that grows in Germany upon the River Rhine and from which it receives its Name, and is very famous, all over Europe. Let me remember to look in Chambers, under Rhenish and in Salmons Geography, under the Produce of the Countries upon the Rhine, for more Particulars of this Vine and Grape, and Wine. The soil it delights in, the Method of Cultivation, what digging, what Manure, what Pruning &c. Let me ask Mr. Quincy, whether the soil of his Garden suits them? and what sorts and how many sorts of Grapes he has? Dont they require more Heat than we have for them? Where he got his other slips. Where he got his Lime Trees? &c.\n   First entry in \u201cPaper book No. 5\u201d (D/JA/5). This booklet, an assemblage of stitched gatherings from which the threads have now largely worn away, contains somewhat irregular entries from 26 May to 25 Nov. 1760.\n   In an interesting letter to Edmund Quincy from London, 10 Dec. 1761, Franklin touched on the subject of American viniculture. This letter, lacking part of its text, was found among the Adams Papers and was printed by CFA in a footnote to the present Diary entry (JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850\u20131856; 10 vols., 2:82). It is now in MHi:Misc. Bound MSS.\n   Possibly \u201cscients\u201d(i.e. scions).\n      Tuesday 27 May.\n       At home. Read, in Naval Trade and Commerce.\n      Wednesday 28 May.\n       Loitered the forenoon away upon this Question in Arithmetic. 3 men give 20 shillings for a Bushell of Corn. A pays in the Proportion of one half, B in the Proportion of 1/3 and C in the Proportion of 1/4. Now how many shillings and Pence does each one pay? I put x, an Algebraicall Expression, for that unknown Quantity, whose 1/2 1/3 and 1/4 added together would make 20 shillings.\n       In the afternoon, Zab and I wandered down to Germantown on foot\u2014running a Parrallell between the Pleasures, Profits, freedoms, Ease and Uses of the several Professions, especially Physick and Divinity.\n      1760. May 29. Thurdsday.\n       Rose and breakfasted. Have done nothing yet to day, and God only knows what I shall do. The Question of the Pipe. A Pipe of Wine has 3 Cocks, one of which would discharge it in 1/4 of an hour, another in 1/2 an hour and the 3rd in 3/4 of an hour all open and running at once. Quere in what Time, all three together will empty the Cask? Let me Note these Proportions for the Present.\n       Perhaps this may turn out right.\n       I must run over Fractions again, vulgar and Decimal, as well as algebraical, and now and then, a few Questions in Fenning and Hammond, and Ward, or else I shall totally forget my Numbers. I find that the Art of numbering depends upon Practice, and in a short disuse, they will slip from the Memory. A Journal, scrawled with Algebraical signs, and interspersed with Questions of Law, Husbandry, natural History &c., will be a useful Thing. The Principal Uses however will be to correct my style, and assist my Memory, give me a true Compunction for the Waste of Time, and urge me of Course to a better Improvement of it. Besides Writing is one of the greatest Pleasures, and it sooner rouses my ambition, warms my Imagination, and fixes me in a train of thinking, than any other Thing that I can do\u2014than sitting still with my Eyes shut, or than holding a Book to read.\n       Mem. Last Sunday after Meeting Mr. Cranch explained to us at Dr. Tufts\u2019s, the Machines that are used in the Mines of Coal in New Castle, and of Tin, in Cornwal, to convey up Water from the Bottom of the Mine. They go upon the Principles of elastic Air and rarefyed Vapour. They have hollow Globes of plated Iron, or of Copper, which will hold some Barrells, which they heat with great fires and have Tubes, and Cocks, and can cast up great Quantities of Water, many Hogshea ds in a minute. But I have forgot the Construction of the Machines, as well as the Method of Working them. Here is my failing or one of my failings. My Attention has not been keen enough, to understand and fix in my Memory the Explications of many of these Machines. Etter explained to me, his stocking Looms, but I could not when I left him, have run from the first Motion to the compleat formation of a stocking. I did not see thro it. Cranch once explained to me, the Machine that draws Water from the Thames, into the Canals under the City of London, and that sends Water up into their Garretts, Chambers, Rooms and Cellars, so that by Opening a Cock you may draw a Pail of Water from the Thames, in any House in the City almost, but I do not remember the Construction of it. Let me remember to enquire of him about the Construction of these 2, that for Water from the Thames, and that for Water from the Thames thus in MS and that for Water from the Mines, and to go once more to see the stocking Loom.\n       Few things I believe have deviated so far from the first Design of their Institution, are so fruitful of destructive Evils or so needful of a speedy Regulation, as Licensed Houses. The Accomodation of Strangers, and perhaps of Town Inhabitants on public occasions, are the only warrantable Intentions of a Tavern and the supply of the Neighbourhood with necessary Liquors, in small Quantities to be consumed at home and at the cheapest Rates, are the only excusable Designs of a Retailer; and that these Purposes may be effected, it is necessary, that both should be selected from the most virtuous, and wealthy People who will accept the Trust, and so few of each should be erected, that the Profits may enable them to make the best Provision, at a moderate Price. But at the present Day, such Houses are become the eternal Haunt, of loose disorderly People of the same Town, which renders them offensive and unfit for the Entertainment of a Traveller of the least delicacy; and, it seems that Poverty, and distressed Circum\u00adstances are become the strongest Argument, to procure an Approbation, and for this these assigned Reasons, such Multitudes have been lately licensed, that none can afford to make Provision, for any but the trifling, nasty vicious Crew, that most frequent them. The Consequences of these Abuses are obvious. Young People are tempted to waste their Time and Money, and to acquire habits of Intemperance and Idleness that we often see reduce many of them to Beggary, and Vice, and lead some of them at last to Prisons and the Gallows. The Reputation of our County is ruined among Strangers who are apt to infer the Character of a Place from that of the Taverns and the People they see there. But the worst Effect of all, and which ought to make every Man who has the least sense of his Priviledges tremble, these Houses are become in many Places the Nurseries of our Legislators;\u2014 An Artful Man, who has neither sense nor sentiment may by gaining a little sway among the Rabble of a Town, multiply Taverns and Dram Shops and thereby secure the Votes of Taverner and Retailer and of all, and the Multiplication of Taverns will make many who may be induced by Phlip and Rum to Vote for any Man whatever.\n       I dare not presume to point out any Method, to suppress or Restrain these increasing Evils; but I think for these Reasons it would be well worth the Attention of our Legislature, to confine the Number of, and retrieve the Character of Licensed Houses; least, that Impiety, and Prophaneness, that abandoned Intemperance, and Prodigality; that Impudence and brawling Temper, which these abominable Nurseries daily propagate, should arise at length to a degree of strength, that even the Legislature will not be able to controul.\n         [John Adams] \n       Pownals Remark, every other House a Tavern. Twelve in this Town. Call upon the select men, not to grant Approbation, upon the grand Jurors to present all bad Houses, &c.\n   The name has been inserted in an early but unidentified hand.\n   The foregoing draft of an essay on the evils of licensed houses is the first of a series on this topic found in JA\u2019s Diary during 1760\u20131761. They were doubtless intended for publication, but none has been found in the papers of the day. During this same period JA also drew the rough sketch map showing the locations of a dozen or more taverns in Braintree and Weymouth that is reproduced as an illustration in the present volume.\n   On 18 May 1761, as a direct result of JA\u2019s intensive but short-lived temperance campaign, the town of Braintree passed the following votes:\n           \u201cVoted, That although Licensed Houses so far as they are conveniently scituated well accommodated and under due Regulation for the Releif and Entertainment of Travellers and Strangers may be a usefull Institution, Yet there is Reason to apprehend that the present prevailing Depravity of Manners through the Land in General and in this Town in particular and the shamefull neglect of Religious and Civil Duties, so highly offensive in the sight of God, and injurious to the peace and Welfare of Society are in a great measure owing to the unnecessary increase of Licensed Houses.\n           \u201cVoted, That for the future there be no Persons in this Town, Licensd for retailing spiritous Liquors and that there be three persons only approbated by the Selectmen as Inn-holders, suitably situated, one in each Precinct.\n           \u201cVoted, That the Persons that are approbated as Inn-holders for the ensuing year oblidge themselves by written Instruments under their Hands and Seals to retail spiritous Liquors to the Town Inhabitants as they shall have occasion therefor, at the same price by the Gallon or smaller Quantity as the same are usually sold by Retail in the Town of Boston and upon the performance of the above conditions, there be no Person or Persons approbated by the Selectmen as Retailers.\n           \u201cVoted, That the Town now proceed by written votes to the choice of the Persons and places they think most conveniently scituated and best Qualifyd, for the purposes aforesaid. . . . Mr. Samll. Bass Junr. was chosen for the North Precinct, Mr. Benjamin Hayden for the Middle and Mr. Jonathan Wales for the South.\n           \u201cVoted, That there be a Com[mi]ttee appointed to draw up and present a Humble Memo[randum] to the Justices of the Q[uarter] sessions to be holden at Boston on the first Tuesday of July next, praying that the present proceedings of the Town Respecting Licensd. Houses meet with their approbation, and that an authenticated copy of the votes of the Town be annexed thereto and Presented therewith.\u201d (Joseph Crosby, Josiah Quincy, and Samuel Niles were named the members of this committee. Braintree Town RecordsSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886. p. 378\u2013379.)\n   In his old age JA confessed that his youthful crusade had been a complete failure: \u201cI only acquired the Reputation of a Hypocrite and an ambitious Demagogue by it; the Number of licensed Houses was soon reinstated. Drams Grog and Sotting were not diminished, and remain to this day as deplorable as ever. You may as well preach to the Indians Against Rum as to our People\u201d (letter to Benjamin Rush, 28 Aug. 1811, CtY). JA\u2019s difficulties in keeping his farm hands sober confirm this gloomy conclusion; see entries of 13, 18, 21 July 1796, below.\n   On the general subject of intemperance in early New England see CFA2, Three EpisodesCharles Francis Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts History: The Settlement of Boston Bay; The Antinomian Controversy; A Study of Church and Town Government, Boston and New York, 1892; 2 vols., 2:783 ff., where it is pointed out that JA elsewhere admitted that gatherings and discussions in the rural taverns were important stimuli to the Revolutionary movement.\n       Rose early. Several Country Towns, within my observation, have at least a Dozen Taverns and Retailers. Here The Time, the Money, the Health and the Modesty, of most that are young and of many old, are wasted; here Diseases, vicious Habits, Bastards and Legislators, are frequently begotten.\n       Nightingale, Hayden, Saunders, J. Spear, N. Spear, Benoni Spear, would vote for any Man for a little Phlip, or a Dram. N. Belcher, John Spear, O. Gay, James Brackett, John Mills, Wm. Veasey &c. voted for T. for other Reasons.\n   On 19 May 1760 Capt. Ebenezer Thayer Jr. was elected representative to the General Court, replacing Samuel Niles (Braintree Town RecordsSamuel A. Bates, ed., Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886., p. 372).\n      1760 May 31th. Saturday\n       Read in naval Trade and Commerce, concerning Factors, Consuls, Embassadors, &c., and the South Sea Company, &c. Went into Water. Talked with Wm. Veasey about Church &c. He will not allow that Dr. Mayhew has any uncommon Parts. He had haughty Spirits, and Vanity &c.\u2014How the Judgment is darkened and perverted by Party Passions!\n       Drank Tea with Zab. Ran over the past Passages of my Life. Little Boats, water mills, wind mills, whirly Giggs, Birds Eggs, Bows and Arrows, Guns, singing, pricking Tunes, Girls &c. Ignorance of Parents, Masters Cleverly, Marsh, Tutors Mayhew &c. By a constant Dissipation among Amuzements, in my Childhood, and by the Ignorance of my Instructors, in the more advanced years of my Youth, my Mind has laid uncultivated so that at 25, I am obliged to study Horace and Homer.\u2014Proh Dolor!", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0001", "content": "Title: June 1st. Sunday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Read 2 Odes in Horace. Spent the Evening at the Coll\u2019s. While we were at supper, the Coll. received Letters from Mr. Turner of London, with a Bill of Lading and Invoice of about \u00a3150 sterlings worth of Glass and Hinges and Nails, and Locks &c. for a House. These were the Value of a sum of the Coll\u2019s. Money, which Mr. Turner had retained, in his own Hands, about seven Years since, to satisfy a Debt from Mr. Branden, whom the Coll. had so strongly recommended, as in Mr. Turners opinion to make himself Brandens sponsor. So that it was as sudden and unexpected at least as a Prize in the Lottery would have been, or one taken at sea; and it had such a joyful Effect.\n       Coll. Grape vines delight in a rockey, and mountainous soil, like our Commons, which would make excellent Vineyards.\u2014I suppose that most of the Wines of the World, are the Growth of Climates at least as northern as ours. Champaign, and Tockay are more southward, but Burgundy &c. &c. &c. are northward of us.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0002", "content": "Title: June 2d. Monday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Wasted the Day, with a Magazine in my Hand. As it was Artillery Election, it seemed absurd to study, and I had no Conveniencies, or Companions for Pleasure either in Walking, riding, drinking, husling, or any thing else.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0004", "content": "Title: June 4th. Wednesday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Read nothing but Magazines as indeed an indisposition rendered me unfit for any Application. Discharged my Venom to Billy Veasey, against the Multitude, Poverty, ill Government, and ill Effects of licensed Houses, and the timorous Temper, as well as criminal Designs of the Select Men, who grant them Approbations. Then Spent the Evening, with Zab, at Mr. Wibirts.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0005", "content": "Title: June 5th. Thurdsday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Arose late. Feel disordered. 8 o\u2019Clock, 3 1/2 Hours after Sun rise, is a sluggard\u2019s rising Time. Tis a stupid Waste of so much Time. Tis getting an Habit hard to conquer, and Tis very hurtful to ones Health. 3 1/2, 1/7 of the 24, is thus spiritlessly dozed away. God grant me an Attention to remark, and a Resolution to pursue every Opportunity, for the Improvement of my Mind, and to save, with the Parsimony of a Miser, every moment of my Time.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-09-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0009", "content": "Title: Monday. 9th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Attended Major Crosbeys Court. Where Capts. Thayer and Hollis made their Appearance. Thayer had taken 2 Accounts of Nathan Spear, in his own Hand Writing, and got the Writts drawn by Niles. But upon my making a Defence for Hunt, Spear was afraid to enter and so agreed to pay Costs and drop. But poor Thayer had to say, several Times I told him so, but he would have his own Way. This little dirty, petty fogging Trade, Thayer carries on yet.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0010", "content": "Title: Tuesday [10 June].\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Altho my Spirits were wasted Yesterday, by sitting so late the Night before, (till one o\u2019Clock I believe) and rising so early Yesterday morning, (by sun rise) and walking in the dewy Grass and damp Air, home to my fathers and then down to Major Crosbeys, yet the Thought of being employed, and of opposing Captn. Thayer and punishing Nathan Spear, and Spreading a Reputation, roused my Faculties, and rolled out Thoughts and Expressions, with a strenth and Rapidity, that I never expected. I remember something of the same sort, when I first waited on Mr. Gridley. The Awe of his Presence, a Desire of his Esteem, and of an Introduction to Practice, quickened my Attention and Memory, and sharpened my Penetration. In short, I never shall shine, till some animating Occasion calls forth all my Powers. I find that the Mind must be agitated with some Passion, either Love, fear, Hope, &c. before she will do her best.\n       I rambled this Afternoon with the Dr. over the Commons, and amused my self by clearing the Spring and climbing the Ledges of Rocks, thro the Apertures of which, large Trees had grown. But I spend too much Time, in these Walks, these amusing Rambles. I should be more confined to my Chamber. Should read and muse more. Running to Dr., to the Barn, down to meals and for Pipes and Coals and Tobacco &c. take up much of my Time. I have grown habitually indolent and thoughtless. I have scarcely felt a glow, a Pang, a Transport of Ambition, since I left Worcester, since I left my school indeed, for there the Mischievous Tricks, the perpetual invincible Prate, and the stupid Dulness of my scholars, roused my Passions, and with them my Views and Impatience of Ambition. Let me Remember to keep my Chamber, not run Abroad. My Books, naval Trade, Coke, Andrews, Locke, Homer, not Fields and Groves and Springs and Rocks should be the Objects of my Attention. Law and not Poetry, is to be the Business of my Life.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0011", "content": "Title: Saturday [14 June].\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       This Week has been spent in Business, i.e. filling Writts, and Journeys to Boston, Scadding, Weighmouth, Abington. The other Night Cranch explained, to Zab and me, the Fire Engine, with which they throw up Water from the Bottoms of their Tin Mines in Cornwall, and Coal Mines in New: Castle. They have a large Cauldron of Plated Iron, filled with Water, and closely covered, and placed over a large Fire. Out of one side of this Cauldron, proceeds a large Tube of Iron horizontally, which Ends in a capacious iron receiver, shaped like an Egg, which will hold a Tun. Half Way between the Cauldron and the Receiver, in the Tube is a Cock. From the Lower Side of the Receiver perpendicularly goes another Tube, down into the Well or Bottom of the Mine, i.e. into the Water. At the mouth of this Tube, where it communicates with the Receiver is a Valve. From the Top of the same Receiver, perpendicularly upwards goes another Tube, which extends quite up above the surface of the Ground, and at the bottom of this Tube i.e. where it communicates with the Receiver, is another Valve. This is the Description of the Machine. Now when the Water in the Cauldron is made to boil, it sends a hot steem along, thro the Cock which is first opened for that Purpose in the Receiver, which proceeds from the Receiver thro one Valve down to the Water and thro another Valve, up into open Air. By this steem the Air, within, is very soon rarified, so as to be no Ballance for the Pressure of the Air, upon the Water in the Mine without the Tube. Of Course the Water rises and fills the Receiver. Then turn the Cock and stop the Passage of the Steem, and the Water beginning to descend will close down the lower Valve. The Vapour thus confined in the Cauldron by the Cock, and the Water confined in the Receiver by the Lower Cock, as soon as you open the Cock, the furious Vapour flies out and drives before it, all the Water in the Receiver, thro the upper Valve, quite up into open Day, where they have channells &c. to convey it away. And when this Proscess is once compleated, they begin anew. This Engine was an Invention of Capt. Savery. They used Copper originally, but lately, they use plated Iron.\n       They have a different manner now. They use 2 Concentric Tubes, with a Box, like a Pump Box playing in the central one.\n       In my Journey to Abbington, my Mind seemed to be confused with the Dust and Heat, and fatigue. I had not Spirit and Attention to make any Observations upon the Lands, Corn, Grass, Grain, Fences, orchards, Houses &c. I dined at Nortons where the two military Companies of the Town, were assembled to raise Voluntiers, Recruits, but I had not Spirits to make Observations, on the Landlord, or Lady, or Officers or soldiers or House, or any Thing. I eat Milk for Breakfast.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-15-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0012", "content": "Title: 1760. June 15th. Sunday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Rose early, 5 o clock. A pleasant Morning. The more I write the better. Writing is a most useful improving Exercise. Yesterday morning before Break fast I wrought my Mind into a Course of Thinking, by my Pen, which I should not have fallen into the whole day without it; and indeed not resuming my Pen after Breakfast, I insensibly lost my attention.\n       Let me Aim at Perspicuity, and Correctness more than ornament, in these Papers.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0013", "content": "Title: Monday. June 16th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Arose before the sun. Now I am ignorant of my Future Fortune, what Business, what Reputation, I may get, which is now far from my Expectations. How many Actions shall I secure this Day? What new Client shall I have? I found at Evening, I had secured 6 Actions, but not one new Client, that I know of.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-19-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0016", "content": "Title: Thurdsday June 19.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       I have been the longer in the Argument of this Cause not for the Importance of the Cause itself, for in itself it is infinitely little and contemptible, but for the Importance of its Consequences. These dirty and ridiculous Litigations have been multiplied in this Town, till the very Earth groans and the stones cry out. The Town is become infamous for them throughout the County. I have absolutely heard it used as a Proverb in several Parts of the Province, \u201cas litigious as Braintree.\u201d And this Multiplicity is owing to the Multiplicity of Petty foggers among whom Captn. Hollis is one, who has given out that he is a sworn Attorney till 9/10 of this Town really believe it. But I take this Opportunity, publickly to confront him, and undeceive the Town. He knows in his Conscience that he never took the Oath of an Attorney, and that he dare not assume the Impudence to ask to be admitted. He knows that the Notion of his being a sworn Attorney is an Imposture, is an Imposition upon this Town. And I take this opportunity publickly to declare that I will take all legal Advantages, against every Action brought by him or by Captn. Thayer or by any other Petty fogger in this Town. For I am determined if I live in this Town to break up this scene of strife, Vexation and Immorality. (Such suits as this and most others that ever I have seen before a Justice in this Town, have a Tendency to vex and imbitter the Minds of the People, to propagate an idle, brawling, wrangling Temper, in short such suits are an Inlet to all manner of Evils.)\n       And some i.e. one of these suit managers, when I first came to this Town, hearing that I had been thro a regular Course of study with a regular Practitioner, and that I was recommended to the Court in Boston, by one of the greatest Lawyers in America, concluded, that I should be enabled by these Advantages, and prompted by my own Interest if by no higher Motive, to put an End to the illegal Course of dirty, quacking Practice in this Town, which he had been in, and thereby enslaved the Minds and Bodyes and Estates of his Neighbours. And to prevent this he set himself to work to destroy my Reputation and prevent my getting Business, by such stratagems as no honest Mind can think of without Horror, such stratagems as I always will resent, and never will forgive till he has made Attonement by his future Repentance and Reformation. I thank God his Malice has been defeated, he has not been able to enslave me, nor to drive me out of Town, but Peoples Eyes begin to open, and I hope they will open wider and wider till they can see like other Towns. Happy shall I be if I can rescue the Souls and Bodies, and Estates of this Town from that Thraldom and slavery, to which these Petty foggers have contributed to depress them; and if I can revive in them a generous Love of Liberty and sense of Honour.\u2014After this long Digression your Honour will let me return to this Cause, and I rely upon it, it is a vexatious one. I rely upon it that many of these Articles were borrowed and not bought, and that therefore this Action cant be maintained for them. I rely upon it, that the Affair of the Hat is a litigious Thing, that it was a mere piece of Tavern Amuzement, and if there was any Thing like Bargain and sale in it, the Bargain was completed, the Hat delivered and the Money paid, and with regard to the other Articles, we have filed an Account that more than ballances them, and therefore I pray your Honours Judgment for Costs.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0017", "content": "Title: Friday June 20th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       I must not say so much about my self, nor so much about Hollis and Thayer by Name. I may declaim against Strife, and a litigious Spirit, and about the dirty Dablers in the Law.\n       I have a very good Regard for Lt. White, but he must allow me to have a much greater Veneration for the Law. To see the Forms and Processes of Law and Justice thus prostituted, (I must say prostituted) to revenge an imaginary Indignity, offered in a Tavern over a Chereful Bowl or enlivening Mug. To have a mere Piece of Jocular Amuzement, thus hitched into an Action at Law, a mere frolick converted into a Law suit, is a Degree of meanness that deserves no Mercy and shall have none from me. I don\u2019t think Lt. White considered the Nature and the Consequences of this Action, before he brought it. If he had he never would have brot it. He has too much Honour to have brot it. But I suppose the Case was this. Lt. White was a little chagrined, that my Client had for once outwitted him, and in a Miff, or a Bravado, I say a Miff or a Bravado, sees Hollis and asks his Opinion. And Hollis glad of an opportunity to draw a Writ, instantly encourages the suit, and the suit was brot. And when once brot, it was too late to repent. But I dare say he has been severely sorry, that he ever brot it, and will have still further Occasion to be sorry before it Ends.\n       As to the Hat, Either it was a Bargain and Sale or it was not. If it was a Bargain and sale, The Hat is my Clients and the Price agreed upon, which was the Copper, delivered at the very Time, is Lt. Whites. But if it was not a Contract, but only a frolick and no one in Earnest, as I suppose it was, then the Property of the Hat continues in Lt. White, and he is welcome to take it, returning us our Copper.\n       Rode to Germantown in the morning. Cranch says that the Grindstone is found in the Coal Mines in Europe. The Coal lies in Apart\u00adments, strongly fortified with Partitions of this stone, and this stone forms the Covering over Head, &c. I took Notice of the Rock Weed, they were burning into Kelp and I find there are a great Variety of Species of it. Some of it grows out of the Rock, a small stalk, which soon spreads into several Brainches, and each of those Branches into several others, with those little Bubbles or Bladders, full of Air, scattered along at little Distances, on every Branch and Sprig, but at the End of Each twigg or Sprig, hangs a large Pod, full of seed incased in a spongy substance. We went down to some large stones, which had been thrown over between high Water and low water mark 2 or 3 Years ago. These stones are all grown over with the Rock Weed. The seed, We suppose is deposited by the Water upon the Rock, takes Root and grows. It grows very fast to the Rock and when you pull, you will sometimes break the stalk, sometimes pull off a flake of the Rock with it, and sometimes take the Weed, as it seems to me, fairly up by the roots, and the Roots are little fine Spiculae, finer than the Point of the finest Needle. These Roots insert themselves into the Pores of the Rock and thence draw Nourishment. And the connoiseurs say, that some Rocks will produce Weeds, large and rank and strong, while others, laid in the same Place at the same time, will produce only a meagre, short, lingering one. They seem to take a deeper and stronger Root, in Timber and Planks, as on the sides of Wharfes, than they do in Rocks. The salt Water seems to be impregnated with the seeds of it, for whenever a Rock is thrown below high Water mark, immediately a Crop of these Weeds Spring up. It is excellent Manure for the Soil. The salts and sulphurs in it are very good. When they thro it into the Kelp Kiln, it is of a dark brown, or a dirty Yellow, but after it has been heated in the Kiln, it turns of a bright clear green. The Fire occasions some Change in the Configuration of the surface, that reflects green Rays most plentifully, where it used to reflect yellow and brown. They burn it into an ashes, which is a fixed salt, which they call Kelp. 20 Tons of the Weeds will produce about one Ton of the ashes. It tastes a little like Gun powder, it smells like marsh Mud, like a muddy Creak, &c. It has a saltish, sulphurous Taste and Smell. \u2014The Deacon shewed us a Sort of Stone, that the old Glass Company brought from Connecticut, to use instead of Grindstone, for the furnace. He called it stone of the asbestus Kind. Dr. Eliot used it in his  and never found the fire made any Impression on it. But the Glass men found it dissolved in about 4 months. They call it a Cotten stone. It seems to have no Gritt at all, it feels as soft as soap. It cost the Company about  or \u00a3900.\u2014Thus, the first Es\u00adsays, generally rude, and unsuccessful, prove burdensome instead of profitable.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-23-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0019", "content": "Title: June 23rd. 1760. Monday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       A long obstinate Tryal, before Majr. Crosby, of the most litigious, vexatious suit, I think that ever I heard. Such Disputes begin with ill humour and scurrilous language, and End in a Boxing Bout or a Law suit.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-25-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0021", "content": "Title: Wednesday [25 June].\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Went out with the Coll., in his Canoe, after Tom Codd. Rowed down, in a still calm, and smooth Water, to Rainsford Island, round which we fished in several Places, but had no Bites. Then we went up the Island, and round the Hill. Upon the North Easterly side of the Hill, or Island, is a prodigious Bank or Head, which is perpetually washing away, with Rains and Tides. Heartley says it has been washed away 10 feet since he lived on the Island. The Rocks all round the Island are covered with long, rank, rich Weeds, 3 Years old, which Heartley sells at 5s. a Load.\n       At one of the Clock we took our Mutton and Cyder, under the shade of a fine Tree, and laid our Provisions on a large flat stone which answered for Table, Dish and Plate, and then we dined expecting with much Pleasure an easy sail Home before the Wind, which then bread fresh at East. After Diner we boarded and hoisted sail, and sailed very pleasantly a Mile, when the Wind died away into a Clock Calm and left us to row against the Tide, and presently against the Wind too for that sprung up at south, right a Head of us, and blew afresh. This was hard work. Doubtful what Course to steer, whether to Nut Island, or to Half Moon, or to Hangmans Island or to Sunken Island, Coll. Q. grew sick which determined us to go ashore at Hangmans for that was the nearest. As soon as he set foot on shore he vomited, very heartily, and then weak and faignt, and spiritless, he crawled up to the Gunning House, and wrapping his great Coat round him, lay down on the sea weed and slept, while I rambled round the Island after Weeds and flowers and stones and young Gulls and Gulls Eggs. 500 Gulls I suppose hovered cawing and screaming over the Island, for fear of their Eggs and Young ones, all the time we were there. When the Coll. awoke and found himself strengthened and inspirited, we rowed away, under Half Moon, and then hoisted sail and run home. So much for the Day of Pleasure, The fishing frolick, the Water frolick. We had none of the Pleasure of Angling, very little of the Pleasure of Sailing. We had much of the fatigue of Rowing, and some of the Vexation of Disappointment. However the Exercise and the Air and smell of salt Water is wholesome.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002-0023", "content": "Title: June 27th. Friday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Read 100 Pages in the Spirit of Laws. Rambled away to a fine Spring in my Cozen Adam\u2019s Land, which gushes thro a Crack in a large flat Rock and gurgles down in a pretty Rill. The Water is clear, sweet, and cool, and is supposed to have a very wholsome Quality, because it issues from a Mountain, and runs towards the North. What Physical Quality its northern Direction may give it, I know not. By its sweetness it flows thro clean Earth, and not minerals. Its Coolness may be owing to its Rise from the Bowells of the Hill.\n       Zab\u2019s Mind is taken up with Arithmetical and Geometrical Problems, Questions, Paradoxes and Riddles. He studies these Things that he may be able to gratify his Vanity by puzzling all the vain Pretenders, to Expertness in Numbers, and that he may be too expert, to be puzzled by any such Questions from others.\n       There is a set of People, whose Glory, Pride &c. it is to puzzle every Man they meet, with some Question in the Rule of three or fractions, or some other Branch of Arithmetic. Jed. Bass. Moses French. Tom Peniman, &c. &c. Smith, Richard Thayer, &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0002", "content": "Title: [June 1760]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n      June 1st. Sunday.\n       Read 2 Odes in Horace. Spent the Evening at the Coll\u2019s. While we were at supper, the Coll. received Letters from Mr. Turner of London, with a Bill of Lading and Invoice of about \u00a3150 sterlings worth of Glass and Hinges and Nails, and Locks &c. for a House. These were the Value of a sum of the Coll\u2019s. Money, which Mr. Turner had retained, in his own Hands, about seven Years since, to satisfy a Debt from Mr. Branden, whom the Coll. had so strongly recommended, as in Mr. Turners opinion to make himself Brandens sponsor. So that it was as sudden and unexpected at least as a Prize in the Lottery would have been, or one taken at sea; and it had such a joyful Effect.\n       Coll. Grape vines delight in a rockey, and mountainous soil, like our Commons, which would make excellent Vineyards.\u2014I suppose that most of the Wines of the World, are the Growth of Climates at least as northern as ours. Champaign, and Tockay are more southward, but Burgundy &c. &c. &c. are northward of us.\n      June 2d. Monday.\n       Wasted the Day, with a Magazine in my Hand. As it was Artillery Election, it seemed absurd to study, and I had no Conveniencies, or Companions for Pleasure either in Walking, riding, drinking, husling, or any thing else.\n      June 3rd. Tuesday.\n       This Day has been lost in much the same, Spiritless manner.\n      June 4th. Wednesday.\n       Read nothing but Magazines as indeed an indisposition rendered me unfit for any Application. Discharged my Venom to Billy Veasey, against the Multitude, Poverty, ill Government, and ill Effects of licensed Houses, and the timorous Temper, as well as criminal Designs of the Select Men, who grant them Approbations. Then Spent the Evening, with Zab, at Mr. Wibirts.\n      June 5th. Thurdsday.\n       Arose late. Feel disordered. 8 o\u2019Clock, 3 1/2 Hours after Sun rise, is a sluggard\u2019s rising Time. Tis a stupid Waste of so much Time. Tis getting an Habit hard to conquer, and Tis very hurtful to ones Health. 3 1/2, 1/7 of the 24, is thus spiritlessly dozed away. God grant me an Attention to remark, and a Resolution to pursue every Opportunity, for the Improvement of my Mind, and to save, with the Parsimony of a Miser, every moment of my Time.\n      June 1760. Friday 6th. June.\n       Arose very late. A cold, rainy northeasterly storm, of several Days continuance. I have an ugly Cold, a phlegmatic stomach and a Cholicky Pain in my Bowells this morning. Read Timon of Athens, the Man hater, in the Evening at the Drs.\n      Saturday. 7th.\n       Arose late, again. When shall I shake off the shackells of morning slumbers, and arise with the sun? Between sun rise, and Breackfast, I might write, or read, or contemplate, a good deal. I might, before Breakfast, entirely shake off the Drowziness of the Morning, and get my Thoughts into a steady Train, my Imagination raised, my Ambition inflamed, in short every Thing within me and without, into a Preparation for Improvement.\u2014I have some Points of Law to examine to day.\n      Sunday, 8th.\n       Spent the Evening and Night at the Coll\u2019s. in ill natured, invidious, Remarks upon Eb. Thayer, and Morals and General Court &c.\n      Monday. 9th.\n       Attended Major Crosbeys Court. Where Capts. Thayer and Hollis made their Appearance. Thayer had taken 2 Accounts of Nathan Spear, in his own Hand Writing, and got the Writts drawn by Niles. But upon my making a Defence for Hunt, Spear was afraid to enter and so agreed to pay Costs and drop. But poor Thayer had to say, several Times I told him so, but he would have his own Way. This little dirty, petty fogging Trade, Thayer carries on yet.\n      Tuesday 10 June.\n       Altho my Spirits were wasted Yesterday, by sitting so late the Night before, (till one o\u2019Clock I believe) and rising so early Yesterday morning, (by sun rise) and walking in the dewy Grass and damp Air, home to my fathers and then down to Major Crosbeys, yet the Thought of being employed, and of opposing Captn. Thayer and punishing Nathan Spear, and Spreading a Reputation, roused my Faculties, and rolled out Thoughts and Expressions, with a strenth and Rapidity, that I never expected. I remember something of the same sort, when I first waited on Mr. Gridley. The Awe of his Presence, a Desire of his Esteem, and of an Introduction to Practice, quickened my Attention and Memory, and sharpened my Penetration. In short, I never shall shine, till some animating Occasion calls forth all my Powers. I find that the Mind must be agitated with some Passion, either Love, fear, Hope, &c. before she will do her best.\n       I rambled this Afternoon with the Dr. over the Commons, and amused my self by clearing the Spring and climbing the Ledges of Rocks, thro the Apertures of which, large Trees had grown. But I spend too much Time, in these Walks, these amusing Rambles. I should be more confined to my Chamber. Should read and muse more. Running to Dr., to the Barn, down to meals and for Pipes and Coals and Tobacco &c. take up much of my Time. I have grown habitually indolent and thoughtless. I have scarcely felt a glow, a Pang, a Transport of Ambition, since I left Worcester, since I left my school indeed, for there the Mischievous Tricks, the perpetual invincible Prate, and the stupid Dulness of my scholars, roused my Passions, and with them my Views and Impatience of Ambition. Let me Remember to keep my Chamber, not run Abroad. My Books, naval Trade, Coke, Andrews, Locke, Homer, not Fields and Groves and Springs and Rocks should be the Objects of my Attention. Law and not Poetry, is to be the Business of my Life.\n      Saturday 14 June.\n       This Week has been spent in Business, i.e. filling Writts, and Journeys to Boston, Scadding, Weighmouth, Abington. The other Night Cranch explained, to Zab and me, the Fire Engine, with which they throw up Water from the Bottoms of their Tin Mines in Cornwall, and Coal Mines in New: Castle. They have a large Cauldron of Plated Iron, filled with Water, and closely covered, and placed over a large Fire. Out of one side of this Cauldron, proceeds a large Tube of Iron horizontally, which Ends in a capacious iron receiver, shaped like an Egg, which will hold a Tun. Half Way between the Cauldron and the Receiver, in the Tube is a Cock. From the Lower Side of the Receiver perpendicularly goes another Tube, down into the Well or Bottom of the Mine, i.e. into the Water. At the mouth of this Tube, where it communicates with the Receiver is a Valve. From the Top of the same Receiver, perpendicularly upwards goes another Tube, which extends quite up above the surface of the Ground, and at the bottom of this Tube i.e. where it communicates with the Receiver, is another Valve. This is the Description of the Machine. Now when the Water in the Cauldron is made to boil, it sends a hot steem along, thro the Cock which is first opened for that Purpose in the Receiver, which proceeds from the Receiver thro one Valve down to the Water and thro another Valve, up into open Air. By this steem the Air, within, is very soon rarified, so as to be no Ballance for the Pressure of the Air, upon the Water in the Mine without the Tube. Of Course the Water rises and fills the Receiver. Then turn the Cock and stop the Passage of the Steem, and the Water beginning to descend will close down the lower Valve. The Vapour thus confined in the Cauldron by the Cock, and the Water confined in the Receiver by the Lower Cock, as soon as you open the Cock, the furious Vapour flies out and drives before it, all the Water in the Receiver, thro the upper Valve, quite up into open Day, where they have channells &c. to convey it away. And when this Proscess is once compleated, they begin anew. This Engine was an Invention of Capt. Savery. They used Copper originally, but lately, they use plated Iron.\n       They have a different manner now. They use 2 Concentric Tubes, with a Box, like a Pump Box playing in the central one.\n       In my Journey to Abbington, my Mind seemed to be confused with the Dust and Heat, and fatigue. I had not Spirit and Attention to make any Observations upon the Lands, Corn, Grass, Grain, Fences, orchards, Houses &c. I dined at Nortons where the two military Companies of the Town, were assembled to raise Voluntiers, Recruits, but I had not Spirits to make Observations, on the Landlord, or Lady, or Officers or soldiers or House, or any Thing. I eat Milk for Breakfast.\n      1760. June 15th. Sunday.\n       Rose early, 5 o clock. A pleasant Morning. The more I write the better. Writing is a most useful improving Exercise. Yesterday morning before Break fast I wrought my Mind into a Course of Thinking, by my Pen, which I should not have fallen into the whole day without it; and indeed not resuming my Pen after Breakfast, I insensibly lost my attention.\n       Let me Aim at Perspicuity, and Correctness more than ornament, in these Papers.\n      Monday. June 16th.\n       Arose before the sun. Now I am ignorant of my Future Fortune, what Business, what Reputation, I may get, which is now far from my Expectations. How many Actions shall I secure this Day? What new Client shall I have? I found at Evening, I had secured 6 Actions, but not one new Client, that I know of.\n      Tuesday. June 17th.\n       Arose before the sun again. This is the last day. What, and who to day? Ebenezer Hayden was altogether new and unexpected. Hollis him self was altogether new and unexpected and John Hayward was altogether new and unexpected. 3 entirely new Clients, all from Captn. Thayers own Parish, and one of whom is himself a Pretender to the Practice, are a considerable Acquisition. I believe, by the Writ and Advice I gave Hayden and the Writt and Advice and the Lecture, concerning Idleness and Petty fogging, given Hollis before Hayward will spread me. Hollis is very near to Beggary and Imprisonment. His oxen are attached, and his Cows, and Pew, and a Number of Writts, and Executions are out against him and not yet extended. He owes more than his Estate can pay I believe. And I told him that by neglecting his own proper Business, and meddling with Law which he did not understand, he had ruined himself. And it is true, for if he had diligently followed his Trade of making shoes and lived prudently he might at this Day have been clear of Debt and worth an handsome Estate. But shomaking I suppose was too mean and diminutive an Occupation for Mr. Thomas Hollis, as Wig making was to Mr. Nat Green, or House Building to Mr. Daniel Willard, and he like them in order to rise in the World procured Deputations from the Sheriff, and after serving long enough in that office to gett a few Copies of common Writts and a most litigious Disposition, left the Sheriff and commenced the Writt Drawer. But poor Hollis is like to be stripped of all he has, if he should escape the Goal, which Daniel Willard was obliged to enter, and if he should not be forced to fly like Nat Green. These sudden Transitions from shomaking, Wigg making and House building, to the Deputy Sheriffwick; and from thence to the Practice of Law, commonly hurry Men rapidly to Destruction to Beggary and Goals. Yet Coll. White has rose the same Way, i.e. by a Deputation from the Sheriff. But White had the Advantage of a liberal Education, and had as Rival no Competitor to oppose him, so that he got quickly sworn. E. Taylor too, was naturally smart, and had been long a sheriff, and had the Patronage and Encouragement of Mr. Trowbridge, who was his Brother in Law. Applin and Ruggles are in a higher Class, men of Genius and great Resolution, to combat the World both by Violence and stratagem.\n       Thayer by his own abject slavery to Coll. Pollard got his Affection and he did every Thing to encourage him. Dana has given him great Numbers of Writts to be served on People in this Town, he takes seven shillings for the Writt, and four shillings always, and some times 5 for the service; of this he gives Dana one shilling for his Blank, and reserves 10 or 11 to himself; great Numbers of Writts he has filled himself, and those which he durst not fill he got Niles to fill for 3 shillings so that he takes 3, and four is seven and often times Eight shillings to himself. Thus from Coll. Pollard, from Mr. Dana and Elisha Niles he has got his Estate, as his Legislative Authority, as basely got as Bestia\u2019s from the Throne. A little longer Experience will enable me to trace out the whole system of his Policy and iniquity.\n       The office of a sheriff, has Dangers and Temptations around it. Most of them decline, in Morals or Estate or both. Saml. Penniman is one.\n   For entering actions for the July sitting of the Suffolk Inferior Court.\n       Read but little, thought but little, for the N.E. storm unstrung me.\n      Thurdsday June 19.\n       I have been the longer in the Argument of this Cause not for the Importance of the Cause itself, for in itself it is infinitely little and contemptible, but for the Importance of its Consequences. These dirty and ridiculous Litigations have been multiplied in this Town, till the very Earth groans and the stones cry out. The Town is become infamous for them throughout the County. I have absolutely heard it used as a Proverb in several Parts of the Province, \u201cas litigious as Braintree.\u201d And this Multiplicity is owing to the Multiplicity of Petty foggers among whom Captn. Hollis is one, who has given out that he is a sworn Attorney till 9/10 of this Town really believe it. But I take this Opportunity, publickly to confront him, and undeceive the Town. He knows in his Conscience that he never took the Oath of an Attorney, and that he dare not assume the Impudence to ask to be admitted. He knows that the Notion of his being a sworn Attorney is an Imposture, is an Imposition upon this Town. And I take this opportunity publickly to declare that I will take all legal Advantages, against every Action brought by him or by Captn. Thayer or by any other Petty fogger in this Town. For I am determined if I live in this Town to break up this scene of strife, Vexation and Immorality. (Such suits as this and most others that ever I have seen before a Justice in this Town, have a Tendency to vex and imbitter the Minds of the People, to propagate an idle, brawling, wrangling Temper, in short such suits are an Inlet to all manner of Evils.)\n       And some i.e. one of these suit managers, when I first came to this Town, hearing that I had been thro a regular Course of study with a regular Practitioner, and that I was recommended to the Court in Boston, by one of the greatest Lawyers in America, concluded, that I should be enabled by these Advantages, and prompted by my own Interest if by no higher Motive, to put an End to the illegal Course of dirty, quacking Practice in this Town, which he had been in, and thereby enslaved the Minds and Bodyes and Estates of his Neighbours. And to prevent this he set himself to work to destroy my Reputation and prevent my getting Business, by such stratagems as no honest Mind can think of without Horror, such stratagems as I always will resent, and never will forgive till he has made Attonement by his future Repentance and Reformation. I thank God his Malice has been defeated, he has not been able to enslave me, nor to drive me out of Town, but Peoples Eyes begin to open, and I hope they will open wider and wider till they can see like other Towns. Happy shall I be if I can rescue the Souls and Bodies, and Estates of this Town from that Thraldom and slavery, to which these Petty foggers have contributed to depress them; and if I can revive in them a generous Love of Liberty and sense of Honour.\u2014After this long Digression your Honour will let me return to this Cause, and I rely upon it, it is a vexatious one. I rely upon it that many of these Articles were borrowed and not bought, and that therefore this Action cant be maintained for them. I rely upon it, that the Affair of the Hat is a litigious Thing, that it was a mere piece of Tavern Amuzement, and if there was any Thing like Bargain and sale in it, the Bargain was completed, the Hat delivered and the Money paid, and with regard to the other Articles, we have filed an Account that more than ballances them, and therefore I pray your Honours Judgment for Costs.\n   This entry is obviously a draft of JA\u2019s argument, or the closing portion thereof, in the case of Lt. White and the hat. In the very next entry JA redrafted his argument in order to avoid so egotistical a tone.\n      Friday June 20th.\n       I must not say so much about my self, nor so much about Hollis and Thayer by Name. I may declaim against Strife, and a litigious Spirit, and about the dirty Dablers in the Law.\n       I have a very good Regard for Lt. White, but he must allow me to have a much greater Veneration for the Law. To see the Forms and Processes of Law and Justice thus prostituted, (I must say prostituted) to revenge an imaginary Indignity, offered in a Tavern over a Chereful Bowl or enlivening Mug. To have a mere Piece of Jocular Amuzement, thus hitched into an Action at Law, a mere frolick converted into a Law suit, is a Degree of meanness that deserves no Mercy and shall have none from me. I don\u2019t think Lt. White considered the Nature and the Consequences of this Action, before he brought it. If he had he never would have brot it. He has too much Honour to have brot it. But I suppose the Case was this. Lt. White was a little chagrined, that my Client had for once outwitted him, and in a Miff, or a Bravado, I say a Miff or a Bravado, sees Hollis and asks his Opinion. And Hollis glad of an opportunity to draw a Writ, instantly encourages the suit, and the suit was brot. And when once brot, it was too late to repent. But I dare say he has been severely sorry, that he ever brot it, and will have still further Occasion to be sorry before it Ends.\n       As to the Hat, Either it was a Bargain and Sale or it was not. If it was a Bargain and sale, The Hat is my Clients and the Price agreed upon, which was the Copper, delivered at the very Time, is Lt. Whites. But if it was not a Contract, but only a frolick and no one in Earnest, as I suppose it was, then the Property of the Hat continues in Lt. White, and he is welcome to take it, returning us our Copper.\n       Rode to Germantown in the morning. Cranch says that the Grindstone is found in the Coal Mines in Europe. The Coal lies in Apart\u00adments, strongly fortified with Partitions of this stone, and this stone forms the Covering over Head, &c. I took Notice of the Rock Weed, they were burning into Kelp and I find there are a great Variety of Species of it. Some of it grows out of the Rock, a small stalk, which soon spreads into several Brainches, and each of those Branches into several others, with those little Bubbles or Bladders, full of Air, scattered along at little Distances, on every Branch and Sprig, but at the End of Each twigg or Sprig, hangs a large Pod, full of seed incased in a spongy substance. We went down to some large stones, which had been thrown over between high Water and low water mark 2 or 3 Years ago. These stones are all grown over with the Rock Weed. The seed, We suppose is deposited by the Water upon the Rock, takes Root and grows. It grows very fast to the Rock and when you pull, you will sometimes break the stalk, sometimes pull off a flake of the Rock with it, and sometimes take the Weed, as it seems to me, fairly up by the roots, and the Roots are little fine Spiculae, finer than the Point of the finest Needle. These Roots insert themselves into the Pores of the Rock and thence draw Nourishment. And the connoiseurs say, that some Rocks will produce Weeds, large and rank and strong, while others, laid in the same Place at the same time, will produce only a meagre, short, lingering one. They seem to take a deeper and stronger Root, in Timber and Planks, as on the sides of Wharfes, than they do in Rocks. The salt Water seems to be impregnated with the seeds of it, for whenever a Rock is thrown below high Water mark, immediately a Crop of these Weeds Spring up. It is excellent Manure for the Soil. The salts and sulphurs in it are very good. When they thro it into the Kelp Kiln, it is of a dark brown, or a dirty Yellow, but after it has been heated in the Kiln, it turns of a bright clear green. The Fire occasions some Change in the Configuration of the surface, that reflects green Rays most plentifully, where it used to reflect yellow and brown. They burn it into an ashes, which is a fixed salt, which they call Kelp. 20 Tons of the Weeds will produce about one Ton of the ashes. It tastes a little like Gun powder, it smells like marsh Mud, like a muddy Creak, &c. It has a saltish, sulphurous Taste and Smell. \u2014The Deacon shewed us a Sort of Stone, that the old Glass Company brought from Connecticut, to use instead of Grindstone, for the furnace. He called it stone of the asbestus Kind. Dr. Eliot used it in his  and never found the fire made any Impression on it. But the Glass men found it dissolved in about 4 months. They call it a Cotten stone. It seems to have no Gritt at all, it feels as soft as soap. It cost the Company about  or \u00a3900.\u2014Thus, the first Es\u00adsays, generally rude, and unsuccessful, prove burdensome instead of profitable.\n   Deacon Joseph Palmer, later called General Palmer, conducted with his brother-in-law Richard Cranch various business enterprises, including a glass manufactory in the Germantown section of Braintree (DABAllen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928\u20131936; 20 vols. plus index and supplements., under Palmer; Pattee, Old Braintree and QuincyWilliam S. Pattee, A History of Old Braintree and Quincy, with a Sketch of Randolph and Holbrook, Quincy, 1878., p. 473\u2013492).\n   Doubtless Jared Eliot (1685\u20131763), Yale 1706, of Killingworth, Conn.; a Congregational minister, physician, and writer on scientific and agricultural subjects (DABAllen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928\u20131936; 20 vols. plus index and supplements.).\n      June 21st. 1760. Saturday.\n      June 23rd. 1760. Monday.\n       A long obstinate Tryal, before Majr. Crosby, of the most litigious, vexatious suit, I think that ever I heard. Such Disputes begin with ill humour and scurrilous language, and End in a Boxing Bout or a Law suit.\n      Tuesday. 24th. June.\n       Arose early, a very beautiful Morning. Zab. seems to make insufficient Distinctions between the Vowells. He seems to swallow his own Voice. He neither sounds the Vowells nor Articulates distinctly. The story of Yesterdays Tryal, spreads. Salisbury told my Uncle and my Uncle told Coll. Quincy. They say I was saucy, that I whipped the old Major, &c., that I ripped about the Law suits of this Town And of that House, and that I reminded the Majer of his oath to be of Council to neither Party, and to do Justice equally between the Parties according to Law.\n      Wednesday 25 June.\n       Went out with the Coll., in his Canoe, after Tom Codd. Rowed down, in a still calm, and smooth Water, to Rainsford Island, round which we fished in several Places, but had no Bites. Then we went up the Island, and round the Hill. Upon the North Easterly side of the Hill, or Island, is a prodigious Bank or Head, which is perpetually washing away, with Rains and Tides. Heartley says it has been washed away 10 feet since he lived on the Island. The Rocks all round the Island are covered with long, rank, rich Weeds, 3 Years old, which Heartley sells at 5s. a Load.\n       At one of the Clock we took our Mutton and Cyder, under the shade of a fine Tree, and laid our Provisions on a large flat stone which answered for Table, Dish and Plate, and then we dined expecting with much Pleasure an easy sail Home before the Wind, which then bread fresh at East. After Diner we boarded and hoisted sail, and sailed very pleasantly a Mile, when the Wind died away into a Clock Calm and left us to row against the Tide, and presently against the Wind too for that sprung up at south, right a Head of us, and blew afresh. This was hard work. Doubtful what Course to steer, whether to Nut Island, or to Half Moon, or to Hangmans Island or to Sunken Island, Coll. Q. grew sick which determined us to go ashore at Hangmans for that was the nearest. As soon as he set foot on shore he vomited, very heartily, and then weak and faignt, and spiritless, he crawled up to the Gunning House, and wrapping his great Coat round him, lay down on the sea weed and slept, while I rambled round the Island after Weeds and flowers and stones and young Gulls and Gulls Eggs. 500 Gulls I suppose hovered cawing and screaming over the Island, for fear of their Eggs and Young ones, all the time we were there. When the Coll. awoke and found himself strengthened and inspirited, we rowed away, under Half Moon, and then hoisted sail and run home. So much for the Day of Pleasure, The fishing frolick, the Water frolick. We had none of the Pleasure of Angling, very little of the Pleasure of Sailing. We had much of the fatigue of Rowing, and some of the Vexation of Disappointment. However the Exercise and the Air and smell of salt Water is wholesome.\n   This entire entry was omitted by CFA in editing JA\u2019s Diary, perhaps because, though it records a characteristic incident, it shows Col. Josiah Quincy in a momentarily undignified posture. The course of the fishing expedition among the islands of Boston Harbor and Quincy Bay may be traced on the map in Shurtleff, Description of BostonNathaniel B. Shurtleff, A Topographical and Historical Description of Boston, 3d edn., Boston, 1890., facing p. 518. Hangman or Hangman\u2019s Island is about midway between Squantum and Hough\u2019s Neck, in shoal water some two miles northeast of the mouth of Black\u2019s Creek in present Quincy. Rainsford Island, about two miles farther northeast, had been in use by the town of Boston for quarantine and hospital purposes since 1737 (same, p. 523\u2013525). For present-day details see U.S. Geological Survey map of Hull, Mass.\n   That is, \u201cbred\u201d? But possibly an end-of-line contraction for \u201cbreathed.\u201d\n   Half Moon Island, now submerged except at low tide, formed a half-circle in the flats just off the mouth of Black\u2019s Creek. It faced what was called Mount Wollaston Farm, the estate of Col. John Quincy and his son Norton, AA\u2019s uncle. After Norton Quincy\u2019s death in 1801, Mount Wollaston Farm came into the possession of the Adamses, partly by bequest and partly by purchase. A few years later the title to the island came into dispute because it had long been used by fishing and hunting parties from the neighboring towns. Thereupon JA wrote an historical and legal memorandum that provides an engaging account of Half Moon Island as he had known it since boyhood. This undated memorandum is in the Adams Papers under the assigned date of 1806. On 7 April 1806 a Quincy town meeting voted \u201cTo dismiss the article respecting fishing and fowling on half-moon, viz.:\u2014\u2019To know if the town will maintain their right and priviledge, according to old custom, in fishing and fowling on half-moon, and if any inhabitant should be prosecuted on that account, that the town, as a town, would defend the prosecution\u2019\u201d (Pattee, Old Braintree and QuincyWilliam S. Pattee, A History of Old Braintree and Quincy, with a Sketch of Randolph and Holbrook, Quincy, 1878., p. 98). Search of the (unpublished) Quincy Town Records reveals nothing more on this subject.\n      1760. June 26. Thurdsday.\n   JA had at least sampled the Spirit of Laws earlier; see Summer 1759, above, and note 19 there.\n      June 27th. Friday.\n       Read 100 Pages in the Spirit of Laws. Rambled away to a fine Spring in my Cozen Adam\u2019s Land, which gushes thro a Crack in a large flat Rock and gurgles down in a pretty Rill. The Water is clear, sweet, and cool, and is supposed to have a very wholsome Quality, because it issues from a Mountain, and runs towards the North. What Physical Quality its northern Direction may give it, I know not. By its sweetness it flows thro clean Earth, and not minerals. Its Coolness may be owing to its Rise from the Bowells of the Hill.\n       Zab\u2019s Mind is taken up with Arithmetical and Geometrical Problems, Questions, Paradoxes and Riddles. He studies these Things that he may be able to gratify his Vanity by puzzling all the vain Pretenders, to Expertness in Numbers, and that he may be too expert, to be puzzled by any such Questions from others.\n       There is a set of People, whose Glory, Pride &c. it is to puzzle every Man they meet, with some Question in the Rule of three or fractions, or some other Branch of Arithmetic. Jed. Bass. Moses French. Tom Peniman, &c. &c. Smith, Richard Thayer, &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0003-0001", "content": "Title: Tuesday. July 1st. 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Went to Town.\n       Mr. Thatcher. You have read a great deal, Mr. Adams, in the Roman History, concerning the Modesty of Youth, and their Veneration of the Elders. Now I think these young Gentlemen had very little of that Modesty and Veneration, when they went in the face of Law and against the Remonstrances of all the Elders to act their Plays.\n       Mr. Otis says there is no Limitation of Attachments. There is no Proportion established between the Demand and the Quantity to be attached, so that a Villain may attach 20,000\u00a3 if he pleases as se\u00adcurity for \u00a320, and take the whole into the Officers Custody. Tho on second thought, this cant be done without Collusion between the Plaintiff and the officer, for unless the officer is malicious as well as the Plaintiff, he will run the Risque for the Defendant, of making a Common Service, and this is the Reason why there has been no Mischief made of the unlimited Power of Attachment.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0003-0003", "content": "Title: 1760. Saturday July 5th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Last Night Cranch explained to me, the Water Works in the River Thames which convey water, all round the City of London. There is first, a long water Wheel, like the Water Wheel of some saw Mills, which is carried round by the River. On the End of the Axis of this water Wheell are Coggs, which carry round a cogg Wheel. This Cogg wheel has upon the End of its Axis, a Number of Cranks and each of these Cranks lifts up and lets down a Pump Box every Time the Cogg wheel Turns. These Pumps are very large, and prodigious Quantities of Water are pumped away into a general Conveyance and Receiver, from which Pipes are carried to almost every Cellar and to many of the Rooms, and Chambers, and Garrotts, in Gentlemens Houses, thro the City. Cranch says he has seen the Works for Conveying ships up a Cataract, as that between Topsham and Exeter. Vessells are conveyed along, up Hill, so 3 Miles. They rise up hill as far as from the Bottom of the long Wharf to the Top of Bacon Beacon Hill. They have Walls of great Thickness and strength built across the River Ex, with Gates, of Timber fortified with Irons, in the Middle. These Gates are opened, and the Vessells float, within the Wall. The gates are then shut, and the fresh running Water of the River let down into that Apartment where the Vessell is which soon raises the Vessell as high as the Top of the lower Walls when the Gates of the second Wall are opened and the Vessell is floated within that. Then the second Gate is shut, and the freshit raises the Vessell up another stair.\u2014 These Gates have several smaller sluice Gates in them that slide up and down. These they slide up, and let out as much Water as they can, before they pretend to open the Great Gates.\n       This whole Passage and Conveyance is artificial, for the natural Course of the River was at some Distance. This whole Channell was cut by Art. What an Expence! to cutt such a Channell for 3 miles, to erect such and so many Walls across the River, to build such Gates, and such Machines to open them.\n       Invention has laid under Discouragements in England, for Inventions to facilitate any Manufacture, by which Numbers of People might be thrown out of Business have been prohibited by Act of Parliament. Saw Mills for that Reason were prohibited, That a greater No. of Hands might be employed in sawing, by Hand, Boards and Timber &c. But that Act was of no service. Our Merchants could send to Holland and buy Boards and all sorts of Timber much cheaper, than they could procure them at home. I suppose the Act is expired, and not to be revived, by the Encouragement the society for Encouraging Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, have offered to the Man who shall produce the best Modell of a saw Mill.\n       The Dutch erected a Dike, some Years since, which shut out the sea for a great Extent of Land, and they erected Wind Mills, at small Distances upon this Dike, which threw all the Water that was left within, over the Dike into the Sea.\n       Deacon Palmer\u2019s Glass Furnace, it seems is a reverberating Furnace. That is, the Heat, which is flashed against the internal surface of the Furnace, when a dry stick of Wood is thrown in, is reverberated, down into the Pots, and melts the Glass, much more than the silent Heat below. So that, rugged Excrescences, prominent Bits of Grindstone, within must be a disadvantage, for if the internal Concave could be polished like a concave Mirror, it would be in its most perfect state. Besides this Furnace is too high. These 2 faults, Hight and internal Ruggedness, the Deacon thinks have wasted him almost a Cord of Wood a Day.\n       Cowen and Young Thayer the Marketman are full of White and Bowditch. Cowen heard I tore Whites account all to Pieces, and Thayer thought that White had a dirty Case. Few Justices Causes have been more famous, than that. Isaac Tyrrell Tirrell had the story too, but he thought Bowditch was to blame, was abusive.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0003-0006", "content": "Title: Saturday [12 or 19 July].\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       I find upon Examination, that a Warrant of Attorney given by an Infant is void; so that, if you intend during your Apprentices Absence, to put the Note you mentioned to me in suit, or to sue for the Detention of the Province Note, or any other wise to prosecute your Right, the only Way I can think of is, for the Lad to elect your father for his Guardian and see to procure the Judge of Probates allowance of it, before he goes off.If your father is unwilling to go to Town, you may ride down and wait on this Judge. Altho Deacon Bass might have been appointed Guardian to him when a Child, yet you know he has a Right to choose one at fourteen, and he is no doubt willing to choose his Master, but he must give security to the Judge for the faithful Discharge of his Trust.\n       From the very hasty and imperfect Account of the Case which you gave me, I can think of no other Way at Present, that will have any Safety. So you may Act your own Pleasure.\n       With Regard to the Notes, as the old Note you mentioned to me, was given to the Lad an Infant, neither He nor his Guardian will be under any Obligation to accept it in Satisfaction for the Province Note, unless they please. So that if that Note is not sufficient to secure the Money, you may bring your Action for the Detention of the Province Note. But in that Case you know you must be able to prove by Witnesses, Confession, or other Circumstances, first that your Apprentice owed the Note, 2dly that French had it in Possession, and 3dly that he converted it to his own Use.\n       If these Hints are of any service to you, I shall be glad, or if, upon your letting me further into the facts, any Thing further should occur to me, I shall be ready to communicate it.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-13-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0003-0007", "content": "Title: Sunday Morning [13 or 20] July 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       The week before last Salome Pope appeared before Coll. Quincy, to confess herself with Child, by Jos. Ryford.\n       Her Intention was to complain against Jos. Ryford and charge him before the Justice with being the father of the Bastard Child with which she is now pregnant. Now what Occasion for taking her Examination upon Oath?\u2014By the Province Law.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-25-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0003-0008", "content": "Title: Fryday July 25th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       We contend that the Plaintiffs ought to recover nothing on this Bond, because according to the original Agreement it is paid. The Case was this. The Plaintiffs about 15 years ago conveyed to one Tower, a Tract of Land, containing with such and such Boundaries, 30 Acres. And the present Defendants became jointly bound with the Grantee for the Money, which was \u00a3750, for which they gave 8 or 10 Bonds, one of which was to be paid off every Year. But at the Time of these Transactions, a suspicion arose, that the Land included within the mentioned Bounds, did not contain so much as 30 Acres, which induced the Defendants to insist upon and the Plaintiffs to enter into an Agreement which they committed to Writing, that the Land should be surveyed, and if it fell short of 30 Acres, the Deficiency should be deducted out of these Bonds. Accordingly an Admeasurement was made, and the Land fell short 7 Acres and 1/2, which in Proportion to the Price of the whole amounted to about the Value of this Bond. With regard to the other Bonds some of them were put in suit, others were paid off and taken up, at length all of them were taken up, but this, and the Reason why this was never taken up was this. The Plaintiff Hollis who had kept all the Bonds in his own Hands never would come to a final settlement with them. The Grantee had made several Payments, and Tower had made several more and Hayden had made several others. Some of these Payments were minuted on the Bonds, but many of them were made abroad upon Hollis Promise to enter them on the Bonds when he went home which was never done, so that these People being Brothers to Hollis and confiding in his Honor have been let led on Blindfold, in midnight Darkness, till they have already paid 12 or 1500 Pounds for 750, and when all is done they have no Land. For by some Accident the Deed of this Land is lost, of which Hollis got scent some way or other and has since conveyed away this very Land to another Man. This very land is now mortgaged to Mr. Goldthwait.\n       The Case of Chambers vs. Bowles was this. Capt. Chambers had sold to one Anthony Lopez a Spaniard of Monto Christo, a Quantity of Merchandizes. Lopez called for the Goods, but when he came to count his Money he found it fell short, 60 Dollars. Chambers, who had no other Dealings with Lopez and was unacquainted with his Circumstances, refused to trust him for the 60 Dollars, and accordingly took back Merchandizes, to that Value. Upon this Captn. Bowles, who was well acquainted with the Spaniard, and knew him to be rich, spoke a few Words to him in Spanish and then turning to Captn. Chambers, said, let Lopez have the goods and I will pay you the Dollars; call upon me tomorrow or any time and Ile pay you the Money.\n       Mr. Otis said this fell within the Province Law to prevent frauds and Perjuries \u201cthat no Action shall be brought whereby to charge the Defendant upon any Special Promise to answer for the Debt, Default or Miscarriages of another Person, unless the Agreement upon which such Action shall be brought, or some Memorandum or Note thereof shall be in Writing, and signed by the Party to be charged therewith,\u201d &c. This is, says he, an Agreement to answer for the Debt or Default or Miscarriage of Lopez. The Contract and sale was from Chambers to the Spaniard, not from Chambers to Bowles. No Discrimination was made between the Merchandizes sold to Lopez and these sold to Bowles, but Bowles says let Lopez have the Goods according to your Contract and I will see you paid if he dont.\n       Thatcher. This is not a conditional Undertaking for Another, but an absolute Undertaking for himself.\n       I remember a Case in Salkeld precisely parrallel which is this. \u201cA and B go into a Warehouse together and A says to the Merchant, deliver B such and such Merchandizes, and if he dont pay you I will. This Promise is void by the Act of Parliament from which our Province Law was copied. But if A says Let B have such and such Goods and I will be your Pay master, or I will see you paid, or I will be answerable to you, in this Case A\u2019s promise is good, is an absolute Undertaking for himself not a conditional Undertaking for Another, and A shall be answerable.\u2014Just so in the Case at Bar. Captn. Bowles says, Let the Spaniard have the Goods and I will pay you, call tomorrow or any time at my Lodgings and I will pay you. Here is an Absolute Undertaking for himself, not a Conditional Undertaking in Case Lopez failed, for We never sold these Goods to Lopez, we have no Demand vs. Lopez for them, we refused to sell them to him: We sold them to Bowles, he sold them to Lopez; He only can demand pay of Lopez and we can demand pay only of him; and we expect your Verdict accordingly.\u2014 This was like Fairbanks v. Brown. There Brown Undertook for the Govt., that the Carter should have such a Price. I will ensure You such a Price. I promise you such a Price, &c.\n       The Jury gave a Verdict for Chambers in this Case.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0003-0009", "content": "Title: 1760. July 26.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       This Bond has been at least once and an half, if not twice, paid. The Case is this. About 15 Years ago, the Plaintiffs sold a tract of Land, containing 30 Acres, within such and such Boundaries, to one Tower, for 750\u00a3, and He together with the present Defendants became jointly bound to the Plaintiffs, in 10 different Bonds, of which this is one, for the Payment of the Money. But in the Time of it, a suspicion arose that those Bounds did not include 30 Acres; and least they should not an Agreement was made and committed to Writing, that the Land should be surveyed, and if it was found to fall short the Deficiency should be deducted from some of these Bonds. Accordingly the Land was afterwards surveyed, and found to fall short, 7 Acres and an half, which in Proportion to the Price of the whole amounted to about the Value of this Bond. All the other Bonds have been discharged and taken up, and this was set against the Deficiency of Land. But Besides all this, at least one half of it has been paid another Way. For one of these Obligers carried the Money to Hollis and had 1/2 of what was due upon every Bond in his Hands callculated, and paid him down his Money, and Hollis promised to indorse one half, upon every Bond that was left: yet this has never been indorsed; and Hollis has assurance enough to sue for this whole Bond. The Defendants have been extreemely careless, and negligent. Sometimes they paid Money abroad, and took no Receipts, but relied on his Honour to indorse it when he went home. They even left the Agreement that obliged him to make up the wanting Land, in Hollis\u2019s own Hands; after the Land was surveyed they left the Plan and survey in his Hands, in short there has been the Utmost Simplicity and Inattention on their Part in every Part of all these Transactions; and there have not been fewer Proofs of Artifice, secresy, and Guile, I must say Guile, on the Part of Hollis, for He always avoided giving Receipts; he never would suffer any 3d Person to be present, when he did Business. They sometimes would carry with them a Neighbour who understood Numbers, better than they, to calculate for them and see that they were not injured, but whenever they did so Hollis would never do any Business with them and at last had the Assurance to tell them that he never would do any Business with them if they brought any Body with them, as long as he lived. So that by one Artifice and another we have been led on to pay, I suppose, \u00a31500 for 750, and what is worse than all the rest, the Deed he gave is accidentally lost. Of this Hollis got a Hint, and has since sold it to another Person. This Hollis has mortgaged this very Land to Mr. Gouldthwat, the Clerk of this Court, since he found We had lost our Deed. Yet he has the assurance to sue this Bond. We have offered him to relinquish his obligation to make good the deficient Land and pay him the 1/2 of this Bond, if he will execute a new Deed of the Land; but he cant do that. He has sold it.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0003", "content": "Title: [July 1760]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n      Tuesday. July 1st. 1760.\n       Went to Town.\n       Mr. Thatcher. You have read a great deal, Mr. Adams, in the Roman History, concerning the Modesty of Youth, and their Veneration of the Elders. Now I think these young Gentlemen had very little of that Modesty and Veneration, when they went in the face of Law and against the Remonstrances of all the Elders to act their Plays.\n       Mr. Otis says there is no Limitation of Attachments. There is no Proportion established between the Demand and the Quantity to be attached, so that a Villain may attach 20,000\u00a3 if he pleases as se\u00adcurity for \u00a320, and take the whole into the Officers Custody. Tho on second thought, this cant be done without Collusion between the Plaintiff and the officer, for unless the officer is malicious as well as the Plaintiff, he will run the Risque for the Defendant, of making a Common Service, and this is the Reason why there has been no Mischief made of the unlimited Power of Attachment.\n      Thurdsday July 3rd. 1760.\n       Read pretty diligently in the Spirit of Laws.\u2014Hayden\u2019s Consultation suggested the following Questions. Q. Is there any Method of compelling a Grantor to give a new Deed when the Deed he has executed before happens to be burned or lost?\u2014Q. May an Agreement in Writing without seal, or by Parol only be given in Evidence against a Bond sealed and delivered? After Confession of the Forfeiture of the Penalty, any Special Agreement may be given in Evidence.\n      1760. Saturday July 5th.\n       Last Night Cranch explained to me, the Water Works in the River Thames which convey water, all round the City of London. There is first, a long water Wheel, like the Water Wheel of some saw Mills, which is carried round by the River. On the End of the Axis of this water Wheell are Coggs, which carry round a cogg Wheel. This Cogg wheel has upon the End of its Axis, a Number of Cranks and each of these Cranks lifts up and lets down a Pump Box every Time the Cogg wheel Turns. These Pumps are very large, and prodigious Quantities of Water are pumped away into a general Conveyance and Receiver, from which Pipes are carried to almost every Cellar and to many of the Rooms, and Chambers, and Garrotts, in Gentlemens Houses, thro the City. Cranch says he has seen the Works for Conveying ships up a Cataract, as that between Topsham and Exeter. Vessells are conveyed along, up Hill, so 3 Miles. They rise up hill as far as from the Bottom of the long Wharf to the Top of Bacon Beacon Hill. They have Walls of great Thickness and strength built across the River Ex, with Gates, of Timber fortified with Irons, in the Middle. These Gates are opened, and the Vessells float, within the Wall. The gates are then shut, and the fresh running Water of the River let down into that Apartment where the Vessell is which soon raises the Vessell as high as the Top of the lower Walls when the Gates of the second Wall are opened and the Vessell is floated within that. Then the second Gate is shut, and the freshit raises the Vessell up another stair.\u2014 These Gates have several smaller sluice Gates in them that slide up and down. These they slide up, and let out as much Water as they can, before they pretend to open the Great Gates.\n       This whole Passage and Conveyance is artificial, for the natural Course of the River was at some Distance. This whole Channell was cut by Art. What an Expence! to cutt such a Channell for 3 miles, to erect such and so many Walls across the River, to build such Gates, and such Machines to open them.\n       Invention has laid under Discouragements in England, for Inventions to facilitate any Manufacture, by which Numbers of People might be thrown out of Business have been prohibited by Act of Parliament. Saw Mills for that Reason were prohibited, That a greater No. of Hands might be employed in sawing, by Hand, Boards and Timber &c. But that Act was of no service. Our Merchants could send to Holland and buy Boards and all sorts of Timber much cheaper, than they could procure them at home. I suppose the Act is expired, and not to be revived, by the Encouragement the society for Encouraging Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, have offered to the Man who shall produce the best Modell of a saw Mill.\n       The Dutch erected a Dike, some Years since, which shut out the sea for a great Extent of Land, and they erected Wind Mills, at small Distances upon this Dike, which threw all the Water that was left within, over the Dike into the Sea.\n       Deacon Palmer\u2019s Glass Furnace, it seems is a reverberating Furnace. That is, the Heat, which is flashed against the internal surface of the Furnace, when a dry stick of Wood is thrown in, is reverberated, down into the Pots, and melts the Glass, much more than the silent Heat below. So that, rugged Excrescences, prominent Bits of Grindstone, within must be a disadvantage, for if the internal Concave could be polished like a concave Mirror, it would be in its most perfect state. Besides this Furnace is too high. These 2 faults, Hight and internal Ruggedness, the Deacon thinks have wasted him almost a Cord of Wood a Day.\n       Cowen and Young Thayer the Marketman are full of White and Bowditch. Cowen heard I tore Whites account all to Pieces, and Thayer thought that White had a dirty Case. Few Justices Causes have been more famous, than that. Isaac Tyrrell Tirrell had the story too, but he thought Bowditch was to blame, was abusive.\n   This paragraph, and possibly the next as well, may have been intended as direct discourse by Cranch.\n   A common name in Weymouth in JA\u2019s time; often spelled Cowing in contemporary records.\n      July 6th. Sunday.\n       Heard Mr. Mayhew of Martha\u2019s Vineyard.\n      July 9th. Wednesday.\n       Gould has got the story of White and Bowditch.\n      Saturday 12 or 19 July.\n       I find upon Examination, that a Warrant of Attorney given by an Infant is void; so that, if you intend during your Apprentices Absence, to put the Note you mentioned to me in suit, or to sue for the Detention of the Province Note, or any other wise to prosecute your Right, the only Way I can think of is, for the Lad to elect your father for his Guardian and see to procure the Judge of Probates allowance of it, before he goes off.If your father is unwilling to go to Town, you may ride down and wait on this Judge. Altho Deacon Bass might have been appointed Guardian to him when a Child, yet you know he has a Right to choose one at fourteen, and he is no doubt willing to choose his Master, but he must give security to the Judge for the faithful Discharge of his Trust.\n       From the very hasty and imperfect Account of the Case which you gave me, I can think of no other Way at Present, that will have any Safety. So you may Act your own Pleasure.\n       With Regard to the Notes, as the old Note you mentioned to me, was given to the Lad an Infant, neither He nor his Guardian will be under any Obligation to accept it in Satisfaction for the Province Note, unless they please. So that if that Note is not sufficient to secure the Money, you may bring your Action for the Detention of the Province Note. But in that Case you know you must be able to prove by Witnesses, Confession, or other Circumstances, first that your Apprentice owed the Note, 2dly that French had it in Possession, and 3dly that he converted it to his own Use.\n       If these Hints are of any service to you, I shall be glad, or if, upon your letting me further into the facts, any Thing further should occur to me, I shall be ready to communicate it.\n   CFA omitted this draft of a letter to an applicant for legal advice and all of JA\u2019s legal notes that follow in July and August.\n      Sunday Morning 13 or 20 July 1760.\n       The week before last Salome Pope appeared before Coll. Quincy, to confess herself with Child, by Jos. Ryford.\n       Her Intention was to complain against Jos. Ryford and charge him before the Justice with being the father of the Bastard Child with which she is now pregnant. Now what Occasion for taking her Examination upon Oath?\u2014By the Province Law.\n   Here a line is drawn across the page in the MS and a short entry follows which has been scratched out with two different pens: \u201cRyford is not only suspected but has been charged to have begotten a Bastard Child; therefore Q. may now himself perhaps bind him to the sessions, But is not  to do it by the Province Law.\u201d\n      Fryday July 25th.\n       We contend that the Plaintiffs ought to recover nothing on this Bond, because according to the original Agreement it is paid. The Case was this. The Plaintiffs about 15 years ago conveyed to one Tower, a Tract of Land, containing with such and such Boundaries, 30 Acres. And the present Defendants became jointly bound with the Grantee for the Money, which was \u00a3750, for which they gave 8 or 10 Bonds, one of which was to be paid off every Year. But at the Time of these Transactions, a suspicion arose, that the Land included within the mentioned Bounds, did not contain so much as 30 Acres, which induced the Defendants to insist upon and the Plaintiffs to enter into an Agreement which they committed to Writing, that the Land should be surveyed, and if it fell short of 30 Acres, the Deficiency should be deducted out of these Bonds. Accordingly an Admeasurement was made, and the Land fell short 7 Acres and 1/2, which in Proportion to the Price of the whole amounted to about the Value of this Bond. With regard to the other Bonds some of them were put in suit, others were paid off and taken up, at length all of them were taken up, but this, and the Reason why this was never taken up was this. The Plaintiff Hollis who had kept all the Bonds in his own Hands never would come to a final settlement with them. The Grantee had made several Payments, and Tower had made several more and Hayden had made several others. Some of these Payments were minuted on the Bonds, but many of them were made abroad upon Hollis Promise to enter them on the Bonds when he went home which was never done, so that these People being Brothers to Hollis and confiding in his Honor have been let led on Blindfold, in midnight Darkness, till they have already paid 12 or 1500 Pounds for 750, and when all is done they have no Land. For by some Accident the Deed of this Land is lost, of which Hollis got scent some way or other and has since conveyed away this very Land to another Man. This very land is now mortgaged to Mr. Goldthwait.\n       The Case of Chambers vs. Bowles was this. Capt. Chambers had sold to one Anthony Lopez a Spaniard of Monto Christo, a Quantity of Merchandizes. Lopez called for the Goods, but when he came to count his Money he found it fell short, 60 Dollars. Chambers, who had no other Dealings with Lopez and was unacquainted with his Circumstances, refused to trust him for the 60 Dollars, and accordingly took back Merchandizes, to that Value. Upon this Captn. Bowles, who was well acquainted with the Spaniard, and knew him to be rich, spoke a few Words to him in Spanish and then turning to Captn. Chambers, said, let Lopez have the goods and I will pay you the Dollars; call upon me tomorrow or any time and Ile pay you the Money.\n       Mr. Otis said this fell within the Province Law to prevent frauds and Perjuries \u201cthat no Action shall be brought whereby to charge the Defendant upon any Special Promise to answer for the Debt, Default or Miscarriages of another Person, unless the Agreement upon which such Action shall be brought, or some Memorandum or Note thereof shall be in Writing, and signed by the Party to be charged therewith,\u201d &c. This is, says he, an Agreement to answer for the Debt or Default or Miscarriage of Lopez. The Contract and sale was from Chambers to the Spaniard, not from Chambers to Bowles. No Discrimination was made between the Merchandizes sold to Lopez and these sold to Bowles, but Bowles says let Lopez have the Goods according to your Contract and I will see you paid if he dont.\n       Thatcher. This is not a conditional Undertaking for Another, but an absolute Undertaking for himself.\n       I remember a Case in Salkeld precisely parrallel which is this. \u201cA and B go into a Warehouse together and A says to the Merchant, deliver B such and such Merchandizes, and if he dont pay you I will. This Promise is void by the Act of Parliament from which our Province Law was copied. But if A says Let B have such and such Goods and I will be your Pay master, or I will see you paid, or I will be answerable to you, in this Case A\u2019s promise is good, is an absolute Undertaking for himself not a conditional Undertaking for Another, and A shall be answerable.\u2014Just so in the Case at Bar. Captn. Bowles says, Let the Spaniard have the Goods and I will pay you, call tomorrow or any time at my Lodgings and I will pay you. Here is an Absolute Undertaking for himself, not a Conditional Undertaking in Case Lopez failed, for We never sold these Goods to Lopez, we have no Demand vs. Lopez for them, we refused to sell them to him: We sold them to Bowles, he sold them to Lopez; He only can demand pay of Lopez and we can demand pay only of him; and we expect your Verdict accordingly.\u2014 This was like Fairbanks v. Brown. There Brown Undertook for the Govt., that the Carter should have such a Price. I will ensure You such a Price. I promise you such a Price, &c.\n       The Jury gave a Verdict for Chambers in this Case.\n   This entry is a draft of an argument in which JA was defending Hayden and others against the rapacity of Thomas Hollis, the shoemaker, tavern-keeper, and writ-drawer of Braintree Middle Precinct. The suit was evidently tried in the Suffolk Inferior Court, since Ezekiel Goldthwait, who held the mortgage on the land in question, is mentioned as \u201cClerk of this Court.\u201d\n   The name is a scrawl in the MS, but is clarified in the entry of next day, which contains another version of JA\u2019s argument.\n       This Bond has been at least once and an half, if not twice, paid. The Case is this. About 15 Years ago, the Plaintiffs sold a tract of Land, containing 30 Acres, within such and such Boundaries, to one Tower, for 750\u00a3, and He together with the present Defendants became jointly bound to the Plaintiffs, in 10 different Bonds, of which this is one, for the Payment of the Money. But in the Time of it, a suspicion arose that those Bounds did not include 30 Acres; and least they should not an Agreement was made and committed to Writing, that the Land should be surveyed, and if it was found to fall short the Deficiency should be deducted from some of these Bonds. Accordingly the Land was afterwards surveyed, and found to fall short, 7 Acres and an half, which in Proportion to the Price of the whole amounted to about the Value of this Bond. All the other Bonds have been discharged and taken up, and this was set against the Deficiency of Land. But Besides all this, at least one half of it has been paid another Way. For one of these Obligers carried the Money to Hollis and had 1/2 of what was due upon every Bond in his Hands callculated, and paid him down his Money, and Hollis promised to indorse one half, upon every Bond that was left: yet this has never been indorsed; and Hollis has assurance enough to sue for this whole Bond. The Defendants have been extreemely careless, and negligent. Sometimes they paid Money abroad, and took no Receipts, but relied on his Honour to indorse it when he went home. They even left the Agreement that obliged him to make up the wanting Land, in Hollis\u2019s own Hands; after the Land was surveyed they left the Plan and survey in his Hands, in short there has been the Utmost Simplicity and Inattention on their Part in every Part of all these Transactions; and there have not been fewer Proofs of Artifice, secresy, and Guile, I must say Guile, on the Part of Hollis, for He always avoided giving Receipts; he never would suffer any 3d Person to be present, when he did Business. They sometimes would carry with them a Neighbour who understood Numbers, better than they, to calculate for them and see that they were not injured, but whenever they did so Hollis would never do any Business with them and at last had the Assurance to tell them that he never would do any Business with them if they brought any Body with them, as long as he lived. So that by one Artifice and another we have been led on to pay, I suppose, \u00a31500 for 750, and what is worse than all the rest, the Deed he gave is accidentally lost. Of this Hollis got a Hint, and has since sold it to another Person. This Hollis has mortgaged this very Land to Mr. Gouldthwat, the Clerk of this Court, since he found We had lost our Deed. Yet he has the assurance to sue this Bond. We have offered him to relinquish his obligation to make good the deficient Land and pay him the 1/2 of this Bond, if he will execute a new Deed of the Land; but he cant do that. He has sold it.\n   MS: \u201cto\u201d\u2014an obvious slip of the pen.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-09-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0004-0002", "content": "Title: 1760. Aug. 9th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Drank Tea at Coll. Quincys, with Coll. Gooch and Dr. Gardiner. I see Gooch\u2019s fiery Spirit, his unguarded Temper. He Swears freely, boldly. He is a Widower, and delights to dwell, in his Conversation, upon Courtship and Marriage. Has a violent aversion to long Courtship. He\u2019s a fool, that spends more than a Week, &c. A malignant Witt. A fiery, fierce outragious Enemy. He quarrells with all Men. He quarrelled with Coll. Quincy, and intrigued to dispossess him of his Regiment, by means of Dr. Miller and Mr. Apthorp. He now quarrells with Coll. Miller and Dr. Miller and Eb. Thayer. He curses all Governors. Pownal was a servant, Doorkeeper, Pimp to Ld. Hallifax, and he contracted with Ld. Hallifax to give him 15s. out of every Pound of his salary. So that Pownal had 25 pr. Cent Commissions, for his Agency, under Ld. Hallifax.\n       Thersites in Homer, was, \n          Aw\u2019d by no shame, by no respect controuled\n          In scandal busy, in Reproaches bold:\n          With witty Malice studious to defame\n          Scorn all his Joy and Laughter all his Aim.\n          But chief he gloried with licentious style\n          To lash the Great and Monarchs to revile.\n         Thus we see that Gooches lived, as long ago as the siege of Troy. \n          Spleen to Mankind his envyous Heart possesst\n          And much he hated all, but most the best.\n          Long had he liv\u2019d the scorn of every Greek\n          Vext when he spoke, yet still they heard him speak.\n         His daughters have the same fiery Temper; the same witty malice. They have all, to speak decently, very smart Tempers, quick, sharp, and keen.\n       An Insinuation, of Mr. Pownals giving 3/4 of his salary for his Commission.\u2014This is with licentious style Governors to revile.\u2014Coll. Miller can serve the Devil with as much Cunning, as any Man I know of, but for no other Purpose is he fit.\u2014This is in scandal busy, in Reproaches bold.\n       Gardiner has a thin Grashopper Voice, and an affected Squeak; a meager Visage, and an awkward, unnatural Complaisance: He is fribble.\n       Query. Is this a generous Practice to perpetuate the Shruggs of Witt and the Grimaces of Affectation?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0004-0003", "content": "Title: 1760. Aug. 12th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Remonstrated at the sessions vers. Licensing Lambard, because the select Men had refused to approbate him, because he never was approbated by the select men, to keep a Tavern in the House he now lives in, because there are already 3 and his would make 4 Taverns besides Retailers, within 3/4 of a Mile, and because he obtained a License from that Court, at April sessions, by artfully concealing his Removal from the Place where he formerly kept, and so by an Imposition on the Court. These Reasons prevailed. Majr. Miller, Coll. Miller and Ruddock, were the only Justices on Lambards side, while I had 8 or 9, Wendells, Coll. Phillips, Mr. Dana, Mr. Storer &c. &c. &c. Mr. Dana enquired, whether those Landing Places at Braintree and Weighmouth or the Road where these 4 Taverns stand was not a great stage for Travellers. I answered no, and rightly, for the greatest stage that I knew of from Boston to Plymouth, is in the North Precinct of Braintree, where Mr. Bracket, but especially where Mr. Bass now keeps. Where Mr. Bass now keeps, there has been a Tavern, always since my Remembrance, and long before. It is exactly 10 miles from Town, and therefore a very proper stage for Gentlemen who are going from Boston down to Plymouth, and to the Cape, and for People who come from the Cape, towards this Town. And there are very few Travellers either bound to or from Boston, but what stop here, but this stage is 2 or 3 Miles from the Place in Question. These Things I should have said, but they did not then occur.\n       Dana asked next, what Number of Carters, Boatmen, Shipbuilders &c. were ever employed at a Time, at that Landing Place? I answered half a dozen Carters perhaps. But my Answer should have been this. At some times there are 3 or 4 or half a dozen Ship Carpenters, and it is possible there may have been 2 or 3 Boats at that Wharf at a Time, which will require 1/2 dozen Boatmen, and there has been perhaps 40 Carts in a day with stones, and Wood and Lumber, but these Carts are coming and going all Day long so that it is a rare thing to see half a dozen Carts there at a time. In short there is so much Business done there, as to render one Tavern necessary, but there is not so much Business, there is no such Concourse of Travellers, no such Multitudes of busy People at that Landing as to need all this Cluster of Taverns. One Tavern and one Retailer was tho\u2019t by the select Men quite sufficient for that Place. They have Appointed one of each, and pray that your Honors would recognize no more.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0004", "content": "Title: [August 1760]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Hollis has appealed. If he prosecutes his Appeal, he shall be paid. I believe there never was an Action in this Court where more Instances of Ignorance, Negligence and Inattention appeared on one side, and of Artifice, Secresy and Guile I must say Guile on the other, since it was erected. Let me draw a Picture of the Defendants stupidity, and of Plaintiffs Knavery. Neglect to acknowledge the Deed, to record it. Then the Loss of it, intrusting the Agreement that obliged him to allow the wanting of Land on these Bonds, in Hollis\u2019s own hands; then leaving the survey, in Hollis\u2019s Hands. Paying him sums of Money abroad, and confiding in his Honour to indorse them\u2014and consenting to do Business with him alone. On the other side Hollis has been watchful to draw every Tittle of evidence within his own Power. I dare not say he has the Deed of the Land but he has got the Agreement, and he has the survey and he has been careful never to receive money of us before Witness when he could help it, and he never would give any Receipts. He would promise to indorse upon the Bond but he never did it. Nay he had the assurance to tell us at last, that he never would do any Business with us again, if we brought any 3d Person with us. We thought ourselves ill used several Times. We were ignorant of Numbers and Calculations, can but just write our Names, and we had a Desire that somebody better skilled than we should calculate and settle for us. Accordingly we got once or twice some of our Neighbours, to go with us And see that we want defrauded. But he never would do any Business with us, and at last he told them to their Heads, if you ever bring Deacon Penniman, or any other Man with you again when you come to settle with me, I\u2019le go directly off and leave you and will do nothing with you.\n       I must explain and prove Towers Payment of one half, at large, and then Haydens Payment of \u00a3270, and a Book Debt, and the Indorsements which made the 6 Bonds that Hayden took up.\n   Thus in MS, for \u201cwa\u2019nt\u201d (wasn\u2019t or weren\u2019t).\n       Drank Tea at Coll. Quincys, with Coll. Gooch and Dr. Gardiner. I see Gooch\u2019s fiery Spirit, his unguarded Temper. He Swears freely, boldly. He is a Widower, and delights to dwell, in his Conversation, upon Courtship and Marriage. Has a violent aversion to long Courtship. He\u2019s a fool, that spends more than a Week, &c. A malignant Witt. A fiery, fierce outragious Enemy. He quarrells with all Men. He quarrelled with Coll. Quincy, and intrigued to dispossess him of his Regiment, by means of Dr. Miller and Mr. Apthorp. He now quarrells with Coll. Miller and Dr. Miller and Eb. Thayer. He curses all Governors. Pownal was a servant, Doorkeeper, Pimp to Ld. Hallifax, and he contracted with Ld. Hallifax to give him 15s. out of every Pound of his salary. So that Pownal had 25 pr. Cent Commissions, for his Agency, under Ld. Hallifax.\n       Thersites in Homer, was, \n          Aw\u2019d by no shame, by no respect controuled\n          In scandal busy, in Reproaches bold:\n          With witty Malice studious to defame\n          Scorn all his Joy and Laughter all his Aim.\n          But chief he gloried with licentious style\n          To lash the Great and Monarchs to revile.\n         Thus we see that Gooches lived, as long ago as the siege of Troy. \n          Spleen to Mankind his envyous Heart possesst\n          And much he hated all, but most the best.\n          Long had he liv\u2019d the scorn of every Greek\n          Vext when he spoke, yet still they heard him speak.\n         His daughters have the same fiery Temper; the same witty malice. They have all, to speak decently, very smart Tempers, quick, sharp, and keen.\n       An Insinuation, of Mr. Pownals giving 3/4 of his salary for his Commission.\u2014This is with licentious style Governors to revile.\u2014Coll. Miller can serve the Devil with as much Cunning, as any Man I know of, but for no other Purpose is he fit.\u2014This is in scandal busy, in Reproaches bold.\n       Gardiner has a thin Grashopper Voice, and an affected Squeak; a meager Visage, and an awkward, unnatural Complaisance: He is fribble.\n       Query. Is this a generous Practice to perpetuate the Shruggs of Witt and the Grimaces of Affectation?\n   Long afterward JA wrote a detailed account of the method by which Joseph Gooch displaced John Quincy of Mount Wollaston as colonel of the Suffolk militia in 1742; see JA to Jonathan Mason, 3 Oct. 1820, which gives a considerable account of Gooch (Adams Papers; extracts quoted in JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850\u20131856; 10 vols., 2:93, note). Since the Quincy and Adams families were united by JA\u2019s marriage (his wife being a granddaughter of Col. John Quincy and their eldest son being named for him), any retrospective account by an Adams is likely to be prejudiced. But the reference in JA\u2019s Diary, it should be noted, antedates the union of the families.\n   According to JA, Gooch, who was well-to-do, made a bargain with leading Anglicans, including Rev. Ebenezer Miller, minister of Christ Church in Braintree, offering to build a steeple for Christ Church if his influential friends could persuade Governor Shirley to obtain the colonelcy for Gooch. Shirley did so, but the new colonel proved highly unpopular in Braintree and before long moved to Milton without carrying out his part of the bargain. Deacon John Adams had had a part in this affair, as his son recalled: the elder Adams had been a lieutenant in the militia, but upon being offered a captaincy under Gooch he declined to serve under any other officer than Quincy.\n   Trifling, frivolous (OEDThe Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, 1933; 12 vols. and supplement.). This comment on Dr. Gardiner appears to be JA\u2019s own, though by arbitrarily enclosing this paragraph in quotation marks in his text of the Diary CFA attributes it to Gooch and thus makes him the subject of JA\u2019s rebuke in the next paragraph; see JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850\u20131856; 10 vols., 2:95. It is more likely that JA is rebuking himself.\n       Remonstrated at the sessions vers. Licensing Lambard, because the select Men had refused to approbate him, because he never was approbated by the select men, to keep a Tavern in the House he now lives in, because there are already 3 and his would make 4 Taverns besides Retailers, within 3/4 of a Mile, and because he obtained a License from that Court, at April sessions, by artfully concealing his Removal from the Place where he formerly kept, and so by an Imposition on the Court. These Reasons prevailed. Majr. Miller, Coll. Miller and Ruddock, were the only Justices on Lambards side, while I had 8 or 9, Wendells, Coll. Phillips, Mr. Dana, Mr. Storer &c. &c. &c. Mr. Dana enquired, whether those Landing Places at Braintree and Weighmouth or the Road where these 4 Taverns stand was not a great stage for Travellers. I answered no, and rightly, for the greatest stage that I knew of from Boston to Plymouth, is in the North Precinct of Braintree, where Mr. Bracket, but especially where Mr. Bass now keeps. Where Mr. Bass now keeps, there has been a Tavern, always since my Remembrance, and long before. It is exactly 10 miles from Town, and therefore a very proper stage for Gentlemen who are going from Boston down to Plymouth, and to the Cape, and for People who come from the Cape, towards this Town. And there are very few Travellers either bound to or from Boston, but what stop here, but this stage is 2 or 3 Miles from the Place in Question. These Things I should have said, but they did not then occur.\n       Dana asked next, what Number of Carters, Boatmen, Shipbuilders &c. were ever employed at a Time, at that Landing Place? I answered half a dozen Carters perhaps. But my Answer should have been this. At some times there are 3 or 4 or half a dozen Ship Carpenters, and it is possible there may have been 2 or 3 Boats at that Wharf at a Time, which will require 1/2 dozen Boatmen, and there has been perhaps 40 Carts in a day with stones, and Wood and Lumber, but these Carts are coming and going all Day long so that it is a rare thing to see half a dozen Carts there at a time. In short there is so much Business done there, as to render one Tavern necessary, but there is not so much Business, there is no such Concourse of Travellers, no such Multitudes of busy People at that Landing as to need all this Cluster of Taverns. One Tavern and one Retailer was tho\u2019t by the select Men quite sufficient for that Place. They have Appointed one of each, and pray that your Honors would recognize no more.\n       I began Popes Homer, last Saturday Night was a Week, and last Night, which was Monday night I finished it. Thus I found that in seven days I could have easily read the 6 Volumes, Notes, Preface, Essays, that on Homer, and that on Homers Battles and that on the funeral Games of Homer and Virgil &c. Therefore I will be bound that in 6 months I would conquer him in Greek, and make myself able to translate every Line in him elegantly.\n       Prat. It is a very happy Thing to have People superstitious. They should believe exactly as their Minister believes. They should have no Creeds and Confessions of Faith. They should not so much as know what they believe. The People ought to be ignorant. And our Free schools are the very bane of society. They make the lowest of the People infinitely conceited. (These Words I heard Prat utter. They would come naturally enough from the mouth of a Tyrant or of a King or Ministry about introducing an Arbitrary Power; or from the mouth of an ambitious or avaricious Ecclesiastic, but they are base detestable Principles of slavery. He would have 99/100 of the World as ignorant as the wild Beasts of the forest, and as servile as the slaves in a Galley, or as oxen yoked in a Team. He a friend to Liberty? He an Enemy to slavery? He has the very Principles of a Frenchman\u2014worse Principles than a Frenchman, for they know their Belief and can give Reasons for it.)\n       Prat. It grieves me to see any sect of Religion extinguished. I should be very sorry, to have the Quaker Society dissolved, so I should be sorry to have Condy\u2019s Anabaptist Society dissolved. I love to see a Variety. A Variety of Religions has the same Beauty in the Moral World, that a Variety of flowers has in a Garden, or a Variety of Trees in a forrest.\n       This fine speech was Prats. Yet he is sometimes of opinion that all these Sectaries ought to turn Churchmen, and that a Uniform Establishment ought to take place through the whole Nation. I have heard him say, that We had better all of us come into the Church, than pretend to overturn it &c. Thus it is, that fine Speechmakers are sometimes for Uniformity, sometimes for Variety, and Toleration. They dont speak for the Truth or Weight but for the Smartness, and Novelty, singularity of their speech. However I heard him make two Observations, that pleased me much more. One was that People in Years never suppose that young People have any Judgment. Another Was, (when a Deposition was produced taken by Parson Wells, with a very incorrect Caption, a Caption without mention of the Cause in which it was to be used, or certifying that the Adverse Party was present or notifyed) he observed that the Parson could not take a Caption, to save his Life, and that he knew too much to learn any Thing.\n   For the editions of Pope\u2019s translations of the Iliad and Odyssey owned by JA, see Catalogue of JA\u2019s LibraryCatalogue of the John Adams Library in the Public Library of the City of Boston, Boston, 1917., p. 122\u2013123.\n   A line across the page in the MS separates the present paragraph from those reporting Prat\u2019s observations that follow; the latter may therefore have been recorded at any time from 19 Aug. to 23 Sept. 1760.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0005-0001", "content": "Title: 1760. Septr. 24th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Ephraim Jones, being a Widower and having two Children by a former Wife marries another, and soon after dies, leaving a Widow, and the two Children, mentioned before. The Widow takes one third of the personal Estate, for ever, and is endowed of one third of the real Estate, which she lets out to one Tower, as we say to the Halves. Tower breaks up, and plants 1/2 a dozen Acres of the Land with Corn, which he ploughs and hoes &c. till the 20th of September, when The Widow his Lessor dies, having given by her Will, all her Estate to her Relations, Strangers to her late Husband and his Heirs. Now The Question is whether, the one half of the Produce and profits of this Land which the Widow was by Contract to have had, shall go to the Executor of her Will, and so to her Legatees, or else to the Right Heirs, of the Reversion of the Land, expectant on the Widows Death? And Q. also, whether, the said Right Heirs have the Property of the feed and the Apples, and such other fruits as the Earth produces spontaneously, or at least without any immediate Expence and Industry, of the late Tenant in Dower: and Q. also whether the Possession of the Land vests in the Right heir Eo Instante that the Widow dies, so that he has an immediate Right of Entry, or Whether the Lessee has not Possession, so that he must be ejected?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0005-0002", "content": "Title: Septr. 24th. 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       If I am the Proprietor of an House, and I lease it to any Man, and bind my self to keep it in Repair, it is reasonable and it is Law, that I should have a Rent. So if I am the owner of a ship, and I let it out on a Voyage to the Wist Indies or to Europe it is reasonable, and the maritime Law has made provision that I should have freight. For the sum of Money, that an House or a Ship would Cost, would if placed out, on Interest, bring in Annually 6 pr. Cent for my Use. Now I cant loose the Interest of my money, and besides my House is constantly wearing and decaying and my ship and her Cordage and her Canvas are continually wearing, so that the Rent and the freight ought to be sufficient to enable me to make these Repairs: But besides this, all Merchants, all Persons who have Property, in shipping, in Vessells that sail upon the sea, are in a peculiar manner liable to Accidents and Misfortunes. They are in Danger, from storms, from Rocks and sands, and they are in Danger from Pyrates and frenchmen, so that the Law, in establishing the freight of Vessells has made allowance, for these 3 things\u2014for the Interest of Money on the Capital, for the Constant Expences in Repairing the Hull and the Cordage and the sails, and for the peculiar Danger from seas, Winds, Rocks and Enemies, which constantly environ Vessells on the sea. And accordingly the freight or Rent of shipping is very high in all foreign Voyages. Well, now the same Reasons, which have established a freight upon Vessells in foreign Voyages, has by Law established a certain share of the Profits of this schooner now in Controversy. But the Case, which is more precisely parrallel to this of Mr. Lovell, and which is decisive in this Case, is that of Whaling Voyages. In Whaling Voyages, off the shoals of Nantuckett, and in those to Hudsons Bay, there is frequently, a Master of a Vessell, and a Master of the Voyage i.e. a ship is taken into the service, and Whale Boats put on Board her. The Vessell sails into the Whaling Latitudes, and then puts her Boats to sea after the Whales. The Whales are taken on Board the Vessell, and brought home to Cape Cod we\u2019l say, in a sort of Blubber. Wel there, at Cape Cod they frequently hire other People, People who had no Concern with the Voyage, to boil that Blubber into oil. When that is done the oyl is sent up to Boston and sold by Persons who are allowed Commissions for their Pains and after the Oyl is sold, the Established Rule is, to pay all the Costs of Boiling the Blubber and the Commissions arising on the sales and then the Vessell which went out upon the Voyage draws one Quarter of the whole Profits of the Voyage. But the particular Custom which has prevailed among these small Lighters, and schooners that run out a fishing, where there is not so much Danger of Shipwreck, is that the schooner or Lighter shall draw one fifth Part of the Profits of the Voyage. If a schooner runs out in the Harbour a fishing the schooner draws every fifth fish, and whenever they have taken up any drifted Timber or Shingles or Boards, the same proportion has been observed. I have known several Instances in which our Braintree Boats have taken up valuable things adrift, in Cases where there has been no danger to the Lighter, only her time has been consumed, and the Boat always drew one fifth of such drifted Timber as well as of the fish. The only thing, that I can think of, and which the first  to its utmost extent  think of, as I believe to distinguish this Case from any of the 3 that I have mentioned, either from that of a ship on a foreign Voyage or of any Vessell on a Whaling Voyage or of common Lighters and schooners on fishing Voyages, is this. That the schooner was not stout enough to weigh the Anchor and they were obliged to hire another Vessell to go down a Weight i.e. and weigh it.\u2014I beg your Honor\u2019 s careful Attention to this Point, because I suppose the whole stress of the Cause will be laid upon it, by the other side.\u2014Now this I insist upon it can make no Alteration in the Case at all. For Mr. Lovells Vessell went out, upon the supposition that she should draw 1/5 of the whole Profits of the Voyage, 1/5 of all the fish, that should be caught, and 1/5 of every Thing that he found adrift upon the surface or drawn upon from the Bottom of the Sea. And without this Prospect of 1/5 of the Profits, he would not have let her gone. He could have gone in her himself and made Profits by her or he could have let her out to others who would have minded their fishing, and so have gained Profits for him as well as for themselves. Suppose it had been said to Mr. Lovell, let us have your schooner to go out a fishing, and if we catch any, you shall have a fifth, but if we catch none, you shall have nothing and I believe we shant for we intend to spend most of our time in Poking after an Anchor or a Chest of Gold, that we suppose to be lost out in the Harbour; but if we should find this Anchor or Chest your schooner is not able to weight it, and so you shall have no Part of that.\n       Would Captn. Lovell have consented to that. No he would have laughed at them for fools to think he would, or have frowned upon them in Resentment of an Affront, for such a Proposal in Earnest would have been an affront. Well now what he could not have been desired reasonably to have consented to before the Voyage Your Honor cant desire him to do, and the Law will not oblige him to do after the Voyage. The Time of the Schooner was spent in securing of the anchor, time in which she might have earned him money either in fighting or fishing, his Vessell, his Ropes, and Sails were worn in the service, which will cost him money to repair; and what is worse than both the former, his Property was endangered, his Anchor was in great Risque of being irrecoverably lost in the first Place by its Entanglement with the large Anchor at the Bottom, and afterwards by the Use they made of it in raking at the Bottom to bring up the Cable of the great Anchor. And to say that the great Anchor was not weighed by his schooner is to say nothing. It was secured by his schooner, and totally by his schooner.\n       I say too that the Whales are not taken, cannot be taken by the ship. They are taken by the Whale Boats: I say too that the ship cant boil the Blubber up into oyl. But what then? The ship\u2019s time is spent, she is wearing out, and she is endangered, and therefore she shall draw a Quarter of the Neat Profits of the Voyage after Wages for Boiling and Commissions for selling, are paid. This I rely upon, this schooners being unable to weigh the Anchor, is exactly like the ship in Hudsons bays being unable to chase and take the Whales. And their hiring another Vessell to go down, and weigh it, is like Whale mens hiring other Men to boil their blubber, and to sell their Oyl, and that this schooner has as good a Right to 1/5 of the 2/3 after the one third is taken out, which by Agreement was given to the Vessell that weighed it, as a Whaling Vessell has to one fourth of the whole Profits of the Voyage after enough has been taken out to pay the Boilers and factors.\n       And nothing can be more reasonable. Suppose I should Agree with a Man, to let him have my Horse to Rhode Island to purchase a Quantity of Goods, and he engages I shall have one fifth or one Qr. of the Profits of his Journey. Well when he gets upon Seachonk Plain, He finds a Number of People there a horse racing. He challenges every Horse upon the Plain to run. At last they run for 100 Guineas which my Horse wins. Would it not be reasonable that I should have a Proportion of that Prize? Shall the Man that I let him to, run the Hazard of breaking the Neck, or Limbs or Wind of my Horse. Shall he strain, and violently drive him so as uterly to mar him very much; and I have no Recompence at all? By no means. Your Honor cant but see, we have a Right, and I dont doubt youl give it us.\n       Perhaps some Difficulty may arise in your Honours mind about the Propriety of the manner of laying this Action. It is an Indebitatus Assumpsit for so much Money had and received by the Defendant, to the Use of the Plaintiffs, and it is alledged that the Defendant promised to render a reasonable Account. But this is the constant form of Suing for things of this sort. If I upon a Reckoning and settlement with a man pay him by a Mistake \u00a320 more than is due to him, I may recover it back, by this Action, i.e. he has had and received so much money, which did not belong to him but to me, so if Money is due to me from another man, and some 3d Person goes to him, and under Pretence of Authority from me, receives that Money, I may have this Action against him. And in general if any man has received Money, which did not belong to him, but does belong to me, I may recover it of him by this Action. Now I think it is plain that Mr. Ward has received the sum mentioned in this Writ, that it did not belong to him but it did of right belong to the owners of the schooner the present Plaintiffs, and therefore it follows that he is accountable to us for it, and I dont doubt your honour will think so too.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0005", "content": "Title: [September 1760]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Ephraim Jones, being a Widower and having two Children by a former Wife marries another, and soon after dies, leaving a Widow, and the two Children, mentioned before. The Widow takes one third of the personal Estate, for ever, and is endowed of one third of the real Estate, which she lets out to one Tower, as we say to the Halves. Tower breaks up, and plants 1/2 a dozen Acres of the Land with Corn, which he ploughs and hoes &c. till the 20th of September, when The Widow his Lessor dies, having given by her Will, all her Estate to her Relations, Strangers to her late Husband and his Heirs. Now The Question is whether, the one half of the Produce and profits of this Land which the Widow was by Contract to have had, shall go to the Executor of her Will, and so to her Legatees, or else to the Right Heirs, of the Reversion of the Land, expectant on the Widows Death? And Q. also, whether, the said Right Heirs have the Property of the feed and the Apples, and such other fruits as the Earth produces spontaneously, or at least without any immediate Expence and Industry, of the late Tenant in Dower: and Q. also whether the Possession of the Land vests in the Right heir Eo Instante that the Widow dies, so that he has an immediate Right of Entry, or Whether the Lessee has not Possession, so that he must be ejected?\n   This entry and virtually all of those that follow concerning law cases through 3 Nov. 1760 were omitted by CFA in editing JA\u2019s Diary.\n       If I am the Proprietor of an House, and I lease it to any Man, and bind my self to keep it in Repair, it is reasonable and it is Law, that I should have a Rent. So if I am the owner of a ship, and I let it out on a Voyage to the Wist Indies or to Europe it is reasonable, and the maritime Law has made provision that I should have freight. For the sum of Money, that an House or a Ship would Cost, would if placed out, on Interest, bring in Annually 6 pr. Cent for my Use. Now I cant loose the Interest of my money, and besides my House is constantly wearing and decaying and my ship and her Cordage and her Canvas are continually wearing, so that the Rent and the freight ought to be sufficient to enable me to make these Repairs: But besides this, all Merchants, all Persons who have Property, in shipping, in Vessells that sail upon the sea, are in a peculiar manner liable to Accidents and Misfortunes. They are in Danger, from storms, from Rocks and sands, and they are in Danger from Pyrates and frenchmen, so that the Law, in establishing the freight of Vessells has made allowance, for these 3 things\u2014for the Interest of Money on the Capital, for the Constant Expences in Repairing the Hull and the Cordage and the sails, and for the peculiar Danger from seas, Winds, Rocks and Enemies, which constantly environ Vessells on the sea. And accordingly the freight or Rent of shipping is very high in all foreign Voyages. Well, now the same Reasons, which have established a freight upon Vessells in foreign Voyages, has by Law established a certain share of the Profits of this schooner now in Controversy. But the Case, which is more precisely parrallel to this of Mr. Lovell, and which is decisive in this Case, is that of Whaling Voyages. In Whaling Voyages, off the shoals of Nantuckett, and in those to Hudsons Bay, there is frequently, a Master of a Vessell, and a Master of the Voyage i.e. a ship is taken into the service, and Whale Boats put on Board her. The Vessell sails into the Whaling Latitudes, and then puts her Boats to sea after the Whales. The Whales are taken on Board the Vessell, and brought home to Cape Cod we\u2019l say, in a sort of Blubber. Wel there, at Cape Cod they frequently hire other People, People who had no Concern with the Voyage, to boil that Blubber into oil. When that is done the oyl is sent up to Boston and sold by Persons who are allowed Commissions for their Pains and after the Oyl is sold, the Established Rule is, to pay all the Costs of Boiling the Blubber and the Commissions arising on the sales and then the Vessell which went out upon the Voyage draws one Quarter of the whole Profits of the Voyage. But the particular Custom which has prevailed among these small Lighters, and schooners that run out a fishing, where there is not so much Danger of Shipwreck, is that the schooner or Lighter shall draw one fifth Part of the Profits of the Voyage. If a schooner runs out in the Harbour a fishing the schooner draws every fifth fish, and whenever they have taken up any drifted Timber or Shingles or Boards, the same proportion has been observed. I have known several Instances in which our Braintree Boats have taken up valuable things adrift, in Cases where there has been no danger to the Lighter, only her time has been consumed, and the Boat always drew one fifth of such drifted Timber as well as of the fish. The only thing, that I can think of, and which the first  to its utmost extent  think of, as I believe to distinguish this Case from any of the 3 that I have mentioned, either from that of a ship on a foreign Voyage or of any Vessell on a Whaling Voyage or of common Lighters and schooners on fishing Voyages, is this. That the schooner was not stout enough to weigh the Anchor and they were obliged to hire another Vessell to go down a Weight i.e. and weigh it.\u2014I beg your Honor\u2019 s careful Attention to this Point, because I suppose the whole stress of the Cause will be laid upon it, by the other side.\u2014Now this I insist upon it can make no Alteration in the Case at all. For Mr. Lovells Vessell went out, upon the supposition that she should draw 1/5 of the whole Profits of the Voyage, 1/5 of all the fish, that should be caught, and 1/5 of every Thing that he found adrift upon the surface or drawn upon from the Bottom of the Sea. And without this Prospect of 1/5 of the Profits, he would not have let her gone. He could have gone in her himself and made Profits by her or he could have let her out to others who would have minded their fishing, and so have gained Profits for him as well as for themselves. Suppose it had been said to Mr. Lovell, let us have your schooner to go out a fishing, and if we catch any, you shall have a fifth, but if we catch none, you shall have nothing and I believe we shant for we intend to spend most of our time in Poking after an Anchor or a Chest of Gold, that we suppose to be lost out in the Harbour; but if we should find this Anchor or Chest your schooner is not able to weight it, and so you shall have no Part of that.\n       Would Captn. Lovell have consented to that. No he would have laughed at them for fools to think he would, or have frowned upon them in Resentment of an Affront, for such a Proposal in Earnest would have been an affront. Well now what he could not have been desired reasonably to have consented to before the Voyage Your Honor cant desire him to do, and the Law will not oblige him to do after the Voyage. The Time of the Schooner was spent in securing of the anchor, time in which she might have earned him money either in fighting or fishing, his Vessell, his Ropes, and Sails were worn in the service, which will cost him money to repair; and what is worse than both the former, his Property was endangered, his Anchor was in great Risque of being irrecoverably lost in the first Place by its Entanglement with the large Anchor at the Bottom, and afterwards by the Use they made of it in raking at the Bottom to bring up the Cable of the great Anchor. And to say that the great Anchor was not weighed by his schooner is to say nothing. It was secured by his schooner, and totally by his schooner.\n       I say too that the Whales are not taken, cannot be taken by the ship. They are taken by the Whale Boats: I say too that the ship cant boil the Blubber up into oyl. But what then? The ship\u2019s time is spent, she is wearing out, and she is endangered, and therefore she shall draw a Quarter of the Neat Profits of the Voyage after Wages for Boiling and Commissions for selling, are paid. This I rely upon, this schooners being unable to weigh the Anchor, is exactly like the ship in Hudsons bays being unable to chase and take the Whales. And their hiring another Vessell to go down, and weigh it, is like Whale mens hiring other Men to boil their blubber, and to sell their Oyl, and that this schooner has as good a Right to 1/5 of the 2/3 after the one third is taken out, which by Agreement was given to the Vessell that weighed it, as a Whaling Vessell has to one fourth of the whole Profits of the Voyage after enough has been taken out to pay the Boilers and factors.\n       And nothing can be more reasonable. Suppose I should Agree with a Man, to let him have my Horse to Rhode Island to purchase a Quantity of Goods, and he engages I shall have one fifth or one Qr. of the Profits of his Journey. Well when he gets upon Seachonk Plain, He finds a Number of People there a horse racing. He challenges every Horse upon the Plain to run. At last they run for 100 Guineas which my Horse wins. Would it not be reasonable that I should have a Proportion of that Prize? Shall the Man that I let him to, run the Hazard of breaking the Neck, or Limbs or Wind of my Horse. Shall he strain, and violently drive him so as uterly to mar him very much; and I have no Recompence at all? By no means. Your Honor cant but see, we have a Right, and I dont doubt youl give it us.\n       Perhaps some Difficulty may arise in your Honours mind about the Propriety of the manner of laying this Action. It is an Indebitatus Assumpsit for so much Money had and received by the Defendant, to the Use of the Plaintiffs, and it is alledged that the Defendant promised to render a reasonable Account. But this is the constant form of Suing for things of this sort. If I upon a Reckoning and settlement with a man pay him by a Mistake \u00a320 more than is due to him, I may recover it back, by this Action, i.e. he has had and received so much money, which did not belong to him but to me, so if Money is due to me from another man, and some 3d Person goes to him, and under Pretence of Authority from me, receives that Money, I may have this Action against him. And in general if any man has received Money, which did not belong to him, but does belong to me, I may recover it of him by this Action. Now I think it is plain that Mr. Ward has received the sum mentioned in this Writ, that it did not belong to him but it did of right belong to the owners of the schooner the present Plaintiffs, and therefore it follows that he is accountable to us for it, and I dont doubt your honour will think so too.\n   Second entry so dated. This draft of JA\u2019s argument in Lovell v. Ward was hastily and carelessly written and a few passages remain obscure.\n   Two or three words illegible.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-07-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0006-0001", "content": "Title: Octr. 7th. 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Waited on Mr. Gridley for his Opinion of my Declaration Lambard v. Tirrell, and for his Advice, whether to enter the Action or not. He says the Declaration is bad and the Writ, if Advantage is taken, will abate.\n       For It is a Declaration on a Parol Lease, not on a Deed, and therefore the Lessee\u2019s Occupancy ought to be sett forth very exactly, for it is his Occupancy, not any Contract, that supports the Action.\u2014You have declared, that Defendant by Virtue of the Demise, into the Tenements, entered, and the same Premises had, held and occupied. But you have not declared when he entered, nor how long he occupied. He might enter, and remove again from the Premises in 3 months, for ought appears on this Declaration. You have taken this Declaration from a Precedent of Lillies. But Lilly and Mallorry are not Authorities, Coke and Rastall are, and in them, the Distinction is taken between a Declaration on a Lease Parol, and one on a Deed, an Indenture. In a Declaration on an Indenture, it is not necessary to set forth when the Defendant entered nor how long he held: because by the Indenture he had a Right to enter and occupy, if he would, but whether he occupied, or not, he has indented to pay the Rent, when the time is out: But in a Declaration, on a Parol Lease, it is necessary to set forth, both when he entered and how long he stayed, because the Occupancy is the Cause and foundation of the Action. Besides you have not alledged that the Rent was to be yeilded and payd upon Demand, and this would abate the Writ.\u2014Mr. Gridley sent me to Otis\u2019s office to examine in Viners Abrigment, under the Title Rent, and in the Entries, i.e. Lilly, Mallorry, Coke, and Rastal, under the Title Debt, for some Authority to decide the Point whether the Exception was fatal, or not. I could find nothing in Viner, Lilly, or Mallorry, but Mr. Gridley shewed me in Coke and Rastall the Distinction taken between a Declaration on a Parol and on a Written Lease.\n       G. says, that an Indenture for the Year 1758, att a certain Rent; and the Lessees Continuance in the House, and the Lessors Permission to continue in the House, thro the Year 1759 without any new Indenture, or any Contract or Conversation about any Rent, is presumptive Evidence, that Each Party intended, the Rent should continue the same. The Lessees Continuance, in the House, without taking the Pains of going to the Lessor, to treat about new Terms, is sufficient Evidence of his Satisfaction with the old Terms and of his Consent to pay the old Rent. And the Lessors Permission of his Tenant to continue in the House, without taking the Pains to make a new Contract, is sufficient Evidence of his satisfaction with the old Terms, and of his Consent that they should continue.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-09-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0006-0002", "content": "Title: 1760. Oct. 9th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       In Support of Complaint in Case Neal\u2019s Action is not entered.\n       I do not know, nor is it possible for your Honours to determine, what Reason induced the Plantiff to renounce this suit. Whether it was, because the Estate is insolvent, or because he had no Cause of Action, or because his Action was mislayed, or because his Writ was bad, which by the Way is very probable, considering who drew it, that determined the Plantiff, not to enter this Action, I cannot say, and your Honours cannot determine. It appears to your Honours, that the Defendant has been vexed and distressed by this summons, that she has been obliged to take a Journey to this Town, and to attend upon this Court, where it appears there is nothing for her to answer to. All this appears. What Motive induced the Plantiff to drop his Action does not appear, and therefore We have a Right to Costs. As Things are Circumstanced, I will own, that had this Action been commenced by any Gentleman, at this Bar, I would have dispensed with this Complaint, but it was drawn by a petty fogging Deputy Sheriff against whom I know it is my Duty, and I think it is my Interest to take all legall Advantages. And he himself cannot think it hard, as he has taken both illegal and iniquitous Advantages against me. Therefore I pray your Honours Judgment for Costs.\u2014Q. If this Action should be entered, what must be done with it? Continued, or dismissed?\u2014A Motion must be made for a Continuance or a Dismission.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-13-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0006-0004", "content": "Title: 1760. Octr. 13th. Monday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Attended Mr. Niles\u2019s Court this morning for John Holbrook Junior in an Action of his against Benja. Thayer Junior. Holbrook agreed with Thayer, to submit all Demands together with both Actions to 3 men.\n       Mr. Niles told me, that he consulted Mr. Thatcher about entering his Action against Mrs. Brackett. Thatcher told him, it was as likely that she would recover Costs against him, as that he would recover Judgment against her, And therefore advised him not to enter. Niles\u2019s Action is exactly like Neals. How came Thatcher to advise to one Thing and Dana to another? The Answer is Dana dont care, how the Action goes. He is sure of his Fee and attendance, whether he gets or looses his Cause.\n       Thus I find the Bar is divided. Gridley is at a loss. He told me it was a Point of Law that would require a leisurely Examination. Thatcher is uncertain, but thinks it as likely to go in favour of the Administratrix as against her, and how much more likely he did not say. Kent says, the Administratrix will recover Costs, in Spight of the Devil, and he has recovered many a Time in such a Case.\u2014It is a great object of Ambition to settle this Point of Law, whether a suit brought against an Administrator, who after the Commencement, Entry and several Continuances, represents the Estate Insolvent, shall be barred, and the Administrator allowed Costs?\n       I cannot be compelled to accept Mr. Dana\u2019s agreement not to take Execution. And I insist upon it, if he has Judgment, he may take Execution, and if he takes Execution, what shall hinder the officer, from levying the whole Debt, and then what becomes of the Province Law, relating to insolvent Estates? The Words of the Law are \u201cwhen the Estate of any Person deceased shall be insolvent, or insufficient to pay all just Debts, which the deceased owed, the same shall be set forth and distributed, among all the Creditors in Proportion to the sums to them owing, so far as the said Estate will extend.\u201d\n       No Debts whatever are excepted from the Average, but Debts due to the Crown and the Charges of the last sickness and of the funeral. The Charges of the funeral, of the last sickness and Crown Debts are to be first paid, and then an Average is to be settled by Commissioners of Insolvency, before the Administrators can pay another Debt. There is no Exception of Debts legally demanded before the Representation of Insolvency. If Debts legally demanded, were to be excepted from the Average, every Debt would be excepted from the average. As soon as the Intestates Breath is gone, every Creditor will bring his Action, will make his legal Demand. If this had been Law and known to be law, 500 suits would have been brought vs. this Administratrix, within a Day after she took Administration. If this Rule of Law should be established, it would prove the Destruction of every Intestate Estate in the Province that is considerably in debt. Every Creditor would bring his suit, immediately, and thus the Costs of Suits would amount to a greater sum, oftentimes than the Debts.\n       It would indeed, furnish Employment to the Lawyers, and perhaps, a secret Regard to Interest has blinded some to the Inconveniences, that must attend it. I think the Point is clear, that a legal Demand, before the Representation of Insolvency cannot intitle any Creditor to recover his whole Demand.\n       Now the Question is whether, if this Action should be defaulted, and Judgment made up, and Execution should issue, it would not issue for the whole sum; and if it issues for the whole sum, the sheriff must levy the whole sum. So that, if Judgment should be rendered now, the whole Demand would be recovered\u2014for this Court cannot consider an Average, that is not yet settled.\n       Well, should this Action be continued, along from Court to Court, and Judgment be entered after the.\n       In answer to Sewals objection, I say, that an Administrator de Bonis non, could not maintain an Action vs. this Defendant, on this Note. But the Administration of this Administratrix must bring the Action, and stand accountable to the Administrator de Bonis non, for the Money, and if this Defendant should break, or die insolvent this would be a good Account.\n       Her delay to represent this Estate insolvent is of no Consequence at all. She was in Hopes, the Estate would have been sufficient, and she wanted to make a Calculation between the Estate and its Debts, before she made that Representation. She did not want to give the Creditors the Trouble of making out their Claims before Commissioners, if she could pay them without it. She acted in short as every prudent Administrator would do, to save herself and family the Disgrace and Curses of Insolvency, and to save her Creditors, the Trouble of making out their Claims, but People at last grew impatient and some Gentlemen had propagated an Opinion that those who made a legal Demand before the Representation, would recover their whole Debts, and summons\u2019s flowed in upon her from all Quarters. Several Actions were brought against her, at Plymouth Court, and several more to this Court, and she saw that Ruin would insue to herself and family if she did not.\n       Now had this Representation been made when she took Administration, 18 months at least would have been allowed to examine Claims. But 6 months were allowed over so that the Creditors will receive their share quite as soon as they would, if it had been represented sooner.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-17-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0006-0005", "content": "Title: 1760. Octr. 17th.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       What are the Questions, on which Mrs. Bracketts Bars to Danas Actions turn?\u2014The first Question is, whether any Action at all can be maintained vs. the Administrator of an Insolvent Estate excepting for Debt due to the Crown, for sickness and funeral Charges? And the second is, whether an Action brought before the Representation of Insolvency, can be maintained, i.e. Whether an Administrator, by delaying to represent the Insolvency, makes herself liable to any suit, that is brought against her. For I take it to be very clear, that when an Estate is represented insolvent, as soon as an Administrator is appointed no Action can be maintained. All Actions must be barred, bar\u2019d I mean for a Time, till the Commissioners have reported and the Average is settled. So that the only Question is, whether Administrators are liable to suits, till the Representation is made? And with submission I think it is certain that they are not. In many Cases it is well known, before a Mans Breath is gone, that he owes more than he is worth, and in such Cases the Administrator would do well to represent the Insolvency, at his first Appointment, but there are many Cases, when it is impossible for the Administrator to know whether his Intestate is solvent or insolvent, the Quantity of his Lands and goods may be unknown, and the Number and Quantity of his Debts is always unknown so that no Computation can possibly be made, and in these Cases, it is certainly reasonable and it is Law, that the Administrator should have some time to examine and calculate before he makes a Representation, for if the Estate is sufficient, it would be folly to draw upon his Intestate and himself and family the Disgrace of Insolvency, and the Curses of the Creditors needlessly, and it would be a Pitty to put the Estate to the Expence of the Commissioners, and the Creditors to the Trouble of making out their Claims before them. In all Cases therefore where it is doubtful whether the Estate is sufficient or insufficient, the Administrator ought to have time to inform himself, and in the mean time, all the Creditors must be debared from suits, or if they will bring them they must do it at their Peril, i.e. if the Estate afterwards proves insolvent, their Actions must be bared and they must pay Costs. Whether some Limitation of the time, is expedient or not, it is not our Business to inquire, if the Laws are imperfect in this respect it is the Business of the Legislature to perfect it, but Mr. Dana cannot avail him self of a Law that has no being.\n       Now the Case before your Honour, is of the last sort. At the Time of Capt. Bracketts Death, it was very doubtful, with every body, whether he left enough to pay his Debts or not. His Widow, on her appointment, to the Administration, told the Judge, it was uncertain, and asked time to inform herself; and she has been as diligent as she could, considering the distressed situation of her family, in making Enquiry after the Debts. She found Effects enough in her Hands to pay all the Debts that she was apprized of, and so was unwilling to make the Representation, unwilling to put the Estate to needless Charge, and Disgrace, unwilling to put her Creditors to the Trouble of making out their Claims with the Commissioners, till she was satisfyd, there was not enough. But new Creditors are daily making their Appearance, who have large demands, and some who were never so civil as to let her know she owed them, have sent her Writts. She was sued in one Action to this Court for some hundreds, on a Note that she never suspected to be in Being. In short she finds most of the real Estate under Mortgage, so that most, if not all the Personal Estate must go to discharge these Mortgages, and then the real Estate must be sold at Vendue, the Event of which is quite uncertain, and therefore the Estate is not sufficient to pay. And as the Estate is insolvent, these suits must be barred. The Law is express, that No Proscess shall be allowed. And I presume the Reason, why the Law has not confined Administrators to narrow limits, is that People must be restrained from rushing on such Estates, and by stifling all the sentiments of Humanity, bringing Destruction on the fatherless and Widows.\n       The Time for Enquiry, whether the Estate is insolvent, or not, must be dilated on. It is a momentous Point. Must shew, that the time she has taken, is no more than reasonable.\n       The Administrator is not liable unless it can be shewn that she has intermeddled with the Goods and made payment of any Debt. She has never paid any Debt.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-17-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0006-0006", "content": "From: Adams, John\nTo: \n       In the Beginning of May 58 Mr. Lambard, the Plantiff, gave a Lease of a House and Barn and Land in Germantown mentioned in the Writ to the Defendant Mr. Tirrell, and this Lease you will have with you. You will find by it, that Tirrill was to give illegible initial &c. the same Rent, that is sued for, in the present Action. In May 1759, i.e. at the End of the Year, Mr. Lambard went into the service, without making any new Contract, and Mr. Tirrell and his family continued in the House from that time to this. The Plantiff has frequently requested his Rent, but has been always refused, and at last he was obliged to bring his Action. As I said before there was no express Contract between the Parties, for the Year 1759, but as there was an express Contract for 58, and as the Defendant continued with his family, and as the Plantiff permitted him to continue in the House, the natural and legal Presumption is, that each Party was satisfyd with the old Terms, and intended the old Terms should continue. For had the Landlord been dissatisfyd with the Terms, it would have been his Business to have said, you must come upon a new Agreement or else leave the House, and had the Tenant been dissatisfyd he should have said I must have the Place for less Rent or else I must leave. But as each Party was silent, each Party implicitly consented that the old Conditions should remain; especially as the Terms were very reasonable. \u00a370 old Tenor, a Year is a moderate Rent for that Place. There is a very convenient handsome new House, there is a good Barn, and several good Lotts of Land. Besides the House has had Licence for a Tavern for these 7 Years, and Mr. Tirrell has all along kept a Tavern there and does to this day. Now the single Priviledge of keeping a Tavern upon that Place is worth as much annually as this Rent. For Germantown, you all know is a Place of considerable Resort. Hardly any Gentlemen of Curiosity from any of the four Governments come to this Town, without taking a Ride to Germantown to see the Manufactures there, that of Glass and that of Stockings. Great Numbers of People go out from this Town upon Parties of Pleasure to Germantown, and there is a considerable Number of Inhabitants upon the Place and all these must be entertained and supplied, so that considering the House, Barn, Land, and these Priviledges the Rent is quite moderate, and there can be no Reason why each Party should not be confined, to those Terms, which the Defendants silence and Continuance in the House, raise a violent Presumption that he consented to, and I dont doubt, you\u2019l give us the sum sued for accordingly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-07-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0006", "content": "Title: [October 1760]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Waited on Mr. Gridley for his Opinion of my Declaration Lambard v. Tirrell, and for his Advice, whether to enter the Action or not. He says the Declaration is bad and the Writ, if Advantage is taken, will abate.\n       For It is a Declaration on a Parol Lease, not on a Deed, and therefore the Lessee\u2019s Occupancy ought to be sett forth very exactly, for it is his Occupancy, not any Contract, that supports the Action.\u2014You have declared, that Defendant by Virtue of the Demise, into the Tenements, entered, and the same Premises had, held and occupied. But you have not declared when he entered, nor how long he occupied. He might enter, and remove again from the Premises in 3 months, for ought appears on this Declaration. You have taken this Declaration from a Precedent of Lillies. But Lilly and Mallorry are not Authorities, Coke and Rastall are, and in them, the Distinction is taken between a Declaration on a Lease Parol, and one on a Deed, an Indenture. In a Declaration on an Indenture, it is not necessary to set forth when the Defendant entered nor how long he held: because by the Indenture he had a Right to enter and occupy, if he would, but whether he occupied, or not, he has indented to pay the Rent, when the time is out: But in a Declaration, on a Parol Lease, it is necessary to set forth, both when he entered and how long he stayed, because the Occupancy is the Cause and foundation of the Action. Besides you have not alledged that the Rent was to be yeilded and payd upon Demand, and this would abate the Writ.\u2014Mr. Gridley sent me to Otis\u2019s office to examine in Viners Abrigment, under the Title Rent, and in the Entries, i.e. Lilly, Mallorry, Coke, and Rastal, under the Title Debt, for some Authority to decide the Point whether the Exception was fatal, or not. I could find nothing in Viner, Lilly, or Mallorry, but Mr. Gridley shewed me in Coke and Rastall the Distinction taken between a Declaration on a Parol and on a Written Lease.\n       G. says, that an Indenture for the Year 1758, att a certain Rent; and the Lessees Continuance in the House, and the Lessors Permission to continue in the House, thro the Year 1759 without any new Indenture, or any Contract or Conversation about any Rent, is presumptive Evidence, that Each Party intended, the Rent should continue the same. The Lessees Continuance, in the House, without taking the Pains of going to the Lessor, to treat about new Terms, is sufficient Evidence of his Satisfaction with the old Terms and of his Consent to pay the old Rent. And the Lessors Permission of his Tenant to continue in the House, without taking the Pains to make a new Contract, is sufficient Evidence of his satisfaction with the old Terms, and of his Consent that they should continue.\n   JA\u2019s client, the plaintiff, recovered \u00a39 6s. 8d. as a result of this action in the Inferior Court; the defendant appealed to the Superior Court at its Feb. 1761 term, but did not prosecute, and judgment was affirmed (Superior Court of Judicature, Records, 1760\u20131762, fol. 177). The bills of costs in both courts, in JA\u2019s hand, are in Suffolk County Court House, Early Court Files, &c., No. 81586. See JA\u2019s argument under second entry of 17 Oct., below.\n       In Support of Complaint in Case Neal\u2019s Action is not entered.\n       I do not know, nor is it possible for your Honours to determine, what Reason induced the Plantiff to renounce this suit. Whether it was, because the Estate is insolvent, or because he had no Cause of Action, or because his Action was mislayed, or because his Writ was bad, which by the Way is very probable, considering who drew it, that determined the Plantiff, not to enter this Action, I cannot say, and your Honours cannot determine. It appears to your Honours, that the Defendant has been vexed and distressed by this summons, that she has been obliged to take a Journey to this Town, and to attend upon this Court, where it appears there is nothing for her to answer to. All this appears. What Motive induced the Plantiff to drop his Action does not appear, and therefore We have a Right to Costs. As Things are Circumstanced, I will own, that had this Action been commenced by any Gentleman, at this Bar, I would have dispensed with this Complaint, but it was drawn by a petty fogging Deputy Sheriff against whom I know it is my Duty, and I think it is my Interest to take all legall Advantages. And he himself cannot think it hard, as he has taken both illegal and iniquitous Advantages against me. Therefore I pray your Honours Judgment for Costs.\u2014Q. If this Action should be entered, what must be done with it? Continued, or dismissed?\u2014A Motion must be made for a Continuance or a Dismission.\n   Joseph Neal had sued the widow of Capt. Richard Brackett as administratrix of Brackett\u2019s estate. JA drafted arguments for this case in several entries below. It is not known how the action, which was entered and continued, presumably in the Inferior Court, came out; but in the case of Joseph Neal v. Nathan Spear, which grew out of it, JA won costs by a plea in abatement of the writ (see an entry under the assigned date of Jan.? 1761, below).\n       Neals Action is entered so that I have two Actions to defend by Pleas in Bar and three of the Actions I entered, are to be defended, Clark is to Plead in Abatement and Tirrell and Thayer are, I suppose, to plead to issue. Clark gave a Note of Hand to Captn. Brackett in his Life time, and after his Death, on a Reckoning with the Administratrix, a Ballance was found due to the Estate upon Book, for which he gave a new Note to the Widow as Administratrix. Now I have laid both these Notes in one Declaration in Conformity to the Province Law, which forbids two Bills of Cost, upon Instruments, Bonds, Bills, Notes &c. executed by the same Party, and made payable to one and the same Person, and put in suit at the same Time. Dana pleads in Abatement, that these Notes, tho executed by the same Party, were not made payable to one and the same Person. The first was made payable to Bracket, and the second was made payable to his Wife\u2014and cites 3rd. Salkeld 202. \u201cA. owed to B. \u00a320 as Executor, and \u00a310 more in his own Right. One Action will not lie against him for the whole Money, because there must be several Judgments.\u201d And Dana says, that soon after he began Practice, he drew a Writ upon a Note taken by an Executor, as Executor, for a Debt of his Testator, and drew the Writ as if the Note had been taken in the Executors own private Right. Auchmuty for the Defendant, pleaded in Abatement that the Note was given to Plaintiff as Executor, not in his own Right, and the Inferiour Court abated the Writ, but he appealed, and at the Superiour Court, got Mr. Reed to speak for him, who contended that the Words as Executor, were idle, and the Court unanimously set up his Writ.\n   Robert Auchmuty the elder (d. 1750 or 1751), a Scot trained at the Middle Temple who was prominent in the early Boston bar and other colonial affairs; from 1733 to 1741 he was judge of admiralty for New England. His son Robert was an associate of JA\u2019s in the Suffolk bar, notably as co-counsel in the defense of Captain Preston in 1770, but he became a loyalist and left America. A sister of the younger Auchmuty, Isabella, married the lawyer and judge Benjamin Prat. (DABAllen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928\u20131936; 20 vols. plus index and supplements., under both Auchmutys; NEHGRNew England Historical and Genealogical Register., 12 [1858]:69\u201371.)\n       Attended Mr. Niles\u2019s Court this morning for John Holbrook Junior in an Action of his against Benja. Thayer Junior. Holbrook agreed with Thayer, to submit all Demands together with both Actions to 3 men.\n       Mr. Niles told me, that he consulted Mr. Thatcher about entering his Action against Mrs. Brackett. Thatcher told him, it was as likely that she would recover Costs against him, as that he would recover Judgment against her, And therefore advised him not to enter. Niles\u2019s Action is exactly like Neals. How came Thatcher to advise to one Thing and Dana to another? The Answer is Dana dont care, how the Action goes. He is sure of his Fee and attendance, whether he gets or looses his Cause.\n       Thus I find the Bar is divided. Gridley is at a loss. He told me it was a Point of Law that would require a leisurely Examination. Thatcher is uncertain, but thinks it as likely to go in favour of the Administratrix as against her, and how much more likely he did not say. Kent says, the Administratrix will recover Costs, in Spight of the Devil, and he has recovered many a Time in such a Case.\u2014It is a great object of Ambition to settle this Point of Law, whether a suit brought against an Administrator, who after the Commencement, Entry and several Continuances, represents the Estate Insolvent, shall be barred, and the Administrator allowed Costs?\n       I cannot be compelled to accept Mr. Dana\u2019s agreement not to take Execution. And I insist upon it, if he has Judgment, he may take Execution, and if he takes Execution, what shall hinder the officer, from levying the whole Debt, and then what becomes of the Province Law, relating to insolvent Estates? The Words of the Law are \u201cwhen the Estate of any Person deceased shall be insolvent, or insufficient to pay all just Debts, which the deceased owed, the same shall be set forth and distributed, among all the Creditors in Proportion to the sums to them owing, so far as the said Estate will extend.\u201d\n       No Debts whatever are excepted from the Average, but Debts due to the Crown and the Charges of the last sickness and of the funeral. The Charges of the funeral, of the last sickness and Crown Debts are to be first paid, and then an Average is to be settled by Commissioners of Insolvency, before the Administrators can pay another Debt. There is no Exception of Debts legally demanded before the Representation of Insolvency. If Debts legally demanded, were to be excepted from the Average, every Debt would be excepted from the average. As soon as the Intestates Breath is gone, every Creditor will bring his Action, will make his legal Demand. If this had been Law and known to be law, 500 suits would have been brought vs. this Administratrix, within a Day after she took Administration. If this Rule of Law should be established, it would prove the Destruction of every Intestate Estate in the Province that is considerably in debt. Every Creditor would bring his suit, immediately, and thus the Costs of Suits would amount to a greater sum, oftentimes than the Debts.\n       It would indeed, furnish Employment to the Lawyers, and perhaps, a secret Regard to Interest has blinded some to the Inconveniences, that must attend it. I think the Point is clear, that a legal Demand, before the Representation of Insolvency cannot intitle any Creditor to recover his whole Demand.\n       Now the Question is whether, if this Action should be defaulted, and Judgment made up, and Execution should issue, it would not issue for the whole sum; and if it issues for the whole sum, the sheriff must levy the whole sum. So that, if Judgment should be rendered now, the whole Demand would be recovered\u2014for this Court cannot consider an Average, that is not yet settled.\n       Well, should this Action be continued, along from Court to Court, and Judgment be entered after the.\n       In answer to Sewals objection, I say, that an Administrator de Bonis non, could not maintain an Action vs. this Defendant, on this Note. But the Administration of this Administratrix must bring the Action, and stand accountable to the Administrator de Bonis non, for the Money, and if this Defendant should break, or die insolvent this would be a good Account.\n       Her delay to represent this Estate insolvent is of no Consequence at all. She was in Hopes, the Estate would have been sufficient, and she wanted to make a Calculation between the Estate and its Debts, before she made that Representation. She did not want to give the Creditors the Trouble of making out their Claims before Commissioners, if she could pay them without it. She acted in short as every prudent Administrator would do, to save herself and family the Disgrace and Curses of Insolvency, and to save her Creditors, the Trouble of making out their Claims, but People at last grew impatient and some Gentlemen had propagated an Opinion that those who made a legal Demand before the Representation, would recover their whole Debts, and summons\u2019s flowed in upon her from all Quarters. Several Actions were brought against her, at Plymouth Court, and several more to this Court, and she saw that Ruin would insue to herself and family if she did not.\n       Now had this Representation been made when she took Administration, 18 months at least would have been allowed to examine Claims. But 6 months were allowed over so that the Creditors will receive their share quite as soon as they would, if it had been represented sooner.\n   Thus in MS.\n       What are the Questions, on which Mrs. Bracketts Bars to Danas Actions turn?\u2014The first Question is, whether any Action at all can be maintained vs. the Administrator of an Insolvent Estate excepting for Debt due to the Crown, for sickness and funeral Charges? And the second is, whether an Action brought before the Representation of Insolvency, can be maintained, i.e. Whether an Administrator, by delaying to represent the Insolvency, makes herself liable to any suit, that is brought against her. For I take it to be very clear, that when an Estate is represented insolvent, as soon as an Administrator is appointed no Action can be maintained. All Actions must be barred, bar\u2019d I mean for a Time, till the Commissioners have reported and the Average is settled. So that the only Question is, whether Administrators are liable to suits, till the Representation is made? And with submission I think it is certain that they are not. In many Cases it is well known, before a Mans Breath is gone, that he owes more than he is worth, and in such Cases the Administrator would do well to represent the Insolvency, at his first Appointment, but there are many Cases, when it is impossible for the Administrator to know whether his Intestate is solvent or insolvent, the Quantity of his Lands and goods may be unknown, and the Number and Quantity of his Debts is always unknown so that no Computation can possibly be made, and in these Cases, it is certainly reasonable and it is Law, that the Administrator should have some time to examine and calculate before he makes a Representation, for if the Estate is sufficient, it would be folly to draw upon his Intestate and himself and family the Disgrace of Insolvency, and the Curses of the Creditors needlessly, and it would be a Pitty to put the Estate to the Expence of the Commissioners, and the Creditors to the Trouble of making out their Claims before them. In all Cases therefore where it is doubtful whether the Estate is sufficient or insufficient, the Administrator ought to have time to inform himself, and in the mean time, all the Creditors must be debared from suits, or if they will bring them they must do it at their Peril, i.e. if the Estate afterwards proves insolvent, their Actions must be bared and they must pay Costs. Whether some Limitation of the time, is expedient or not, it is not our Business to inquire, if the Laws are imperfect in this respect it is the Business of the Legislature to perfect it, but Mr. Dana cannot avail him self of a Law that has no being.\n       Now the Case before your Honour, is of the last sort. At the Time of Capt. Bracketts Death, it was very doubtful, with every body, whether he left enough to pay his Debts or not. His Widow, on her appointment, to the Administration, told the Judge, it was uncertain, and asked time to inform herself; and she has been as diligent as she could, considering the distressed situation of her family, in making Enquiry after the Debts. She found Effects enough in her Hands to pay all the Debts that she was apprized of, and so was unwilling to make the Representation, unwilling to put the Estate to needless Charge, and Disgrace, unwilling to put her Creditors to the Trouble of making out their Claims with the Commissioners, till she was satisfyd, there was not enough. But new Creditors are daily making their Appearance, who have large demands, and some who were never so civil as to let her know she owed them, have sent her Writts. She was sued in one Action to this Court for some hundreds, on a Note that she never suspected to be in Being. In short she finds most of the real Estate under Mortgage, so that most, if not all the Personal Estate must go to discharge these Mortgages, and then the real Estate must be sold at Vendue, the Event of which is quite uncertain, and therefore the Estate is not sufficient to pay. And as the Estate is insolvent, these suits must be barred. The Law is express, that No Proscess shall be allowed. And I presume the Reason, why the Law has not confined Administrators to narrow limits, is that People must be restrained from rushing on such Estates, and by stifling all the sentiments of Humanity, bringing Destruction on the fatherless and Widows.\n       The Time for Enquiry, whether the Estate is insolvent, or not, must be dilated on. It is a momentous Point. Must shew, that the time she has taken, is no more than reasonable.\n       The Administrator is not liable unless it can be shewn that she has intermeddled with the Goods and made payment of any Debt. She has never paid any Debt.\n       In the Beginning of May 58 Mr. Lambard, the Plantiff, gave a Lease of a House and Barn and Land in Germantown mentioned in the Writ to the Defendant Mr. Tirrell, and this Lease you will have with you. You will find by it, that Tirrill was to give illegible initial &c. the same Rent, that is sued for, in the present Action. In May 1759, i.e. at the End of the Year, Mr. Lambard went into the service, without making any new Contract, and Mr. Tirrell and his family continued in the House from that time to this. The Plantiff has frequently requested his Rent, but has been always refused, and at last he was obliged to bring his Action. As I said before there was no express Contract between the Parties, for the Year 1759, but as there was an express Contract for 58, and as the Defendant continued with his family, and as the Plantiff permitted him to continue in the House, the natural and legal Presumption is, that each Party was satisfyd with the old Terms, and intended the old Terms should continue. For had the Landlord been dissatisfyd with the Terms, it would have been his Business to have said, you must come upon a new Agreement or else leave the House, and had the Tenant been dissatisfyd he should have said I must have the Place for less Rent or else I must leave. But as each Party was silent, each Party implicitly consented that the old Conditions should remain; especially as the Terms were very reasonable. \u00a370 old Tenor, a Year is a moderate Rent for that Place. There is a very convenient handsome new House, there is a good Barn, and several good Lotts of Land. Besides the House has had Licence for a Tavern for these 7 Years, and Mr. Tirrell has all along kept a Tavern there and does to this day. Now the single Priviledge of keeping a Tavern upon that Place is worth as much annually as this Rent. For Germantown, you all know is a Place of considerable Resort. Hardly any Gentlemen of Curiosity from any of the four Governments come to this Town, without taking a Ride to Germantown to see the Manufactures there, that of Glass and that of Stockings. Great Numbers of People go out from this Town upon Parties of Pleasure to Germantown, and there is a considerable Number of Inhabitants upon the Place and all these must be entertained and supplied, so that considering the House, Barn, Land, and these Priviledges the Rent is quite moderate, and there can be no Reason why each Party should not be confined, to those Terms, which the Defendants silence and Continuance in the House, raise a violent Presumption that he consented to, and I dont doubt, you\u2019l give us the sum sued for accordingly.\n   Second entry so dated. This is a draft of JA\u2019s argument in the case of Lambard (or Lambert) v. Tirrell in the Inferior Court; see 7 Oct. and note, above.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0001", "content": "Title: [3] Novr. 1760. Monday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Dana says the Administrator ought not to regard the Disgrace or Trouble or Expence of a Commission of Insolvency, but if it is in the least degree suspicious, that the Estate will not prove sufficient, he must represent it so, at his first Appointment i.e. every Day, that he takes to enquire into the Value of the Estate, and the Number of Debts, is at the Risque of the Creditors, and if any one Creditor brings his Action he must maintain it, at the Expence of the others. For says he, as no Time is limitted an Administrator may wait a whole Year, before he represents the Estate insolvent, and live upon the Estate all that time, to the Injury of the Creditors. Nay he may neglect it two Years, or 10 Years, till he has wasted, spent, or alienated the whole Estate.\n       I say, it is reasonable that a Time should be allowed the Administrator to enquire, to make a Computation of the Effects, and to enquire into the No. and Quantity of the Debts, that he may be able to judge, whether the Estate is insolvent or not. For a Commission of Insolvency is an Evil, always to be avoided, if Possible. It is always considered as a Disgrace to a family. It is always a great Expence to the Estate. It always provokes the Curses of the Creditors, and puts them to the Trouble in attending the Commissioners to prove their Debts. And it is not only reasonable, that a Time of Enquiry should be allowed, but it is Law. And the Executor or Administrator appointed to any Insolvent Estate, before Payment to any be made, except as aforesaid, shall represent the Condition and Circumstances thereof unto the Judge of Probate. Here is plainly a time allowed him, and there is no Limitation of that time. It is only said the Representation must be made before any Payment is made. And here is an Exception, which clearly gives the Administrator, some time; the Exception is of Debts due to the Crown, of sickness and funeral Charges. These the Administrator, after his Appointment may pay, before he is obliged to represent it insolvent, and he could not pay these any more than any other Debts unless some time was allowed him.\n       Mr. Danas Objections are in my humble opinion of little Weight. He says, that if the Administrator is not obliged to represent immediately, he may delay it, till she and her family have consumed, or by fraud conveyed away the Estate. But your Honours know that Apprisers are appointed, always directly after the Administrator is appointed, who are to make an Inventory and then the Administrator charges herself with all the Articles in the Inventory, and gives Bonds to be accountable for them at the apprized Value, at the Years End. So that if the Estate is wasted the Administrators Bond may be put in suit. Besides, admitting here is a Defect in the Law, in this Respect, Admitting a new Law is expedient, to limit the Time of representation, such a Law has no Existence, nor can Mr. Dana avail himself of a Law that has no Being, however expedient it may be, especially when the Representation is made within a reasonable Time, as this was. The Representation was made in 9 months, which was a short space of Time considering the Circumstances of this affair. Brackett was struck out of Life suddenly, left a very distressed family, and a very perplexed and embarrassed Estate, so that it was impossible for the Widow to recover from her surprize, and make any Inquiry so as to satisfy herself whether the Estate was sufficient or not, sooner than she did. And I presume the Reason why the Law has not confined the Administrator to such Estates to narrow limits, is, because Persons, that die so much in Debt, commonly leave Widows and Children behind them, who have been used to decent and reputable living, and will therefore, if some reasonable time is not allowed them to keep together, recover their surprize and look about them, will be driven to absolute Despair. And to this Purpose and that the Estate may not be burdened with Costs, the Law has provided, that no Proscess shall be allowed, while any such Estate is depending as aforesaid, which Words extend as well to the Time, the Estate is depending under the Examination and Enquiry of the Administrator as to that between the Representation of Insolvency and the settling of the Average. And it is quite reasonable that this Action in Particular, should be barred, because it was entered, out of the meer Humour and Obstinacy of the Plantiff. Tho it was commenced before the Representation it was entered afterwards, whereas if he had been a reasonable Man, instead of entering and driving this Action, as he has done, he should have dropd it without Entry.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0002", "content": "Title: Nov. 5th. 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n        Messrs.\n       I presume upon the common sense of the World that no offence will be taken at the Freedom of the following Sentiments while the utmost Deference for Authority and Decency of Language is preserved, as Persons of obscure Birth, and Station, and narrow Fortunes have no other Way, but thro the Press to communicate their Tho\u2019ts abroad, either to the high or the low.\n       The Vacancy, in the highest seat of Justice in the Province occasioned by the Death of Judge Sewal, naturally stirrs the Minds of all, who know the Importance of a wise, steady and loyal Administration of Justice, to enquire for a fit Person to fill that Place. Such Persons know, that the Rules of the common Law are extreamly numerous, that Acts of Parliament are numerous, some taken from, or at least in spirit, from the Civil Law, others from the Cannon and feudal Law. Such Persons know that the Histories of Cases and Resolutions of Judges have been preserved from a very great Antiquity, and they know also, that every possible Case being thus preserved in Writing, and settled in a Precedent, leaves nothing, or but little to the arbitrary Will or uninformed Reason of Prince or Judge.\n       And it will be easy, for any Man to conclude what opportunities, Industry, and Genius employd from early Youth, will be necessary to gain a Knowledge, from all these sources, sufficient to decide the Lives, Liberties and fortunes of Mankind, with safety to the Peoples Liberties, as well as the Kings Prerogative, that happy Union, in which the Excellence of british Government consists, and which has often been preserved by the deep Discernment and noble spirit of english Judges.\n       It will be easy for any Man to conclude that a Man whose Youth and Spirits and Strength, have been spent, in Husbandry Merchandize, Politicks, nay in science or Literature will never master so immense and involved a science: for it may be taken for a never failing Maxim, that Youth is the only Time for laying the Foundation of a great Improvement in any science or Profession and that an Application in advanced Years, after the Mind is crowded, the Attention divided, or dissipated, and the Memory in part lost will make but a tolerable Artist at best.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0003", "content": "Title: Novr. 14th. 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Another Year is now gone and upon Recollection, I find I have executed none of my Plans of study. I cannot Satisfy my self that I am much more knowing either from Books, or Men, from this Chamber, or the World, than I was at least a Year ago, when I wrote the foregoing Letter to Sewal. Most of my Time has been spent in Rambling and Dissipation. Riding, and Walking, Smoking Pipes and Spending Evenings, consume a vast Proportion of my Time, and the Cares and Anxieties of Business, damp my Ardor and scatter my attention. But I must stay more at home\u2014and commit more to Writing. A Pen is certainly an excellent Instrument, to fix a Mans Attention and to inflame his Ambition. I am therefore beginning a new literary Year, with the 26th. of my life.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-15-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0006", "content": "Title: 1760. Novr. 15th. Sat.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Spent last Evening at Coll. Quincys, with Coll. Lincoln. Several Instances were mentioned, when the Independency and Superiority of the Law in general over particular Departments of officers, civil and military, has been asserted and maintained, by the Judges, at Home. Ld. Cokes Resolution in the Case of \u2014\u2014 in oposition to the opinion, and even to the orders, and passionate Threatnings of the King. Ld. Holts refusal to give the House of Lords his Reasons, for his Judgment in the Case of \u2014\u2014 in an extra judicial Manner, i.e. without being legally and constitutionally called before them by a Rit Writ of Error, Certiorari, or false Judgment. And Chief Justice Wills\u2019s resolute spirited assertion of the Rits Rights of common Law in opposition to the Court Martial against the Intercession of powerful Friends, and even of the Ministry if not the King himself.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-19-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0008", "content": "Title: Wednesday [19 November].\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Dined at Badcocks, with McKenzie. He pretends to Mechanicks, and Manufactures. He owns the snuff Mill, and he is about setting up some Machine to hull our Barley. One Welsh dined with us, who he said was the best, most ingenious Tradesman, that ever was in this Country. McKenzie and Welsh were very full of the Machinery, in Europe, the Fire Engines, the Water Works, the silk Machines, the Wind Mills, in Holland &c. McKenzie says there are 27, 000 Wheels, and 90, 000 Movements in the silk Machine. You may see 10,000 Wind Mills go\u00ading at once in Holland. Thus he tells Wondrous Things, like other Travellers.\u2014I suspect he would be unable to describe the fire Engine or the Water Works. Had I been Master of my self I should have examined him, artfully, but I could not recollect any one Particular of the fire Engine, but the Receiver, and that he says is no Part of the Engine. But he talks about a Center Cylinder.\n       This conceited Scotchman has been a Rambler I believe. He set up Merchandize in New London. He married a Cunningham, sister to Otis\u2019s Wife.\u2014These restless Projectors, in Mechanicks, Husbandry, Merchandize, Manufactures, seldom succeed here. No Manufactury has succeeded here, as yet. And I believe Franklins Reasoning is good, and the Causes he mentions will hinder the growth of Manufactures here in America, for a great While yet to come.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-21-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0009", "content": "Title: 1760. Novr. 21st. Friday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       This day has been spent to little Purpose. I must confine my Body, or I never shall confine my Tho\u2019ts. Running to Drs., cutting Wood, blowing fires, cutting Tobacco, waste my Time, scatter my Thoughts, and divert my Ambition. A Train of Thought, is hard to procure. Trifles light as Air, break the Chain, interrupt the series.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-21-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0010", "content": "Title: 1760. Novr. 21st. Friday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Finished the History of the Common Law, the second Time. The Dissertation on hereditary Descents, and that on Tryals by Juries, are really, very excellent Performances, and well worth repeated, attentive Reading.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-22-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0011", "content": "Title: [November] 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Pater was in a very sociable Mood this Evening. He told 3 or 4 merry stories of old Horn. Old Horn, a little crooked old Lawyer in my fathers Youth, who made a Business of Jest and Banter, attacked an old Squaw one Day upon the Neck. The old Squaw made answer,  \u201cYou poor smitten Boy, you with your Knife in your Tail and your Loaf on your Back, did your Mother born you so?\u201d\n       A Man, whom he assaulted at another Time, with his Jests, asked him \u201cDid you come straight from Boston?\u201d And upon being answered yes, replied you have been miserably warped by the Way then.\n       A Market Girl whom he overtook upon the Neck, and asked to let him jigg her? answered by asking what is that? What good will that do? He replied it will make you fat! Pray be so good then says the Girl as to Gigg my Mare. She\u2019s miserably lean.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0013", "content": "Title: 1760. Novr. 26th. Wednesday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Ten days are now elapsed, since I began Hale the 2d time, and all the Law I have read, for 10 days, is that Book once thro. I read Woods Institute thro the first Time with Mr. Put. in twice that time i.e. in 3 Weeks, and kept a school every day. My present Inattention to Law is intolerable and ruinous.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0014", "content": "Title: 1760. Novr. 26th Wednesday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Night before Thanksgiving.\u2014I have read a Multitude of Law Books\u2014mastered but few. Wood. Coke. 2 Vols. Lillies Abridgment. 2 Vols. Salkeld\u2019s Reports. Swinburne. Hawkins Pleas of the Crown. Fortescue. Fitzgibbons. Ten Volumes in folio I read, at Worcester, quite thro\u2014besides Octavos and Lesser Volumes, and many others of all sizes that I consulted occasionally, without Reading in Course as Dictionaries, Reporters, Entries, and Abridgments, &c.\n       I cannot give so good an Account of the Improvement of my two last Years, spent in Braintree. However I have read no small Number of Volumes, upon the Law, the last 2 Years. Justinians Institutes I have read, thro, in Latin with Vinnius\u2019s perpetual Notes, Van Muydens Tractatio Institutionum Justiniani, I read thro, and translated, mostly into English, from the same Language. Woods Institute of the Civil Law, I read thro. These on the civil Law; on the Law of England I read Cowells Institute of the Laws of England, in Imitation of Justinian, Dr. and student, Finch\u2019s Discourse of Law, Hales History, and some Reporters, Cases in Chancery, Andrews &c. besides occasional searches for Business. Also a general Treatise of naval Trade and Commerce, as founded on the Laws and Statutes. All this series of Reading, has left but faint Impressions, and a very Imperfect system of Law in my Head.\n       I must form a serious Resolution of beginning and pursuing quite thro, the Plans of my Lords Hale, and Reeve. Woods Institutes of common Law I never read but once, and my Ld. Coke\u2019s Commentary on Littleton I never read but once. These two Authors I must get, and read, over and over again. And I will get em too, and break thro, as Mr. Gridly expressed it, all obstructions.\n       Besides, I am but a Novice in natural Law and civil Law. There are multitudes of excellent Authors, on natural Law, that I have never read, indeed I never read any Part of the best authors, Puffendorf and Grotius. In the Civil Law, there are Hoppius, and Vinnius, Commentators on Justinian, Domat, &c. besides Institutes of Cannon and feudal Law, that I have to read.\n       Much may be done in two Years, I have found already. And let it be my Care, that at the End of the next two Years I be better able to shew that no Time has been lost than I ever have been yet.\n       Let me practice the Rule of Pythagoras.\n        \u039c\u03b7\u03b4\u1fbd \u1f55\u03c0\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03bc\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03af\u03bd \u03ad\u03c0\u1fbd \u1f44\u03bc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b4\u03ad\u03be\u03b1\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\n         \u03c0\u03c1\u03af\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f14\u03c1\u03b3\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03c1\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f15\u03ba\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u03c0\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \n        \u03c0\u03b7 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03b2\u03b7\u03bd; \u03c4\u03af \u03b4\u1fbd\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u03be\u03b1; \u03c4\u03b9 \u03bc\u03bf\u03b9 \u03b4\u03b5\u03bf\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7;\n       Thus let me, every night before I go to bed, write down in this Book, what Book of Law, I have read.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0015", "content": "Title: 1760 Novr. 28th. Friday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       I have not read one Word of Law, this Day. But several Points, and Queries have been suggested to me, by the Consultors.\u2014In whom is the Fee, and Freehold of our burying Yard? What Right has any Man to erect a Monument, or sink a Tomb there, without the Consent of the Proprietors? In England, the Church Yards are the Places of Burial, and the Parson is seised in fee, of them as of the Ground whereon the Church stands. But our Burying Yards, as well as the Ground, on which our Temples stand, are not vested in our incumbent Ministers, but in the Precinct or Parish, (the Corporation socalled) where they lie, according to the late Resolution in the Dedham Case.\n       The Property of our Meeting House, is in the Precinct, i.e. the dissenting Part of it,\u2014And I think the Precinct, by its Committee sold the Pews to particular Persons, and perhaps, the Persons who have erected Tombs, might previously ask And obtain the Priviledge of the Precinct.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-29-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007-0016", "content": "Title: 1760. Novr. 29th. Saturday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Read no Law.\u2014An exclusive Property is certainly claimed and enjoyed, by private Persons, in Tombs and Monuments, as well as in Pews. Inhabitants of other Towns, have usually asked Leave of the Select Men, to bury their dead in our burying Place. But I should think the Precinct Assessors, or Parish Committee, had rather the Inspection of our burying Yard. My Father never knew License given nor asked of Town, nor Precinct to sink a Tomb, nor to raise a Monument.\n       Suppose my Father, Wife, Child, friend died, and I order the sexton, or on his Refusal my own servant to open any Tomb in our burying Yard, and without further Ceremony deposit the Corps there, can the pretended Proprietor have any Action, or Remedy against me? The Course of the Descent of these Tombs and Pews, when undisposed by Will, is a matter of uncertainty too. Do they descend to the Heirs, as Inheritances in Houses and Lands, or do they go to the Executor or Administrator, as personal Estate?\n       There is an Anecdote in the Spectator, of De Wit, the famous dutch Politician. Somebody asked him how he could rid his Hands of that endless Multiplicity and Variety of Business that passed thro them, without Confusion? He answered, \u201cby doing one Thing at once.\u201d When he began Any Thing, he applied his whole Attention to it, till he had finished it.\u2014This Rule should be observed in Law. If any Point is to be examined, every Book should be consulted and every Light should be considered, before you proceed to any other Business or study. If any Book is to be read, no other Book should be taken up to divert or interrupt your Attention till that Book is finished.\n       Order, Method, Regularity in Business or Study have excellent Effects both in saving of Time and in bettering and improving Performance. Business done, in order, is done sooner, and better.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0007", "content": "Title: [November 1760]\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Dana says the Administrator ought not to regard the Disgrace or Trouble or Expence of a Commission of Insolvency, but if it is in the least degree suspicious, that the Estate will not prove sufficient, he must represent it so, at his first Appointment i.e. every Day, that he takes to enquire into the Value of the Estate, and the Number of Debts, is at the Risque of the Creditors, and if any one Creditor brings his Action he must maintain it, at the Expence of the others. For says he, as no Time is limitted an Administrator may wait a whole Year, before he represents the Estate insolvent, and live upon the Estate all that time, to the Injury of the Creditors. Nay he may neglect it two Years, or 10 Years, till he has wasted, spent, or alienated the whole Estate.\n       I say, it is reasonable that a Time should be allowed the Administrator to enquire, to make a Computation of the Effects, and to enquire into the No. and Quantity of the Debts, that he may be able to judge, whether the Estate is insolvent or not. For a Commission of Insolvency is an Evil, always to be avoided, if Possible. It is always considered as a Disgrace to a family. It is always a great Expence to the Estate. It always provokes the Curses of the Creditors, and puts them to the Trouble in attending the Commissioners to prove their Debts. And it is not only reasonable, that a Time of Enquiry should be allowed, but it is Law. And the Executor or Administrator appointed to any Insolvent Estate, before Payment to any be made, except as aforesaid, shall represent the Condition and Circumstances thereof unto the Judge of Probate. Here is plainly a time allowed him, and there is no Limitation of that time. It is only said the Representation must be made before any Payment is made. And here is an Exception, which clearly gives the Administrator, some time; the Exception is of Debts due to the Crown, of sickness and funeral Charges. These the Administrator, after his Appointment may pay, before he is obliged to represent it insolvent, and he could not pay these any more than any other Debts unless some time was allowed him.\n       Mr. Danas Objections are in my humble opinion of little Weight. He says, that if the Administrator is not obliged to represent immediately, he may delay it, till she and her family have consumed, or by fraud conveyed away the Estate. But your Honours know that Apprisers are appointed, always directly after the Administrator is appointed, who are to make an Inventory and then the Administrator charges herself with all the Articles in the Inventory, and gives Bonds to be accountable for them at the apprized Value, at the Years End. So that if the Estate is wasted the Administrators Bond may be put in suit. Besides, admitting here is a Defect in the Law, in this Respect, Admitting a new Law is expedient, to limit the Time of representation, such a Law has no Existence, nor can Mr. Dana avail himself of a Law that has no Being, however expedient it may be, especially when the Representation is made within a reasonable Time, as this was. The Representation was made in 9 months, which was a short space of Time considering the Circumstances of this affair. Brackett was struck out of Life suddenly, left a very distressed family, and a very perplexed and embarrassed Estate, so that it was impossible for the Widow to recover from her surprize, and make any Inquiry so as to satisfy herself whether the Estate was sufficient or not, sooner than she did. And I presume the Reason why the Law has not confined the Administrator to such Estates to narrow limits, is, because Persons, that die so much in Debt, commonly leave Widows and Children behind them, who have been used to decent and reputable living, and will therefore, if some reasonable time is not allowed them to keep together, recover their surprize and look about them, will be driven to absolute Despair. And to this Purpose and that the Estate may not be burdened with Costs, the Law has provided, that no Proscess shall be allowed, while any such Estate is depending as aforesaid, which Words extend as well to the Time, the Estate is depending under the Examination and Enquiry of the Administrator as to that between the Representation of Insolvency and the settling of the Average. And it is quite reasonable that this Action in Particular, should be barred, because it was entered, out of the meer Humour and Obstinacy of the Plantiff. Tho it was commenced before the Representation it was entered afterwards, whereas if he had been a reasonable Man, instead of entering and driving this Action, as he has done, he should have dropd it without Entry.\n        Messrs.\n       I presume upon the common sense of the World that no offence will be taken at the Freedom of the following Sentiments while the utmost Deference for Authority and Decency of Language is preserved, as Persons of obscure Birth, and Station, and narrow Fortunes have no other Way, but thro the Press to communicate their Tho\u2019ts abroad, either to the high or the low.\n       The Vacancy, in the highest seat of Justice in the Province occasioned by the Death of Judge Sewal, naturally stirrs the Minds of all, who know the Importance of a wise, steady and loyal Administration of Justice, to enquire for a fit Person to fill that Place. Such Persons know, that the Rules of the common Law are extreamly numerous, that Acts of Parliament are numerous, some taken from, or at least in spirit, from the Civil Law, others from the Cannon and feudal Law. Such Persons know that the Histories of Cases and Resolutions of Judges have been preserved from a very great Antiquity, and they know also, that every possible Case being thus preserved in Writing, and settled in a Precedent, leaves nothing, or but little to the arbitrary Will or uninformed Reason of Prince or Judge.\n       And it will be easy, for any Man to conclude what opportunities, Industry, and Genius employd from early Youth, will be necessary to gain a Knowledge, from all these sources, sufficient to decide the Lives, Liberties and fortunes of Mankind, with safety to the Peoples Liberties, as well as the Kings Prerogative, that happy Union, in which the Excellence of british Government consists, and which has often been preserved by the deep Discernment and noble spirit of english Judges.\n       It will be easy for any Man to conclude that a Man whose Youth and Spirits and Strength, have been spent, in Husbandry Merchandize, Politicks, nay in science or Literature will never master so immense and involved a science: for it may be taken for a never failing Maxim, that Youth is the only Time for laying the Foundation of a great Improvement in any science or Profession and that an Application in advanced Years, after the Mind is crowded, the Attention divided, or dissipated, and the Memory in part lost will make but a tolerable Artist at best.\n   This draft of a communication to a newspaper is obviously incomplete and does not appear to have been published.\n   Chief Justice Stephen Sewall died on 10 Sept. 1760, and a bitter contention ensued over the succession to his post. According to a retrospective account by Edmund Trowbridge, the two candidates who made themselves most conspicuous by their own efforts were William Brattle and the elder James Otis. When, on 13 Nov., Lt. Gov. Thomas Hutchinson was named, the two disappointed candidates were so \u201cvery angry with him and every one else they knew or suspected had not favoured their Respective Claims,\u201d that much of the subsequent political squabbling in Massachusetts was a result of their irritation (Trowbridge to William Bollan, 15 July 1762, MHS, Colls.Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings., 74 [1918]:66). Neither Brattle nor Otis nor Hutchinson had had regular legal training, and so it would appear that JA is arguing against the appointment of any one of the three. If he had completed his article, we would doubtless know whom he was for.\n       Another Year is now gone and upon Recollection, I find I have executed none of my Plans of study. I cannot Satisfy my self that I am much more knowing either from Books, or Men, from this Chamber, or the World, than I was at least a Year ago, when I wrote the foregoing Letter to Sewal. Most of my Time has been spent in Rambling and Dissipation. Riding, and Walking, Smoking Pipes and Spending Evenings, consume a vast Proportion of my Time, and the Cares and Anxieties of Business, damp my Ardor and scatter my attention. But I must stay more at home\u2014and commit more to Writing. A Pen is certainly an excellent Instrument, to fix a Mans Attention and to inflame his Ambition. I am therefore beginning a new literary Year, with the 26th. of my life.\n   This and the following two entries, all of them bearing the same date, are inserted here from D/JA/4, the journal of studies that JA projected in Oct. 1759 (see entries there) but proceeded to neglect for over a year.\n   Draft at the beginning of D/JA/4 (p. 123\u2013124, above).\n   An approximation. JA\u2019s 26th birthday fell on 19 Oct. 1760 according to the Old Style calendar; on 30 Oct. according to the New Style.\n       I am just entered on the 26th Year of my Life, and on the fifth Year of my studies in Law, and I think it is high Time for a Reformation both in the Man, and the Lawyer. 25 Years of the Animal Life is a great Proportion to be spent, to so little Purpose, and four Years, the Space that we spend at Colledge is a great deal of Time to spend for no more Knowledge in the science and no more Employment in the Practice of Law. Let me keep an exact Journal therefore of the Authors I read, in this Paper.\n       This day I am beginning my Ld. Hales History of the Common Law, a Book borrowed of Mr. Otis, and read once already, Analysis and all, with great Satisfaction. I wish I had Mr. Blackstones Analysis, that I might compare, and see what Improvements he has made upon Hale\u2019s.\n       But what principally pleased me, in the first Reading of Hales History, was his Dissertation upon Descents, and upon Tryals by a Jury.\n       Hales Analysis, as Mr. Gridley tells me, is an Improvement of one, first planned and sketched by Noy, an Attorney General in the Reign of Charles 1st. And Mr. Blackstone\u2019s is an Improvement upon Hales.\n   That is, this paper booklet or gathering of leaves.\n   For copies of works by Chief Justice Sir Matthew Hale and Sir William Blackstone still among JA\u2019s books at the Boston Public Library, see Catalogue of JA\u2019s LibraryCatalogue of the John Adams Library in the Public Library of the City of Boston, Boston, 1917., p. 113, 28.\n       The Title is \u201cThe History of the Common Law of England.\u201d The Frontispiece, I cannot comprehend. It is this. \u1f38\u03c3\u03c7\u03c5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41 \u039d\u00d3\u039c\u039f\u03a3 \u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\u1f76\u03bd \u1f04\u03c1\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u1f70 His great Distribution of the Laws of England is into Leges scriptae and Leges non scriptae. The first are Acts of Parliament which are originally reduced to writing before they are enacted, or receive any binding Power, every such Law being in the first Instance, formally drawn up in Writing, and made as it were a Tripartite Indenture, between the King, the Lords and Commons.\n       The Leges non scriptae, altho there may be some Monument or Memorial of them in Writing (as there is of all of them) yet all of them have not their original in Writing, but have obtained their Force by immemorial Usage or Custom.\n   Transcribed by JA from the titlepage of Sir Matthew Hale\u2019s The History and Analysis of the Common Law of England, London, 1713. JA could make no sense of it because it is garbled Greek for which the printer may have been re\u00adsponsible. CFA subjoined the following note on the passage: \u201cStephanus quotes the following as a proverb,\u2014\n   \u1f38\u03c3\u03c7\u03c5\u03c1\u1f78\u03bd \u1f41 \u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ad\u03c3\u03c4\ud800\udfaf\u03bd, \u1f24\u03bd \u1f04\u03c1\u03c7\u03bf\u03bd\u03c4\u1fbd \u1f14\u03c7\u1fc3.  which he translates,\u2014The law is powerful if it have an executor\u201d (JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850\u20131856; 10 vols., 2:101). The Stephani, or Estiennes, were 16th-century printers and lexicographers; see Catalogue of JA\u2019s LibraryCatalogue of the John Adams Library in the Public Library of the City of Boston, Boston, 1917., p. 86. Hale\u2019s titlepage motto is evidently a distorted version of this \u201cproverb.\u201d\n       Spent last Evening at Coll. Quincys, with Coll. Lincoln. Several Instances were mentioned, when the Independency and Superiority of the Law in general over particular Departments of officers, civil and military, has been asserted and maintained, by the Judges, at Home. Ld. Cokes Resolution in the Case of \u2014\u2014 in oposition to the opinion, and even to the orders, and passionate Threatnings of the King. Ld. Holts refusal to give the House of Lords his Reasons, for his Judgment in the Case of \u2014\u2014 in an extra judicial Manner, i.e. without being legally and constitutionally called before them by a Rit Writ of Error, Certiorari, or false Judgment. And Chief Justice Wills\u2019s resolute spirited assertion of the Rits Rights of common Law in opposition to the Court Martial against the Intercession of powerful Friends, and even of the Ministry if not the King himself.\n   CFA identifies two of the cases here referred to (JA, WorksThe Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850\u20131856; 10 vols., 2:101).\n       Parson Smith says the Art of Printing like most other Arts, and Instruments, was discovered by Accident. Somebody, at an idle Hour, had whitled his Name, cut his Name out in the Bark of a Tree. And when his Name was fairly cut out, he cut it off and put it into his Hankerchief. The Bark was fresh, and full of Sap, and the Sap colored his Hankerchief, i.e. printed his Name upon it. And from observing that he tooke the Hint.\n      Wednesday 19 November.\n       Dined at Badcocks, with McKenzie. He pretends to Mechanicks, and Manufactures. He owns the snuff Mill, and he is about setting up some Machine to hull our Barley. One Welsh dined with us, who he said was the best, most ingenious Tradesman, that ever was in this Country. McKenzie and Welsh were very full of the Machinery, in Europe, the Fire Engines, the Water Works, the silk Machines, the Wind Mills, in Holland &c. McKenzie says there are 27, 000 Wheels, and 90, 000 Movements in the silk Machine. You may see 10,000 Wind Mills go\u00ading at once in Holland. Thus he tells Wondrous Things, like other Travellers.\u2014I suspect he would be unable to describe the fire Engine or the Water Works. Had I been Master of my self I should have examined him, artfully, but I could not recollect any one Particular of the fire Engine, but the Receiver, and that he says is no Part of the Engine. But he talks about a Center Cylinder.\n       This conceited Scotchman has been a Rambler I believe. He set up Merchandize in New London. He married a Cunningham, sister to Otis\u2019s Wife.\u2014These restless Projectors, in Mechanicks, Husbandry, Merchandize, Manufactures, seldom succeed here. No Manufactury has succeeded here, as yet. And I believe Franklins Reasoning is good, and the Causes he mentions will hinder the growth of Manufactures here in America, for a great While yet to come.\n   Apparently a second entry for 19 Nov., but the preceding entry should perhaps have been dated a day earlier.\n   The reference is to Franklin\u2019s \u201cObservations concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, Etc.,\u201d written in 1751 and first published four years later in Boston. Franklin reasoned that since land was so plentiful in America, labor would long be costly. \u201cThe Danger therefore of these Colonies interfering with their Mother Country in Trades that depend on Labour, Manufactures, &c., is too remote to require the attention of Great-Britain\u201d (Writings, ed. SmythThe Writings of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Albert Henry Smyth, New York and London, 1905\u20131907; 10 vols., 3:65\u201366.)\n       This day has been spent to little Purpose. I must confine my Body, or I never shall confine my Tho\u2019ts. Running to Drs., cutting Wood, blowing fires, cutting Tobacco, waste my Time, scatter my Thoughts, and divert my Ambition. A Train of Thought, is hard to procure. Trifles light as Air, break the Chain, interrupt the series.\n       Finished the History of the Common Law, the second Time. The Dissertation on hereditary Descents, and that on Tryals by Juries, are really, very excellent Performances, and well worth repeated, attentive Reading.\n   This, the second entry so dated, is from D/JA/4, JA\u2019s fragmentary record of studies.\n      November 1760.\n       Pater was in a very sociable Mood this Evening. He told 3 or 4 merry stories of old Horn. Old Horn, a little crooked old Lawyer in my fathers Youth, who made a Business of Jest and Banter, attacked an old Squaw one Day upon the Neck. The old Squaw made answer,  \u201cYou poor smitten Boy, you with your Knife in your Tail and your Loaf on your Back, did your Mother born you so?\u201d\n       A Man, whom he assaulted at another Time, with his Jests, asked him \u201cDid you come straight from Boston?\u201d And upon being answered yes, replied you have been miserably warped by the Way then.\n       A Market Girl whom he overtook upon the Neck, and asked to let him jigg her? answered by asking what is that? What good will that do? He replied it will make you fat! Pray be so good then says the Girl as to Gigg my Mare. She\u2019s miserably lean.\n   Presumably written 22, 23, or 24 Nov. 1760.\n       Rode to the Iron Works Landing to see a Vessell launched. And after Launching went to smoke a Pipe, at Ben. Thayers, where the Rabble filled the House. Every Room, kitchen, Chamber was crowded with People. Negroes with a fiddle. Young fellows and Girls dancing in the Chamber as if they would kick the floor thro. Zab Hayward, not finding admittance to the Chamber, gathered a Circle round him in the lower Room. There He began to shew his Tricks and Postures, and Activity. He has had the Reputation, for at least fifteen Years, of the best Dancer in the World in these Towns. Several attempted, but none could equal him, in nimbleness of heels. But he has no Conception of the Grace, the Air nor the Regularity of dancing. His Air is absurd and wild, desultory, and irregular, as his Countenance is low and ignoble. In short the Air of his Countenance, the Motions of his Body, Hands, and Head, are extreamly silly, and affected and mean.\n       When he first began, his Behaviour and Speeches were softly silly, but as his Blood grew warm by motion and Liquor, he grew droll. He caught a Girl and danced a Gigg with her, and then led her to one side of the Ring and said, \u201cStand there, I call for you by and by.\u201d This was spoke comically enough, and raised a loud laugh. He caught another Girl, with light Hair, and a Patch on her Chin, and held her by the Hand while he sung a song, describing her as he said. This tickled the Girls Vanity, for the song which he applied to her described a very fine Girl indeed.\n       One of his witty droll sayings he thought, was this. I am a clever fellow, or else the Devil is in me. That is a Clever Girl or else the Devil is in her. Wm. Swan is such another Funmaking animal of diverting Tricks.\n       Hayward took one Girl by the Hand, and made a Speech to her.\n       \u201cI must confess I am an old Man, and as father Smith says hardly capable of doing my Duty.\u201d This raised a broad Laugh too.\n       Thus, in dancing, singing songs, drinking flip, running after one Girl, and married Woman and another, and making these affected, humorous Speeches, he spent the whole Afternoon.\u2014And Zab and I were foolish enough to spend the whole afternoon in gazing and listening.\n       Gurney danced, but was modest and said nothing. E. Turner danced not, but bawled aloud.\u2014God dam it, and dam it, and the Devil, &c.\u2014And swore he\u2019d go to Captn. Thayers, and be merry and get as drunk as the Devil. He insisted upon it, drunk he would get. And indeed, not 2 pence better than drunk he was.\n       Fiddling and dancing, in a Chamber full of young fellows and Girls, a wild Rable of both sexes, and all Ages, in the lower Room, singing dancing, fiddling, drinking flip and Toddy, and drams.\u2014This is the Riot and Revelling of Taverns And of Thayers frolicks.\n   The \u201cIron Works Landing\u201d and Benjamin Thayer\u2019s tavern, on the Monatiquot River where it flows into Fore River Bay, may be seen at the foot of JA\u2019s sketch map of taverns in Braintree and Weymouth, reproduced in this volume. This entire entry was omitted by CFA in editing JA\u2019s Diary.\n      1760. Novr. 26th. Wednesday.\n       Ten days are now elapsed, since I began Hale the 2d time, and all the Law I have read, for 10 days, is that Book once thro. I read Woods Institute thro the first Time with Mr. Put. in twice that time i.e. in 3 Weeks, and kept a school every day. My present Inattention to Law is intolerable and ruinous.\n   This entry and those that follow, through 1 Dec. 1760, are again from D/JA/4, JA\u2019s record of studies.\n      1760. Novr. 26th Wednesday.\n       Night before Thanksgiving.\u2014I have read a Multitude of Law Books\u2014mastered but few. Wood. Coke. 2 Vols. Lillies Abridgment. 2 Vols. Salkeld\u2019s Reports. Swinburne. Hawkins Pleas of the Crown. Fortescue. Fitzgibbons. Ten Volumes in folio I read, at Worcester, quite thro\u2014besides Octavos and Lesser Volumes, and many others of all sizes that I consulted occasionally, without Reading in Course as Dictionaries, Reporters, Entries, and Abridgments, &c.\n       I cannot give so good an Account of the Improvement of my two last Years, spent in Braintree. However I have read no small Number of Volumes, upon the Law, the last 2 Years. Justinians Institutes I have read, thro, in Latin with Vinnius\u2019s perpetual Notes, Van Muydens Tractatio Institutionum Justiniani, I read thro, and translated, mostly into English, from the same Language. Woods Institute of the Civil Law, I read thro. These on the civil Law; on the Law of England I read Cowells Institute of the Laws of England, in Imitation of Justinian, Dr. and student, Finch\u2019s Discourse of Law, Hales History, and some Reporters, Cases in Chancery, Andrews &c. besides occasional searches for Business. Also a general Treatise of naval Trade and Commerce, as founded on the Laws and Statutes. All this series of Reading, has left but faint Impressions, and a very Imperfect system of Law in my Head.\n       I must form a serious Resolution of beginning and pursuing quite thro, the Plans of my Lords Hale, and Reeve. Woods Institutes of common Law I never read but once, and my Ld. Coke\u2019s Commentary on Littleton I never read but once. These two Authors I must get, and read, over and over again. And I will get em too, and break thro, as Mr. Gridly expressed it, all obstructions.\n       Besides, I am but a Novice in natural Law and civil Law. There are multitudes of excellent Authors, on natural Law, that I have never read, indeed I never read any Part of the best authors, Puffendorf and Grotius. In the Civil Law, there are Hoppius, and Vinnius, Commentators on Justinian, Domat, &c. besides Institutes of Cannon and feudal Law, that I have to read.\n       Much may be done in two Years, I have found already. And let it be my Care, that at the End of the next two Years I be better able to shew that no Time has been lost than I ever have been yet.\n       Let me practice the Rule of Pythagoras.\n        \u039c\u03b7\u03b4\u1fbd \u1f55\u03c0\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u03bc\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c3\u03af\u03bd \u03ad\u03c0\u1fbd \u1f44\u03bc\u03bc\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c3\u03b4\u03ad\u03be\u03b1\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\n         \u03c0\u03c1\u03af\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03bd\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f14\u03c1\u03b3\u03c9\u03bd \u03c4\u03c1\u1f76\u03c2 \u1f15\u03ba\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u03c0\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u03b5\u1fd6\u03bd \n        \u03c0\u03b7 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03b5\u03b2\u03b7\u03bd; \u03c4\u03af \u03b4\u1fbd\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u03be\u03b1; \u03c4\u03b9 \u03bc\u03bf\u03b9 \u03b4\u03b5\u03bf\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u03b5\u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b7;\n       Thus let me, every night before I go to bed, write down in this Book, what Book of Law, I have read.\n   Quoted from the \u201cGolden Verses of Pythagoras,\u201d a collection of maxims actually written by disciples of Pythagoras. Professor Johannes A. Gaertner of Lafayette College has kindly furnished the following translation: \u201cLet not sleep be admitted to tiring eyes before going over each of the daily tasks thrice. What have I omitted? What have I achieved? What has not been finished that was my duty?\u201d Years later JA read through the \u201cGolden Verses\u201d in a French translation and wrote a rather bemused marginal commentary on them which has been published by Zolt\u00e1n Haraszti in More Books, 1:106\u2013110 (April 1926). Of the first sentence in the present passage he remarked: \u201cWise but very difficult.\u201d Still later, JQA prefixed a verse translation of this passage to his Diary for 1819; see his MemoirsMemoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Philadelphia, 1874\u20131877; 12 vols., 4:203.\n      1760 Novr. 28th. Friday.\n       I have not read one Word of Law, this Day. But several Points, and Queries have been suggested to me, by the Consultors.\u2014In whom is the Fee, and Freehold of our burying Yard? What Right has any Man to erect a Monument, or sink a Tomb there, without the Consent of the Proprietors? In England, the Church Yards are the Places of Burial, and the Parson is seised in fee, of them as of the Ground whereon the Church stands. But our Burying Yards, as well as the Ground, on which our Temples stand, are not vested in our incumbent Ministers, but in the Precinct or Parish, (the Corporation socalled) where they lie, according to the late Resolution in the Dedham Case.\n       The Property of our Meeting House, is in the Precinct, i.e. the dissenting Part of it,\u2014And I think the Precinct, by its Committee sold the Pews to particular Persons, and perhaps, the Persons who have erected Tombs, might previously ask And obtain the Priviledge of the Precinct.\n      1760. Novr. 29th. Saturday.\n       Read no Law.\u2014An exclusive Property is certainly claimed and enjoyed, by private Persons, in Tombs and Monuments, as well as in Pews. Inhabitants of other Towns, have usually asked Leave of the Select Men, to bury their dead in our burying Place. But I should think the Precinct Assessors, or Parish Committee, had rather the Inspection of our burying Yard. My Father never knew License given nor asked of Town, nor Precinct to sink a Tomb, nor to raise a Monument.\n       Suppose my Father, Wife, Child, friend died, and I order the sexton, or on his Refusal my own servant to open any Tomb in our burying Yard, and without further Ceremony deposit the Corps there, can the pretended Proprietor have any Action, or Remedy against me? The Course of the Descent of these Tombs and Pews, when undisposed by Will, is a matter of uncertainty too. Do they descend to the Heirs, as Inheritances in Houses and Lands, or do they go to the Executor or Administrator, as personal Estate?\n       There is an Anecdote in the Spectator, of De Wit, the famous dutch Politician. Somebody asked him how he could rid his Hands of that endless Multiplicity and Variety of Business that passed thro them, without Confusion? He answered, \u201cby doing one Thing at once.\u201d When he began Any Thing, he applied his whole Attention to it, till he had finished it.\u2014This Rule should be observed in Law. If any Point is to be examined, every Book should be consulted and every Light should be considered, before you proceed to any other Business or study. If any Book is to be read, no other Book should be taken up to divert or interrupt your Attention till that Book is finished.\n       Order, Method, Regularity in Business or Study have excellent Effects both in saving of Time and in bettering and improving Performance. Business done, in order, is done sooner, and better.\n      Novr. 30th. Sunday.\n       Read no Law. Read Bolinbroke.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0008-0001", "content": "Title: 1760. Decr. 1st. Monday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       I am beginning a Week and a month, and I arose by the Dawning of the Day. And by sun rise had made my fire and read a number of Pages in Bolinbroke. Tuesday and Wednesday passed, without reading any Law.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0008-0002", "content": "Title: 1760. Decr. 2d.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Spent the Evening at Coll. Q.\u2019s with Captn. Freeman. About the middle of the Evening Dr. Lincoln and his Lady came in. The Dr. gave us an ample Confirmation of our Opinion of his Brutality and Rusticity. He treated his Wife, as no drunken Cobler, or Clothier would have done, before Company. Her father never gave such Looks and Answers to one of his slaves in my Hearing. And he contradicted he Squibd, shrugged, scouled, laughd at the Coll. in such a Manner as the Coll. would have called Boorish, ungentlemanly, unpolite, ridiculous, in any other Man. More of the Clown, is not in the World. A hoggish, ill bred, uncivil, haughty, Coxcomb, as ever I saw. His Wit is forced and affected, his Manners to his father, Wife, and to Company are brutally rustic, he is ostentatious of his Talent at Disputation, forever giving an History, like my Uncle Hottentot, of some Wrangle he has had with this and that Divine. Affects to be thought an Heretic. Disputes against the Eternity of Hell, torments &c. His treatment of his Wife amazed me. Miss Q. asked the Dr. a Question. Miss Lincoln seeing the Dr. engaged with me, gave her Mother an Answer, which however was not satisfactory. Miss Q. repeats it. \u201cDr. you did not hear my Question.\u201d\u2014\u201cYes I did, replies the Dr., and the Answer to it, my Wife is so pert, she must put in her Oar, or she must blabb, before I could speak.\u201d And then shrugged And affected a laugh, to cow her as he used to, the freshmen and sophymores at Colledge. \u2014She sunk into silence and shame and Grief, as I thought.\u2014After supper, she says \u201cOh my dear, do let my father see that Letter we read on the road.\u201d Bela answers, like the great Mogul, like Nero or Caligula, \u201che shant.\u201d\u2014Why, Dr., do let me have it! do!\u2014He turns his face about as stern as the Devil, sour as Vinegar. \u201cI wont.\u201d\u2014Why sir says she, what makes you answer me so sternly, shant and wont?\u2014Because I wont, says he. Then the poor Girl, between shame and Grief and Resentment and Contempt, at last, strives to turn it off with a Laugh.\u2014\u201cI wish I had it. Ide shew it, I know.\u201d\u2014Bela really acts the Part of the Tamer of the Shrew in Shakespear. Thus a kind Look, an obliging Air, a civil Answer, is a boon that she cant obtain from her Husband. Farmers, Tradesmen, Soldiers, Sailors, People of no fortune, Figure, Education, are really more civil, obliging, kind, to their Wives than he is.\u2014She always is under Restraint before me. She never dares shew her endearing Airs, nor any fondness for him.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-06-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0008-0003", "content": "Title: Decr. 6th. 1760.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Talked with Zab about Newton, Bacon, Lock, Martin, Chambers, Rowning, Desaguliers, S\u2019Gravesende &c. I told him I had a low Opinion of the Compilers, Abridgers, and Abstract makers. We had better draw science from its fountain in original Authors. These Writers, the Hirelings of the Booksellers, only vend us the Discoveries of other Philosophers, in another form, and under another Title, in order to get Bread to eat and Raiment to put on.\u2014Zab says, that Martin has made several Discoveries\u2014has invented new Machines, improved and perfected old ones, nay has even detected Errors in Newton. E.g. Newton always thought, the Moon was surrounded by an Atmosphere, but Martin proved it is not; because the Starrs, that appear all round it above, below and on each side of it, are not diminished in their Lustre, as they would appear, if the Rays passed from them thro an Atmosphere.\n       Then we transited to Dr. Simpson Simson, Euclid &c. and he asked me to demonstrate, that the 3 Angles of a Triangle are equal to 2 Right. I undertook it. Draw a right Line, A.B. Erect the Perpendicular, C.D. Draw the Hypothenuse D.A. Parallel to A.D. draw the Line C.E.\n       Now I say that the 3 Angles ACD., CDA., and DAC are equal to two right Angles. For it is easy to see that DCA., is a right Angle, and that BCE, which is equal to CAD added to ECD, which is equal to CDA, make another right Angle. But how do I know that BCE is equal to CAD? Let the Triangle ECB, be moved along, to the left hand and by the Hypothesis CE will fall upon AD and CB Upon AC, and of Consequence the 2 Angles are equal. How then do I know that the Angle ECD is equal to ADC? See the Demonstration in Euclid.\n       Then we attempted to demonstrate the 47th of the 1st Book. That the Square of the Hypothenuse is equal to the Squares of both the Legs.\n       I am astonished at my own Ignorance in the french tongue. I find I can neither express my own Thoughts, in it, nor understand others, who express theirs readily in it. I can neither give nor receive Thoughts, by that Instrument.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0008-0006", "content": "Title: 1760. Decr. 16th. Tuesday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Attended the Tryal all day, between Hunt and White before Coll. Quincy, at James Bracketts.\n       What will be the Consequence of this Tryal? to me, to Hunt, and to White? White has been punished, for his licentious Tittle tatle, but Hunt has gained neither Recompence nor Credit. Benja. Thayer is enraged and Prat and Pitty Pettee were enraged at me for abusing them, by asking them their Thoughts. Ben. Thayer continues so, for aught I know, or care. I fear this unsuccessful Prosecution connected with that of Lovel and Reed, will occasion squibbs, and injure my Reputation in Weighmouth. However in both I am well assured I had good Cause of Action. Lovel and Reed had good Right, tho the Justice was, I dont know what, enough to give his Judgment against them. And stories have been propagated, zealously, industriously propagated by White, with Design I believe to convince Mankind that Hunt had been guilty, or at least from a vain trifling Inclination to shew his Penetration at Hunts Expence; altho the Circumstances of suspicion against Hunt have taken such hold of Mens Minds, that no Conviction of White would have retrieved Hunts Character at all.\n       It would have been much better, never to have stirred, in this Affair. The more He stirs the worse he stinks.\u2014A Prosecution commenced with so much Temper, pursued with so much Resolution, then supported by so little Evidence and terminated by Agreement, tho in his favour, yet with so small Advantage, will give occasion for Weighmouth Tongues to wanton in obloquy, and to their sides to riot in Laughter.\n       Virtues, Ambition, Generosity, indulged to excess degenerate in Extravagance which plunges headlong into Villany and folly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0008-0008", "content": "Title: 1760. Decr. 18.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Justice Dyer says there is more Occasion for Justices than for Lawyers. Lawyers live upon the sins of the People. If all Men were just, and honest, and pious, and Religious &c. there would be no need of Lawyers. But Justices are necessary to keep men just and honest and pious, and religious.\u2014Oh sagacity!\n       But, it may be said with equal Truth, that all Magistrates, and all civil officers, and all civil Government, is founded and maintained by the sins of the People. All armies would be needless if Men were universally virtuous. Most manufacturers and Tradesmen would be needless. Nay, some of the natural Passions and sentiments of human Minds, would be needless upon that supposition. Resentment, e.g. which has for its object, Wrong and Injury. No man upon that supposition would ever give another, a just Provocation. And no just Resentment could take Place without a just Provocation. Thus, our natural Resentments are founded on the sins of the People, as much as the Profession of the Law, or that of Arms, or that of Divinity. In short Vice and folly are so interwoven in all human Affairs that they could not possibly be wholly separated from them without tearing and rending the whole system of human Nature, and state. Nothing would remain as it is.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/01-01-02-0005-0008-0011", "content": "Title: 1760. Decr. 27th. Saturday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n       Governor Bernards Speech to the two Houses, at the opening of the present sessions, has several Inaccuracies in it. \u201cThe glorious Con\u00adclusion of the North American War.\u201d\u2014The N. American War is not yet concluded, it continues, obstinate and bloody, with the Cherokees, and will be renewed probably, against the french in Louisiana. However with Regard to this Province, whose Legislature, the Governor was congratulating, it may not very improperly be called a Conclusion.\n       \u201cThe fair Prospect of the security of your Country being settled, upon the most sure and lasting foundations.\u201d\u2014Is not this sentence filled with Tautology? The security, being secured upon secure foundations? Emendation\u2014\u201cand the fair Prospect that now Presents itself, of Tranquility, established on lasting foundations.\u201d\u2014But it is not Tranquility nor safety, nor Preservation, nor Peace, nor Happiness: but it is security. Then it is not established, fixed, placed: but it is settled: and then it is not stable, permanent: but sure: Here are certainly Words used, mearly for sound.\n       \u201cThis great Contest\u201d &c. Q.\u2014what does he mean, the War, or the Conclusion of the War? If the latter, Conquest should have been his Word: if the former, what follows is not true vizt. we may date the firm Establishment of die british Empire in N. America.\u2014From our late successes and Acquisitions, we may date that Establishment, but not from our Misfortunes and Losses which made no Unmemorable Part of this great Contest.\n       \u201cWe form these Pleasing assurances, not only from the more striking Instances of the superiority of its Power, but also from the less obvious observation of the Improvement of its Policy.\u201d\u2014Its Power, i.e. the british Empires Power. Instances i.e. Particulars in which it has appeared. Obvious observation, has a good Meaning, but an inelegant, inartificial sound. A Defect of Elegance, Variety, Harmony, at least.\n       \u201cThe improving a Country is a more pleasing Task than the defending it:\u201d\u2014Improving and Defending Participles, used as substantives with the Article the before them, will never be used by a grammarian much less by a Rhetorician. I never could bear such Expressions, in others, and never could use them, myself, unless in Case of absolute Necessity, where there is no substantive to express the same Idea.\n       \u201cAs I have consulted your Convenience in deferring calling you together untill this, the most Leisure time of your whole Year, &c.\u201d\u2014 \u201cIn deferring calling,\u201d would never have been used together, by a discerning Ear. He might have said \u201cin deferring this session, untill,\u201d &c.\u2014Your whole Year! Why yours, any more than mine or others? Answer. It is not the most Leisure time of every mans whole Year. It is the most busy time of some Mens year.\n       Deacon Palmers Observation upon this speech, that \u201che talks like a weak honest Man,\u201d is childish. Tis superficial: Tis Prejudice: Tis a silly thoughtless Repetition of what he has heard others say.\n       For, tho there are no Marks of Knavery, in it: there are marks of good sense I think. Grammatical and Rhetorical Inaccuracies are by no means Proofs of Weakness, or Ignorance. They may be found in Bacon, Lock, Newton, &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0027", "content": "Title: Will of Deacon John Adams, with Comments by His Son John, 8 January 1760; 10 July 1761; 29 April 1774\nFrom: Adams, Deacon John,Adams, John\nTo: \n       Braintree and Boston, 8 January 1760 \u2013 29 April 1774\n     In the Name of God Amen. The Eighth day of January in the year of our Lord one Thousand Seven hundred and Sixty, and in the thirty third year of his Majestys Reign King George the Second &c. I John Adams of Braintree in the County of Suffolk in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England Gentleman, being in Health of Body and of Perfect mind and Memory thanks be given to God therefor. Calling to mind the Mortality of my Body and knowing that it is appointed for man once to dye, Do make and ordain this my last Will and Testament, That is to Say, Principally and first of all I Give and Recommend my soul into the Hands of God that gave it, hopeing thro\u2019 the Merits, death and Passion of my saviour Jesus Christ, to have full and free pardon and forgiveness of all my Sins and to Enherit Eternal life. My Body I Commit to the Earth to be decently buried at the discretion of my Executors hereafter named Believing that at the General Resurrection I shall Receive the same again by the Mighty power of God. And as for such worldly Estate where with it hath pleased God to bless me in this Life, I Give, devise and dispose of the same in the following manner and form. That is to Say, First I Will that all those Debts which I owe in right or Conscience to any Person or persons whatsoever shall be well and truly paid in Convenient time after my decease by my Executors hereafter named. Item I Give to Susannah my well beloved Wife to be enjoyed and Improved by her during her natural life one third of my Real Estate. The third part of my Real Estate is to be understood as including not only what I shall be possessed of at my decease but also such as I have made over to any of my Sons by deeds of gift. Also I Give to my wife one third part of my personal Estate to her and her heirs and assigns. Item I have given my Son John Adams a Libberal Education also I have given my Son John Adams by deed of gift one half of the house that Doctr. Elisha Savel lives in that I bought of Mr. John and Richard Billing with half the Barn and half the land belonging to the said House which I Confirm to him and his heirs and Assigns forever to which I add the other half of the above said House and Barn and land thereto belonging the whole Containing about ten Acres be it more or less also the Priviledge of drawing Water out of my Well, and I also give to my Son John Adams and his heirs &c. twelve acres part orchard and part Pasture land, adjoyning to Mr. John Curtis\u2019s land. Also about Eight Acres of Fresh Meadow adjoyning to Benjamin Vesey\u2019s land and the Town Common. Also two small wood Lotts that I bought of Brother Owen one Esteemed Six Acres and the other four. All which I give to him and his heirs and Assigns forever. Item I Give and Bequeath to my Son Peter Boylston Adams and to his heirs and Assigns forever the house I live in with the Barn and other buildings and all the Lands of the Remainder of my homestead Containing about thirty five Acres. Also I Give to my Son Peter Boylston Adams and his heirs and assigns four Acres of Salt Marsh two at Rock Island and two at the farms. Also a Quarter part of the Seventh Lott in the Six hundred acres so Called lying in partnership with Brother Ebenezer Adams. Also the half of about ten Acres lying in partnership with Mr. Samuel Bass, also a Share of Cedar Swamp in the Middle Swamp lying in partnership with Brother Ebenezer Adams. Item I Give and Bequeath to my Son Elihu Adams and his heirs and assigns forever my farm in the South Precinct in Braintree Joyning upon Lieut. Joseph Whites Land Easterly, North on Mr. Ruggles land and South on Noah Whitcombs land and West on the River against Lieutenant Joshua Haywards Land. Also I Give to my Son Elihu and his heirs and assigns forever my Salt Meadow in Milton at Penny fery so Called Containing two Acres and a half he paying ten pounds Lawfull Money to my Executors in one year after my decease. Further my Will is that after my Wife hath had her third part of my personal Estate the other two thirds be improved to pay debts if any be, otherwise to be Equally divided between my three sons. Lastly I do hereby Constitute make and ordain my two sons John Adams and Peter Boylston Adams Executors of this my last Will and Testament. And I do hereby utterly disallow, Revoke and Disanull all and every other and former Testament, Will, Legacies, Bequests and Executors by me in any wise before this time Named, Willed and bequeathed, Ratifying And Confirming this and no other to be my last Will and Testament. In Witness where of I have hereunto set my hand and Seal the day and year above written.\n      John Adams and a Seal\n      Signed, sealed, published, pronounced and declared by the said John Adams to be his last Will and Testament in Presence of us the Subscribers\u2014 Joseph Field, Elijah Belcher, Ebenezer Adams Junr.\n     Suffolk ss By the Honble. Thomas Hutchinson Esqr. Judge of Probate &c.\n     The afore written Will being presented for Probate by the Executors therein named Joseph Feild, Elijah Belcher and Ebenezer Adams Junr. made Oath that they saw John Adams the Subscriber to this Instrument sign the same and also heard him Publish and declare it to be his last Will and Testament and that when he so did he was of sound disposing Mind and Memory according to these Deponents best discerning, and that they set to their hands as Witnesses thereof in the said Testators presence.\n      T Hutchinson\n      Copy Examd.Per Jno. Cotton Register\n      John Adams\u2019 Comments on Cover of Will\n     This Testator married Susanna Boylstone, a Daughter of Peter Boylstone, of Brooklyne, who was a son of Thomas Boylstone, of the same Town a Physician, and Brother of Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, the first Practiser of Inoculation for the Small Pox.\n     This Match produced John, the Writer of this Memorandum, Peter Boylstone, and Elihu.\n     This Testator had a good Education, tho not at Colledge, and was a very capable and usefull Man. In his Early Life he was an Officer in a Company of Militia\u2014afterwards a Deacon of the Church, and a select Man of the Town, almost all the Business of the Town being managed by him in that Department for 20 Years together.\u2014A Man of Strict Piety and great Integrity: much esteemed and beloved, wherever he was known, which was not far, his Sphere of Life being not extensive.\n     Boston April 29. 1774. This is a Copy of my Fathers Will. He lived in an House between the Episcopal Church and the Foot of Penns Hill, in Braintree. This House in His Will is given to my Brother Peter Boylston Adams, and of him was purchased by me, a few Months agone.\n      John Adams\n       What Fortune had he pray? His own:\n       And better got, than Bestia\u2019s from the Throne.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-13-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0029", "content": "Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Sewall, 13 February 1760\nFrom: Sewall, Jonathan\nTo: Adams, John\n      My Friend\n      Charlestown 13th. Feby. 1760\n     In my last, if I rightly remember, I joined with you in your panegyric on the superior Rewards which ancient Rome proposed to Application and Study, and in your Satyre on those despicable praemia, which we, whose Lot it is to live in the infant State of a new World, can rationally expect. But perhaps we have both been too hasty in our Conclusions; possibly, if we peirce through the Glare of false Glory, too too apt to dazzle and deceive the intellectual Eye; if, in Order to the forming a just Estimate, we secrete the genuine from the imaginary Rewards, we may find the Difference much less than at first Sight we are apt to concieve. For, let us, if you please my Friend, consider what was the palm for which the roman Orator ran? It was, the plaudit of a people, at that Time, sunk into a most shameful Effeminacy of Manners, governed by a Spirit of Faction and Licentiousness, to which this Father of his Country, at length fell himself a Sacrifice;\u2014It was, the highest Post of Honour in that august Empire which hath since fallen an easy prey to Goths, Visigoths, Vandals and other barbarous and uncivilised Nations of the North;\u2014It was to be the first Man in that Roma Aeterna, which, but for the Names of Brutus, Caesar, Cicero, Cataline, and a few other Patriots, Tyrants, Orators and Conspirators, which have been perpetuated by the Eminence of their Owners and their respective Employments, had been long since buried in eternal Oblivion.\n     To be caress\u2019d, applauded and deify\u2019d by Roman Citizens, to be raised to the highest Honours which Rome, the Mistress of the World, could give, are Rewards, it must be confessed, in their Nature more dazzling and, to an unthinking Mind, more captivating and alluring to the Toils of indefatigable Study and close thinking; and in these, it will be acknowledged, Cicero had greatly the Advantage of us. But are these the most striking? Are there not others, which we, as well as Cicero, have in prospect, infinitely superiour, in their Nature, more refined, more lasting? What think you my Friend of the inward pleasure and Satisfaction which the human Mind receiveth from the Acquisition of Knowledge? What, of rational Delight which the benevolent Man experienceth in the Capacity and Oportunity of doing Good to his fellow Men? What, of the Heart-felt Joy which the Man of Virtue overflows with in relieving and supporting distressed Innocence and Goodness, and in detecting and punishing insolent Vice?\n     But Cicero\u2019s Name has been handed down thro\u2019 many Ages with Admiration and Applause; so may yours. \u201cWorth makes the Man,\u201d form\u2019s the Character, and perpetuates his Memory: Cicero is not revered because he was Rome\u2019s Consul; had his Orations been deliverd in the little Senate of Lillybaeum or Syracuse, yet still they would have been esteemed as they are, by all Men of Learning, and perhaps would have perpetuated the Names of Lillybaeum and Syracuse, for many Ages after they shall now be forgotten, and had A\u2014\u2014n lived in Rome, it is more than probable we should never have heard his Name. It is not the Place where a Man lives, nor his Titles of Honour in that Place, which will procure him Esteem with succeeding Generations, tho perhaps, for the present it may command the outward Respect of the unthinking Mob for the most part dazzled with the Parade and Pomp of Nobility. But if in the Estimation of the World, a Man\u2019s Worth riseth in proportion to the Greatness of his Country, who knows but in future Ages, when New England shall have risen to its\u2019 intended Grandeur, it shall be as carefully recorded among the Registers of the Leterati, that Adams flourishd in the second Century after the Exode of its first Settlers from Great Brittain, as it is now, that Cicero was born in the Six-Hundred-&-Forty-Seventh Year after the Building of Rome?\n     A Man by Will gives his Negro his Liberty, and leave\u2019s him a Legacy. The Executor consents that the Negro shall be free, but refuseth to give Bond to the Selectmen to indemnify the Town against any Charge for his Support, in Case he should become poor, (without which, by the Province Law he is not manumitted) or to pay him the Legacy.\n     Quer. Can he recover the Legacy, and how?\n     I have just observed that in your last you desire me to say something toward discouraging you from removing to Providence, and you say any Thing will do. At present I only say, you will do well enough where you are. I will explain my self and add something farther, in some future Letter. I have not Time to enlarge now, for which, I believe, you will not be inconsolably grieved. So, to put you out of pain\u2014I am, Your hearty Friend,\n      Jonath. Sewall\n      P.S. I hope you\u2019ll write me soon, I think you are scrupulously exact in writing only in turn.\n      P.P.S. I am now going thro Co. Litt. again, and I suppose you are likewise. If you make any new Observations as you go along, or if any Questions arise in your Mind, it may possibly be of mutual Advantage to communicate them. I shall do the same. This may in some measure answer the End of reading him together, which I am persuaded would be eminently beneficial, at least to,", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0030", "content": "Title: From John Adams to Jonathan Sewall, February 1760\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Sewall, Jonathan\n     I am very willing to join with you, in renouncing the Reasoning of some of our last Letters.\n     There is but Little Pleasure, which Reason can approve to be received from the Noisy applause, and servile Homage that is paid to any Officer from the Lictor to the Dictator, or from the sexton of a Parish to the sovereign of a Kingdom: And Reason will despize equally, a blind undistinguishing Adoration of what the World calls fame. She is neither a Goddess to be loved, nor a Demon to be feared, but an unsubstantial Phantom existing only in Imagination.\n     But with all this Contempt, give me Leave to reserve (for I am sure that Reason will warrant) a strong affection for the honest Approbation of the wise and the good both in the present, and in all future Generations. Mistake not this for an Expectation of the Life to come, in the Poets Creed.\u2014Far otherwise. I expect to be totally forgotten within 70 Years from the present Hour unless the Insertion of my Name in the Colledge Catalogue, should luckily preserve it longer.\u2014When Heaven designs an extraordinary Character, one that shall distinguish his Path thro\u2019 the World by any great Effects, it never fails to furnish the proper Means and Opportunities; but the common Herd of Mankind, who are to be born and eat and sleep and die, and be forgotten, is thrown into the World as it were at Random, without any visible Preparation of Accommodations.\u2014Yet tho I have very few Hopes, I am not ashamed to own that a Prospect of an Immortality in the Memories of all the Worthy, to the End of Time would be a high Gratification to my Wishes.\n     But to Return, Tully, therefore, had but few Advantages, in the Estimation of Reason more than We have, for a happy Life.\u2014He had greater Political Objects to tempt his Ambition, he had better Opportunities to force the Hozanna\u2019s of his Countrymen, but these are not Advantages for Happiness. On the Contrary, the Passions which these Objects were designed to gratify, were so many stings for ever smarting in his Mind, which at last goaded him into that Excess of Vanity and Pusillanimity, for which he has been as often blamed, as ever he was praised for his Genius and his Virtues. Tis true, he had Abler Masters and more Opportunities for instructive Conversation, in a City, so fruitful of great Men. But in other Respects the rational sources of Pleasure, have been much enlarged since his Day.\n     In the Acquisition of Knowledge, without which it would be a Punishment to live, we have much greater Advantages (whatever some ingenious Men may say) than he had or could have. For the Improvements in Navigation, and the surprizing Augmentation of Commerce, by spreading civilized Nations round the Globe, and sending Men of Letters into all Countries, have multiplied the Means of Information concerning the Planet we inhabit; and the Invention of the Art of Printing, has perpetuated and cheapened the Means of every Kind of Knowledge, beyond what could have been immagined in his Day.\n     Europe has been, ever since his Death, the Constant Theatre of surprizing Characters, Actions, Events, Revolutions, which have been preservd in a sufficient Plenty of Memorials, to constitute a series of Political Knowledge of a greater Variety of Characters, more important Events, and more complicated Circumstances; and of Consequence better adapted for an Agreable Entertainment to the Mind, than any, that the World had ever known in his Times; and perhaps there never was before, nor has been since his Day, a Period, abounding with greater Heroes and Politicians, or with more surprizing Actions and Events, than that in which we live.\n     In Metaphysicks, Mr. Locke, directed by my Lord Bacon, has steered his Course into the unenlightened Regions of the human Mind, and like Columbus has discoverd a new World. A World whose soil is deep and strong producing Rank and unwholsome Weeds as well as wholsome fruits and flowers; a World that is incumbered with unprofitable Brambles, as well as stored with useful Trees; and in\u00adfested with motly Savages; as well as capable of furnishing civilized Inhabitants; he has shewn us by what Cultivation, these Weeds may be Extirmined and the fruits raised; the Brambles removed as well as the Trees grubbed; the savages destroyd, as well as the civil People increased. Here is another Hemisphere of Science therefore abounding with Pleasure and with Profit too, of which Cicero had but very few and we have many Advantages for learning.\n     But in Mathematicks, and what is founded on them, Astronomy and Phylosophy, the Modern Discoveries have done Honour to the human Understanding. Here is the true sphere of Modern Genius.\u2014What a noble Prospect of the Universe have these Men opened before us. Here I see Millions of Worlds and systems of Worlds, swarming with Inhabitants, all engaged in the same Active Investigation of the great System of Universal and eternal Truth, and overflowing with Felicity.\n     And while I am ravished with such Contemplations as these, it imports me little on what Ground I tread or in what Age I live.\n     The Intention of the Testator to be collected from the Words, is to be observd in the Construction of a Will\u2014and where any Title to Lands or Goods, or any other Act is devisd to any one, without any mention of something previous or concomitant, without which the Act or Title is not valid, in such Case the Thing previous or concomitant shall by Implication be devised too, e.g.\n     A Man devises Lands and Tenements to A.B., the said A.B. paying \u00a3100 out of the same Lands to B.C.\u2014Here are no Words of Inheritance or of Freehold you see, yet since The Testator plainly intended, that \u00a3100 should be paid to B.C. out of the Land, it must be presumed that he knew the Rule of Law which entitles a Devisee of Lands encumbered with a Charge, to a Fee simple, and therefore a fee simple shall pass by Implication. So also\n     A Man devisd Lands and Tenements to A.B. in Trust for C.D. and his Heirs. Here are no Words of Inheritance, yet as he has established a Trust that may last forever, he shall be presumed to have intended a Fee simple in his Devise, and the Devisee shall hold the Tenements to himself and his own Heirs for ever, by Implication, altho the Cestuy que Trust should die Heirless tomorrow. Now\n     En mesure le manner. The Testator intended plainly that his Negro should have his Liberty, and a Legacy. Therefore the Law will presume that he intended his Executor should do all that, without which he could have neither. That this Indemnification was not in the Testators mind, cannot be proved from the Will, any more than it could be proved in the 1st Case above that the Testator did not know a Fee simple would pass a Will without the Word Heirs; nor than in the 2d Case, that the Devise of a Trust that might continue for ever would convey a fee simple without the like Words.\n     I take it therefore, that the Executor of this Will is by Implication obligd to give Bonds to the The Town Treasurer, and in his Refusal is a wrong doer, and I cant think he ought to be allowed to take advantage of his own Wrong so much as to alledge this Want of an Indemnification, to evade an Action of the Case brot for the Legacy, by the Negro himself.\n     But why may not the Negro bring a special Action of the Case vs. Executor setting forth the Will, the Devise of Freedom, and a Legacy, and then the Necessity of Indemnification by the Province Law, and then a Refusal to indemnify and of Consequence to set free, and to pay the Legacy.\n     Perhaps the Negro is free at common Law by the Devise. Now the Province Law seems to have been made, only to oblige the Master to maintain his manumitted slave servant, not to declare a Manumission in the Masters lifetime or at his Death, void. Should a Master give his Negro his freedom under his Hand and seal, without giving Bond to the Town, and should afterwards repent and endeavour to recall the Negro into servitude, would not that Instrument be sufficient discharge vs. the Master?\n      P.S. I felt your Reproof, very sensibly, for being ceremonious. I must beg Pardon in a style that I threatend you with as a Punishment, a few letters ago, \u039c\u03b7\u03b4\u1fbd \u1f13\u03c7\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9\u03c1\u03b5 \u03d5\u03af\u03bb\u03bf\u03bd \u03c3\u1f78\u03bd \u1f01\u03bc\u03b1\u03c1\u03c4\u03ac\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03b1 \u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c1\u03b7\u03c2.\n      However, it is not Ceremony, so much as Poverty.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-29-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0031", "content": "Title: Draft of a Letter on the Evils of Licensed Houses, 29 May 1760\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n     Braintree, 29 May 1760. Printed: JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 1:128\u2013129. For the context of this draft and its three sequels, Jan.?\u2013May? 1761, none apparently published at the time, see note in same, p. 129\u2013130, and JA\u2019s MS map of taverns, same, facing p. 65, with description and references at p. ix.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0033", "content": "Title: Draft of a Letter on the Succession to the Chief Justiceship, 5 November 1760\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n     Braintree 5 November 1760. Printed: JA, Diary and AutobiographyDiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 1:167\u2013168. See above, JA to Jonathan Sewall, post 10 Sept. 1760 and note there.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/06-01-02-0034", "content": "Title: From John Adams to Samuel Holden Parsons, 5 December 1760\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: Parsons, Samuel Holden\n      Braintree December 5th. 1760\n     I presume upon the Merits of a Brother, both in the Academical and legal family, to give you this Trouble and to ask the favour of your correspondence. The Science which we have bound ourselves to study for Life, you know to be immensely voluminous, perhaps intricate and involved, so that an arduous application to Books at Home, a critical observation of the Course of Practice, and the Conduct of the Elder Practicioners in Courts, and a large Correspondence with fellow students abroad, as well as much conversation in private Companies upon legal subjects are needful, to gain a thorough Mastery, if not to make a decent Figure in the Profession of the Law. The Design of this Letter then is to desire that you would write me a Report of any cause of Importance and Curiosity either in Courts of Admiralty or Common Law, that you hear resolved in your Colony, and on my Part I will readily engage to do the same of any such causes that I shall hear argued in this Province. It is an employment that gives me pleasure, and I find that revolving a Case in my mind, stating it on Paper, recollecting the Arguments on each side, and examining the Points thro\u2019 my Books that occur in the Course of a Tryal makes the Impressions deeper on my memory, and lets me easier into the Spirit of Law and Practice.\n     In view I send you the Report of a Cause argued in Boston last Term. And should be glad to know if the Point \u201cwhether Statutes of Mortmain are to be extended to the Plantations\u201d was ever stirred in your Colony? And by what Criterion you determine what Statutes are and what are not extended to you?", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0002", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 3 January 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Kames, Henry Home, Lord\n            My dear Lord,\n          I ought long before this time to have acknowledg\u2019d the Receipt of your Favour of Nov. 2. Your Lordship was pleas\u2019d kindly to desire to have all my Publications. I had daily Expectations of procuring some of them from a Friend to whom I formerly sent them when I was in America, and postpon\u2019d Writing till I should obtain them; but at length he tells me he cannot find them. Very mortifying, this, to an Author, that his Works should so soon be lost! So I can now only send you my Observations on the Peopling of Countries, which happens to have been reprinted here; The Description of the Pennsylvanian Fireplace, a Machine of my contriving; and some little Sketches that have been printed in the Grand Magazine; which I should hardly own, did not I flatter myself that your friendly Partiality would make them seem at least tolerable.\n          How unfortunate I was, that I did not press you and Lady Kames more strongly, to favour us with your Company farther! How much more agreable would our Journey have been, if we could have enjoy\u2019d you as far as York! Mr. Blake, who we hop\u2019d would have handed us along from Friend to Friend, was not at home, and so we knew nobody and convers\u2019d with nobody on all that long Road, till we came thither. The being a Means of contributing in the least Degree to the restoring that good Lady\u2019s Health, would have contributed greatly to our Pleasures, and we could have beguil\u2019d the Way by Discoursing 1000 Things that now we may never have an Opportunity of considering together; for Conversation warms the Mind, enlivens the Imagination, and is continually starting fresh Game that is immediately pursu\u2019d and taken and which would never have occur\u2019d in the duller Intercourse of Epistolary Correspondence. So that whenever I reflect on the great Pleasure and Advantage I receiv\u2019d from the free Communication of Sentiments in the Conversation your Lordship honour\u2019d me with at Kaims, and in the little agreable Rides to the Tweedside, I shall forever regret that unlucky premature Parting.\n          No one can rejoice more sincerely than I do on the Reduction of Canada; and this, not merely as I am a Colonist, but as I am a  Briton. I have long been of Opinion, that the Foundations of the future Grandeur and Stability of the British Empire, lie in America; and tho\u2019, like other Foundations, they are low and little seen, they are nevertheless, broad and Strong enough to support the greatest Political Structure Human Wisdom ever yet erected. I am therefore by no means for restoring Canada. If we keep it, all the Country from St. Laurence to Missisipi, will in another Century be fill\u2019d with British People; Britain itself will become vastly more populous by the immense Increase of its Commerce; the Atlantic Sea will be cover\u2019d with your Trading Ships; and your naval Power thence continually increasing, will extend your Influence round the whole Globe, and awe the World! If the French remain in Canada, they will continually harass our Colonies by the Indians, impede if not prevent their Growth; your Progress to Greatness will at best be slow, and give room for many Accidents that may for ever prevent it. But I refrain, for I see you begin to think my Notions extravagant, and look upon them as the Ravings of a mad Prophet.\n          Your Lordship\u2019s kind Offer of Penn\u2019s Picture is extreamly obliging. But were it certainly his Picture, it would be too valuable a Curiosity for me to think of accepting it. I should only desire the Favour of Leave to take a Copy of it. I could wish to know the History of the Picture before it came into your Hands, and the Grounds for supposing it his. I have at present some Doubts about it; first, because the primitive Quakers us\u2019d to declare against Pictures as a vain Expence; a Man\u2019s suffering his Portrait to be taken was condemn\u2019d as Pride; and I think to this day it is very little practis\u2019d among them. Then it is on a Board, and I imagine the Practice of painting Portraits on Boards did not come down so low as Penn\u2019s Time; but of this I am not certain. My other Reason is an Anecdote I have heard, viz. That when old Lord Cobham was adorning his Gardens at Stowe with the Busts of famous Men, he made Enquiry of the Family for a Picture of Wm. Penn, in order to get a Bust form\u2019d from it, but could find none. That Sylvanus Bevan, an old Quaker Apothecary, remarkable for the Notice he takes of Countenances, and a Knack he has of cutting in Ivory strong Likenesses of Persons he has once seen, hearing of Lord Cobham\u2019s Desire, set himself to recollect Penn\u2019s Face, with which he had been well acquainted; and cut a little Bust of him in Ivory which he sent to Lord Cobham, without any Letter of Notice that it was Penn\u2019s. But my Lord who had personally known Penn, on seeing it, immediately cry\u2019d out, Whence came this? It is William Penn himself! And from this little Bust, they say, the large one in the Gardens was formed. I doubt, too, whether the Whisker was not quite out of Use at the time when Penn must have been of the Age appearing in the Face of that Picture. And yet notwithstanding these Reasons, I am not without some Hope that it may be his; because I know some eminent Quakers have had their Pictures privately drawn, and deposited with trusty Friends; and I know also that there is extant at Philadelphia a very good Picture of Mrs. Penn, his last Wife. After all, I own I have a strong Desire to be satisfy\u2019d concerning this Picture; and as Bevan is yet living here, and some other old Quakers that remember William Penn, who died but in 1718, I could wish to have it sent me carefully pack\u2019d in a Box by the Waggon (for I would not trust it by Sea) that I may obtain their Opinion, The Charges I shall very chearfully pay; and if it proves to be Penn\u2019s Picture, I shall be greatly oblig\u2019d to your Lordship for Leave to take a Copy of it, and will carefully return the Original.\n          My Son joins with me in the most respectful Compliments to you, to Lady Kaims, and your promising and amiable Son and Daughter. He had the Pleasure of conversing more particularly with the latter than I did, and told me, when we were by our selves, that he was greatly surprized to find so much sensible Observation and solid Understanding in so young a Person; and suppos\u2019d you must have us\u2019d with your Children some uncommonly good Method of Education, to produce such Fruits so early. Our Conversation till we came to York was chiefly a Recollection and Recapitulation of what we had seen and heard, the Pleasure we had enjoy\u2019d and the Kindnesses we had receiv\u2019d in Scotland, and how far that Country had exceeded our Expectations. On the whole, I must say, I think the Time we spent there, was Six Weeks of the densest Happiness I have met with in any Part of my Life. And the agreable and instructive Society we found there in such Plenty, has left so pleasing an Impression on my Memory, that did not strong Connections draw me elsewhere, I believe Scotland would be the Country I should chuse to spend the Remainder of my Days in.\n          I have the Honour to be, with the sincerest Esteem and Affection, My Lord, Your Lordship\u2019s most obedient and most humble Servant\n            B Franklin\n            PS. My Son puts me in mind that a Book published here last Winter, contains a number of Pieces wrote by me as a Member of the Assembly, in our late Controversies with the Proprietary Governors; so I shall leave one of them at Millar\u2019s to be sent to you, it being too bulky to be sent per Post.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0003", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 4 January 1760\nFrom: Norris, Isaac\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n              Dear Friend B Franklin\n            The Bearer Charles Monk calling here in his way to N York from whence he is going to England. I send by him this short Letter for which I detain him on his Journey to inform you we have nothing very new or important in America since the reduction of Quebeck. Our Forces are quiet and General Stanwix continues at Pitsburg (as I hear laid up with a Fit of the Gout). Major Gates left the Troops there very lately well and in good health. At our last sitting in December our House reduced our Forces to 150 Men intended to Garrison Fort Augusta Littleton and Fort Allen with a Design to protect our Indian Trade.\n            General Stanwix had kept the Province Forces, as the former Generals had done, at Pitsburg designing to have them there this Winter and bring the Regulars into Winter Quarters if we had continued them, and if he had done so it would have been the Fourth Winter these poor Creatures had remained there from their Homes almost perishing for want of Necessaries whilst the Regulars were sent down (as they were last Year) to commit shocking Insults on the Inhabitants in their Quarters. The Highlanders who bear a most wretched Charracter here were particularly mischievious at Lancaster, last Winter, forced themselves into private Houses killed several in a most shameful Manner and committed every Disorder which could be expected or feard from such worthless miserable Creatures (set on as \u2019tis said by their Officers). These and other Reasons as well as the Peaceable Prospect on our Frontiers and our Inability to support the Charge we have been at for several Years past, determined the House to ease the Province of the heavy Expence we were incurring every Year by the failure of our Taxes to discharge the Grants to the Crown.\n            We have not heard from you by the last Packet or Captain Nicholson who arrived just before the Winter set in, so that it is a long Time since our last advices from you either to myself or the Committee. I am Your Assured Friend\n            (Ensclosed in this Letter I sent)\n            3d Bill Exchange for \u00a3200. Joshua Howell on Messrs. Wm and Richard Baker. No. 2001\n            NB as I had not Four Bills I must get another drawn by Joshua Howell if those three already Sent should Miscarry\u2013in order to which I took a Certified Copy of the above Third Bill examind by [Israel?] Morris before I sent it enclosed in the above Letter.\n            NB I have an Account from BF of the rect of the above Bill No. 2001 for \u00a3200 Ster\n            BF recd this ackd. Feb", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0004", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Waring, 4 January 1760\nFrom: Waring, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          This is to inform You that the associates of the Late Dr. Bray unanimously chose You a Member of their Society. The Prospect of Your kind Assistance induced them to accept of the proposal mentioned in their Advertisment, and to resolve upon opening three Schools for Negroes with all convenient Speed: They adjourned to Thursday 17th. Instant with a View to ask Your Advice and Assistance in the establishment of these Schools, and hope to have the pleasure of meeting You on that Day at 10 oClock at Mr. Birds Bookseller in Ave Mary Lane near St. Pauls: to go upon Business at 11. precisely. I am Sir Your most obedient humble Servant\n          Addressed: To / Benj Franklin Esq,/in Craven Street/near/Charing Cross.\n          Endorsed: Mr Waring Jan 4. 60. recd Jan 5.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-07-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0005", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Hughes, 7 January 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hughes, John\n          On my Return from our Northern Journey, I found several of your obliging Favours; and have now before me those of June 20. July 4. 25, Aug. 9. 22, 23, Sept. 25. and two of Oct. 3. for which please to accept my hearty Thanks.\n          I congratulate you on the glorious Successes of the [year p]ast. There has been for some time a Talk of [Peace], and probably we should have had one this Winter if the King of Prussia\u2019s late Misfortunes had not given the Enemy fresh Spirits, and encourag\u2019d them to try their Luck another Campaign and exert all their remaining Strength that if possible they may treat with Hanover in their Hands. If this should be the Case, possibly most of our Advantages may be given up again at the Treaty and some among our great Men begin already to prepare the Minds of People for this, by discoursing, that to keep Canada would draw on us the Envy of other Powers, and occasion a Confederacy against us; that the Country is too large for us to people, not worth possessing, and the like. These Notions I am every day and every where combating and I think not without some Success. The Event God only knows. The Argument that seems to have a principal Weight is, that in Case of another War, if we keep Possession of Canada the Nation will save two or three Million a Year now spent in Defending the American Colonies and be so much the stronger in Europe by the Addition of the Troops now employ\u2019d on that Side of the Water: To this I add that the Colonies would thrive and increase in a much greater Degree, and a vast additional Demand arise for British Manufactures, to supply so great an Extent of Indian Country, &c. with many other Topics, which I urge occasionally, according to the Company I happen into or the Person I address. And on the whole, I flatter myself that my being here at this time may be of some Service to the general Interest of America.\n          The Acts of the last Yea[r are] all come to hand, but not all in a Condition prop[er to] be laid before the King for his Approbation. [As] the Governor\u2019s propos\u2019d Amendments are tack\u2019d to \u2019em, and no Distinction which were agreed to, or whether any or none; so that in some of the most material Acts there is no Ascertaining what is intended to be Law and what not. This Mistake was fallen into, I suppose, from the late Practice of sending home the Bills refus\u2019d by the Governor, with his propos\u2019d Amendments, certify\u2019d by the Clerk of the House and under the Great Seal, that the true State of such refus\u2019d Bills might be known here. But when Bills are pass\u2019d into Laws, the Copies to be sent here should be taken from the Rolls Office after the Laws are deposited there, and certify\u2019d by the Master of the Rolls to be true Copies; and then the Governor under the Great Seal certifys that the Master of the Rolls is such Officer, and that Credit ought to be given to his Certificate; or otherwise, that those Copies are true Copies and agreable to the Laws pass\u2019d by him as Governor. But the Certificates with these Laws only expresses, that such Bills were sent up to him for his Assent on such a Day, that he propos\u2019d the Annex\u2019d Amendments on such a Day and on such a Day he pass\u2019d the Bills, without saying a Word whether the Amendments were agreed to or not. Indeed by that Part of the Minutes of March and April which came [remainder missing].", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0008", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, 14 January 1760\nFrom: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Permit me to address you with the Compliment of the Season; not merely as a Compliment, but with a fervent sincerity. May this Year give you a happy sight of your Native Country, and of those dear Relations you left in it; and if there is anything else wanting to compleat your Felicity, May that be added! May you enjoy a long succession of Years, fraught with all the Blessings you desire!\n          I thank you, dear Sir, for the present you intend me. Your kind Remembrance of me upon every occasion demands my utmost Gratitude. I am extremely happy in finding I am still so much the object of your Regard; and I hope I shall continue to be so, for I shall never cease to be with the highest Esteem your grateful and affectionate Humble Servant\n            M Stevenson\n          Addressed: To \u2003Benj Franklin Esqr\n          Endorsed: Miss Stevenson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-17-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0009", "content": "Title: Minute of the Associates of the Late Dr. Bray, 17 January 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \n          At a meeting of the Associates of the late Dr. Bray called for Jan. 17, 1760, to enable the Society to avail itself of Franklin\u2019s advice (see above, pp. 12\u201313), he recommended New York, Williamsburg, and Newport as the best places to establish the three Negro schools which the Society intended to found in America in addition to the one already started in Philadelphia, and he suggested the men mentioned in this document to superintend them. While none of Franklin\u2019s letters to the persons named have been found, a reply from William Hunter to the Associates, dated June 1760, expresses his pleasure at receiving a commission \u201cto open a Negroe School.\u201d For the success of the schools in the three localities mentioned, see Edgar L. Pennington, \u201cThomas Bray\u2019s Associates and their Work among the Negroes,\u201d American Antiquaries Society, Proceedings, new series, XLVIII (1938), 311\u2013403.\n          That Mr. Franklin be desired to write to the aforesaid Gentlemen (viz. Dr. Johnson, Mr. Barclay, and Mr. Auchmutey, at New-York, Mr. Hunter, Mr. Dawson, and the Minister of the Church at Williamsburgh, and Mr. Pollen at Newport) to request the Favour of their kind Assistance in establishing these Schools; that they would occasionally, and as often as they may judge convenient, visit and inspect them, and from time to time transmit to the Associates an Account of their Proceedings and the Progress the Children make, and the Reception the Design meets with from the Inhabitants in general.\n          The above is an Extract of the Minutes of the Associates of Dr. Bray, relating to the Erecting Schools for Negro Children, at New-York, Williamsburg and Newport Rhodeisland\u2014mention\u2019d in a former Letter.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0010", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 14 February 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\n          I see I must overcome the Indolence so natural to old Men, and write now and then to my dear good Girl, or I shall seldom have the Pleasure of a Line from her; and indeed it is scarce reasonable in me to expect it.\n          I receiv\u2019d your kind Congratulations on occasion of the new Year; and though you had not mine in writing, be assured that I did and do daily wish you every kind of Happiness, and of the longest Continuance.\n          Your good Mama will have the Pleasure of seeing and conversing with you to day. I should be extreamly glad to partake of that Pleasure, by accompanying her to Wanstead; but Business will not permit.\n          Present my respectful Compliments to the good Ladies your Aunts, and believe me to be, with the sincerest Esteem and Regard Dear Polly, Your affectionate Friend\n            B Franklin\n            Miss Stevenson,", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-21-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0012", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 21 February 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n            My dear Child,\n          Since I wrote you last, I have receiv\u2019d yours of Nov. 7. and 29, Dec. 17. and Jan. 4. the last yesterday by Capt. Monck. I rejoice to hear you and Sally and Mother are well. I have lately been much indispos\u2019d with an Epidemical Cold, that has lain greatly in my Head; but being just now cupp\u2019d by Dr. Fothergill\u2019s Advice, and parting with 8 Ounces of Blood from the Back of my Head, I find myself better, but cannot write much. I shall only acknowledge the Receipt of the Apples; those in the Boxes turn\u2019d out much better than those in the Barrels; and amongst the Boxes, Billy\u2019s rather the best. I send you per Capt. Bolitho, two Saucepans, which instead of being tin\u2019d within, are plated with Silver, that will not melt off like the Tin. The biggest cost me 2 Guineas, the smallest 17s. I flatter my self they will please you. O that I were with you, or you with Your affectionate Husband\n            B Franklin\n            P.S. Feb. 26. I continue mending, but not quite hearty yet. I was blooded on Sunday, 16 Ounces, which was of great Service; but that and Physic has left me a little weak. I bought 3 Saucepans, but keep the smallest to use here. I write to Sally per the Beulah, and send her some Goods. Mrs. Garrigue\u2019s Things will go in Capt. Gibbon, I mention\u2019d them in a former Letter. Mr. Bland buys and ships them.\n          Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0014", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 27 February 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n            My dear Child,\n          Mr. Lemar doing me the Favour to call on me, and acquaint me with his going to Philadelphia, I write this Line to acquaint you that I am now quite well of my late Indisposition, which I mention\u2019d in former Letters. By Capt. Bolitho I send you two Saucepans, plated inside with Silver instead of tinning. I bought them at Sheffield, because I thought they would please you; and if you are not much taken with them, I shall be greatly disappointed. I got three, but keep the smallest here to make my Watergruel, and send you the largest and middlemost. The Wine being now fine, proves excellent: The Apples are a great Comfort to me. My Love to all. Please to take Care of and forward the enclos\u2019d. I have sent Sally a Cask of Sheffield Goods instead of the Stationary she wrote for to Mr. Hall; which I imagine may answer better. I am, my dearest Debby Your ever-loving Husband\n            B Franklin\n          Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of / Mr Lemar.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0015", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 27 February 1760\nFrom: Norris, Isaac\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Dear Friend B Franklin\n          I am just come from the House to my Brother\u2019s where I met a Gentleman setting out for NY who complements me with staying for this Letter which will probably reach the Albany Sloop of War to be dispatched by General Amherst, as he writes our Governor in ten Days from the 21st Instant. This Vessel brot Secretary Pitts Letter with the Plan of Operations for the ensuing Campaigne in N America on the same Terms as last Year.\n          The Governor did not lay this Letter and General Amhersts Two Letters accompanying it before us \u2019till two or three Hours ago, th\u00f4 he received them last Week so that I cannot send you the Resolves of the House for want of Time but, by what has been said by several Members I think, there is no Doubt we shall raise the same Number of Men that we supplied last year in hopes the present Ministry will not sacrifice their American Possessions to a foreign Interest in a future Peace.\n          This farther Grant will load us with a great Debt and it would have been some Direction to our future Supplies to have received an Account of the proportion of the Parliamentary Grant allotted to our Province, but this Crisis in America demands our utmost Strength and we contribute it freely for our own Security and in Aid of the vast Expences of our Mother Country in this just and necessary War.\n          I recd your Two Letters of the 10th November and 8th. of December last and Now inclose a First Bill of Exchange. John Hunter on Messrs Thomlinson Hanbury Colebrooke & Nisbett No 3,638 for \u00a3100 Sterl which I request you to receive for my Account. I am &c.\n              Via N Y. by the Albany Sloop of War\n              B F received this Letter ackd. June 14th 1760.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0017", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 5 March 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n            My dear Child,\n          I receiv\u2019d the Enclos\u2019d some time since from Mr. Strahan. I afterwards spent an Evening in Conversation with him on the Subject. He was very urgent with me to stay in England and prevail with you to remove hither with Sally. He propos\u2019d several advantageous Schemes to me which appear\u2019d reasonably founded. His Family is a very agreable one; Mrs. Strahan a sensible [and] good Woman, the Children of amiable [char]acters and particularly the young Man, [who is] sober, ingenious and industrious, and a [desirable] Person. In Point of Circumstances [there can] be no Objection, Mr. Strahan being [in so thriving] a Way, as to lay up a Thousand [Pounds] every Year from the Profits of his Business, after maintaining his Family and paying all Charges. I gave him, however, two Reasons why I could not think of removing hither. One, my Affection to Pensilvania, and long established Friendships and other Connections there: The other, your invincible Aversion to crossing the Seas. And without removing hither, I could not think of parting with my Daughter to such a Distance. I thank\u2019d him for the Regard shown us in the Proposal; but gave him no Expectation that I should forward the Letters. So you are at Liberty to answer or not, as you think proper. Let me however, know your Sentiments. You need not deliver the Letter to Sally, if you do not think it proper.\n          My best Respects to Mr. Hughes, Mr. Bartram, and all enquiring Friends. I am, Your ever loving Husband\n            PS. I have wrote several Letters to you lately. But can now hardly tell by what Ships.\n          Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of / Mr Drinker", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0018", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 5 March 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          By the Captains Friend and Lowther to London and Captain Rankin to Bristol, I sent you the first, second and third Copies of a Bill of Exchange for \u00a3200 Sterling; some of which, if not all, must have got to your Hands long before this reaches you. I am not sure whether I wrote you the Exchange of that Bill; but in case I did not, it was Fifty-two.\n          Inclosed I now send you the first Copy of another Bill of Exchange for \u00a3200 Sterling more; which, with what I have before remitted you, since you left Philadelphia, makes in all Nineteen Hundred Forty-nine Pounds, Twelve Shillings, and Five Pence Sterling. For the Receipt of this last, you will please advise me, as usual, and give me Credit for it, when paid. The Exchange of this last Fifty-four.\n          I have wrote you so often lately, and hear so seldom from you, that I have nothing new or material to say; but must own that I was a good Deal surprised, on not receiving a single Line from you by the November or December Mails into New-York, nor by the Friendship, Captain McClelland, who arrived here from London Monday last, was a Week. Your Reason for so long Silence, I am at a Loss to conceive. Wish the Fount of Brevier for the News Advertisements, (if we are to have one) was come; the old Letter is shockingly bad, and I don\u2019t care to use the Bourjois, for the Reason I have several times given you, that it drives out so much. Wish you would send a Receipt for all the Bills sent you on a separate Piece of Paper, in your next Letter, and am Yours most sincerely\n            To Mr. Franklin.By the Wolfe, Capt. McKinly, to Dublin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-06-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0019", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 6 March 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          This serves to confirm the above, and to inclose the second Copy of the above mentioned Bill from Yours, &c.\n            To Mr. FranklinBy the Rachel, Capt. Grant, to Liverpool.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0020", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 18 March 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n            My dear Child,\n            London, Pennsilva. Coffee House March 18. 1760\n          Being just told by Mr. Wickoff, that he goes tomorrow for Philadelphia, I write this Line here to let you know I am pretty well recover\u2019d of a slight Illness I lately had, the same that affected me when I came down first from Gnadenhut, if you remember it, a Pain and Giddiness in my Head, I have been cupp\u2019d, blooded, physick\u2019d and at last blister\u2019d for it; and it seems now quite remov\u2019d; but by those Operations and very spare Living, I am grown a little thin, which I do not dislike. I hope this will find you well, and Mother and Sally. I purpose a little Journey of a few Days during the Easter Holidays. My Love to all enquiring Friends. I am, as ever, dear Debby Your affectionate Husband\n            B Franklin\n          Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of / Mr Wikoff", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-25-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0021", "content": "Title: Deed of Trust for the Loganian Library, 25 March 1760\nFrom: \nTo: \n          On Aug. 28, 1754, William Logan and James Logan, sons of James Logan, deceased (above, I, 191 n), his son-in-law John Smith, and Hannah Smith, his surviving daughter, together with Israel Pemberton, William Allen, Richard Peters, and Benjamin Franklin, executed a deed of trust establishing the Loganian Library, thereby carrying out the intentions of the elder James Logan, left unfulfilled at the time of his death. An extended abstract of this document was printed above, V, 423\u20136. The original manuscript is now in the possession of the Library Company of Philadelphia (which by act of the Pennsylvania Assembly, approved March 31, 1792, acquired possession of the Loganian Library), but the deed of 1754 was never \u201cacknowledged and Recorded in the Office for Recording of Deeds in the Province of Pennsylvania,\u201d as it stipulated should be done.\n          For a reason now not entirely clear a new deed of trust was prepared, dated March 25, 1760. There are some differences in the arrangement of the subject matter and many minor variations in phraseology, but no significant changes from the terms and conditions of the deed of 1754. Hence a new abstract here is unnecessary.\n          According to the recorded copy, the new deed was \u201ccontained in five Sheets of Parchment\u201d and was signed and sealed by all the parties. Witnesses for all but Franklin were Edward Jones and Robert Greenway. Those for Franklin, who must have acted at a much later time, were Edward Shippen and William Bache. Probably his signing and sealing was delayed until Sept. 9, 1789, on which date he formally acknowledged his act before Shippen, then president of the Court of Common Pleas. On Sept. 19, 1792, James Logan, one of the other parties, appeared before Shippen, now one of the justices of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, and made affirmation that he had been present and saw William Logan, John and Hannah Smith, Israel Pemberton, William Allen, and Richard Peters sign and seal the document, and he acknowledged his own act. With these formalities completed, the deed was at last recorded in Deed Book D 34 of the Department of Records, Philadelphia, on March 20, 1792. This belated action came just eleven days before the passage of the bill transferring the Loganian Library to the Library Company of Philadelphia.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0022", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, [28 March 1760?]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n            My dear Child,\n          Yesterday I receiv\u2019d your [Letter] of Feb. 10. in which you mention that it was some Months since you heard from me. During my Journey I wrote several times to you, particularly from Liverpole and Glasgow; and since my Return some very long Letters that might have been with you before your last to me, but I suppose the severe Winter on your Coast, among other Delays, has kept the Vessels out. One Pacquet, Bonnel, was blown quite back to England.\n          I am sorry for the Death of your black Boy, as you seem to have had a regard for him. You must have suffer\u2019d a good deal in the Fatigue of Nursing him in such a Distemper. That Flower has wrote me a very idle Letter, desiring me not to furnish the Woman pretending to be his Wife with anything on his Account: and says the Letters she shows are a Forgery. But I have one she left with me, in which he acknowledges her to be his Wife, and the Children his, and I am sure it is his Hand-Writing, by comparing it with this he has now wrote me and a former one. So he must be a very bad Man, and I am glad I never knew him. She was sick and perishing with her Children in the Beginning of the Winter, and has had of me in all about 4 Guineas. What is become of her now I know not. She seem\u2019d a very helpless silly Body, and I found her in some Falshoods that disgusted me, but I pity\u2019d the poor Children, the more as they were descended, tho\u2019 remotely, from our good old Friends whom you remember.\n          I have now the Pleasure to acquaint you, that our Business draws near a Conclusion, and that in less than a Month we shall have a Hearing, after which I shall be able to fix a Time for my Return. My Love to all, from, Dear Debby Your affectionate Husband\n            B Franklin\n            Billy presents his Duty.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0023", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 28 March 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hall, David\n          I receiv\u2019d yours of Dec. 15. with the Bill for \u00a3200 drawn by W Plumsted on Nesbit & Cheesbrook. Also yours of Feb. 8.\n          The Brevier went in Capt. Gibbon, and I hope will get safe to hand. I order\u2019d the Fount all Roman, as it will hold out better in the same Quantity of Work, having but half the Chance of Wanting Sorts, that the same Weight of Rom. and Ital. would have; and the old Italic is not so much worn as the Roman, and so may serve a little longer.\n          I am oblig\u2019d to Mr. Colden for his useful Correspondence with you, which you mention to me.\n          I am amaz\u2019d at the great Price of Wood among you, and the high Rents I hear are given for Houses. The first I suppose must be owing to the Want of Hands to cut it; the last to the Encrease of Trade and Business, and Number of Inhabitants.\n          I think you have done very well with the Almanacks. I see there are others advertis\u2019d: but doubt not Poor Richard will hold his Ground.\n          I begin to see a Prospect of returning home this Summer, as I think our Affairs here will now soon be brought to a Conclusion. It will be a great Pleasure to me to see you and my other Friends, and to find all well.\n          There are abundant Rumours just now of a Peace; but it is thought it can hardly take Place till next Winter.\n          My Love to Cousin Molly and your Children. I am, Yours affectionately\n            B Franklin\n          Addressed: To / Mr David Hall / Printer / Philadelphia\n          Endorsed: B. Franklin March 28. 1760.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-31-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0024", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 31 March 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          In my two last to you, of the 5th and 6th Instant, by the Captains Grant and McKinly, to Liverpool and Dublin, were inclosed the first and second Copies of a Bill of Exchange for \u00a3200 Sterling; and, in case of Miscarriages, I now send you the third Copy of the same Bill, and am, Sir, Yours, &c.\n            To Mr. Franklin.By the Roebuck, Capt. Jones, to Holyhead.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0025", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Alexander] Colden, 8 April 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Colden, Alexander\n          I have ordered into your Care from Liverpool 9 Casks and a Bale, which I request you would receive and forward to my Brother Peter Franklin, in Newport, Rhodeisland. Enclos\u2019d is the Bill of Lading. Please to pay the Freight (Eight Guineas) and charge me with it. I hope this Summer to have the Pleasure of seeing you, and of finding both the Families well for whom I have the sincerest Regard. I am, Dear Sir, Yours affectionately", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-17-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0029", "content": "Title: The Interest of Great Britain Considered, [17 April 1760]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \n          Even before the end of 1759, British victories, especially those in North America and the West Indies, and the obvious decline of French strength had led many observers to believe that the war was drawing to a close. Active discussion, therefore, soon began in Great Britain about proper terms for a peace settlement. Sharp differences of opinion emerged as to which of the British conquests the ministry should insist on keeping, both to secure the safety of the nation\u2019s existing overseas possessions and to enhance the trade and prosperity of the mother country and the empire as a whole. Very quickly these conflicting views produced a full-scale pamphlet war. Abortive peace negotiations took place in 1761, but the definitive treaty ending the armed conflict was delayed until February 1763. Meanwhile the battle of words went on until at least sixty-five pamphlets had been published on this one topic, besides uncounted articles and letters in the newspapers.\n          From the start the main issue between the writers was whether Britain should retain the whole of Canada (Louisbourg had fallen in 1758, Quebec in 1759, and the surrender of the principal remaining enemy force at Montreal in the next campaign was confidently expected), or should merely restrain the French on the North American continent at a safe distance from the existing British colonies and keep instead the rich sugar-producing island of Guadeloupe (also captured in 1759). It was generally recognized that Britain could not expect to keep all of Canada and the island too. Despite their numbers and vigor, the pamphleteers probably had very little influence on the decisions of the responsible ministers or on the opinions of leaders of the various political factions; for their own reasons these men finally agreed, with dissent only on details, to take Canada and all other French mainland territory east of the Mississippi and to return Guadeloupe and Martinique (captured in 1762). The so-called \u201cNeutral Islands,\u201d chiefly Grenada, the Grenadines, and Tobago, ownership of which had long been disputed, remained in British possession.\n          The attitudes and arguments of the writers were greatly influenced by the economic theories they held as individuals and those of the readers they hoped to persuade. This was the late age of English mercantilism, when many men were changing their views on the chief values   the mother country could derive from the possession of colonies. Virtually everyone agreed that colonies were not worth having at all if they did not somehow contribute significantly to the wealth of the parent state, but there had for some time been less unanimity as to how that contribution might best be made.\n          Those who adhered to the older view took as their ideal that of the self-sufficing colonial empire in which overseas possessions, differing widely in climate and topography from the homeland, could contribute the raw materials and other products not otherwise available except by purchase from foreign lands. If colonies could produce more of these commodities than could be consumed in the mother country, so much the better, for under proper controls the surpluses could be sold abroad to the benefit of the nation\u2019s foreign exchange. Great Britain\u2019s colonial possessions came closest to meeting this ideal: her tropical possessions in the West Indies and her southern continental colonies supplied such \u201cexotic\u201d staples as sugar and molasses, indigo and other dyestuffs, rice, and tobacco; from Newfoundland and elsewhere in northern coastal waters came quantities of fish, particularly useful for export to the Catholic countries of southern Europe; from various parts of the North American continent came furs and deerskins, lumber, and also large quantities of hemp, and naval stores to free Britain\u2019s merchant marine and the Royal Navy from dependence on Scandinavia; from the middle Atlantic area, the so-called \u201cbread colonies,\u201d surplus foodstuffs could be supplied to the \u201cstaple colonies,\u201d permitting them to concentrate their agriculture on the valuable commodities only they could produce; ports on the west coast of Africa supplied the Negro manpower to operate the plantations of the South and the islands. In the minds of many mercantilists of the older school the most highly esteemed of all these colonial areas was that of the sugar islands of the West Indies. The writers of the 1760s who held to this view, therefore, were eager to add the fertile island of Guadeloupe to the British possessions in that region.\n          The great expansion in manufacturing activities taking place in England in the eighteenth century, especially important in the Midlands, was, however, leading many Englishmen to value colonies less as sources of raw materials than as markets for the sale of British products. An island in the Caribbean, with only a relatively small white population of planters and their overseers and large numbers of lightly clad Negro slaves, offered far fewer possibilities for the sale of British textiles, metal products, and other manufactured goods than did the middle and northern colonies of the continent, rapidly filling with independent farming families and prosperous merchants, all needing to buy warm clothing and useful household goods, and eager to acquire the articles of comfort and even of luxury that only the mother country could supply. As British exports to the North American continent increased at an amazing rate during the middle decades of the eighteenth century, more and more businessmen and economists came to believe that, valuable as the sugar and tobacco colonies undoubtedly still were as sources of raw materials, the northern colonies with their expanding consumption of British goods were even more important as market areas. Any threat to their continued growth, such as the French created by their \u201cincursions\u201d in the north and west, was a real danger to existing and prospective British markets. Hence the elimination of that threat by the retention of Canada seemed more important than the addition of one more sugar island, however fertile it might be.\n          When Franklin joined in the debate he was not personally concerned with the economic aims of either group of English mercantilists; as a colonial he was, of course, less interested in promoting a particular branch of British trade than in protecting the lives and property of his fellow colonists from such losses as the French and their Indian allies had inflicted on them in recent years. Yet, posing as an Englishman in his anonymous writings and directly addressing British readers, he quite understandably wrote for the most part as a thoroughgoing mercantilist and used the arguments of the more recent economic school whose theories supported the decision he hoped would be made.\n          His first contribution to the public discussion was the relatively short \u201cHumourous Reasons for Restoring Canada,\u201d in the London Chronicle, Dec. 25\u201327, 1759 (above, VIII, 449\u201352); his next and most important treatment of the subject was The Interest of Great Britain Considered, often called \u201cThe Canada Pamphlet,\u201d which the London Chronicle, April 15\u201317, 1760, announced as \u201cThis Day\u201d published. This work is closely connected in the public debate with two other pamphlets. In the middle of December 1759, one week before his piece on \u201cHumourous Reasons\u201d was printed, there appeared A Letter Addressed to Two Great Men. The author was almost certainly John Douglas (1721\u20131807), vicar of High Ercall, Shropshire, prot\u00e9g\u00e9 of the Earl of Bath, and many years later Bishop of Salisbury. He argued strongly in favor of imposing severe terms on the \u201cperfidious\u201d French and of making the cession of Canada to Great Britain an indispensable condition of the peace treaty: \u201cIn a Word, you must keep Canada, otherways you lay the Foundation of another War.\u201d This pamphlet produced prompt replies, of which the one of immediate concern here was entitled Remarks on the Letter Address\u2019d to Two Great Men. In a Letter to the Author of that Piece. Its writer is generally believed to have been William Burke, a reputed \u201ckinsman\u201d of Edmund Burke, and the author of at least one other pamphlet in this controversy. He had recently been appointed secretary and register of Guadeloupe and so had a personal interest in its retention by Great Britain. He vigorously, but politely, attacked the author of A Letter, opposed the retention of Canada, and urged the importance of Guadeloupe as a valuable addition to Britain\u2019s sugar-producing colonies. This pamphlet appeared about a month after A Letter, and induced Franklin to enter the lists in support of the retention of Canada. He took somewhat more time than Burke had done and three months passed before his response appeared. It may be regarded as one of his most important publications in pamphlet form.\n          There has been considerable controversy over the authorship of The Interest of Great Britain Considered. At the time, Franklin was generally considered the author; later, credit was often given to Richard Jackson, writing perhaps at Franklin\u2019s instigation as had happened earlier with An Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pensylvania; in recent years Franklin\u2019s authorship has been reestablished in the minds of all but a few doubters, though, as Franklin himself seems to have acknowledged, he received some help from his friend and ally Jackson. With this attribution to Franklin the present editors fully concur.\n          Writing to Lord Kames, May 3, 1760, about two weeks after the pamphlet was published, Franklin said that he had been occupied during the intervals of a recent illness \u201cin writing something of the present Situation of our Affairs in America, in order to give more correct Notions of the British Interest with regard to the Colonies, than those I found many sensible Men possess\u2019d of. Inclos\u2019d you have the Production, such as it is.\u201d This reference could only be to the Canada Pamphlet; no other writing of Franklin\u2019s in this period fits the description. From this quiet assertion of authorship he never deviated, and at no time in his life is he known to have taken credit falsely for another person\u2019s writings.\n          When Benjamin Vaughan was preparing his 1779 edition of Franklin\u2019s works he wrote numerous letters to his friend, then in France, asking questions and sending unbound sheets as they came from the printer. On April 9, 1779, Vaughan sent a large packet of sheets and in the accompanying letter discussed specifically his treatment of the Canada Pamphlet: by dividing the whole into sections with appropriate headings and so \u201cmaking the piece more luminous as to the parts,\u201d Vaughan believed he had \u201conly done you infinitely more credit.\u201d Franklin replied May 5, saying on this matter only \u201cI leave the whole Management of that Edition in your Hands with great Confidence, as I am sure my Pieces will be improv\u2019d by your Attention to the Matters you mention.\u201d If he had not written the pamphlet himself, this would have been the time and place to say so. In the \u201cAddenda et Corrigenda\u201d at the end of the published volume, Vaughan inserted a note to be read at the end of the Canada Pamphlet: \u201cDr. Franklin has often been heard to say, that in writing this pamphlet, he received considerable assistance from a learned friend who was not willing to be named. Ed.\u201d\n          The \u201clearned friend\u201d most certainly was Richard Jackson, but his \u201cconsiderable assistance\u201d might well have been no more than the supplying of some useful material, and need not have extended to include any of the actual composition. One Englishman, however, was sure that Vaughan had done Jackson an injustice. On Jan. 27, 1780, soon after the book appeared, Francis Maseres, cursitor baron of the Exchequer, wrote the editor and compiler that Franklin had written only parts of the Canada Pamphlet. He sent along his own copy of Vaughan\u2019s book with vertical lines marked in the margins to show the parts \u201cwhich were written by Dr. Franklin.\u201d On the inner pages of the folded sheet containing this letter is a copy of \u201cA memorandum, found in Baron Maseres copy of the book,\u201d and Vaughan\u2019s draft reply. The memorandum begins with the unequivocal statement that \u201cThis pamphlet was the joint production of Mr. Jackson and Dr. Franklin.\u201d On the address page of the same sheet is a list of the passages Maseres had marked as the only ones (besides all the footnotes) that Franklin had written. Vaughan replied thanking Maseres and adding that, as to taking notice of this information in a possible second edition, the affair of the pamphlet \u201chas now become too delicate for the Editor to again to [sic] intermeddle in it. He observes that Mr. Jackson\u2019s present claim goes to about \u2154 of the pamphlet.\u201d\n          Maseres cited no authority for his assertion of Jackson\u2019s principal authorship of a pamphlet published nearly twenty years earlier, and no evidence has appeared since 1780 to support his identification of the parts he said were written by each of the two men. No statement by Jackson himself has been found which even suggests that he shared in the composition. Nevertheless, numerous writers, bibliographers, and cataloguers, though not all, have accepted Maseres\u2019 statement at face value, some even going so far as to attribute authorship of the whole to Jackson, without crediting Franklin with any share. Within the twentieth century, however, two important pieces of evidence have been discovered to refute Maseres\u2019 identification and to reestablish the belief that Franklin was at least the principal author and probably the only one.\n          In 1924 I. Minis Hays, who had edited the Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, published sixteen years earlier, pointed out that in this collection there were several scattered pages of draft of the Canada Pamphlet in Franklin\u2019s hand. Examination of these pages not only confirms the identification but makes clear that they are part of a draft set down in the actual process of composition. Several of the many changes and corrections are of the sort that would never have appeared if Franklin had been engaged in the improbable task of copying and then revising a draft already written by Jackson. Furthermore, of the five pages in Franklin\u2019s draft four are entirely of passages which Maseres assigned to Jackson and the first lines of the remaining one are also part of what he thought Jackson wrote. To show how unreliable Maseres\u2019 identification was, the parts he did not attribute to Franklin and hence ascribed to Jackson are listed here in the left-hand column and those we know from the draft Franklin certainly composed are in the right. Page and line references are to the text as printed below. The page numbers of the draft are indicated in brackets. Footnotes are not considered in this comparison, since Maseres conceded that Franklin wrote them all.\n              Ascribed to Jackson by Maseres\n              Surviving draft in Franklin\u2019s hand\n              From beginning to p. 61, l. 7: \u201cor useless.\u201d\n              p. 79, l. 7, to p. 86, l. 20: \u201cWere the inhabitants \u2026 is not so great.\u201d\n[43] p. 79, l. 26, to p. 80, l. 3: \u201cwhat a difference \u2026 to extend their\u201d\n[45] p. 80, l. 16, to l. 31: \u201cfavourable to \u2026 I say, if\u201d\n[53] p. 85, l. 18, to ls. 37\u20138: \u201cit is not true \u2026 private property is\u201d\n              p. 87, l. 3, to l. 12: \u201cHowever this may be \u2026 from that kingdom.\u201d\n              [58] p. 87, l. 24, to p. 88, l. 5 \u201cincreasing with \u2026 inhabitants, and\u201d\n              p. 95, l. 31, \u201cIn Guadaloupe,\u201d to the end of the pamphlet.\n          In 1934 Verner W. Crane produced further documentary evidence to support the belief that Franklin wrote the major part, if not the whole, of the pamphlet. In the Historical Society of Pennsylvania is Franklin\u2019s own copy of Remarks on the Letter Address\u2019d to Two Great Men, the work to which The Interest of Great Britain Considered was a direct reply. Underscoring or marginal lines mark several passages which the Canada Pamphlet specifically rebuts, frequently with quotations or paraphrases from the Remarks. Elsewhere there are a number of marginal notations in Franklin\u2019s hand. While a later binder unfortunately trimmed the pages so closely that some of these notes cannot be reconstructed, Crane amply demonstrated the close connection of these marginalia with the ideas developed in the Canada Pamphlet. \u201cEnough remain,\u201d as he put it, \u201cto indicate clearly that here is the first sketch for Franklin\u2019s reply.\u201d He concluded, and the present editors agree, that the only part of the pamphlet that Jackson may have written\u2014a \u201cdubious possibility\u201d at best\u2014is the relatively short section on the trade with Russia and the medieval trade routes from Asia. These are topics not dealt with in the Remarks or in the surviving pages of the draft. It appears to the editors more probable, however, that the \u201cconsiderable assistance\u201d of Jackson, which Vaughan said Franklin often acknowledged orally, did not refer to any actual composition, but rather to the supplying of information on topics not already familiar to Franklin. In that case, it would be a reasonable guess that Jackson\u2019s chief contribution was the data on which Franklin based this short passage on Russian and Asiatic trade.\n          At the end of the pamphlet Franklin reprinted almost the whole of his \u201cObservations concerning the Increase of Mankind,\u201d written in 1751 (above, IV, 227\u201334, and not reproduced here) to support his arguments on the steadily increasing value of the continental colonies as markets for British manufactures, and he concluded with two pages of comparative statistics on British exports to North America and the West Indies.\n          This pamphlet was Franklin\u2019s first large-scale attempt to influence the British on a matter of major public policy. It shows him, though a colonial, thinking in terms of broad imperial interests. While he discusses the argument that the retention of Canada might lead in time to the independence of the older colonies, he does so only to refute the charge, and he urges that fair and considerate treatment by Great Britain would effectively prevent any move toward separation. \u201cThe waves do not rise, but when the winds blow.\u201d There is no reason to believe that Franklin was insincere in his treatment of this topic; on the contrary, the heavy stress he places here on the promotion of trade between the mother country and the colonies as an enduring bond between them shows him as being at this time an ardent supporter of the connection and an advocate of increasing, not diminishing, its economic base.\n          The Interest OF Great Britain With Regard to her Colonies.\n          I have perused with no small pleasure the Letter addressed to Two Great Men, and the Remarks on that letter. It is not merely from the beauty, the force and perspicuity of expression, or the general elegance of manner conspicuous in both pamphlets, that my pleasure chiefly arises; it is rather from this, that I have lived to see subjects of the greatest importance to this nation publickly discussed without party views, or party heat, with decency and politeness, and with no other warmth than what a zeal for the honour and happiness of our king and country may inspire; and this by writers whose understanding (however they may differ from each other) appears not unequal to their candour and the uprightness of their intention.\n          But, as great abilities have not always the best information, there are, I apprehend, in the Remarks some opinions not well founded, and some mistakes of so important a nature, as to render a few observations on them necessary for the better information of the publick.\n          The author of the Letter, who must be every way best able to support his own sentiments, will, I hope, excuse me, if I seem officiously to interfere; when he considers, that the spirit of patriotism, like other qualities good and bad, is catching; and that his long silence since the Remarks appeared has made us despair of seeing the subject farther discussed by his masterly hand. The ingenious and candid remarker, too, who must have been misled himself before he employed his skill and address to mislead others, will certainly, since he declares he aims at no seduction,\n   *Remarks, p. 6.\n be disposed to excuse even the weakest effort to prevent it.\n          And surely if the general opinions that possess the minds of the people may possibly be of consequence in publick affairs, it must be fit to set those opinions right. If there is danger, as the remarker supposes, that \u201cextravagant expectations\u201d may embarass \u201ca virtuous and able ministry,\u201d and \u201crender the negotiation for peace a work of infinite difficulty;\u201d\n   \u2020Remarks, p. 7.\n there is no less danger that expectations too low, thro\u2019 want of proper information, may have a contrary effect, may make even a virtuous and able ministry less anxious, and less attentive to the obtaining points, in which the honour and interest of the nation are essentially concerned; and the people less hearty in supporting such a ministry and its measures.\n          The people of this nation are indeed respectable, not for their numbers only, but for their understanding and their publick spirit: they manifest the first, by their universal approbation of the late prudent and vigorous measures, and the confidence they so justly repose in a wise and good prince, and an honest and able administration; the latter they have demonstrated by the immense supplies granted in parliament unanimously, and paid through the whole kingdom with chearfulness. And since to this spirit and these supplies our \u201cvictories and successes\u201d\n   \u2021Remarks, p. 7.\n have in great measure been owing, is it quite right, is it generous to say, with the remarker, that the people \u201chad no share in acquiring them?\u201d The mere mob he cannot mean, even where he speaks of the madness of the people; for the madness of the mob must be too feeble and impotent, arm\u2019d as the government of this country at present is, to \u201cover-rule,\u201d \n   \u00a7Remarks, p. 7.\n even in the slightest instances, the \u201cvirtue and moderation\u201d of a firm and steady ministry.\n          While the war continues, its final event is quite uncertain. The Victorious of this year may be the Vanquish\u2019d of the next. It may therefore be too early to say, what advantages we ought absolutely to insist on, and make the sine quibus non of a peace. If the necessity of our affairs should oblige us to accept of terms less advantageous than our present successes seem to promise us, an intelligent people as ours is, must see that necessity, and will acquiesce. But as a peace, when it is made, may be made hastily; and as the unhappy continuance of the war affords us time to consider, among several advantages gain\u2019d or to be gain\u2019d, which of them may be most for our interest to retain, if some and not all may possibly be retained; I do not blame the public disquisition of these points, as premature or useless. Light often arises from a collision of opinions, as fire from flint and steel; and if we can obtain the benefit of the light, without danger from the heat sometimes produc\u2019d by controversy, why should we discourage it?\n          Supposing then, that heaven may still continue to bless his Majesty\u2019s arms, and that the event of this just war may put it in our power to retain some of our conquests at the making of a peace; let us consider whether we are to confine ourselves to those possessions only that were \u201cthe objects for which we began the war.\u201d\n   *Remarks, p. 19.\n This the remarker seems to think right, when the question relates to \u2018Canada, properly so called,\u2019 it having never been \u2018mentioned as one of those objects in any of our memorials or declarations, or in any national or public act whatsoever.\u2019 But the gentleman himself will probably agree, that if the cession of Canada would be a real advantage to us, we may demand it under his second head, as an \u201cindemnification for the charges incurred\u201d in recovering our just rights; otherwise according to his own principles the demand of Guadaloupe can have no foundation.\n          That \u201cour claims before the war were large enough for possession and for security too,\u201d\n   \u2020Ibid.\n tho\u2019 it seems a clear point with the ingenious remarker, is, I own, not so with me. I am rather of the contrary opinion, and shall presently give my reasons. But first let me observe, that we did not make those claims because they were large enough for security, but because we could rightfully claim no more. Advantages gain\u2019d in the course of this war, may increase the extent of our rights. Our claims before the war contain\u2019d some security; but that is no reason why we should neglect acquiring more when the demand of more is become reasonable. It may be reasonable in the case of America to ask for the security recommended by the author of the letter, tho\u2019\n   \u2021P. 30 of the Letter, and p. 21 of the Remarks.\n it would be preposterous to do it in many other cases: his propos\u2019d demand is founded on the little value of Canada to the French; the right we have to ask, and the power we may have to insist on an indemnification for our expences; the difficulty the French themselves will be under of restraining their restless subjects in America from encroaching on our limits and disturbing our trade; and the difficulty on our parts of preventing encroachments that may possibly exist many years without coming to our knowledge. But the remarker \u201cdoes not see why the arguments employ\u2019d concerning a security for a peaceable behaviour in Canada, would not be equally cogent for calling for the same security in Europe.\u201d\n   *Remarks, p. 24.\n On a little farther reflection, he must I think be sensible, that the circumstances of the two cases are widely different. Here we are separated by the best and clearest of boundaries, the ocean, and we have people in or near every part of our territory. Any attempt to encroach upon us, by building a fort, even in the obscurest corner of these islands, must therefore be known and prevented immediately. The aggressors also must be known, and the nation they belong to would be accountable for their aggression. In America it is quite otherwise. A vast wilderness thinly or scarce at all peopled, conceals with ease the march of troops and workmen. Important passes may be seiz\u2019d within our limits and forts built in a month, at a small expence, that may cost us an age, and a million to remove. Dear experience has taught us this. But what is still worse, the wide extended forests between our settlements and theirs, are inhabited by barbarous tribes of savages that delight in war and take pride in murder, subjects properly neither of the French nor English, but strongly attach\u2019d to the former by the art and indefatigable industry of priests, similarity of superstitions, and frequent family alliances. These are easily, and have been continually, instigated to fall upon and massacre our planters, even in times of full peace between the two crowns, to the certain diminution of our people and the contraction of our settlements.\n   \u2020A very intelligent writer of that country, Dr. Clark, in his Observations on the late and present Conduct of the French, &c. printed at Boston 1755, says,\n   \u2018The Indians in the French interest are, upon all proper opportunities, instigated by their priests, who have generally the chief management of their public councils, to acts of hostility against the English, even in time of profound peace between the two crowns. Of this there are many undeniable instances: The war between the Indians and the colonies of the Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, in 1723, by which those colonies suffered so much damage, was begun by the instigation of the French; their supplies were from them, and there are now original letters of several Jesuits to be produced, whereby it evidently appears, that they were continually animating the Indians, when almost tired with the war, to a farther prosecution of it. The French not only excited the Indians, and supported them, but joined their own forces with them in all the late hostilities that have been committed within his Majesty\u2019s province of Nova Scotia. And from an intercepted letter this year from the Jesuit at Penobscot, and from other information, it is certain that they have been using their utmost endeavours to excite the Indians to new acts of hostility against his Majesty\u2019s colony of the Massachusetts Bay, and some have been committed. The French not only excite the Indians to acts of hostility, but reward them for it, by buying the English prisoners of them; for the ransom of each of which they afterwards demand of us the price that is usually given for a slave in these colonies. They do this under the specious pretence of rescuing the poor prisoners from the cruelties and barbarities of the savages; but in reality to encourage them to continue their depredations, as they can by this means get more by hunting the English than by hunting wild-beasts; and the French at the same time are thereby enabled to keep up a large body of Indians entirely at the expence of the English.\u2019\n And tho\u2019 it is known they are supply\u2019d by the French and carry their prisoners to them, we can by complaining obtain no redress, as the governors of Canada have a ready excuse, that the Indians are an independent people, over whom they have no power, and for whose actions they are therefore not accountable. Surely circumstances so widely different, may reasonably authorise different demands of security in America, from such as are usual or necessary in Europe.\n          The remarker, however, thinks, that our real dependance for keeping \u201cFrance or any other nation true to her engagements, must not be in demanding securities which no nation whilst independent can give, but on our own strength and our own vigilance.\u201d\n   *Remarks, p. 25.\n No nation that has carried on a war with disadvantage, and is unable to continue it, can be said, under such circumstances, to be independent; and while either side thinks itself in a condition to demand an indemnification, there is no man in his senses, but will, caeteris paribus prefer an indemnification that is a cheaper and more effectual security than any other he can think of. Nations in this situation demand and cede countries by almost every treaty of peace that is made. The French part of the island of St. Christophers was added to Great Britain in circumstances altogether similar to those in which a few months may probably place the country of Canada. Farther security has always been deemed a motive with a conqueror to be less moderate; and even the vanquish\u2019d insist upon security as a reason for demanding what they acknowledge they could not otherwise properly ask. The security of the frontier of France on the side of the Netherlands, was always considered, in the negotiation that began at Gertruydenburgh, and ended with that war. For the same reason they demanded and had Cape Breton. But a war concluded to the advantage of France has always added something to the power, either of France or the house of Bourbon. Even that of 1733, which she commenced with declarations of her having no ambitious views, and which finished by a treaty at which the ministers of France repeatedly declared that she desired nothing for herself, in effect gained for her Lorrain, an indemnification ten times the value of all her North American possessions.\n          In short, security and quiet of princes and states have ever been deemed sufficient reasons, when supported by power, for disposing of rights; and such disposition has never been looked on as want of moderation. It has always been the foundation of the most general treaties. The security of Germany was the argument for yielding considerable possessions there to the Swedes: and the security of Europe divided the Spanish monarchy, by the partition treaty, made between powers who had no other right to dispose of any part of it. There can be no cession that is not supposed at least, to increase the power of the party to whom it is made. It is enough that he has a right to ask it, and that he does it not merely to serve the purposes of a dangerous ambition. Canada in the hands of Britain, will endanger the kingdom of France as little as any other cession; and from its situation and circumstances cannot be hurtful to any other state. Rather, if peace be an advantage, this cession may be such to all Europe. The present war teaches us, that disputes arising in America, may be an occasion of embroiling nations who have no concerns there. If the French remain in Canada and Louisiana, fix the boundaries as you will between us and them, we must border on each other for more than 1500 miles. The people that inhabit the frontiers, are generally the refuse of both nations, often of the worst morals and the least discretion, remote from the eye, the prudence, and the restraint of government. Injuries are therefore frequently, in some part or other of so long a frontier, committed on both sides, resentment provoked, the colonies first engaged, and then the mother countries. And two great nations can scarce be at war in Europe, but some other prince or state thinks it a convenient opportunity, to revive some ancient claim, seize some advantage, obtain some territory, or enlarge some power at the expence of a neighbour. The flames of war once kindled, often spread far and wide, and the mischief is infinite. Happy it prov\u2019d to both nations, that the Dutch were prevailed on finally to cede the New Netherlands (now the province of New York) to us at the peace of 1674; a peace that has ever since continued between us, but must have been frequently disturbed, if they had retained the possession of that country, bordering several hundred miles on our colonies of Pensilvania westward, Connecticut and the Massachusetts eastward. Nor is it to be wondred at that people of different language, religion, and manners, should in those remote parts engage in frequent quarrels, when we find, that even the people of our own colonies have frequently been so exasperated against each other in their disputes about boundaries, as to proceed to open violence and bloodshed.\n          But the remarker thinks we shall be sufficiently secure in America, if we \u201craise English forts at such passes as may at once make us respectable to the French and to the Indian nations.\u201d\n   *Remarks, p. 25.\n The security desirable in America, may be considered as of three kinds; 1. A security of possession, that the French shall not drive us out of the country. 2. A security of our planters from the inroads of savages, and the murders committed by them. 3. A security that the British nation shall not be oblig\u2019d on every new war to repeat the immense expence occasion\u2019d by this, to defend its possessions in America. Forts in the most important passes, may, I acknowledge be of use to obtain the first kind of security: but as those situations are far advanc\u2019d beyond the inhabitants, the expence of maintaining and supplying the garrisons, will be very great even in time of full peace, and immense on every interruption of it; as it is easy for skulking parties of the enemy in such long roads thro\u2019 the woods, to intercept and cut off our convoys, unless guarded continually by great bodies of men. The second kind of security, will not be obtained by such forts, unless they were connected by a wall like that of China, from one end of our settlements to the other. If the Indians when at war, march\u2019d like the Europeans, with great armies, heavy cannon, baggage and carriages, the passes thro\u2019 which alone such armies could penetrate our country or receive their supplies, being secur\u2019d, all might be sufficiently secure; but the case is widely different. They go to war, as they call it, in small parties, from fifty men down to five. Their hunting life has made them acquainted with the whole country, and scarce any part of it is impracticable to such a party. They can travel thro\u2019 the woods even by night, and know how to conceal their tracks. They pass easily between your forts undiscover\u2019d; and privately approach the settlements of your frontier inhabitants. They need no convoys of provisions to follow them; for whether they are shifting from place to place in the woods, or lying in wait for an opportunity to strike a blow, every thicket and every stream furnishes so small a number with sufficient subsistence. When they have surpriz\u2019d separately, and murder\u2019d and scalp\u2019d a dozen families, they are gone with inconceivable expedition thro\u2019 unknown ways, and \u2019tis very rare that pursuers have any chance of coming up with them.\n   *\u2018Although the Indians live scattered, as a hunter\u2019s life requires, they may be collected together from almost any distance, as they can find their subsistence from their gun in their travelling. But let the number of the Indians be what it will, they are not formidable merely on account of their numbers; there are many other circumstances that give them a great advantage over the English. The English inhabitants, though numerous, are extended over a large tract of land, 500 leagues in length on the sea-shore; and although some of their trading towns are thick settled, their settlements in the country towns must be at a distance from each other: besides, that in a new country where lands are cheap, people are fond of acquiring large tracts to themselves; and therefore in the out settlements, they must be more remote: and as the people that move out are generally poor, they sit down either where they can easiest procure land, or soonest raise a subsistence. Add to this, that the English have fixed settled habitations, the easiest and shortest passages to which the Indians, by constantly hunting in the woods, are perfectly well acquainted with; whereas the English know little or nothing of the Indian country nor of the passages thro\u2019 the woods that lead to it. The Indian way of making war is by sudden attacks upon exposed places; and as soon as they have done mischief, they retire and either go home by the same or some different rout, as they think safest; or go to some other place at a distance to renew their stroke. If a sufficient party should happily be ready to pursue them, it is a great chance, whether in a country consisting of woods and swamps which the English are not acquainted with, the enemy do not lie in ambush for them in some convenient place, and from thence destroy them. If this should not be the case, but the English should pursue them, as soon as they have gained the rivers, by means of their canoes, to the use of which they are brought up from their infancy, they presently get out of their reach: further, if a body of men were to march into their country to the places where they are settled, they can, upon the least notice, without great disadvantage, quit their present habitations, and betake themselves to new ones.\u2019 Clark\u2019s Observations, p. 13.\n   \u2018It has been already remarked, that the tribes of the Indians living upon the lakes and rivers that run upon the back of the English settlements in North America, are very numerous, and can furnish a great number of fighting men, all perfectly well acquainted with the use of arms as soon as capable of carrying them, as they get the whole of their subsistence from hunting; and that this army, large as it may be, can be maintained by the French without any expence. From their numbers, their situation, and the rivers that run into the English settlements, it is easy to conceive that they can at any time make an attack upon, and constantly annoy as many of the exposed English settlements as they please, and those at any distance from each other. The effects of such incursions have been too severely felt by many of the British colonies, not to be very well known. The entire breaking up places that had been for a considerable time settled at a great expence, both of labour and money; burning the houses, destroying the stock, killing and making prisoners great numbers of the inhabitants, with all the cruel usage they meet with in their captivity, is only a part of the scene. All other places that are exposed are kept in continual terror; the lands lie waste and uncultivated from the danger that attends those that shall presume to work upon them: besides the immense charge the governments must be at in a very ineffectual manner to defend their extended frontiers; and all this from the influence the French have had over, but comparatively, a few of the Indians. To the same or greater evils still will every one of the colonies be exposed, whenever the same influence shall be extended to the whole body of them.\u2019 Ibid, p. 20.\n In short, long experience has taught our planters, that they cannot rely upon forts as a security against Indians: The inhabitants of Hackney might as well rely upon the tower of London to secure them against highwaymen and housebreakers. As to the third kind of security, that we shall not in a few years, have all we have now done to do over again in America; and be oblig\u2019d to employ the same number of troops, and ships, at the same immense expence to defend our possessions there, while we are in proportion weaken\u2019d here: such forts I think cannot prevent this. During a peace, it is not to be doubted the French, who are adroit at fortifying, will likewise erect forts in the most advantageous places of the country we leave them, which will make it more difficult than ever to be reduc\u2019d in case of another war. We know by the experience of this war, how extremely difficult it is to march an army thro\u2019 the American woods, with its necessary cannon and stores, sufficient to reduce a very slight fort. The accounts at the treasury will tell you what amazing sums we have necessarily spent in the expeditions against two very trifling forts, Duquesne and Crown Point. While the French retain their influence over the Indians, they can easily keep our long extended frontier in continual alarm, by a very few of those people; and with a small number of regulars and militia, in such a country, we find they can keep an army of ours in full employ for several years. We therefore shall not need to be told by our colonies, that if we leave Canada, however circumscrib\u2019d, to the French, \u201cwe have done nothing;\u201d\n   *Remarks, p. 26.\n we shall soon be made sensible ourselves of this truth, and to our cost.\n          I would not be understood to deny that even if we subdue and retain Canada, some few forts may be of use to secure the goods of the traders, and protect the commerce, in case of any sudden misunderstanding with any tribe of Indians: but these forts will be best under the care of the colonies interested in the Indian trade, and garrison\u2019d by their provincial forces, and at their own expence. Their own interest will then induce the American governments to take care of such forts in proportion to their importance; and see that the officers keep their corps full and mind their duty. But any troops of ours plac\u2019d there and accountable here, would, in such remote and obscure places and at so great a distance from the eye and inspection of superiors, soon become of little consequence, even tho\u2019 the French were left in possession of Canada. If the four independent companies maintained by the Crown in New York more than forty years, at a great expence, consisted, for most part of the time, of faggots chiefly; if their officers enjoy\u2019d their places as sine cures, and were only, as a writer \n   *Douglass.\n of that country stiles them, a kind of military monks; if this was the state of troops posted in a populous country, where the imposition could not be so well conceal\u2019d; what may we expect will be the case of those that shall be posted two, three or four hundred miles from the inhabitants, in such obscure and remote places as Crown Point, Oswego, Duquesne, or Niagara? they would scarce be even faggots; they would dwindle to meer names upon paper, and appear no where but upon the muster rolls.\n          Now all the kinds of security we have mention\u2019d are obtain\u2019d by subduing and retaining Canada. Our present possessions in America, are secur\u2019d; our planters will no longer be massacred by the Indians, who depending absolutely on us for what are now become the necessaries of life to them, guns, powder, hatchets, knives, and cloathing; and having no other Europeans near, that can either supply them, or instigate them against us; there is no doubt of their being always dispos\u2019d, if we treat them with common justice, to live in perpetual peace with us. And with regard to France, she cannot in case of another war, put us to the immense expence of defending that long extended frontier; we shall then, as it were, have our backs against a wall in America, the sea-coast will be easily protected by our superior naval power; and here \u201cour own watchfulness and our own strength\u201d will be properly, and cannot but be successfully employed. In this situation the force now employ\u2019d in that part of the world, may be spar\u2019d for any other service here or elsewhere; so that both the offensive and defensive strength of the British empire on the whole will be greatly increased.\n          But to leave the French in possession of Canada when it is in our power to remove them, and depend, as the remarker proposes, on our own \u201cstrength and watchfulness\u201d\n to prevent the mischiefs that may attend it, seems neither safe nor prudent. Happy as we now are, under the best of kings, and in the prospect of a succession promising every felicity a nation was ever bless\u2019d with: happy too in the wisdom and vigour of every part of the administration, particularly that part whose peculiar province is the British plantations, a province every true Englishman sees with pleasure under the principal direction of a nobleman, as much distinguish\u2019d by his great capacity, as by his unwearied and disinterested application to this important department; we cannot, we ought not to promise ourselves the uninterrupted continuance of those blessings. The safety of a considerable part of the state, and the interest of the whole are not to be trusted to the wisdom and vigor of future administrations, when a security is to be had more effectual, more constant, and much less expensive. They who can be moved by the apprehension of dangers so remote as that of the future independence of our colonies (a point I shall hereafter consider) seem scarcely consistent with themselves when they suppose we may rely on the wisdom and vigour of an administration for their safety.\n          I should indeed think it less material whether Canada were ceded to us or not, if I had in view only the security of possession in our colonies. I entirely agree with the Remarker, that we are in North America \u201ca far greater continental as well as naval power;\u201d and that only cowardice or ignorance can subject our colonies there to a French conquest. But for the same reason I disagree with him widely upon another point. I do not think that our \u201cblood and treasure has been expended,\u201d as he intimates, \u201cin the cause of the colonies,\u201d and that we are \u201cmaking conquests for them:\u201d\n   *Remarks, p. 26.\n yet I believe this is too common an error. I do not say they are altogether unconcerned in the event. The inhabitants of them are, in common with the other subjects of Great Britain, anxious for the glory of her crown, the extent of her power and commerce, the welfare and future repose of the whole British people. They could not therefore but take a large share in the affronts offered to Britain, and have been animated with a truely British spirit to exert themselves beyond their strength, and against their evident interest. Yet so unfortunate have they been, that their virtue has made against them; for upon no better foundation than this, have they been supposed the authors of a war carried on for their advantage only. It is a great mistake to imagine that the American country in question between Great Britain and France, is claimed as the property of any individuals or publick body in America, or that the possession of it by Great Britain, is likely, in any lucrative view, to redound at all to the advantage of any person there. On the other hand, the bulk of the inhabitants of North America are land-owners, whose lands are inferior in value to those of Britain, only by the want of an equal number of people. It is true the accession of the large territory claimed before the war began, especially if that be secured by the possession of Canada, will tend to the increase of the British subjects faster than if they had been confin\u2019d within the mountains: yet the increase within the mountains only, would evidently make the comparative population equal to that of Great Britain much sooner than it can be expected when our people are spread over a country six times as large. I think this is the only point of light in which this question is to be viewed, and is the only one in which any of the colonies are concerned. No colony, no possessor of lands in any colony, therefore wishes for conquests, or can be benefited by them, otherwise than as they may be a means of securing peace on their borders. No considerable advantage has resulted to the colonies by the conquests of this war, or can result from confirming them by the peace, but what they must enjoy in common with the rest of the British people; with this evident drawback from their share of these advantages, that they will necessarily lessen, or at least prevent the increase of the value of what makes the principal part of their private property. A people spread thro\u2019 the whole tract of country on this side the Mississipi, and secured by Canada in our hands, would probably for some centuries find employment in agriculture, and thereby free us at home effectually from our fears of American manufactures. Unprejudic\u2019d men well know that all the penal and prohibitory laws that ever were thought on, will not be sufficient to prevent manufactures in a country whose inhabitants surpass the number that can subsist by the husbandry of it. That this will be the case in America soon, if our people remain confined within the mountains, and almost as soon should it be unsafe for them to live beyond, tho\u2019 the country be ceded to us, no man acquainted with political and commercial history can doubt. Manufactures are founded in poverty. It is the multitude of poor without land in a country, and who must work for others at low wages or starve, that enables undertakers to carry on a manufacture, and afford it cheap enough to prevent the importation of the same kind from abroad, and to bear the expence of its own exportation. But no man who can have a piece of land of his own, sufficient by his labour to subsist his family in plenty, is poor enough to be a manufacturer and work for a master. Hence while there is land enough in America for our people, there can never be manufactures to any amount or value. It is a striking observation of a very able pen, that the natural livelihood of the thin inhabitants of a forest country, is hunting; that of a greater number, pasturage; that of a middling population, agriculture; and that of the greatest, manufactures; which last must subsist the bulk of the people in a full country, or they must be subsisted by charity, or perish. The extended population, therefore, that is most advantageous to Great Britain, will be best effected, because only effectually secur\u2019d by our possession of Canada. So far as the being of our present colonies in North America is concerned, I think indeed with the remarker, that the French there are not \u201can enemy to be apprehended,\u201d\n   *Remarks, p. 27.\n but the expression is too vague to be applicable to the present, or indeed to any other case. Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, unequal as they are to this nation in power and numbers of people, are enemies to be still apprehended; and the Highlanders of Scotland have been so for many ages by the greatest princes of Scotland and Britain. The wild Irish were able to give a great deal of disturbance even to Queen Elizabeth, and cost her more blood and treasure than her war with Spain. Canada in the hands of France has always stinted the growth of our colonies: In the course of this war, and indeed before it, has disturb\u2019d and vex\u2019d even the best and strongest of them, has found means to murder thousands of their people and unsettle a great part of their country. Much more able will it be to starve the growth of an infant settlement. Canada has also found means to make this nation spend two or three millions a year in America; and a people, how small soever, that in their present situation, can do this as often as we have a war with them, is methinks, \u201can enemy to be apprehended.\u201d\n          Our North American colonies are to be considered as the frontier of the British empire on that side. The frontier of any dominion being attack\u2019d, it becomes not merely \u201cthe cause\u201d of the people immediately affected, (the inhabitants of that frontier) but properly \u201cthe cause\u201d of the whole body. Where the frontier people owe and pay obedience, there they have a right to look for protection. No political proposition is better established than this. It is therefore invidious to represent the \u201cblood and treasure\u201d spent in this war, as spent in \u201cthe cause of the colonies\u201d only, and that they are \u201cabsurd and ungrateful\u201d if they think we have done nothing unless we \u201cmake conquests for them,\u201d and reduce Canada to gratify their \u201cvain ambition,\u201d &c. It will not be a conquest for them, nor gratify any vain ambition of theirs. It will be a conquest for the whole, and all our people will, in the increase of trade and the ease of taxes, find the advantage of it. Should we be obliged at any time to make a war for the protection of our commerce, and to secure the exportation of our manufactures, would it be fair to represent such a war merely as blood and treasure spent in the cause of the weavers of Yorkshire, Norwich, or the West, the cutlers of Sheffield, or the button-makers of Birmingham? I hope it will appear before I end these sheets, that if ever there was a national war, this is truly such a one: a war in which the interest of the whole nation is directly and fundamentally concerned.\n          Those who would be thought deeply skilled in human nature, affect to discover self-interested views every where at the bottom of the fairest, the most generous conduct. Suspicions and charges of this kind, meet with ready reception and belief in the minds even of the multitude; and therefore less acuteness and address than the remarker is possessed of, would be sufficient to persuade the nation generally, that all the zeal and spirit manifested and exerted by the colonies in this war, was only in \u201ctheir own cause\u201d to \u201cmake conquests for themselves,\u201d to engage us to make more for them, to gratify their own \u201cvain ambition.\u201d But should they now humbly address the mother country in the terms and the sentiments of the remarker, return her their grateful acknowledgments for the blood and treasure she had spent in \u201ctheir cause,\u201d confess that enough had been done \u201cfor them;\u201d allow that \u201cEnglish forts raised in proper passes, will, with the wisdom and vigour of her administration\u201d be a sufficient future protection; express their desires that their people may be confined within the mountains, lest if they are suffered to spread and extend themselves in the fertile and pleasant country on the other side, they should \u201cincrease infinitely from all causes,\u201d \u201clive wholly on their own labour\u201d and become independent; beg therefore that the French may be suffered to remain in possession of Canada, as their neighbourhood may be useful to prevent our increase; and the removing them may \u201cin its consequences be even dangerous.\u201d\n I say, should such an address from the colonies make its appearance here, though, according to the remarker, it would be a most just and reasonable one; would it not, might it not with more justice be answered; We understand you, gentlemen, perfectly well: you have only your own interest in view: you want to have the people confined within your present limits, that in a few years the lands you are possessed of may increase tenfold in value! you want to reduce the price of labour by increasing numbers on the same territory, that you may be able to set up manufactures and vie with your mother country! you would have your people kept in a body, that you may be more able to dispute the commands of the crown, and obtain an independency. You would have the French left in Canada, to exercise your military virtue, and make you a warlike people, that you may have more confidence to embark in schemes of disobedience, and greater ability to support them! You have tasted too, the sweets of TWO or THREE MILLIONS Sterling per annum spent among you by our fleets and forces, and you are unwilling to be without a pretence for kindling up another war, and thereby occasioning a repetition of the same delightful doses! But gentlemen, allow us to understand our interest a little likewise: we shall remove the French from Canada that you may live in peace, and we be no more drained by your quarrels. You shall have land enough to cultivate, that you may have neither necessity nor inclination to go into manufactures, and we will manufacture for you and govern you.\n          A reader of the remarks may be apt to say; if this writer would have us restore Canada on principles of moderation, how can we consistent with those principles, retain Guadaloup, which he represents of so much greater value! I will endeavour to explain this, because by doing it I shall have an opportunity of showing the truth and good sense of the answer to the interested application I have just supposed. The author then is only apparently and not really inconsistent with himself. If we can obtain the credit of moderation by restoring Canada, it is well: but we should, however, restore it at all events; because it would not only be of no use to us, but \u201cthe possession of it (in his opinion) may in its consequence be dangerous.\u201d\n As how? Why, plainly, (at length it comes out) if the French are not left there to check the growth of our colonies, \u201cthey will extend themselves almost without bounds into the in-land parts, and increase infinitely from all causes; becoming a numerous, hardy, independent people, possessed of a strong country, communicating little or not at all with England, living wholly on their own labour, and in process of time knowing little and enquiring little about the mother country.\u201d In short, according to this writer, our present colonies are large enough and numerous enough, and the French ought to be left in North America to prevent their increase, lest they become not only useless but dangerous to Britain.\n          I agree with the gentleman, that with Canada in our possession, our people in America will increase amazingly. I know, that their common rate of increase, where they are not molested by the enemy, is doubling their numbers every twenty five years by natural generation only, exclusive of the accession of foreigners.\n   \u2020The reason of this greater increase in America than in Europe, is, that in old settled countries, all trades, farms, offices, and employments are full, and many people refrain marrying till they see an opening, in which they can settle themselves, with a reasonable prospect of maintaining a family: but in America, it being easy to obtain land which with moderate labour will afford subsistence and something to spare, people marry more readily and earlier in life, whence arises a numerous offspring and the swift population of those countries. \u2019Tis a common error that we cannot fill our provinces or increase the number of them, without draining this nation of its people. The increment alone of our present colonies is sufficient for both those purposes.\n I think this increase continuing, would probably in a century more, make the number of British subjects on that side the water more numerous than they now are on this; but I am far from entertaining on that account, any fears of their becoming either useless or dangerous to us; and I look on those fears, to be merely imaginary and without any probable foundation. The remarker is reserv\u2019d in giving his reasons, as in his opinion this \u201cis not a fit subject for discussion.\u201d I shall give mine, because I conceive it a subject necessary to be discuss\u2019d; and the rather, as those fears how groundless and chimerical soever, may by possessing the multitude, possibly induce the ablest ministry to conform to them against their own judgment, and thereby prevent the assuring to the British name and nation a stability and permanency that no man acquainted with history durst have hoped for, \u2019till our American possessions opened the pleasing prospect.\n          The remarker thinks that our people in America, \u201cfinding no check from Canada would extend themselves almost without bounds into the inland parts, and increase infinitely from all causes.\u201d The very reason he assigns for their so extending, and which is indeed the true one, their being \u201cinvited to it by the pleasantness, fertility and plenty of the country,\u201d may satisfy us, that this extension will continue to proceed as long as there remains any pleasant fertile country within their reach. And if we even suppose them confin\u2019d by the waters of the Mississipi westward, and by those of St. Laurence and the lakes to the northward, yet still we shall leave them room enough to increase even in the sparse manner of settling now practis\u2019d there, till they amount to perhaps a hundred millions of souls. This must take some centuries to fulfil, and in the mean time, this nation must necessarily supply them with the manufactures they consume, because the new settlers will be employ\u2019d in agriculture, and the new settlements will so continually draw off the spare hands from the old, that our present colonies will not, during the period we have mention\u2019d find themselves in a condition to manufacture even for their own inhabitants, to any considerable degree, much less for those who are settling behind them. Thus our trade must, till that country becomes as fully peopled as England, that is for centuries to come, be continually increasing, and with it our naval power; because the ocean is between us and them, and our ships and seamen must increase as that trade increases.\n          The human body and the political differ in this, that the first is limited by nature to a certain stature, which, when attain\u2019d, it cannot, ordinarily, exceed; the other by better government and more prudent police, as well as by change of manners and other circumstances, often takes fresh starts of growth, after being long at a stand; and may add tenfold to the dimensions it had for ages been confined to. The mother being of full stature, is in a few years equal\u2019d by a growing daughter: but in the case of a mother country and her colonies, it is quite different. The growth of the children tends to encrease the growth of the mother, and so the difference and superiority is longer preserv\u2019d.\n          Were the inhabitants of this island limited to their present number by any thing in nature, or by unchangeable circumstances, the equality of population between the two countries might indeed sooner come to pass: but sure experience in those parts of the island where manufactures have been introduc\u2019d, teaches us, that people increase and multiply in proportion as the means and facility of gaining a livelihood increase; and that this island, if they could be employed, is capable of supporting ten times its present number of people. In proportion therefore, as the demand increases for the manufactures of Britain, by the increase of people in her colonies, the numbers of her people at home will increase, and with them the strength as well as the wealth of the nation. For satisfaction in this point let the reader compare in his mind the number and force of our present fleets, with our fleet in Queen Elizabeth\u2019s time\n   *Viz. 40 sail, none of more than 40 guns.\n before we had colonies. Let him compare the antient with the present state of our towns and ports on our western coast, Manchester, Liverpool, Kendal, Lancaster, Glasgow, and the countries round them, that trade with and manufacture for our colonies, not to mention Leeds, Halifax, Sheffield and Birmingham, and consider what a difference there is in the numbers of people, buildings, rents, and the value of land and of the produce of land, even if he goes back no farther than is within man\u2019s memory. Let him compare those countries with others on this same island, where manufactures have not yet extended themselves, observe the present difference, and reflect how much greater our strength may be, if numbers give strength, when our manufacturers shall occupy every part of the island where they can possibly be subsisted.\n          But, say the objectors, \u201cthere is a certain distance from the sea, in America, beyond which the expence of carriage will put a stop to the sale and consumption of your manufactures; and this, with the difficulty of making returns for them, will oblige the inhabitants to manufacture for themselves; of course, if you suffer your people to extend their settlements beyond that distance, your people become useless to you:\u201d and this distance is limited by some to 200 miles, by others to the Apalachian mountains. Not to insist on a very plain truth, that no part of a dominion, from whence a government may on occasion draw supplies and aids both of men of money, tho\u2019 at too great a distance to be supply\u2019d with manufactures from some other part, is therefore to be deem\u2019d useless to the whole; I shall endeavour to show that these imaginary limits of utility, even in point of commerce are much too narrow.\n          The inland parts of the continent of Europe are much farther from the sea than the limits of settlement proposed for America. Germany is full of tradesmen and artificers of all kinds, and the governments there, are not all of them always favourable to the commerce of Britain, yet it is a well-known fact, that our manufactures find their way even into the heart of Germany. Ask the great manufacturers and merchants of the Leeds, Sheffield, Birmingham, Manchester and Norwich goods, and they will tell you, that some of them send their riders frequently thro\u2019 France or Spain and Italy, up to Vienna and back thro\u2019 the middle and northern parts of Germany, to show samples of their wares and collect orders, which they receive by almost every mail, to a vast amount. Whatever charges arise on the carriage of goods, are added to the value, and all paid by the consumer. If these nations over whom we have no government, over whose consumption we can have no influence, but what arises from the cheapness and goodness of our wares; whose trade, manufactures, or commercial connections are not subject to the controul of our laws, as those of our colonies certainly are in some degree: I say, if these nations purchase and consume such quantities of our goods, notwithstanding the remoteness of their situation from the sea; how much less likely is it that the settlers in America, who must for ages be employ\u2019d in agriculture chiefly, should make cheaper for themselves the goods our manufacturers at present supply them with; even if we suppose the carriage five, six or seven hundred miles from the sea as difficult and expensive as the like distance into Germany: whereas in the latter, the natural distances are frequently doubled by political obstructions, I mean the intermix\u2019d territories and clashing interests of princes. But when we consider that the inland parts of America are penetrated by great navigable rivers; that there are a number of great lakes, communicating with each other, with those rivers and with the sea, very small portages here and there excepted;\n   *From New York into lake Ontario, the land carriage of the several portages altogether, amounts to but about 27 miles. From lake Ontario into lake Erie, the land carriage at Niagara is but about 12 miles. All the lakes above Niagara communicate by navigable straits, so that no land carriage is necessary, to go out of one into another. From Presqu\u2019 isle on lake Erie, there are but 15 miles land-carriage, and that a good waggon road, to Beef River a branch of the Ohio, which brings you into a navigation of many thousand miles inland, if you take together the Ohio, the Mississipi, and all the great rivers and branches that run into them.\n that the sea coasts (if one may be allow\u2019d the expression) of those lakes only, amount at least to 2700 miles, exclusive of the rivers running into them; many of which are navigable to a great extent for boats and canoes, thro\u2019 vast tracts of country; how little likely is it that the expence on the carriage of our goods into those countries, should prevent the use of them. If the poor Indians in those remote parts are now able to pay for the linnen, woolen and iron wares they are at present furnish\u2019d with by the French and English traders, tho\u2019 Indians have nothing but what they get by hunting, and the goods are loaded with all the impositions fraud and knavery can contrive to inhance their value; will not industrious English farmers, hereafter settled in those countries, be much better able to pay for what shall be brought them in the way of fair commerce?\n          If it is asked, what can such farmers raise, wherewith to pay for the manufactures they may want from us? I answer, that the inland parts of America in question are well-known to be fitted for the production of hemp, flax, potash, and above all silk; the southern parts, may produce olive oil, raisins, currans, indigo, and cochineal. Not to mention horses and black cattle, which may easily be driven to the maritime markets, and at the same time assist in conveying other commodities. That the commodities first mention\u2019d, may easily by water or land carriage be brought to the sea ports from interior America, will not seem incredible, when we reflect, that hemp formerly came from the Ukraine and most southern parts of Russia to Wologda, and down the Dwina to Archangel, and thence by a perilous navigation round the North Cape to England and other parts of Europe. It now comes from the same country up the Dnieper and down the Duna with much land carriage. Great part of the Russia iron, no high-priced commodity, is brought 3000 miles by land and water from the heart of Siberia. Furs, [the produce too of America] are brought to Amsterdam from all parts of Siberia, even the most remote, Kamschatska. The same country furnishes me with another instance of extended inland commerce. It is found worth while to keep up a mercantile communication between Peking in China and Petersburgh. And none of these instances of inland commerce exceed those of the courses by which, at several periods, the whole trade of the East was carried on. Before the prosperity of the Mamaluke dominion in Egypt fixed the staple for the riches of the East at Cairo and Alexandria, whither they were brought from the Red Sea, great part of those commodities were carried to the cities of Cashgar and Balk. This gave birth to those towns, that still subsist upon the remains of their ancient opulence, amidst a people and country equally wild. From thence those goods were carried down the Am\u00fb, the ancient Oxus, to the Caspian Sea, and up the Wolga to Astrachan, from whence they were carried over to, and down the Don to the mouth of that river, and thence again the Venetians directly, and the Genoese and Venetians indirectly by way of Kaffa and Trebisonde, dispers\u2019d them thro\u2019 the Mediterranean and some other parts of Europe. Another part of those goods was carried over-land from the Wolga to the rivers Duna and Neva; from both they were carried to the city of Wisbuy in the Baltick, so eminent for its sea-laws; and from the city of Ladoga on the Neva, we are told they were even carried by the Dwina to Archangel, and from thence round the North Cape.\n          If iron and hemp will bear the charge of carriage from this inland country, other metals will as well as iron; and certainly silk, since 3d. per lb. is not above 1 per cent. on the value, and amounts to \u00a328 per ton.\n          If the growths of a country find their way out of it, the manufactures of the countries where they go will infallibly find their way into it. They who understand the oeconomy and principles of manufactures, know, that it is impossible to establish them in places not populous; and even in those that are populous, hardly possible to establish them to the prejudice of the places already in possession of them. Several attempts have been made in France and Spain, countenanced by the government, to draw from us and establish in those countries, our hard-ware and woolen manufactures, but without success. The reasons are various. A manufacture is part of a great system of commerce, which takes in conveniencies of various kinds, methods of providing materials of all sorts, machines for expediting and facilitating labour, all the channels of correspondence for vending the wares, the credit and confidence necessary to found and support this correspondence, the mutual aid of different artizans, and a thousand other particulars, which time and long experience have gradually established. A part of such a system cannot support itself without the whole, and before the whole can be obtained the part perishes. Manufactures where they are in perfection, are carried on by a multiplicity of hands, each of which is expert only in his own part, no one of them a master of the whole; and if by any means spirited away to a foreign country, he is lost without his fellows. Then it is a matter of the extremest difficulty to persuade a compleat set of workmen, skilled in all parts of a manufactory to leave their country together and settle in a foreign land. Some of the idle and drunken may be enticed away, but these only disappoint their employers, and serve to discourage the undertaking. If by royal munificence, and an expence that the profits of the trade alone would not bear a compleat set of good and skilful hands are collected and carried over, they find so much of the system imperfect, so many things wanting to carry on the trade to advantage, so many difficulties to overcome, and the knot of hands so easily broken, by death, dissatisfaction and desertion, that they and their employers are discouraged together, and the project vanishes into smoke. Hence it happens, that established manufactures are hardly ever lost, but by foreign conquest, or by some eminent interior fault in manners or government; a bad police oppressing and discouraging the workmen, or religious persecutions driving the sober and industrious out of the country. There is in short, scarce a single instance in history of the contrary, where manufactures have once taken firm root. They sometimes start up in a new place, but are generally supported like exotic plants at more expence than they are worth for any thing but curiosity, until these new seats become the refuge of the manufacturers driven from the old ones. The conquest of Constantinople and final reduction of the Greek empire, dispersed many curious manufacturers into different parts of Christendom. The former conquests of its provinces had before done the same. The loss of liberty in Verona, Milan, Florence, Pisa, Pistoia, and other great cities of Italy, drove the manufacturers of woolen cloth into Spain and Flanders. The latter first lost their trade and manufacturers to Antwerp and the cities of Brabant, from whence by persecution for religion they were sent into Holland and England. The civil wars during the minority of Charles the first of Spain, which ended in the loss of the liberty of their great towns, ended too in the loss of the manufactures of Toledo, Segovia, Salamanca, Medina del campo, &c. The revocation of the edict of Nantes, communicated, to all the Protestant parts of Europe, the paper, silk, and other valuable manufactures of France, almost peculiar at that time to that country, and till then in vain attempted elsewhere.\n          To be convinc\u2019d that it is not soil and climate, or even freedom from taxes, that determines the residence of manufacturers, we need only turn our eyes on Holland, where a multitude of manufactures are still carried on (perhaps more than on the same extent of territory any where in Europe) and sold on terms upon which they cannot be had in any other part of the world. And this too is true of those growths, which by their nature and the labour required to raise them, come the nearest to manufactures.\n          As to the common-place objection to the North American settlements, that they are in the same climate and their produce the same as that of England; in the first place it is not true; it is particularly not so of the countries now likely to be added to our settlements; and of our present colonies, the products, lumber, tobacco, rice and indigo, great articles of commerce do not interfere with the products of England: in the next place, a man must know very little of the trade of the world, who does not know, that the greater part of it is carried on between countries whose climate differs very little. Even the trade between the different parts of these British islands, is greatly superior to that between England and all the West-India islands put together.\n          If I have been successful in proving that a considerable commerce may and will subsist between us and our future most inland settlements in North America, notwithstanding their distance, I have more than half proved no other inconveniency will arise from their distance. Many men in such a country, must \u201cknow,\u201d must \u201cthink,\u201d and must \u201ccare\u201d about the country they chiefly trade with. The juridical and other connections of government are yet a faster hold than even commercial ties, and spread directly and indirectly far and wide. Business to be solicited and causes depending, create a great intercourse even where private property is not divided in different countries, yet this division will always subsist where different countries are ruled by the same government. Where a man has landed property both in the mother country and a province, he will almost always live in the mother country: this, though there were no trade, is singly a sufficient gain. It is said, that Ireland pays near a million Sterling annually to its absentees in England: The ballance of trade from Spain or even Portugal is scarcely equal to this.\n          Let it not be said we have no absentees from North-America. There are many to the writer\u2019s knowledge; and if there are at present but few of them that distinguish themselves here by great expence, it is owing to the mediocrity of fortune among the inhabitants of the Northern colonies; and a more equal division of landed property, than in the West-India islands, so that there are as yet but few large estates. But if those who have such estates, reside upon and take care of them themselves, are they worse subjects than they would be if they lived idly in England? Great merit is assumed for the gentlemen of the West-Indies,\n on the score of their residing and spending their money in England. I would not depreciate that merit; it is considerable, for they might, if they pleased spend their money in France: but the difference between their spending it here and at home is not so great. What do they spend it in when they are here, but the produce and manufactures of this country; and would they not do the same if they were at home? Is it of any great importance to the English farmer, whether the West-India gentleman comes to London and eats his beef, pork, and tongues, fresh, or has them brought to him in the West-Indies salted; whether he eats his English cheese and butter or drinks his English ale at London or in Barbadoes? Is the clothier\u2019s, or the mercer\u2019s, or the cutler\u2019s, or the toy-man\u2019s profit less, for their goods being worn and consumed by the same persons residing on the other side of the ocean? Would not the profits of the merchant and mariner be rather greater, and some addition made to our navigation, ships and seamen? If the North-American gentleman stays in his own country, and lives there in that degree of luxury and expence with regard to the use of British manufactures, that his fortune entitles him to; may not his example (from the imitation of superiors so natural to mankind) spread the use of those manufactures among hundreds of families around him, and occasion a much greater demand for them, than it would do if he should remove and live in London?\n          However this may be, if in our views of immediate advantage, it seems preferable that the gentlemen of large fortunes in North America should reside much in England, \u2019tis what may surely be expected as fast as such fortunes are acquired there. Their having \u201ccolleges of their own for the education of their youth,\u201d will not prevent it: A little knowledge and learning acquired, increases the appetite for more, and will make the conversation of the learned on this side the water more strongly desired. Ireland has its university likewise; yet this does not prevent the immense pecuniary benefit we receive from that kingdom. And there will always be in the conveniencies of life, the politeness, the pleasures, the magnificence of the reigning country, many other attractions besides those of learning, to draw men of substance there, where they can, apparently at least, have the best bargain of happiness for their money.\n          Our trade to the West-India islands is undoubtedly a valuable one: but whatever is the amount of it, it has long been at a stand. Limited as our sugar planters are by the scantiness of territory, they cannot increase much beyond their present number; and this is an evil, as I shall show hereafter, that will be little helped by our keeping Guadaloupe. The trade to our Northern Colonies, is not only greater, but yearly increasing with the increase of people: and even in a greater proportion, as the people increase in wealth and the ability of spending as well as in numbers. I have already said, that our people in the Northern Colonies double in about 25 years, exclusive of the accession of strangers. That I speak within bounds, I appeal to the authentic accounts frequently required by the board of trade, and transmitted to that board by the respective governors; of which accounts I shall select one as a sample, being that from the colony of Rhode-Island;\n   *Copy of the Report of Governor Hopkins to the Board of Trade, on the Numbers of People in Rhode-Island.\n   In obedience to your lordships\u2019 commands, I have caused the within account to be taken by officers under oath. By it there appears to be in this colony at this time 35,939 white persons, and 4697 blacks, chiefly negroes.\n   In the year 1730, by order of the then lords commissioners of trade and plantations, an account was taken of the number of people in this colony, and then there appeared to be 15,302 white persons, and 2633 blacks.\n   Again in the year 1748, by like order, an account was taken of the number of people in this colony, by which it appears there were at that time 29,755 white persons, and 4373 blacks.\n   Stephen Hopkins\n   Colony of Rhode-Island,\n a colony that of all the others receives the least addition from strangers. For the increase of our trade to those colonies, I refer to the accounts frequently laid before Parliament, by the officers of the customs, and to the custom-house books: from which I have also selected one account, that of the trade from England (exclusive of Scotland) to Pensilvania;\n   *An Account of the Value of the Exports from England to Pensylvania, in one Year, taken at different Periods, viz.\nIn\nthey amounted only to\nthey were\n   N.B. The accounts for 1758 and 1759 are not yet compleated; but those acquainted with the North American trade, know, that the increase in those two years, has been in a still greater proportion; last year being supposed to exceed any former year by a third; and this owing to the increased ability of the people to spend, from the greater quantities of money circulating among them by the war.\n a colony most remarkable for the plain frugal manner of living of its inhabitants, and the most suspected of carrying on manufactures on account of the number of German artizans, who are known to have transplanted themselves into that country, though even these, in truth, when they come there, generally apply themselves to agriculture as the surest support and most advantageous employment. By this account it appears, that the exports to that province have in 28 years, increased nearly in the proportion of 17 to 1; whereas the people themselves, who by other authentic accounts appear to double their numbers (the strangers who settle there included) in about 16 years, cannot in the 28 years have increased in a greater proportion than as 4 to 1: the additional demand then, and consumption of goods from England, of 13 parts in 17 more than the additional number would require, must be owing to this, that the people having by their industry mended their circumstances, are enabled to indulge themselves in finer cloaths, better furniture, and a more general use of all our manufactures than heretofore. In fact, the occasion for English goods in North America, and the inclination to have and use them, is, and must be for ages to come, much greater than the ability of the people to pay for them; they must therefore, as they now do, deny themselves many things they would otherwise chuse to have, or increase their industry to obtain them; and thus, if they should at any time manufacture some coarse article, which on account of its bulk or some other circumstance, cannot so well be brought to them from Britain, it only enables them the better to pay for finer goods that otherwise they could not indulge themselves in: So that the exports thither are not diminished by such manufacture but rather increased. The single article of manufacture in these colonies mentioned by the remarker, is hats made in New-England. It is true there have been ever since the first settlement of that country, a few hatters there, drawn thither probably at first by the facility of getting beaver, while the woods were but little clear\u2019d, and there was plenty of those animals. The case is greatly alter\u2019d now. The beaver skins are not now to be had in New England, but from very remote places and at great prices. The trade is accordingly declining there, so that, far from being able to make hats in any quantity for exportation, they cannot supply their home demand; and it is well known that some thousand dozens are sent thither yearly from London, and sold there cheaper than the inhabitants can make them of equal goodness. In fact, the colonies are so little suited for establishing of manufactures, that they are continually losing the few branches they accidentally gain. The working brasiers, cutlers, and pewterers, as well as hatters, who have happened to go over from time to time and settle in the colonies, gradually drop the working part of their business, and import their respective goods from England, whence they can have them cheaper and better than they can make them. They continue their shops indeed, in the same way of dealing, but become sellers of brasiery, cutlery, pewter, hats, &c. brought from England, instead of being makers of those goods.\n          Thus much as to the apprehension of our colonies becoming useless to us. I shall next consider the other supposition, that their growth may render them dangerous. Of this I own, I have not the least conception, when I consider that we have already fourteen separate governments on the maritime coast of the continent, and if we extend our settlements shall probably have as many more behind them on the inland side. Those we now have, are not only under different governors, but have different forms of government, different laws, different interests, and some of them different religious persuasions and different manners. Their jealousy of each other is so great that however necessary an union of the colonies has long been, for their common defence and security against their enemies, and how sensible soever each colony has been of that necessity, yet they have never been able to effect such an union among themselves, nor even to agree in requesting the mother country to establish it for them. Nothing but the immediate command of the crown has been able to produce even the imperfect union but lately seen there, of the forces of some colonies. If they could not agree to unite for their defence against the French and Indians, who were perpetually harassing their settlements, burning their villages, and murdering their people; can it reasonably be supposed there is any danger of their uniting against their own nation, which protects and encourages them, with which they have so many connections and ties of blood, interest and affection, and which \u2019tis well known they all love much more than they love one another? In short, there are so many causes that must operate to prevent it, that I will venture to say, an union amongst them for such a purpose is not merely improbable, it is impossible; and if the union of the whole is impossible, the attempt of a part must be madness: as those colonies that did not join the rebellion, would join the mother country in suppressing it.\n          When I say such an union is impossible, I mean without the most grievous tyranny and oppression. People who have property in a country which they may lose, and privileges which they may endanger; are generally dispos\u2019d to be quiet; and even to bear much, rather than hazard all. While the government is mild and just, while important civil and religious rights are secure, such subjects will be dutiful and obedient. The waves do not rise, but when the winds blow. What such an administration as the Duke of Alva\u2019s in the Netherlands, might produce, I know not; but this I think I have a right to deem impossible. And yet there were two very manifest differences between that case, and ours, and both are in our favour. The first, that Spain had already united the seventeen provinces under one visible government, tho\u2019 the states continued independent: The second, that the inhabitants of those provinces were of a nation, not only different from, but utterly unlike the Spaniards. Had the Netherlands been peopled from Spain, the worst of oppression had probably not provoked them to wish a separation of government. It might and probably would have ruined the country, but would never have produced an independent sovereignty. In fact, neither the very worst of governments, the worst of politicks in the last century, nor the total abolition of their remaining liberty, in the provinces of Spain itself, in the present, have produced any independency that could be supported. The same may be observed of France. And let it not be said that the neighbourhood of these to the seat of government has prevented a separation. While our strength at sea continues, the banks of the Ohio, (in point of easy and expeditious conveyance of troops) are nearer to London, than the remote parts of France and Spain to their respective capitals; and much nearer than Connaught and Ulster were in the days of Queen Elizabeth. No body foretels the dissolution of the Russian monarchy from its extent, yet I will venture to say, the eastern parts of it are already much more inaccessible from Petersburgh, than the country on the Mississipi is from London; I mean more men, in less time, might be conveyed the latter than the former distance. The rivers Oby, Jenesea and Lena, do not facilitate the communication half so well by their course, nor are they half so practicable as the American rivers. To this I shall only add the observation of Machiavel, in his Prince, that a government seldom long preserves its dominion over those who are foreigners to it; who on the other hand fall with great ease, and continue inseparably annex\u2019d to the government of their own nation, which he proves by the fate of the English conquests in France.\n          Yet with all these disadvantages, so difficult is it to overturn an established government, that it was not without the assistance of France and England, that the United Provinces supported themselves: which teaches us, that if the visionary danger of independence in our colonies is to be feared, nothing is more likely to render it substantial than the neighbourhood of foreigners at enmity with the sovereign government, capable of giving either aid or an asylum, as the event shall require. Yet against even these disadvantages, did Spain preserve almost ten provinces, merely thro\u2019 their want of union, which indeed could never have taken place among the others, but for causes, some of which are in our case impossible, and others it is impious to suppose possible.\n          The Romans well understood that policy which teaches the security arising to the chief government from separate states among the governed, when they restored the liberties of the states of Greece, (oppressed but united under Macedon,) by an edict that every state should live under its own laws.\n   *Omnes Graecorum civitates, quae in Europa, quaeque in Asia essent, libertatem ac suas leges haberent, &c.Liv. lib. 33. c. 30.\n They did not even name a governor. Independence of each other, and separate interests, tho\u2019 among a people united by common manners, language, and I may say religion, inferior neither in wisdom, bravery, nor their love of liberty, to the Romans themselves, was all the security the sovereigns wished for their sovereignty. It is true, they did not call themselves sovereigns; they set no value on the title; they were contented with possessing the thing; and possess it they did, even without a standing army. What can be a stronger proof of the security of their possession? And yet by a policy similar to this throughout, was the Roman world subdued and held: a world compos\u2019d of above an hundred languages and sets of manners different from those of their masters.\n   *When the Romans had subdu\u2019d Macedon and Illyricum, they were both form\u2019d into republicks by a decree of the senate, and Macedon was thought safe from the danger of a revolution, by being divided, into a division common among the Romans, as we learn from the tetrarchs in scripture. Omnium primum liberos esse placebat Macedonas atque Illyrios; ut omnibus gentibus appareret, arma populi Romani non liberis servitutem, sed contra servientibus libertatem afferre. Ut et in libertate gentes quae essent, tutam earn sibi perpetuamque sub tutela populi Romani esse: et quae sub regibus viverent, et in presens tempus mitiores eos jusioresque respectu populi Romani habere se; et si quando bellum cum populo Romano regibus fuisset suis, excitum ejus victoriam Romanis, sibi libertatem allaturum crederent. \u2026 In quatuor regiones describi Macedoniam, ut suum quaeque concilium haberet, placuit: et dimidium tributi quam quod regibus ferre soliti erant, populo Romano pendere. Similia his et in Illyricum mandata.Liv. lib. 45. c. 18.\n Yet this dominion was unshakeable, till the loss of liberty and corruption of manners overturned it.\n          But what is the prudent policy inculcated by the remarker, to obtain this end, security of dominion over our colonies: It is, to leave the French in Canada, to \u201ccheck\u201d their growth, for otherwise our people may \u201cincrease infinitely from all causes.\u201d\n We have already seen in what manner the French and their Indians check the growth of our colonies. \u2019Tis a modest word, this, check, for massacring men, women and children. The writer would, if he could, hide from himself as well as from the public, the horror arising from such a proposal, by couching it in general terms: \u2019tis no wonder he thought it a \u201csubject not fit for discussion\u201d in his letter, tho\u2019 he recommends it as \u201ca point that should be the constant object of the minister\u2019s attention!\u201d But if Canada is restored on this principle, will not Britain be guilty of all the blood to be shed, all the murders to be committed in order to check this dreaded growth of our own people? Will not this be telling the French in plain terms, that the horrid barbarities they perpetrate with their Indians on our colonists, are agreeable to us; and that they need not apprehend the resentment of a government with whose views they so happily concur? Will not the colonies view it in this light? Will they have reason to consider themselves any longer as subjects and children, when they find their cruel enemies halloo\u2019d upon them by the country from whence they sprung, the government that owes them protection as it requires their obedience? Is not this the most likely means of driving them into the arms of the French, who can invite them by an offer of that security their own government chuses not to afford them? I would not be thought to insinuate that the remarker wants humanity. I know how little many good-natured persons are affected by the distresses of people at a distance and whom they do not know. There are even those, who, being present, can sympathize sincerely with the grief of a lady on the sudden death of her favourite bird, and yet can read of the sinking of a city in Syria with very little concern. If it be, after all, thought necessary to check the growth of our colonies, give me leave to propose a method less cruel. It is a method of which we have an example in scripture. The murder of husbands, of wives, of brothers, sisters, and children whose pleasing society has been for some time enjoyed, affects deeply the respective surviving relations: but grief for the death of a child just born is short and easily supported. The method I mean is that which was dictated by the Egyptian policy, when the \u201cinfinite increase\u201d of the children of Israel was apprehended as dangerous to the state.\n   *And Pharoah said unto his people, behold the people of the children of Israel are more and mightier than we; come on, let us deal wisely with them; lest they multiply; and it come to pass that when there falleth out any war, they join also unto our enemies and fight against us, and so get them up out of the land. \u2026 And the king spake to the Hebrew midwives, &c.Exodus, Chap. 1.\n Let an act of parliament, [then] be made, enjoining the colony midwives to stifle in the birth every third or fourth child. By this means you may keep the colonies to their present size. And if they were under the hard alternative of submitting to one or the other of these schemes for checking their growth, I dare answer for them, they would prefer the latter.\n          But all this debate about the propriety or impropriety of keeping or restoring Canada, is possibly too early. We have taken the capital indeed, but the country is yet far from being in our possession; and perhaps never will be: for if our M\u2014\u2014rs are persuaded by such counsellors as the remarker, that the French there are \u201cnot the worst of neighbours,\u201d and that if we had conquered Canada, we ought for our own sakes to restore it, as a check to the growth of our colonies, I am then afraid we shall never take it. For there are many ways of avoiding the completion of the conquest, that will be less exceptionable and less odious than the giving it up.\n          The objection I have often heard, that if we had Canada, we could not people it, without draining Britain of its inhabitants, is founded on ignorance of the nature of population in new countries. When we first began to colonize in America, it was necessary to send people, and to send seed-corn; but it is not now necessary that we should furnish, for a new colony, either one or the other. The annual increment alone of our present colonies, without diminishing their numbers, or requiring a man from hence, is sufficient in ten years to fill Canada with double the number of English that it now has of French inhabitants.\n   *In fact, there has not gone from Britain to our colonies these 20 years past, to settle there, so many as 10 families a year; the new settlers are either the offspring of the old, or emigrants from Germany or the north of Ireland.\n Those who are protestants among the French, will probably chuse to remain under the English government; many will chuse to remove if they can be allowed to sell their lands improvements and effects: the rest in that thin-settled country, will in less than half a century, from the crowds of English settling round and among them, be blended and incorporated with our people both in language and manners.\n          In Guadalupe the case is somewhat different; and though I am far from thinking\n we have sugar-land enough,\n   \u2021It is often said we have plenty of sugar-land still unemployed in Jamaica: but those who are well acquainted with that island, know, that the remaining vacant land in it is generally situated among mountains, rocks and gullies, that make carriage impracticable, so that no profitable use can be made of it, unless the price of sugars should so greatly increase as to enable the planter to make very expensive roads, by blowing up rocks, erecting bridges, &c. every 2 or 300 yards.\n I cannot think Guadalupe is so desirable an increase of it, as other objects the enemy would probably be infinitely more ready to part with. A country fully inhabited by any nation is no proper possession for another of different language, manners and religion. It is hardly ever tenable at less expence than it is worth. But the isle of Cayenne, and its appendix Equinoctial-France, would indeed be an acquisition every way suitable to our situation and desires. This would hold all that migrate from Barbadoes, the Leward-Islands, or Jamaica. It would certainly recal into an English government (in which there would be room for millions) all who have before settled or purchased in Martinico, Guadalupe, Santa-Cruz or St. John\u2019s; except such as know not the value of an English government, and such I am sure are not worth recalling.\n          But should we keep Guadalupe, we are told it would enable us to export \u00a3300,000 in sugars. Admit it to be true, though perhaps the amazing increase of English consumption might stop most of it here, to whose profit is this to redound? to the profit of the French inhabitants of the island: except a small part that should fall to the share of the English purchasers, but whose whole purchase-money must first be added to the wealth and circulation of France.\n          I grant, however, much of this \u00a3300,000 would be expended in British manufactures. Perhaps, too, a few of the land-owners of Guadalupe might dwell and spend their fortunes in Britain, (though probably much fewer than of the inhabitants of North America). I admit the advantage arising to us from these circumstances, (as far as they go) in the case of Guadalupe, as well as in that of our other West India settlements. Yet even this consumption is little better than that of an allied nation would be, who should take our manufactures and supply us with sugar, and put us to no expence in defending the place of growth.\n          But though our own colonies expend among us almost the whole produce of our sugar,\n   *Remarks, p. 47.\n can we or ought we to promise ourselves this will be the case of Guadalupe. One \u00a3100,000 will supply them with British manufactures; and supposing we can effectually prevent the introduction of those of France, (which is morally impossible in a country used to them) the other 200,000 will still be spent in France, in the education of their children and support of themselves; or else be laid up there, where they will always think their home to be.\n          Besides this consumption of British manufactures, much is said of the benefit we shall have from the situation of Guadalupe, and we are told of a trade to the Caraccas and Spanish Main. In what respect Guadalupe is better situated for this trade than Jamaica, or even any of our other islands, I am at a loss to guess. I believe it to be not so well situated for that of the windward coast, as Tobago and St. Lucia, which in this as well as other respects, would be more valuable possessions, and which, I doubt not, the peace will secure to us. Nor is it nearly so well situated for that of the rest of the Spanish Main as Jamaica. As to the greater safety of our trade by the possession of Guadalupe, experience has convinced us that in reducing a single island, or even more, we stop the privateering business but little. Privateers still subsist, in equal if not greater numbers, and carry the vessels into Martinico which before it was more convenient to carry into Guadalupe. Had we all the Caribbees, it is true, they would in those parts be without shelter. Yet upon the whole I suppose it to be a doubtful point and well worth consideration, whether our obtaining possession of all the Caribbees, would be more than a temporary benefit, as it would necessarily soon fill the French part of Hispaniola with French inhabitants, and thereby render it five times more valuable in time of peace, and little less than impregnable in time of war; and would probably end in a few years in the uniting the whole of that great and fertile island under a French government. It is agreed on all hands, that our conquest of St. Christophers, and driving the French from thence, first furnish\u2019d Hispaniola with skilful and substantial planters, and was consequently the first occasion of its present opulence. On the other hand, I will hazard an opinion, that valuable as the French possessions in the West Indies are, and undeniable the advantages they derive from them, there is somewhat to be weighed in the opposite scale. They cannot at present make war with England, without exposing those advantages while divided among the numerous islands they now have, much more than they would, were they possessed of St. Domingo only; their own share of which would, if well cultivated, grow more sugar, than is now grown in all their West India islands.\n          I have before said I do not deny the utility of the conquest, or even of our future possession of Guadalupe, if not bought too dear. The trade of the West Indies is one of our most valuable trades. Our possessions there deserve our greatest care and attention. So do those of North America. I shall not enter into the invidious task of comparing their due estimation. It would be a very long and a very disagreeable one, to run thro\u2019 every thing material on this head. It is enough to our present point, if I have shown, that the value of North America is capable of an immense increase, by an acquisition and measures, that must necessarily have an effect the direct contrary of what we have been industriously taught to fear; and that Guadalupe is, in point of advantage, but a very small addition to our West India possessions, rendered many ways less valuable to us than it is to the French, who will probably set more value upon it than upon a country that is much more valuable to us than to them.\n          There is a great deal more to be said on all the parts of these subjects; but as it would carry me into a detail that I fear would tire the patience of my readers, and which I am not without apprehensions I have done already, I shall reserve what remains till I dare venture again on the indulgence of the publick.\n          In Confirmation of the Writer\u2019s Opinion concerning Population, Manufactures, &c. he has thought it not amiss to add an Extract from a Piece written some Years since in America, where the Facts must be well known, on which the Reasonings are founded. It is intitled Observations concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, &c. Written in Pensilvania, 1751.\n          [Here follows the text of that paper, with the omissions indicated in the headnote above. It occupies nearly seven pages. The pamphlet concludes with the following:]\n          Since the foregoing sheets were printed off, the writer has obtained accounts of the Exports to North America, and the West India Islands, by which it appears, that there has been some increase of trade to those Islands as well as to North America, though in a much less degree. The following extract from these accounts will show the reader at one view the amount of the exports to each, in two different terms of five years; the terms taken at ten years distance from each other, to show the increase, viz.\n          First Term, from 1744 to 1748, inclusive.\n              Northern Colonies.\n              West India Islands.\n              Difference\n          Second Term, from 1754 to 1758, inclusive.\n              Northern Colonies.\n              West India Islands.\n              Difference,\n              In the first Term, total for West India Islands,\n              In the second Term, ditto,\n              Increase, only\n              In the first Term, total for Northern Colonies,\n              In the second Term, ditto,\n          By these accounts it appears, that the Exports to the West India Islands, and to the Northern Colonies, were in the first term nearly equal; the difference being only \u00a3122,936 10s. 4d. [sic] and in the second term, the Exports to those islands had only increased \u00a3404,504 2s. 1d. Whereas the increase to the Northern Colonies is \u00a33,927,789 3s. Id. almost Four Millions.\n          Some part of this increased demand for English goods, may be ascribed to the armies and fleets we have had both in North America and the West Indies; not so much for what is consumed by the soldiery; their clothing, stores, ammunition, &c. sent from hence on account of the government, being (as is supposed) not included in these accounts of merchandize exported; but, as the war has occasioned a great plenty of money in America, many of the inhabitants have increased their expence.\n          These accounts do not include any Exports from Scotland to America, which are doubtless proportionably considerable; nor the Exports from Ireland.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0030", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 18 April 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          In my last to you, of the 31st ult. by the Roebuck, Capt. Jones, to Holyhead, I inclosed you the third Copy of a Bill of Exchange for \u00a3200 Sterling. I have now sent you the first Copy of another Bill of Exchange for \u00a3100 Sterling more, which, with what was before sent you, makes up Two Thousand Forty-nine Pounds, Twelve Shillings, and Five-pence Sterling, since you left this Place; for which, as usual, give me Credit, and Advice of receiving. Parson Smith denies his being with Mr. Osborne, and saying any thing to my Disadvantage; but I am well satisfied what you wrote was true notwithstanding. Wish the Fount of Brevier was come, as it is much wanted; have had no Letter from you later than the Beginning of last August, the Meaning of which I cannot conceive. I am, Sir, Yours, &c.\n            To Mr Franklin. By the Friendship, Capt. Falconer, to London.Exchange 52\u00bd", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0031", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 20 April 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          In mine to you, of the 18th Instant, by the Friendship, Capt. Falconer, was inclosed the first Copy of a Bill of Exchange for \u00a3100 Sterling; which, with what I had sent you before, I told you amounted to Two Thousand Forty-nine Pounds, Twelve Shillings, and Five Pence Sterling, remitted you since you left Philadelphia, and for which I desired you would give me Credit, and to advise me of the Receipt of the Bill, as usual. In it I also acquainted you that Parson Smith denied his being with Mr. Osborne, or saying any thing to my Disadvantage; but that, notwithstanding, I was convinced what you wrote was true. I likewise told you the Fount of Brevier was much wanted; and that I had not heard from you since some Time in August last, the Reason of which I could not conceive. I have now sent you the second Copy of the above Bill, and am, Sir, Yours very sincerely\n            To Mr. Franklin.By the Three Friends, Killner, to London.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0032", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 1 May 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\n            Cravenstreet, May 1. 1760\n          I embrace most gladly my dear Friend\u2019s Proposal of a Subject for our future Correspondence; not only as it will occasion my hearing from her more frequently, but as it will lay me under a Necessity of improving my own Knowledge that I may be better able to assist in her Improvement. I only fear my necessary Business and Journeys with the natural Indolence of an old Man, will make me too unpunctual a Correspondent. For this I must hope some Indulgence.\n          But why will you, by the Cultivation of your Mind, make yourself still more amiable, and a more desirable Companion for a Man of Understanding, when you are determin\u2019d, as I hear, to live Single? If we enter, as you propose, into moral as well as natural Philosophy, I fancy, when I have fully establish\u2019d my Authority as a Tutor, I shall take upon me to lecture you a little on that Chapter of Duty. But to be serious.\n          Our easiest Method of Proceeding I think will be for you to read some Books, that I may recommend to you; and in the Course of your Reading, whatever occurs that you do not thoroughly apprehend, or that you clearly conceive and find Pleasure in, may occasion either some Questions for farther Information or some Observations that show how far you are satisfy\u2019d and pleas\u2019d with your Author. Those will furnish Matter for your Letters to me, and, in consequence, of mine also to you.\n          Let me know then, what Books you have already perus\u2019d on the Subject intended, that I may better judge what to advise for your next Reading. And believe me ever, my dear good Girl, Your affectionate Friend and Servant\n            B Franklin\n            Miss Stevenson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0033", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 3 May 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Kames, Henry Home, Lord\n            My dear Lord,\n          Your obliging Favour of January 24th. found me greatly indispos\u2019d with an obstinate Cold and Cough accompany\u2019d with Feverish Complaints and Headachs, that lasted long and harass\u2019d me greatly, not being subdu\u2019d at length but by the whole Round of Cupping, Bleeding, Blistering, &c. When I had any Intervals of Ease and Clearness, I endeavour\u2019d to comply with your Request, in writing something on the present Situation of our Affairs in America, in order to give more correct Notions of the British Interest with regard to the Colonies, than those I found many sensible Men possess\u2019d of. Inclos\u2019d you have the Production, such as it is. I wish it may in any Degree be of Service to the Publick. I shall at least hope this from it for my own Part, that you will consider it as a Letter from me to you, and accept its Length as some Excuse for its being so long acoming.\n          I am now reading, with great Pleasure and Improvement, your excellent Work, the Principles of Equity. It will be of the greatest Advantage to the Judges in our Colonies, not only in those which have Courts of Chancery, but also in those which having no such Courts are obliged to mix Equity with the Common Law. It will be of the more Service to the Colony Judges, as few of them have been bred to the Law. I have sent a Book to a particular Friend, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court in Pensilvania.\n          I will shortly send you a Copy of the Chapter you are pleas\u2019d to mention in so obliging a Manner; and shall be extreamly oblig\u2019d in receiving a Copy of the Collection of Maxims for the Conduct of Life, which you are preparing for the Use of your Children. I purpose, likewise, a little Work for the Benefit of Youth, to be call\u2019d The Art of Virtue. From the Title I think you will hardly conjecture what the Nature of such a Book may be. I must therefore explain it a little. Many People lead bad Lives that would gladly lead good ones, but know not how to make the Change. They have frequently resolv\u2019d and endeavour\u2019d it; but in vain, because their Endeavours have not been properly conducted. To exhort People to be good, to be just, to be temperate, &c. without shewing them how they shall become so, seems like the ineffectual Charity mention\u2019d by the Apostle, which consisted in saying to the Hungry, the Cold, and the Naked, be ye fed, be ye warmed, be ye clothed, without shewing them how they should get Food, Fire or Clothing. Most People have naturally some Virtues, but none have naturally all the Virtues. To acquire those that are wanting, and secure what we acquire as well as those we have naturally, is the Subject of an Art. It is as properly an Art, as Painting, Navigation, or Architecture. If a Man would become a Painter, Navigator, or Architect, it is not enough that he is advised to be one, that he is convinc\u2019d by the Arguments of his Adviser that it would be for his Advantage to be one, and that he resolves to be one, but he must also be taught the Principles of the Art, be shewn all the Methods of Working, and how to acquire the Habits of using properly all the Instruments; and thus regularly and gradually he arrives by Practice at some Perfection in the Art. If he does not proceed thus, he is apt to meet with Difficulties that discourage him, and make him drop the Pursuit. My Art of Virtue has also its Instruments, and teaches the Manner of Using them. Christians are directed to have Faith in Christ, as the effectual Means of obtaining the Change they desire. It may, when sufficiently strong, be effectual with many. A full Opinion that a Teacher is infinitely wise, good, and powerful, and that he will certainly reward and punish the Obedient and Disobedient, must give great Weight to his Precepts, and make them much more attended to by his Disciples. But all Men cannot have Faith in Christ; and many have it in so weak a Degree, that it does not produce the Effect. Our Art of Virtue may therefore be of great Service to those who have not Faith, and come in Aid of the weak Faith of others. Such as are naturally well-disposed, and have been carefully educated, so that good Habits have been early established, and bad ones prevented, have less Need of this Art; but all may be more or less benefited by it. It is, in short, to be adapted for universal Use. I imagine what I have now been writing will seem to savour of great Presumption; I must therefore speedily finish my little Piece, and communicate the Manuscript to you, that you may judge whether it is possible to make good such Pretensions. I shall at the same time hope for the Benefit of your Corrections.\n          My respectful Compliments to Lady Kaims and your amiable Children, in which my Son joins. With the sincerest Esteem and Attachment, I am, My Lord, Your Lordship\u2019s most obedient and most humble Servant\n            B Franklin\n            P.S. While I remain in London I shall continue in Craven Street, Strand: if you favour me with your Correspondence when I return to America, please to direct for me in Philadelphia, and your Letters will readily find me tho\u2019 sent to any other Part of North America.\n            Lord Kaims", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-07-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0034", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Peter Franklin], 7 May 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Peter\n          ******It had, indeed, as you observe, been the opinion of some very great naturalists, that the sea is salt only from the dissolution of mineral or rock salt, which its waters happened to meet with. But this opinion takes it for granted that all water was originally fresh, of which we can have no proof. I own I am inclined to a different opinion, and rather think all the water on this globe was originally salt, and that the fresh water we find in springs and rivers, is the produce of distillation. The sun raises the vapours from the sea, which form clouds, and fall in rain upon the land, and springs and rivers are formed of that rain. As to the rock-salt found in mines, I conceive, that instead of communicating its saltness to the sea, it is itself drawn from the sea, and that of course the sea is now fresher than it was originally. This is only another effect of nature\u2019s distillery, and might be performed various ways.\n          It is evident from the quantities of sea-shells, and the bones and teeth of fishes found in high lands, that the sea has formerly covered them. Then, either the sea has been higher than it now is, and has fallen away from those high lands; or they have been lower than they are, and were lifted up out of the water to their present height, by some internal mighty force, such as we still feel some remains of, when whole continents are moved by earthquakes. In either case it may be supposed that large hollows, or valleys among hills, might be left filled with sea-water, which evaporating, and the fluid part drying away in a course of years, would leave the salt covering the bottom; and that salt coming afterwards to be covered with earth, from the neighbouring hills, could only be found by digging through that earth. Or, as we know from their effects, that there are deep fiery caverns under the earth, and even under the sea, if at any time the sea leaks into any of them, the fluid parts of the water must evaporate from that heat, and pass off through some vulcano, while the salt remains, and by degrees, and continual accretion, becomes a great mass. Thus the cavern may at length be filled, and the volcano connected with it cease burning, as many it is said have done; and future miners penetrating such cavern, find what we call a salt mine. This is a fancy I had on visiting the salt-mines at Northwich, with my son. I send you a piece of the rock-salt which he brought up with him out of the mine.******I am, Sir, &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0035", "content": "Title: Defense of the Canada Pamphlet, [8\u201315 May 1760]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \n          The London Chronicle for April 24\u201326 contains a long and highly favorable review of The Interest of Great Britain Considered, calling it a \u201cmasterly performance\u201d which \u201cshows the writer to be perfectly acquainted with his subject and possessed of the happy talent of expressing himself with clearness, strength, and precision.\u201d Most of the article consists of summary statements of the arguments advanced in Remarks on the Letter Address\u2019d to Two Great Men against the retention of Canada, each followed by an extended paraphrase of the rebuttal in Franklin\u2019s Canada Pamphlet.\n          The Chronicle for May 6\u20138 printed a piece dated \u201cBath, May 3, 1760,\u201d in which the writer vigorously disagreed with the author of The Interest of Great Britain Considered. He had four main criticisms: 1. His opponent had not properly distinguished between the northern continental colonies (from New England south through Pennsylvania), which supplied few commodities that Britain needed, and those to the south (Maryland through Georgia), which furnished such desirable products as tobacco, rice, and indigo. 2. He had failed to point out that the provision trade from the northern group to the West Indies was competitive with the similar trade from Great Britain to the islands. 3. In describing the \u201cprodigious\u201d increase of the trade of the northern colonies since 1754 he had not said how much of this was the result of their clandestine trade with the French islands during wartime. 4. He had ignored the fact that much of the recent great prosperity of the northern colonies resulted from the vast expenditures there of British money in support of the armed forces. In introducing this piece the publisher of the Chronicle, actively supporting Franklin\u2019s side of the controversy, stated \u201c[We have taken the liberty to add a few notes to prevent a reader from being mislead]\u201d and then inserted at the bottom of the columns sixteen footnotes defending the Canada Pamphlet from what he considered unfair or unjustifiable attacks by the critic.\n          In the Chronicle for May 15\u201317 is a second article by the same writer, elaborating some of his earlier criticisms and adding new objections to the arguments in the Canada Pamphlet. The publisher explained in a headnote that he inserted the piece \u201cnot only to show what shifts the advocates for keeping Guadaloupe, rather than Canada, are reduced to; but, with their Author, to keep awake the attention of the Publick\u201d to this important question. He added that he was credibly informed that the author of the Remarks on the Letter Address\u2019d to Two Great Men (whom he may have thought to be also the writer of these two attacks on the Canada Pamphlet) \u201cwill lose a lucrative place when Guadaloupe is restored. Hinc illae lacrimae.\u201d This was a direct slap at William Burke, who had been appointed secretary and register of Guadeloupe in the previous autumn.\n          Who wrote these two criticisms cannot now be certainly established. William Franklin told Joseph Galloway a few weeks later that the author was Josiah Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, and he may have been right, but the present editors have found no evidence for or against this attribution.\n          In his second article for the Chronicle the writer indicated his belief that the footnotes added to the first were written by the author of the Canada Pamphlet. A publisher\u2019s footnote to the second piece suggests, without positively saying so, that he was wrong. The present editors have found no evidence that Franklin wrote these notes, or indeed, that he ever completed and published any defense of his pamphlet. That he contemplated doing so, however, is evident both from a statement by his son in the letter to Galloway mentioned above, and from a single page in his handwriting which survives among his papers. This is the draft of the opening of what was evidently intended as a letter to the Chronicle replying to the attack in the issue of May 6\u20138. The reference to that piece as having appeared \u201cin your last Wednesday\u2019s Paper\u201d fixes the date of composition as sometime between the appearance of that issue on Thursday, May 8, 1760, and the following Thursday, May 15. How much more Franklin wrote of the draft cannot be determined; the bottom of the page interrupts a quotation from his critic in mid course and no other fragments of this draft have been found among his papers. Search of the Chronicle for the next several months reveals nothing which might be even remotely identified as a reply by Franklin to these criticisms of his pamphlet. Probably he concluded on second thought, as he did when Abb\u00e9 Nollet attacked his electrical theories, that he would let his contribution stand or fall on its own merits, letting other writers pursue the debate if they cared to do so.\n          When I think I have receiv\u2019d Information from a new Pamphlet, that I have therefore read with Pleasure, it always mortifies me to find its Positions soon controverted by some Answerer, that seems equally intelligent, and all the suppos\u2019d Knowledge I had acquir\u2019d reduc\u2019d again to Uncertainty.\n          This has been my case lately, in reading the Letter to two Great Men, the Remarks on that Letter, and the Interest of Great Britain considered with Regard to her Colonies in Answer to those Remarks. The last of these Pamphlets seem\u2019d so full and clear, that I made up my Mind upon it and sat down satisfy\u2019d that I understood something of the Subject. But here comes an apparently sensible Writer from Bath in your last Wednesday\u2019s Paper, that perplexes me with an Assurance that the Doctrines of that Piece are \u201cbig with Mischief, tending to entail an eternal War upon US, as long as there remains an Indian Tribe unsubdued or not extirpated from one end of the vast Continent of America to the other,\u201d that its Reasonings are fallacious: That the Author \u201capplies to the Foibles and Passions of Mankind,\u201d that \u201chis Performance is full of Artifice and Chicane, calculated to serve the purpose of the Monopolizers of Jamaica; and is destitute of [remainder missing].", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0036", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Alexander Small, 12 May 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Small, Alexander\n          Agreeable to your request, I send you my reasons for thinking that our North-East storms in North-America begin first, in point of time, in the South-West parts: That is to say, the air in Georgia, the farthest of our colonies to the South-West, begins to move South-Westerly before the air of Carolina, which is the next colony North-Eastward; the air of Carolina has the same motion before the air of Virginia, which lies still more North-Eastward; and so on North-Easterly through Pensylvania, New-York, New-England, &c. quite to Newfoundland.\n          These North-East storms are generally very violent, continue sometimes two or three days, and often do considerable damage in the harbours along the coast. They are attended with thick clouds and rain.\n          What first gave me this idea, was the following circumstance. About twenty years ago, a few more or less, I cannot from my memory be certain, we were to have an eclipse of the moon at Philadelphia, on a Friday evening, about nine o\u2019clock. I intended to observe it, but was prevented by a North-East storm, which came on about seven, with thick clouds as usual, that quite obscured the whole hemisphere. Yet when the post brought us the Boston news-paper, giving an account of the effects of the same storm in those parts, I found the beginning of the eclipse had been well observed there, though Boston lies N. E. of Philadelphia about 400 miles. This puzzled me, because the storm began with us so soon as to prevent any observation, and being a N. E. storm, I imagined it must have began rather sooner in places farther to the North Eastward, than it did at Philadelphia. I therefore mentioned it in a letter to my brother who lived at Boston; and he informed me the storm did not begin with them till near eleven o\u2019clock, so that they had a good observation of the eclipse: And upon comparing all the other accounts I received from the several colonies, of the time of beginning of the same storm, and since that of other storms of the same kind, I found the beginning to be always later the farther North-Eastward. I have not my notes with me here in England, and cannot, from memory, say the proportion of time to distance, but I think it is about an hour to every hundred miles.\n          From thence I formed an idea of the cause of these storms, which I would explain by a familiar instance or two. Suppose a long canal of water stopp\u2019d at the end by a gate. The water is quite at rest till the gate is open, then it begins to move out through the gate; the water next the gate is first in motion, and moves towards the gate; the water next to that first water moves next, and so on successively, till the water at the head of the canal is in motion, which is last of all. In this case all the water moves indeed towards the gate, but the successive times of beginning motion are the contrary way, viz. from the gate backwards to the head of the canal. Again, suppose the air in a chamber at rest, no current through the room till you make a fire in the chimney. Immediately the air in the chimney being rarefied by the fire, rises; the air next the chimney flows in to supply its place, moving towards the chimney; and, in consequence, the rest of the air successively, quite back to the door. Thus to produce our North-East storms, I suppose some great heat and rarefaction of the air in or about the Gulph of Mexico; the air thence rising has its place supplied by the next more northern, cooler, and therefore denser and heavier, air; that, being in motion, is followed by the next more northern air, &c. &c. in a successive current, to which current our coast and inland ridge of mountains give the direction of North-East, as they lie N. E. and S.W.\n          This I offer only as an hypothesis to account for this particular fact; and, perhaps, on farther examination, a better and truer may be found. I do not suppose all storms generated in the same manner. Our North-West thundergusts in America I know are not; but of them I have written my opinion fully in a paper which you have seen. I am, &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0039", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Earl of Bessborough, 18 May 1760\nFrom: Bessborough, William Ponsonby, 2nd Earl of\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Lord Bessborough Complements to Mr. Franklin and desires the favour of his Company at Dinner next Sunday.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0042", "content": "Title: William Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 16 June 1760\nFrom: Franklin, William\nTo: Galloway, Joseph\n            My dear Friend\n          I wrote you a few Lines on Saturday last to go per the Pacquet, in which I mention\u2019d a Pamphlet wrote by my Father in Answer to the Remarks on the Letter to Two Great Men. I could not send you one by that Opportunity, but as Capt. Monk has inform\u2019d my Father that he is just upon the Point of sailing to America, and will take Charge of any Thing we may have to send, I have troubled him with one of the Pamphlets, and the Remarks, of which I desire your Acceptance. I formerly sent you one of the Letters to Two Great Men, wrote by Lord Bath, so that you will have the whole Merits of the Dispute before you. The Author of the Remarks is thought by some to be Horace Walpole, but \u2019tis generally believ\u2019d to be one Burk who is appointed Secretary of Guadaloupe, and \u2019tis said was assisted by Mr. Wood Secretary to Mr. Pitt. Something by way of Answer to my Father\u2019s Pamphlet has appear\u2019d in the London Chronicle, wrote by one Dr. Tucker a Clergyman, who is an Intimate of Lord Hallifax\u2019s and patroniz\u2019d by him, and is one of the bitterest Enemies N. America has in Britain. \u2019Tis so contemptible a Performance, that my Father could not think it worthy his Notice, were it not that it affords him an Opportunity of saying somethings omitted in his former Publication, and may be a means of silencing the Doctor, or at least of lessening his Influence in American Affairs for the future. On that Account he intends at his first Leisure to take it into Consideration, and publish something by way of Reply. The only Fault I have to find with the Pamphlet is, a Compliment to a certain Person which is by no means merited, but was put in at the Request of a Friend, in hopes it might induce him to look with a more favorable Eye on the Colonies. If it has that Effect I shall be glad. But I hate every Thing that has even the Appearance of Flattery.\n          The Opinion of the Board of Trade on the 11 Pensylvania Acts is not yet known.\n          My Compliments to all enquiring Friends, and believe me to be with great Sincerity Dear Galloway Yours affectionately\n            Wm: Franklin\n            P.S. If the Speaker has not seen the Remarks please to lend them to him.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-19-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0043", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Sargent, 19 June 1760\nFrom: Sargent, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          I shall be heartily glad to see You at Mayplace on Sunday\u2014or Saturday\u2014and at all Times.\n          Alas Quebeck! I little thought that We should have to mingle our Sighs for that, when We met.\n          What a Barbarism in a General threatned with a Siege, to go out to fight Those who found[?] themselves strong enough to undertake forceing Him in his Fastness! There never was such Folly!\n          Adieu\u2014I will not dwell on these unpleasing Subjects. May We meet in Health! Yours most sincerely", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0045", "content": "Title: Board of Trade: Report on Pennsylvania Laws, 24 June 1760\nFrom: Board of Trade\nTo: \n          Franklin\u2019s efforts to settle the Assembly\u2019s differences with the Proprietors by direct negotiations had ended in November 1758 with their reply to his Heads of Complaint and their refusal to deal further with him personally (above, VIII, 178\u201383, 193\u20134). Thereafter it became necessary to transfer the debate to more public platforms and to bring the issues to adjudication by the Privy Council after hearings before the Board of Trade and the Council\u2019s Committee for Plantation Affairs. Franklin\u2019s petition, early in 1759, in support of Teedyuscung\u2019s complaints that the Proprietors had defrauded the Indians of land (above, VIII, 264\u201376, 379\u201389, 432\u20133) may be regarded as a preliminary skirmish in this phase of the struggle. It could settle none of the major issues but it might prove advantageous if it succeeded in drawing attention to the alleged misbehavior of the Penns in the management of their proprietorship.\n          The major battle took place in 1760, and was the main object of Franklin\u2019s attention from February 16, when he first instructed his solicitor, until September 2, when the Privy Council rendered its final orders. At issue was the confirmation or disallowance of nineteen acts passed by the Assembly and approved by Governor Denny between Sept. 20, 1758, and Oct. 19, 1759. The Penns objected to eleven of these measures and sought their disallowance on the grounds that in one way or another these infringed their proprietary rights and privileges or the royal prerogatives entrusted to their exercise by the charter to their father. Franklin and Charles, as agents of the Assembly, sought to have them all confirmed as legally proper and as being necessary for the welfare of the colony and its inhabitants.\n          The official copies of these acts had all reached England substantially before Dec. 8, 1759, when Thomas Penn wrote Richard Peters that he had ordered Ferdinand Paris to present them to the Privy Council. There were delays, however, because \u201cthere have been no [Privy Council] Committees for common Business held yet\u201d and Paris had been seriously ill for about a fortnight. The lawyer died on December 16 and Penn appointed Henry Wilmot to take over his duties, but the Proprietors took no formal action to get the acts considered for nearly three months.\n          One of the nineteen acts directly concerned Franklin. Approved by Denny on September 29, as one of the last in the series, it authorized Franklin as agent to receive Pennsylvania\u2019s share of the \u00a3200,000 grant voted by Parliament to be distributed among the colonies in repayment of wartime expenses, and it directed him to deposit the funds received in the Bank of England subject to drafts by the Trustees of the General Loan Office. Unwilling to wait for the Proprietors to act on this bill, Franklin had his solicitor Francis Eyre present it at the Privy Council Office on February 16 in order to get it referred in the usual manner to the Council Committee and the Board of Trade for report. Further to expedite the matter, Eyre went to the Privy Council Office on the 29th, picked up the order of reference to the Board of Trade dated the 20th, and carried it to the Board\u2019s office.\n          The Proprietors\u2019 new solicitor presented the other eighteen acts to the Privy Council on March 13 and its committee referred them to the Board of Trade the same day, together with the Penns\u2019 petition against eleven of the acts, including the Agency Act. During March Eyre made \u201cmany Attendances at the Board of Trade to try to get the Agency Act considered separately,\u201d but he was unsuccessful. At first, according to Penn, the Board decided that its hearings on all nineteen acts should take place during \u201cPassion Week and Easter\u201d (March 31 to April 6), this being \u201cthe only time the Board could hear so long a Cause.\u201d But again there were delays: the Board actually put down the hearings for April 18, meanwhile asking its counsel, Sir Matthew Lamb, to report on the acts \u201cin point of law\u201d; then on April 17 it ordered a postponement until May 1 because of the trial for murder of Earl Ferrers, begun the day before in the House of Lords, at which the Penns\u2019 counsel, the attorney and solicitor general, were appearing for the Crown; then two further postponements, to May 21, were granted at Thomas Penn\u2019s request because of the death of his young son.\n          At last the hearings took place; they occupied all of the Board of Trade\u2019s time on May 21, 22, and 23, and most of it on June 3. Thomas and Richard Penn were present with their counsel, Charles Pratt, the attorney general, and Charles Yorke, the solicitor general. On the other side, the Assembly agents, Franklin and Charles, and Franklin\u2019s son William attended with their solicitor, Francis Eyre, and their counsel, William de Grey and Richard Jackson. In some of his letters Penn expressed satisfaction that none of the London Quakers were present during the hearings, their absence presumably showing their lack of sympathy with the Assembly\u2019s position.\n          Pratt opened for the Proprietors, proposing to take up the laws one by one and to begin with the \u00a3100,000 Supply Act of 1759. De Grey objected, pointing out not unreasonably that the Agency Act had come to the Board first, \u201creferred to by a separate order,\u201d and that the money was much needed in Pennsylvania \u201cto carry on the public service.\u201d But he courteously waived his objection when the attorney general said he had only that morning received notice of this proposed order of procedure and was unprepared to discuss the Agency Act then. Thereupon Pratt began his argument with a general attack on the Assembly\u2019s record of encroachment on proprietary rights and the royal prerogative, its \u201calmost rebellious declarations\u201d against royal instructions concerning paper currency, its denial of the Proprietors\u2019 right to instruct the governor, and its \u201cother acts of avowed democracy.\u201d In a passage reminiscent of Thomas Penn\u2019s interview with Franklin in January 1758, Pratt spoke of \u201cthe unreasonable bounty of the first Proprietary, in acquiescing in that law, by which the assembly was made perpetual and indissoluble, [which] in great measure laid the foundation of these usurpations and encroachments,\u201d and he added that he hoped to see the day when Parliament would repeal that concession. Pratt then reviewed the Assembly\u2019s attempts since 1755 to tax the proprietary estates and the other encroachments on proprietary rights included in the various supply bills presented to the governors. Solicitor General Yorke followed, charging that the Supply Act of 1759 had become law by direct bribery of Governor Denny, pointing out \u201cthe arbitrary method of assessment and levy\u201d provided in the measure, and describing its other objectionable features.\n          Franklin\u2019s senior counsel, William de Grey, presented the Assembly\u2019s case for the Supply Act on the 22d. He \u201cinsisted on the faith and loyalty of his constituents,\u201d cited the testimony of British Army officers in America on the \u201cparticularly meritorious\u201d conduct of the Assembly, declared that the laws in question had all been passed in complete conformity to the royal charter and the other documents \u201cwhich together formed the law and constitution of the colony,\u201d denied that the proprietors ought to \u201crely on the Crown for redress\u201d of personal grievances since they bound their deputies financially to obey their instructions, and asserted that there was no proof Denny had been bribed since the sums voted to him \u201cwere given in the same way sums given by the Assembly to their Governors for their support were always given.\u201d De Grey and Jackson then answered in detail the specific objections of opposing counsel to the Supply Act. The attorney general presented his rebuttal and the session was adjourned. The debate on the Supply Act, clearly the most important of the laws in the minds of all concerned, had required two full days of argument.\n          On May 23d Solicitor General Yorke and Richard Jackson opened the session by debating the Re-emitting Act of June 20, 1759, and then Pratt and de Grey took up the rest of the day arguing the Act for Recording Warrants and Surveys. No details of these discussions appear in the official record. At the adjourned hearing on June 3, after the Board of Trade had dealt briefly with minor matters concerning two other colonies, they called in the parties to the Pennsylvania dispute and \u201cheard the arguments offered\u201d by both sides on the remaining contested acts. None of them could have required very much time. On June 5 the Board \u201ctook into consideration the laws of Pennsylvania\u201d referred to them \u201cand, after some time spent therein, ordered the draught of a report to the Lords of the Committee of Council thereupon to be prepared.\u201d The document printed below was bound to be a long one; it required considerable time for the Board\u2019s permanent staff to put it in form. On June 24, however, it was laid before the Board and \u201cwas agreed to, transcribed and signed.\u201d Thus ended the first phase of the great debate.\n          Penn\u2019s letters during the hearings and before the Board released its report show that he was well pleased with the performance of his counsel and confident that it would uphold him on all, or nearly all, the points at issue. Franklin and his son William, he believed, had heard so much said by the attorney and solicitor general in criticism of the Assembly\u2019s position, \u201cthat we all think he will not dare to attempt such an opposition to Government, when he returns.\u201d On June 27 Penn informed Governor Hamilton of the recommendations of the Board, obviously pleased at their general tenor, while he explained the reasons why the Board had recommended approval of four of the eleven acts to which he had objected. He was greatly displeased, however, at the criticism leveled at his brother and himself at the end of the report for their failure to maintain adequately the prerogatives of the Crown entrusted to them.\n          The disappearance of Franklin\u2019s letters to Norris and others in Pennsylvania during this period make it impossible to state just what he felt when he read the Board\u2019s report. Certainly he must have been greatly disappointed at its tone and at its recommendation of disallowance of some acts Norris had indicated as being most desirable. All was not yet lost, however, for the Privy Council\u2019s Committee still had to deal with the report and there was at least a chance that it might be induced to reverse the Board of Trade\u2019s recommendations as to one or more of the important acts, if not as to all. The second phase of the great debate, therefore, would come in a possible hearing before that higher authority.\n            Whitehall June 24th 1760\n          Report to the Lords of the Committee of Council upon 19 Actspassed in Pennsylvania in 1758 and 1759.\n          To the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committeeof His Majesty\u2019s most Honourable Privy Councilfor Plantation Affairs,\n          My Lords, Pursuant to your Lordships orders of the 20th of February and 13th of March last, We have taken into our Consideration 19 Acts passed in the Province of Pennsylvania in 1758. and 1759, and also a Petition of the Proprietaries of the said Province, complaining of Eleven of the said Acts: And in Compliance with the Prayer of that Petition, they have been heard by their Counsel, His Majesty\u2019s Attorney and Solicitor General, who stated themselves as Appearing not only in behalf of the Proprietaries but in virtue likewise of their Office in support of the Rights and Prerogatives of the Crown. The said eleven Acts have on the other hand, been supported by the Agent of the Colony on the part of the House of Representatives, who have likewise been heard by their Counsel, Mr. De Grey and Mr. Jackson.\n          And, in order to lay before your Lordships our Opinion in the most concise and perspicuous manner we are able, and to avoid that perplexity which must necessarily arise from a long detail of Verbal Extracts from such a Variety of Laws, containing so many different Regulations, we shall satisfy ourselves with stating to your Lordships the General Tendency and principal Provisions of the several Laws, in the order we shall consider them, referring to the Laws themselves, to which it will always be more usefull for your Lordships to recur, if a more particular Satisfaction, and therefore a more minute and Circumstantial Knowledge of them, should, in any case, be thought necessary.\n          But before we take the Liberty of Stating to your Lordships our Opinion either upon the General Nature, or upon the particular Provisions of these Laws, we apprehend it will be Necessary for us to remove two Objections which have been oppos\u2019d on the part of the Assembly, to prevent our entring at all into the Merits of those Laws which your Lordships have already, or which, under the same circumstances, you may hereafter think proper to refer to our Consideration.\n          The first of these Objections is derived from a Construction of that Clause in the Royal Charter by which it is provided that all Laws passed in Pensylvania shall be transmitted to England, and that if they shall be found to contain any thing contrary to the Sovereignty or Prerogative of the Crown, or to the Faith and Allegiance of the Subject, they may within six Months be declared void by His Majesty; if not, that they shall remain in full force. From the Express Mention of those purposes for which the Negative is here declared to be reserv\u2019d, it is contended that the right of annulling the Laws of this Province is confin\u2019d to the preservation of the Prerogative and Sovereignty of the Crown and the meer general Dependance of the Subject.\n          By the second it is contended, that, however discretionary the Power of exercising that Negative may be in the Crown, the Proprietaries are exclud\u2019d from claiming any Benefit by it, and, that by Consent of their Deputy they are finally tied down, as Parties; without any Title to Complain or any Possibility of Relief.\n          Upon the first of these Objections, we beg Leave to state the only two Clauses in the Charter relative to the passing Laws in Pensylvania. In the first of these, it is provided, that they shall be consonant to Natural Equity, and, as far as Circumstances will admit, conformable to the laws of England: In the second, that they shall not be contrary to the Sovereignty or Prerogative of the Crown. And we apprehend, my Lords, it would be a Construction altogether unreasonable to suppose, that where there are two Reservations, of which the Crown has been equally tender and upon which the Charter is equally Explicit, that the Clause which relates to the Execution, should be confin\u2019d only to one of them, and not extended equally to both; and we are thoroughly perswad\u2019d, that the Crown would and ought to be to the full as jealous, on behalf of the Subject, that Laws shoud not be contrary to Reason or repugnant to the Laws of England, as it would be for the Protection of its own Sovereignty and Prerogative; and it is scarce possible to suppose, that the Crown shoud have reserv\u2019d to itself, by the Appeal, the Judicial Power in its full Extent, which is of less Importance, and inferior Dignity, and at the same time have divested it self of the far Greater part of the legislative, which is essential to its Royalty, and which is always exercised by the King in his own Person.\n          And that this has been the Construction of these Clauses appears from the uniform Practice of this Board, which has frequently advis\u2019d His Majesty to annull the Laws of this Province not only for being derogatory to His Majesty\u2019s Prerogative, not only because they were repugnant to Equity or the Laws of England, but frequently upon a meer consideration of their general Inexpediency. And this Opinion has been so Uniform on the part of the Board that there is no Instance to the contrary, and, on the part of the Province, there has been no Complaint or Remonstrance whatsoever against the Exercise of this Power by the Crown in its utmost Latitude: On the contrary, We beg leave to Observe, that this Power has been ratified in the fullest manner by the Province itself, in an Act of its own. In virtue of the Powers of the Charter, which we have already had Occasion to mention to your Lordships, several Laws had, in the Year 1705, been declared void by order of Her Majesty in Council only and not, according to the express Words of the Charter, under the Privy Seal. To remove any Doubts which might arise concerning the Repeal of those Acts, and to Supply that Defect of Formality, the Assembly in Pennsylvania passed a Law Confirming the Repeal of all the Acts which before the Year 1734, had been declared void by order in council, amongst which there are Laws of almost every different Description, and but a few of which can be brought under the limited Construction now contended for by the Assembly, as affecting the Sovereignty and Prerogative of the Crown, or the Allegiance of the Subject; And, my Lords it is Material to Observe, that this Law of the Province of Pennsylvania was Passed not to remove any Doubts that had arose from the Power which the Crown had exercised, but merely to Supply the Omission of those Forms which the Crown, in its Charter had prescrib\u2019d.\n          This, we conceive, my Lords is the Right of the Crown, as it appears upon the Face of the Charter, and this we have stated to your Lordships for no other purpose than to answer those Objections which have been raised against the Power of the Crown, and which have been drawn from the Charter itself, not in anywise Admitting that the Right of the Crown has its Origin or derives any part of its Validity from the Charter, or from any Confirmation of it by the Legislature of Pensylvania; on the contrary we are fully of Opinion, that every British Subject, whilst he remains in any Country under the Allegiance of the Crown, has an indisputable Right to avail Himself of it\u2019s just Prerogatives for the Redress of any Grievances which He may suffer; And from this Benifit we apprehend no one Subject can be shut out by any Favour or Partiality to another, or by any Grant or Charter whatsoever; and that therefore for the exercise of that Protection in it\u2019s most essential Part, there is a Reservation of the King\u2019s final Negative necessaryly implied, tho\u2019 it should not be Actually Expressed, in every Charter by which the King gives Permission to his Subjects to make Laws in America: and it is in consequence alone of this Right of Protection in the Subject and of Superintendence, inherent in the Supreme Power and inseparable from it, that His Majesty has frequently abrogated the Laws which have been made in Charter Governments, and particularly in the Colony of Connecticut, where the Power of the Crown is much more limited, where there is no reservation in the Charter of the Royal Negative, nor any Regulation for transmitting their Laws to England, both of which are particularly provided for in the Charter of Pensylvania.\n          In every Light therefore, My Lords, which we consider it, from the Reason of the thing; from the express words of the Charter; from that Construction of the Regulations which reason requires; from the uninterrupted Course of the Precedents, from the Assemblies Admission of that Right, and from that inherent Part of Sovereignty by which the Crown owes an equal Protection to all its Subjects, we are clearly of Opinion, that His Majesty has an undoubted Right to examine into the Merits of this and every other provincial Law, to give or to withhold his Negative upon any good reasons which may be Suggested to him by the Wisdom of his Privy Council, or by his own Royal Prudence and Discretion.\n          We come now to lay before your Lordships, our Opinion upon the second Head of general Objections, that the Proprietaries, having by their Deputy consented to these Laws, are not Entitled to sollicit the Interposition of the Crown, in their behalf. If Your Lordships should approve what we have already stated, as to the Power of the Crown, by the General Reservation of the Charter, we apprehend you will Necessarily be of Opinion, that the Crown should not preclude itself from any Information by whomsoever it may be furnish\u2019d, and by which it may be better qualify\u2019d to direct the exercise of the Power it has reserved; and that the Crown will hear the Proprietaries for that purpose, in common with any other Person in the Province, all of whom must be consider\u2019d as being, in common with them, Parties to every Law, having by the Nature of the Constitution, given their Assent to it, either actually by themselves, or virtually by their representatives. We apprehend therefore, My Lords, that the Crown will not only permit, but will encourage, the throwing all possible Light upon every Provincial Law that may be passed; that it will dissregard entirely the Person who complains, and attend only to the Justice of the Act, and the Merits of the Complaint. Whatever therefore may be the Situation of the Proprietaries, the Crown will still execise its Negative in such Manner as it thinks proper, and if, by the Strict Letter of the Law, the Proprietaries should be tied down, we apprehend it would be extreamly injurious, that they should in reason and Equity be considered as a Party to those Acts. For, my Lords, in the Course of this hearing it has been made Sufficiently apparent, by the Manner in which the Assembly detained the Salary of the Deputy Governor, till he had given his Assent to those Laws, and by the manner in which they paid it, when He passed them, (A separate sum being received by him upon his Consent to separate Laws) that it was meant by the Assembly and understood by the Governor as a Consideration for his Passing these exceptionable Acts, in Contradiction to his Instructions. And, if it was possible for us to entertain any doubt upon this Head, the Assembly themselves would not permit us: A vote of their House has been produced in which they state, that the Governor had Acted not only against the Proprietary Instructions but against the Remonstrances of the Council appointed to advise him, that they conclude therefore, He will incur the Forfeiture of his Bond, against the Penalties of which by their Vote, they undertake to Indemnify him. And tho\u2019 some Instances have been brought in which the Salary of Governors has been permitted to be in Arrear, yet no Instance has been produc\u2019d, that is in any manner parallel to the present. But what peculiarly distinguishes this Case from all others is the Vote of Indemnity, and it would be particularly hard to suffer the Assembly, by taking Advantage of their own wrong, at once by their Vote of Indemnification to declare, that the Assent to these Laws was not the Act of the Proprietaries, and then to Contend that they should be bound by it: For we apprehend, My Lords, that the Position laid down by this Assembly in their Vote that the Deputy Governor is not in any Case bound by the Instruction of his Principal, but is vested, by the Nature of his Office, with discretionary Powers to act as he thinks proper, is not only against the Essential Nature of all deputed Power, which is always qualified by such Limitations as the Principal imposes on it, but, if taken concurrently with their Proceedings in regard to the Salary, would establish an Uniform System of Collusion between the Governor and the Assembly.\n          We apprehend likewise it would be productive of the greatest Injustice, not only to the Proprietaries but to the Province, if the Assembly should be encouraged in so unwarrantable a Practice, as to apply the Money of the People, first to corrupt the Deputy-Governor, and then to take away the means by which his principals may bind him to his Duty, or punish him for the Violation of it; and that it must also Occasion the most serious Mischief in Government, if, in this Colony, Consisting only of two Branches of Legislature, the one shall be permitted by a Publick Act to corrupt the party entrusted with the Prerogatives of the other: and we are perswaded, that your Lordships will approve our recommending it to His Majesty to discountenance, by every possible method, so Collusive and iniquitous a Practice.\n          For these Reasons, my Lords, we are clearly of Opinion, upon the second Head of General Objections, that the Crown will be open to every Information from every Person, That the Proprietaries are in this particular Case not so concluded, by the Act of their Deputy, as to have no Title to Complain; That on the contrary, the Act of their Deputy has given them the Strongest reasons to Complain, and the justest Title to redress; That, as wrong\u2019d Individuals, they have a Right to resort to the Crown for Relief, and, That, as Persons intrusted with some of its most Valuable Prerogatives, they come before His Majesty on the fairest Grounds imaginable: For, my Lords, it has uniformly been the Practice of this Board to preserve to the utmost of their Power the just Prerogatives of the Crown, wherever they may be lodg\u2019d, and even tho\u2019 the Trustees should be willing to part with them, much more when, in Pursuance of their Duty, they Come laudably to prevent any Delapidation of them in their Hands.\n          We have dwelt, My Lords, the longer on these preliminary Points, because it is by the Determination of them, that our Right to a more particular Discussion of these Laws must stand or fall, and because it is upon the latter of these Objections, rather than upon the merits of the particular Regulations, that the Counsel for the Assembly have Supported the whole Body of the Acts Objected to by the Proprietaries; but, above all, because they turn on matters of the Last Importance to his Majesty\u2019s Prerogative, and to the Peace, Order and good Government not only of this but of several others of his Majesty\u2019s Plantations in America.\n          These two Points being establish\u2019d, the Right of the Proprietaries to Complain and the Right of the Crown to redress, we come next, my Lords, to Consider how far the several Laws refer\u2019d to us by Your Lordships may deserve his Majesty\u2019s Disapprobation or Allowance.\n          And the first Act upon which we shall take the Liberty of stating our Opinion to Your Lordships is the Act of 1759. for raising one Hundred Thousand Pounds, departing from the order of Your Lordships reference, and pursuing that method in which these several Laws were Objected to by the Counsel for the Proprietaries and Supported in Behalf of the Assembly.\n          This Act is entituled\n            An Act for granting to His Majesty the sum of one Hundred Thousand Pounds and for striking the same in Bills of Credit, in the manner therein directed, and for providing a Fund for Sinking the said Bills of Credit by a Tax on all Estates, real and personal, and Taxables within this Province.\n          And the Object of it is, granting a Supply to his Majesty suitable to the Circumstances of the Province and the Exigencies of Government, to be raised by a Tax on all real and personal Property within the Province.\n          It will be necessary for us to Observe to Your Lordships that before the Year 1755, no Attempt had been made to include the Proprietary Estate in any general Land Tax Bill; the Proprietaries contended Against this Innovation; and, by contributing towards the general Supply by a free Gift of five Thousand Pounds, their Estates were, upon that consideration, not included either in the Land Tax Bill of 1755. or in the Tax Bills of 1757. and 1758. which were considered as Suppliments to it. This Expedient however procur\u2019d but a temporary Suspention of the Dispute, which was reviv\u2019d again and Continued for a long time to Disturb the Tranquility of the Province, and to embarrass the Publick Proceedings. To quiet these Dissensions, the Proprietaries at last consented, that their Estates should be Tax\u2019d, interposing only these very reasonable Conditions, that the Impositions should be laid on Objects properly Taxable, that Equality should be observed in the Quantity and Justice in the mode of Taxation; This gave rise to the Act of 1759, by Your Lordships Reference now under our Consideration, by which the Proprietary Estates were tax\u2019d not only to the Supply then given, but retrospectively towards all the Supplies since 1755 inclusive, allowing them Credit for the sum of five Thousand Pounds received, if it should happen to fall short of their Proportion of the Tax. This Regulation which might appear otherwise unreasonable, was founded on a proposition of the Proprietaries in a Letter to Mr. Franklyin the Agent of the Assembly.\n          How far this Act is Consistent with the Royal Prerogative, agreeable to natural Equity and the Laws of England, we shall now take the Liberty of stating to Your Lordships.\n          In order to make this Matter as clear as its Intricacy will admit, we beg leave to state the Nature and Quality\u2019s of the Proprietary Estates in that Country. They Consist, first, of Quit Rents, given on Grants of the Property and Inheritance of Land; secondly, of Rents reserv\u2019d upon Leases for Lives or Years; thirdly, of the waste Lands which are held by them under the Charter and in Virtue of their general proprietary Right; Fourthly, of Located Lands, which are Lands reserv\u2019d by the Proprietaries for their own Use, out of those Tracts which are granted to Private Persons, and which, tho\u2019 appropriated as their Demeane, are not cultivated but kept vacant, in order that they may be Occupied, Let or Sold, as they shall judge most Convenient. The two first of these Divisions of their Property, the Quit Rents and reserv\u2019d Rents, the Proprietaries freely Consent should be Taxed; the only dispute therefore is with regard to the third species of Property, the waste Lands, which are not Located, And the Fourth which are the unimprov\u2019d and unsettled demesne Lands, which are Located; and each of these it is Contended (as we apprehend with reason) is a species of Property which is by no means a proper Object of Taxation. For by this means a Tax is annually impos\u2019d upon what yields no annual Produce, or, properly speaking, no produce at all, contrary to reason and contrary to those Rules which in England have been on these Occasions constantly Observ\u2019d. And, my Lords, we Conceive that the Tax imposed by this Act upon Located Lands, tho\u2019 unimproved, is not only injurious to the Proprietaries, but to every Individual in the Province who is possess\u2019d of Lands under the same Circumstances. What Adds to the Impropriety of this Tax is, that the annual Imposition on those Lands is limited only from five to fifteen Pounds per Hundred Acres, by which means a great Latitude is left open to Partiality and Injustice in the Assessors.\n          But with regard to the Proprietaries, there is a peculiar Hardship in that Charge imposed by the first taxing Clause in this Bill on Lands at large, tho they are neither improved or located; a Discription which can alone be Applied to the Lands of the Proprietaries. These we apprehend to be rather a more improper Object of Taxation than the former; these are likewise deprived of the Benefit even of those Restrictions used in the former tax as those Restrictions are. The mode and Quantum of the Tax, as far as it relates to this Object, not being limited, as in the other Case, from five Pounds to fifteen Pounds, but Absolutely left open to the Discretion of the Assessors.\n          It is not, my Lords, in the Object of the Tax alone, that the Proprietaries are Distinguished from every Individual in the Province, but likewise in the Method of Taxation. By this Act, in Cases of Private Property, every Species of Estate is to Support its own proper Burthen, According to its particular Nature and Circumstance; on Nonpayment of the Tax on improved Lands, the Remedy which the Act has Appointed is Distress; For unimproved Lands, because there can be no Remedy by Distress, Recourse is had to sale; and these Remedies are never Displaced, nor is one kind of Land in any Case made Answerable for the Defaults on the other. But this rational and distinguishing Order is Quitted when applied to the Proprietaries; For in their Case there is one only Remedy and that is an Absolute sale of their Lands, whether improved or unimproved, and that for a Default of Payment of the Tax whether on their Quit Rents, their Reserved Rents, their Located demisne, or their Lands at Large. In the ordinary Course likewise of Levying the Tax upon Individuals, they first resort to the Landlord, and, on his Default, to the Tenant, before they proceed ev\u2019n to Distress; In the Case of the Proprietaries, they go only to the Receiver General and on his Refusal or Neglect take no Notice of the Tenant, but have recourse imediately to Sale; giving against the Proprietaries in the first Instance, that Remedy, upon a default of Payment of the Tax for any of their lands or their Rents, which they refuse against the Individual, except in the Last resort, and then for his unimproved Lands alone. And this Regulation, my Lords, is not only partial in its self, but contrary to the Laws of England, which in no Case subject Lands to sale for non Payment of Taxes.\n          The Proprietaries complain, and, we apprehend, with reason, not only as to the Injustice of the Tax in its Object, as to the Partiality of the Method by which it is inforced, but likewise as to the Inequality which is Observed in the Choice of Assessors for collecting it.\n          The Inhabitants of this Province, whenever they are tax\u2019d in common with the Proprietaries, may be Considered as their Adversaries, as the former will be exonerated in proportion as the latter are burthened; it would have been but Justice therefore, to have provided indifferently for each. But the Proprietaries, by having no Vote in the Choice of Assessors, nor even a Negative on those who are appointed to dispose of their Property, are not in this respect upon a Footing with the meanest Freeholder in the Province. If they appeal from the Partiality of the Assessors, who are chosen by the People, it is to Commissioners who are elected in the same manner, and are liable therefore to the same Exception.\n          We ought not, my Lords, to pass over the plea which the Assembly makes in Favour of this Regulation, that the manner of Levying the Tax and of judging an Appeal, as settled by this Law, is the same with that which has been so long in Use by the Act for Levying County Rates, and that no Complaints have been made of any Inconvenience or Oppression. But this Method which was very reasonable when the People only were taxed, becomes altogether unfit, when a new Object is let in, and the Proprietaries are to be Charged: and therefore no Argument can be drawn from the Equality of the former Method, the present Circumstances being, as must be Obvious to Your Lordships, Extreamly different: Added, my Lords to the Appointment of Assessors, and of Commissioners of Appeal, in neither of which the Proprietaries have any share, the Assembly has taken to itself Solely and independent of the Governor a Right of revising and controlling the whole Assessment, which we Apprehend as far as this Object extends, to be no less than Assuming to themselves at once a great Part of the Executive and in effect the whole of the Legislative Power; as, by controlling the Assessment, they may either raise or lower it as they think proper, which is in every respect equivalent to a new Tax. And this extraordinary Power is reserved in words so general and ambiguous, that it is impossible to set any Limits to their Pretentions, especially as they have brought the Interpretation of this Act before no other Tribunal but their own Assembly: In Proportion as they have Departed from Justice; departing from the Constitution and the Laws of England, where the House of Commons have never assumed a power in any manner similar to this. And, my Lords, the Assembly, not content with Levying the money solely by popular Assessors, trying the Appeal before a popular Tribunal, revising and Controlling the whole Taxation by a popular Representative, have Vested in themselves alone, the Application of the money which is thus directed to be raised; usurping by this means one of the most inviolable Prerogatives of the executive Power, not countenanced by any Example of the British Representative, who always consider the Application of the Publick Money subject to Account as one of the most undisputed Powers of the Crown. It is true that the Assembly have in Part of this Act complimented the Governor with a Share in the Application of the Money, but, by the two Clauses immediately subsequent, they have taken Care to render the Concession ineffectual. For, by these, a Majority of the Commissioners are (independent of the Governor) impow\u2019red to Draw upon the Loan Office; not only for the Purposes of this Act, but for the Discharge of Services performed under the Authority of a former Law, and which, through the Deficiency of the Funds set Apart for the Payment of them, had not yet been provided for.\n          The next exceptional provision, my Lords, is that by which the Assembly have reserved to themselves the sole and exclusive Nomination of the Officers created by this Act, a Prerogative not only belonging, but absolutely essential to the Executive Power, and on which the Exercise of all the rest Depends: And it will be needless to point out to Your Lordships that in this, as in all other Instances of the same kind, they have far exceeded the largest Claims of the British House of Commons. And this Encroachment, my Lords, they constantly exercise, and in almost every Act, by which a new Officer is appointed, the sole Nomination of the Officer, by an express Provision, is particularly reserved to the Assembly.\n          In Addition, my Lords, to all these Objections, there is another which we apprehend to be extrem\u2019ly material, arising from that Part of the Act by which it is contended that the Proprietaries should be bound to receive their Rents in Paper Currency; notwithstanding the express Reservation of them, by the Words of their Contracts in Sterling. But, as we shall have Ocasion in the course of our report upon the Subsequent Laws, to state this matter more fully, we shall not now enter into the Discussion of it at large, but satisfy ourselves here with barely pointing it out to your Lordships Observation.\n          We must not here omit taking notice of one Argument which has been offerd by the Assembly and very strongly insisted on, in order to obtain His Majesty\u2019s Approbation of this Act, and that, my Lords, is drawn, not from the Merits of the Act itself, but from the Inconveniencies which they state, must unavoidably attend the Repeal of it. \u201cThat the Money being already emitted under the Publick Faith and circulating every where, throughout the Province, if this Act should be annull\u2019d, must of Necessity lose its Credit, and that many therefore would become Sufferers, who were by no means Instrumental in Framing those inequitable Regulations for which the Law was depriv\u2019d of its Validity.\u201d We are sensible, My Lords, from the manner in which this Act is framed, that some Inconveniences must follow either the Confirmation or the Disallowance of it; and we have it in our Power; only to Consider which will be Productive of the fewest Mischiefs. This, my Lords, is what we have weighed as deliberately as we are able; and we are clearly of Opinion, that from the Comparative Lightness of the Evil: and from the Comparative Easiness of the Remedy (as well as for the sake of the Precedent) that the Repeal of this Law is much the least exceptionable Part. If the Act should be confirm\u2019d, a Capital Injustice would be done to the Proprietaries, several Infractions would be made upon the Constitution and several encroachments on the Prerogative; and these, my Lords, during the Subsistance of the Act, could Not Possibly be remedied, and probably would not upon the Expiration of it. For there is not one Provision of the Law which has not been supported by the Assembly on Permanent Principles from which they will not, and from which, if their Opinions were well grounded, they ought not to Depart. The Method of Taxing the Proprietaries is contended for as Consistant with Justice; and the Encroachments on the Prerogative as Agreeable to the Constitution.\n          If, my Lords, on the other Hand the Act should be Repeal\u2019d, the Bills that have been isued may Possibly be deprived of their Currency: the Odium however of this Inconvenience, we apprehend, must fall upon those who reduced the Crown to this Necessity, not upon the Crown itself; or upon those whose Province it is to Advise it. And this very Inconvenience, it will be in the Power of the Assembly who gave rise to it, instantly to redress, by the Passing an Act to reestablish the Credit of those Bills, simple and unadulterated by those Clauses which gave Ocasion to its being repealed. And we beg leave to Observe, that not one of those Provisions, which we have stated as so exceptionable, are at all essential to the great and Capital Object of the Act, for, my Lords the Sum of one Hundred Thousand Pounds will be raised not only more equitably, but full as effectually, if the Object of the Tax be proper, as if it was an improper one, if the Method of inforcing it was equal, instead of being partial; and if the Proprietaries had a Voice in the Nomination of Assessors, in the Appointment of the Officers, and in the Dispossition of the Money, as if they had not.\n          In other Governments, my Lords, where Laws have been passed which it has been thought for some reasons not advisable to confirm, and which at the same time, for others, judged not expedient to Repeal, the Crown has for a time suspended it\u2019s Decision, still having in itself the Power either of Confirmation or Disallowance at any other more Convenient Opportunity. From this Expedient, in the present Case, even could we recommend it, his Majesty is precluded by the Limitation of the Charter, by the terms of which unless, within 6 Months (part of which is now elapsed,) the Laws are declared Void, they of Course become Valid, and the interposition of the Crown, at any Subsequent Period, will be Totally Ineffectual.\n          To conclude, my Lords, on the most Attentive Consideration of this bill, from the manifest Injustice of some Parts; from the studied Ambiguity of others; from the Impropriety of some of the Objects of the Tax; from the Injustice which is done to the Proprietaries in their Property as Individuals, and in their Prerogatives, as Governors; from the manner in which the Tax is laid; from the remedies which are prescribed to recover it; from the exclusive Choice of Assessors, Commissioners and Revisers, by which the Tax is Subjected to three Popular Bodies; by the Usurpations and Encroachments in the Choice of Officers and the Application of Money, and by the Compulsary Tender of their Paper Currency notwithstanding the express Reservation in the Contracts of the Proprietaries, in all of which particulars the Act manifestly offends either against Natural Justice and the Laws of England or the Royal Prerogative, we are fully of Opinion that this Act is one of the most proper Objects for the exercise of his Majesty\u2019s Power of Repeal, which has been at any time refered to our Consideration, and We Humbly recommend it to be repealed accordingly.\n            An Act for re-emitting the Bills of Credit of this Province heretofore re-emitted on Loan, and for striking the further Sum of Thirty-Six Thousand Six Hundred and Fiffty Pounds to enable the Trustees to lend Fifty Thousand Pounds to Colonel John Hunter, Agent for the Contractors with the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty\u2019s Treasury, for His Majesty\u2019s Service.\n            A Supplement to the Act, entitled An Act for re-emitting the Bills of Credit of this Province heretofore re-emitted on Loan, and for striking the further Sum of Thirty-Six Thousand Six Hundred and Fifty Pounds to enable the Trustees to lend Fifty Thousand Pounds to Colonel John Hunter Agent for the Contractors with the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty\u2019s Treasury, for His Majesty\u2019s Service.\n          Before we take the Liberty of reporting to Your Lordships the Opinion we have formed upon the Subject of the first of these Bills, we beg leave to premise, that the Paper Currency (which is it\u2019s Principal Object) has been issued in this Colony, and in the other Provinces of North America, for two Purposes.\n          The first, my Lords, is upon Loan, to Supply the Deficiency of Specie and to Serve as a Medium of Circulation within the Province; the Ballance of Trade being so much against them, that Gold or Silver is very difficult to be procured.\n          The second, tho\u2019 it has for its immediate Object only to provide for the Exigencies of Government, becomes in its Operation Subservient to the former Purpose, and Contributes likewise to encrease the Circulation of the Province.\n          We must observe further to Your Lordships that, when Paper Currency has been struck for the former of these Purposes, to be issued out upon Loan, it has been usual to advance it on proper Security, and at a Legal Interest, the Borrower Stypulating that it should be repaid at a certain Period, and the Legislature providing by their Act that the Bills so issued should, upon the repayment of the Money, be destroyed; But it has frequently happened that, when the Circulation of the Colony seemed in any manner to require it, the Legislature has directed that the Bills, which had been payed in and which were intended to be destroyed, should be again emitted, under the same Security and at the same Interest. By Paper Currency, my Lords, thus issued upon Loans, several Salutary Purposes have at once been answered: The Defect of Circulation from the want of Specie, has been Supplied; by being advanced at a very low Interest, the Cultivation of the Province has been Promoted, and that Interest has been applied to Support the Current Services of Government. Under the Restrictions we have stated to Your Lordships, the Paper Currency of this Province, by various Emissions and reemissions at length amounted to Eighty Thousand Pounds; but, as the final Period of its legal Circulation is distant but a very few Years, and as, by the Laws now Subsisting, the whole would expire in seventeen Hundred and Sixty two, The Assembly propose by this Act to revive the Circulation of these Bills, to re-emit them as they shall be paid in, and to continue their Credit to 1778, by an Additional Term of Sixteen Years. We are far, my Lords, from being of Opinion that the Sum of Eighty thousand Pounds, as stated by the Assembly, may not be necessary for the Circulation of the Colony, considering the great Increase of People, and of Trade more than proportioned to that Increase, in this very thriving and flourishing Province. But we apprehend that the Prolongation of this Paper Currency, for sixteen Years, from 1762, is at present not only absolutely unnecessary but extremely improper. For, first, My Lords, as to it\u2019s being unnecessary, we must Observe, that almost the whole sum of eighty Thousand Pounds is still out-Standing in the Province and will continue in Circulation, by the Laws now Subsisting, till the year 1762, no more than sixteen Hundred and Fifty Pounds having as yet been actually paid in, tho\u2019 Twenty seven Thousand Pounds is the sum, which, by the Terms of the several Laws, ought, before this time, to have been discharged. Secondly, my Lords, we apprehend that a want of Circulation cannot possibly be felt in the Province, because great Part of the Bills which have been struck since the Commencement of the War, to Supply the Exigences of Government, and which, as we have Observed to your Lordships, serve the same Purposes of Circulation with the former, are, together with almost the whole of the eighty Thousand Pounds still current in the Province; insomuch, My Lords, that of all the Paper Currency which has been issued in the Years 1755, 57. 58, and 59, the former is alone destroyed. If therefore it is confess\u2019d that the sum of eighty Thousand Pounds is sufficient for the Circulation of the Province, no defect, we apprehend, can be upon that Head reasonably complained of, because from the several Paper Bills which have been passed and which have not been yet destroyed, a much larger sum than that which is stated to be Necessary is now, and will continue to be for some time, out-Standing in the Colony.\n          As the Emission of Paper Currency in general has never been encouraged, tho\u2019 it has in some cases been tolerated by the Crown, the Consideration of this Reemission ought not certainly to have been resumed till as late as possible. But as this Bill was made much earlier than was Necessary, so it was Continued much longer than is Proper.\n          By the Act for regulating Paper Currency in the New England Governments the Term for the Circulation of Bills issued on Emergencies is extended to five Years only; to those issued for Circulation it is limited to three. And tho\u2019, My Lords, this Province is exempted entirely from that Law, yet as that Exemption arose solely from a Perswasion that the Province had, without a Law, come of itself very near the Regulations which the Law would have prescribed. We apprehend to preserve the reasons of this Exemption in all their Validity, it is Necessary still to hold this Province as near as may be, to the Standard of that Act.\n          Further, My Lords, we must Observe that this Act is liable to that Objection which we only touched upon to Your Lordships in our Report on the Land Tax Act of 1759, and which we shall now take the Liberty of Opening more at Large. And here it will be Necessary to Observe, that the Proprietaries in their Grants had Originally reserved the Payment of their Quit Rents in Stirling Money only, and this Form of Reservation continued till 1732. But since that Period, their Rents have been expressly reserved not only (as before) in Stirling Money, but with the Addition of this new Clause \u201cor its Value in Currency, regard being had to the rate of Exchange between Philadelphia and London.\u201d In Consequence of several Acts by which Paper Currency was issued in the Province, and by which it was likewise made a legal Tender in the Payment of all Rents &c. a Dispute arose between the Proprietaries and their Tenants, The Tenants insisting on the Tender of Paper Currency under the Authority of the Acts of the Province, and the Proprietaries refusing to receive it, as contrary to the Express reservation of their Grants. To quiet this Dispute, the Assembly agreed to Pay to the Proprietaries a Sum of Twelve Hundred Pounds and a Hundred and Thirty Pounds per Annum till the Year 1749, as a Compensation for the Difference between the Stirling Money which was reserved by the Proprietaries, and the Paper Currency which was tendered by the Tenant; enacting at the same time, that all Quit rents since 1732, should, for the future, be paid according to the Terms of their Covenants: And in this, tho\u2019 not amounting to half of the real Difference, the Proprietaries Acquiesced. And tho\u2019, My Lords, the Assembly, by this Compensation which they made to the Proprietaries, seem to allow, that they had a Right by such Reservation and a Loss by the Breach of it, yet, notwithstanding their former Sense of this Affair, tho it is not denied that Paper Currency is greatly below Stirling Money in its Value, even at Present, when the large Remittances to North America for the Payment of the Troops and other Services of the War have rendered the Exchange less in their Disfavour than it Otherwise would be; tho\u2019 the Tenor of the Grants either before or since 1732 are not questioned, the Paper Currency is by this Act made a Valid Tender for the Proprietaries Rents as well as for all Payments whatsoever, not excepting even the Contracts that have been made since 1732, as they had before done in the 12th. of the King, nor making in this Case, as they had done in the former, any Compensation, however unequal, for the Loss. And we beg leave upon this Occasion to remind Your Lordships that his Majesty did, in the Course of the last Year, disapprove a Law of North Carolina, by which His Majesty\u2019s Quit Rents, being comprized in the general Terms of all Debts and Demands whatsoever, were made payable in Paper Currency; And at the same time His Majesty by Special Instruction directed his Governor to take Care, that in all future Acts for issuing Paper Currency, a Clause be inserted declaring that the Paper Bills of Credit already issued, or thereby to be issued, shall not be a legal Tender in Payment of the said Quit Rents, Nor of any Debt whatsoever that may become due to the Crown.\n          We have likewise, my Lords, another very material Objection to this Bill as it is now constituted, arising from the Re-emission being connected with the Loan to Colonel Hunter, with which it has not the least necessary relation. By this Method of blending together in the same Bill things which are in their own Nature totally Separate, the Crown is reduced to the Alternative either of Passing what it disaproves, or of rejecting what may be Necessary, for the Publick Service: and this Manner of framing Laws has been always so exceptionable to his Majesty that, in Governments more immediately under the Controul of the Crown, it is a standing Instruction to the Governor, not to give his Assent, whenever it was proposed that matters of a different Nature Should be regulated in the same Law.\n          But, My Lords, in order to shew, that the Clause relative to the re-imission was inserted only as a Tack to the Loan, it has been alleged by the Counsel for the Proprietaries, that the very same Regulation, being offer\u2019d in a separate Bill, was rejected by the Governor, but obtained his Consent, when connected with the Loan to Colonel Hunter.\n          None of those Inconveniences which may possibly attend the repeal of the Land Tax Act are in this Case to be apprehended. For the Money having been advanced by Colonel Hunter to the Contractors with his Majesty\u2019s Treasury, has been already repaid, and will probably be received in Pensylvania before the repeal of this Act can Possibly arrive there: And thus, My Lords, Publick Justice will be done without Injury to any Individual.\n          We must, in Addition to these Objections, also Mention to Your Lordships, that the Assembly have in this Instance likewise, taken to themselves the sole Disposition of the Interest arising from the eighty Thousand Pounds which at four Thousand Pounds per annum for sixteen Years, would amount to Sixty four Thousand Pounds. But we shall not repeat what we have Already taken the Liberty of Offering to Your Lordships upon the Application of all Money being Assumed by the Assembly in the former Act, especially as we imagine we have already given Sufficient reasons for the Support of our Advice to His Majesty, that this Act may be repealed.\n          The Act, my Lords, intitled A suplement to this Act is liable to the same Objections with the Act itself. If Your Lordships should approve what we have stated, upon the Act, this Suplement will meet of Course with His Majesty\u2019s Disallowance.\n          There is however one Additional Objection to this Suplemental Act, that the Nomination of Officers, which by the Act itself was to be exercised by the Assembly with the Concurrence of the Governor, is here to be exercised by the Assembly only.\n            An Act for recording of Warrants and Surveys and for rendering the real Estates and Property within this Province more secure.\n          In order to comprehend the Object and to judge of the Equity of this Law, it will be necessary for Us to state to Your Lordships the Method which is now pursued in granting Lands in Pensylvania: Upon Application being made to the Proprietaries a Warrant is directed to the Surveyor General to Survey the Lands, that have been appli\u2019d for. That Survey, when made, is returned into the Secretaries Office, and upon the entire Payment of the Purchase Money, a Patent is made out. By this Bill it is proposed that a new Office shall be erected for the registration of those Warrants and Surveys; there being no Office in the Province which by Law is bound to record them, as they are at present kept only in the Office of the Proprietaries, at their Discretion, under the Direction of an Officer of their Appointment, receiving a Salary from their Bounty, and liable to be removed at their Displeasure.\n          We cannot possibly, My Lords, Object to any Regulations which seem to carry with them a probable Tendency of establishing the Evidences of Property, and of Preventing Litigation in the Province. But we are of Opinion, that the Scope and Drift of this Act, which, tho\u2019 it is expressed somewhat ambiguously in a Clause of the Act itself, is yet very clearly explaind by a Message of the Assembly, is extremely exceptionable. By the Act it is implied only, but not explicitly avowed, that a Warrant and Survey are in Law a Compleat Title to an Estate of Inheritance in Lands; for it declares, that Estates are claimed and held under Warrants and Surveys and other Writings; specifying in clear and express Words the Warrants and Surveys, as if they were the only or most material Part of the Title, and Passing by the Patent or involving it only in the general Term of other Writings, as a matter of little or no importance, tho we apprehend it is in reality the only Legal Conveyance of an Estate. But, My Lords, as we have already Observed, the Ambiguity of their Act is taken away by the Clearness of their Message, for the Assembly being pressed on the Part of the Governor to explain themselves on this Point, they expressly Affirm that the true Right of Property is vested from the Moment that the Warrant is delivered.\n          And this Regulation of the Bill we apprehend, My Lords, to be highly exceptionable, as it establishes a Title to an Estate, different from that which prevails by the Common Law; we apprehend it is likewise extremely unequitable to the Proprietaries. For, from the Terms upon which Lands are usually granted in Pensylvania, it seldom happens, that, upon the issuing a Warrant and Survey, the whole of the Purchase Money is paid down: Part only, and that commonly a very small Part, is advanced at first; and the Payment of the Remainder, according to the Circumstances of the Case, is to be compleated at some other, and often at a very distant, Period: And this, my Lords, by a Policy very rational in itself, and highly conducive to the Settlement of the Province; for by this means the Purchaser, instead of being totally exhausted by the Purchase, has Money left to be expended in the Cultivation of his Land.\n          As the Laws now Stand, independent of this Bill, the Proprietaries and the Grantee have a Mutual, and, as near as the Nature of the thing will admit, an equal Remedy against each other. But if the Bill proposed should pass into a Law, and the meer Warrant and Survey, which now only gave a Conditional Right to an Estate, upon the Performance of the Terms of the Contract, should confer a Right, Absolutely and of course, the Proprietaries would be deprived of their Proper and only certain Remedy Against the Grantee, The regaining Possession of their Land by an Ejectment; for the Personal Remedy against the Settler, might in any Case be rendred ineffectuall by the Settler himself, who having, by the Principles of this Act, a Compleat Title to his Estate by the meer Warrant and Survey, might, in Virtue of that Title convey and alien it to another, and the Person claiming under that Conveyance would be confirmed in the Possession of the Estate, and the Proprietaries Personal Remedy must cease of course, upon the Absence of the Person to whom the Grant was originally made.\n          Nor, my Lords, as we conceive would the Establishment of such a Title, be more injurious to the Proprietaries than to the real Interest of the Province itself. For, if the Proprietaries should be discouraged from making out any Warrants till the whole of the Purchase Money is discharged, the Method of Paying by installments, which has hitherto been followed, not only with so much Benefit to the Proprietaries, but with so much Advantage to Individuals, and to the General Advancement and Cultivation of the Province would be entirely taken away.\n          There are likewise other Objections to which the said Act in our Opinion is liable, which it will be Necessary for us only just to Mention, and for which together with those already stated to Your Lordships, we beg Leave to offer it as our Opinion that this Bill should not, by receiving his Majesty\u2019s Approbation, be permitted to pass into a Law.\n          We are of Opinion, my Lords, that the time in which the Surveyor is limitted to execute every Warrant and Survey that may be sent him, being only forty Days, is unreasonably short; That his Compliance with this Provision in the Act may in some Cases be impossible, and in others extreamly difficult, and we see no Inconvenience that would possibly have arisen from an Extension of that Term.\n          We conceive that the Directions under which, by this Act, the Surveyor is to execute his Office, are equally injurious to the Proprietaries Rights and to the common good of the Province. With respect to the Proprietary, by the Surveyors being Obliged to survey to the Claimant whatsoever Spots or Parcels of Lands He shall think most eligible for his Purpose, the Proprietaries are deprived of that Preoption which they always had and to which they are undoubtedly intitled, in the Reservation of such Parcels of Lands as they may prefer to be set apart for their own Demesne. With regard to the Province, as the Lands of Pensylvania are various in their Nature and Advantages, with respect to Wood, Water and Fertility of Soil, by inabling the first Grantee to select out those Particular Parts which are in every Spot the most Advantageous for a Settler, the Refuse of the Land will be left only for those who succeed him, to the great discouragement of new Purchasers and to the manifest Disadvantage of Settlement.\n          We apprehend likewise, that the Penalty of five hundred Pounds to be levied upon the Officer on his neglect to register any Paper or Minute of Property whatsoever, by which any Person may be affected, is much too heavy; and that where the Duty is so very extensive, and the Directions of the Act are so very minute, the Penalty should not be so extremely considerable.\n          But tho\u2019, My Lords we cannot possibly approve, for the reasons we have stated, the Particular Regulations that are Proposed by the Assembly in this Act, we are far from being of Opinion that no Regulation is Necessary; on the Contrary, we think it highly expedient, that the Office constituted by the Proprietaries and now solely under their Direction, should be converted into a Publick Office, not only for the Registration of Patents, but of Warrants and Surveys and of any other transactions which may be thought advisable, and which relate to the Purchase of Lands: That while the Proprietaries may not be Invaded in their Rights, every Individual in the Province may be satisfied as to the Fidelity of the Record, and the Integrity of the Officer: That Security should be given for the good Behaviour of the Officer, and that he should be liable to Penalties for Mal-administration. Such Regulations, we are of Opinion, will answer the Purposes of removing effectually all the real Inconveniences that are complained of, and all the Jealousies of the Assembly, as far as they are well grounded, without Oppression or Injustice to the Proprietaries. And we are, my Lords, the more inclined to Approve of the Plan we have suggested to your Lordships; Because, in the Government of Virginia, where the Patents of Grantees were registered in an Office under the immediate Controul of the Crown, similar to that which is now Subsisting in Pensylvania under the Authority of the Proprietaries, His Majesty did, of his own Motion, recommend it to the Assembly of that Province, to Pass a Law, by which that Office, which had till then been more immediately under the Direction of the Crown, should be converted into a Publick Office, under the several Circumstances which we have already pointed out to Your Lordships, his Majesty however reserving to Himself, in Maintenance of his just Prerogative the exclusive Nomination of the Officer.\n            An Act for the more Effectual Suppressing and Preventing Lotteries and plays.\n          This Act, My Lords, has two Objects in it\u2019s View, as the Title of the Bill imports, the one for the more effectual Suppression of Lotteries, the other for Prohibiting, under a very severe Penalty, the Exibition of Stage Plays or any Theatrical Representation whatsoever. With respect to the first, the Suppression of Lotteries, there is a Law now in being for that Purpose, which is stated to be ineffectual, and of which it is proposed, by this Bill, to inforce the Execution, by adding to the Penalty. On the one hand, it has not been denied that, not-withstanding the Law now in force, several Lotteries have been set up; and, on the other, it has been confessed that the Money arising from them has been constantly Applied, to the Support of a very laudable Institution, the Academy in Pensylvania. If the Suppression of Lotteries, My Lords, had been the single Object of the Law, tho\u2019 we think the Penaltys imposed by it extremely heavy; and tho we are not without some Susspicion, by those Penalties being transfered by this Law to the Hospital at Philadelphia, which is Particularly Patronized by the Assembly, from the Academy, which has been largely contributed to by the Proprietaries, that together with the Desire of Suppressing of Lotteries, there has mixed some Dissatisfaction at the Preference which has been shewn to the Academy. We should nevertheless, had the Act been confined to the Single Object of Suppressing Lotteries, have recommended it to his Majesty\u2019s Approbation. Because, My Lords, we are clearly of Opinion, that the raising Money contrary to Law, tho it may in some degree be Palliated, can not possibly be justifyed by the unexceptionable Application of it.\n          Tho\u2019 my Lords, the two Objects of Suppressing Lotteries and Plays, have been in this Act connected together by the Assembly, tho\u2019 they have been considered as equally deserving of Discouragement, and therefore are to be attended with exactly the same Penalty, yet we beg leave to Observe that the Crown has Perpetually distinguished and considered them in a very different Light. To Laws for the Suppression of Lotteries it has in many of it\u2019s Governments consented, and there is as we have already stated to your Lordships, a Law now subsissting in Pensylvania for that Purpose. To the total Prohibition of Theatrical Representations, we do not recollect the Consent of the Crown has in any of it\u2019s Governments been given or even asked, and we know that to Propositions of this sort from the Assembly in Pensylvania, it has frequently been refused. The Argument, my Lords, upon which this Part of the Act has been Principally supported, is drawn from a Clause in an Act of the Present King, by which it is declared that stage plays shall be allowed only in Places of Royal Residence. We apprehend, My Lords, that it is an Acknowledged Method of Construction, that no Statute Law whatsoever can be supposed to extend either to Ireland or the Plantations by mere General words, and by Implication only, and unless they are specifically mentioned: and we Apprehend that Theatrical Representations continue to be not only permitted but encouraged in Ireland, exactly in the manner that they were before the Passing the said Act, without any real or supposed Violation of it. But tho we don\u2019t see any sufficient reason for an absolute Prohibition of all Theatrical Representations in Pensylvania, and therefore shall beg leave to propose, that this Act may not receive His Majesty\u2019s Allowance, Yet we do not mean, My Lords, to encourage the unbounded and irregular use of them. We are throughly sensible of the Mischiefs which might ensue from the Establishment of any thing, that had even a probable Tendency to introduce Idleness and Prodigality, in a Colony which seems so peculiarly indebted for it\u2019s Prosperity to Frugality and Industry. To prevent these Inconveniencies we should therefore wish to see some Law, which if properly framed, we doubt not would meet with his Majesty\u2019s Approbation, that might at once admit the moderate regulated Use of such Amusements and at the same time by proper Limitations prevent the Inconveniences that may attend their Excess.\n            A Supplement to the Act entitled An Act for establishing Courts of Judicature in this Province.\n          The first Object of this Act is to regulate the jurisdictions of the several Courts in Pensylvania and, in particular, to transfer the decision of the Estates of Orphans and Intestates from the Orphans Court to the County Court. As far, my Lords, as relates to this Part of the Act, no Objection has been made on the Part of the Proprietaries, and the regulations upon this head, as far as we are capable of judging, appear altogether unexceptionable. The second Object of the Law is to change the tenure by which the judges now hold their Offices not only in the Province of Pensylvania but in every other Colony in North America and the West Indies, from durante bene placito to Quamdiu se bene gesserint. With respect to this latter point, it will be necessary for us only to remind Your Lordships of the decision of the Crown upon this Question when the same Principle was adopted by the Assembly of Jamaica, and a Law passed to the same Purpose, which the Crown thought proper to repeal upon an Opinion given by his Majesty\u2019s Attorney and Solicitor General, \u201cthat it was not expedient for the Interest of either the Mother Country or the Colonies, that Judges in the Plantations should hold their places Quam diu se bene gesserint\u201d And as your Lordships probably retain the same Opinion upon the same point, we apprehend that this Act will not be permitted by the Crown to pass into a Law. And we shall beg leave to assign some reasons why we think that the Principle adopted by your Lordships in the case of Jamaica, ought, for still stronger reasons, to be adhered to in this Colony. In the original Charter granted by Charles the second to Mr. Pen, the Crown has delegated, not merely by Virtue of their general Proprietary Powers, but by the most express and positive Terms, a Right to the establishment of Courts of Judicature and to the Nomination of Judges, under no limittation whatsoever; and we apprehend it would not be conformable to the justice and lenity of the Crown, to permit a Law (obtained against their Consent and by undue means) by which the Proprietaries should be limitted in the exertion of those Privileges to which they are intitled by the Charter, when nothing has been urged that can Induce the Crown to believe, that the Proprietaries have, by an improper exercise of those Privileges, committed any thing which could Induce or justify the Resumption or limittation of them; and, particularly, as no complaint whatsoever has been made, or any inconvenience stated to have arisen, from the want of justice in the Province being properly and Regularly administred. On the contrary it has been confess\u2019d that Men of the greatest Property and characters have been from time to time appointed to the station of chief justice, and that the rest of the Judicial Offices were filled by Persons as well qualified as the Colony could supply or a Salary, so small as the present, could engage. And we cannot think that it would be Advisable to depart from what experience has shown to be attended with no Ill effects in this Colony, and under which it is confest, on all hands, Justice has been hitherto so very unexceptionably administred.\n          Tho the Arguments in favour of this Bill are supported by analogy to the Practice of the Mother Country, we must Observe that the change which the tenure of judges underwent at the Revolution proceeded upon the most conclusive and repeated Proofs of the most arbitrary Interposition upon Points of the greatest Importance to the constitution and of the Highest moment to the subject. In this Colony the case is directly reversed; and therefore there cannot, we apprehend, be the same necessity for extending that Principle to Pensylvania. And as we are convinced that this Act can convey no real benefit to the inhabitants of this Province, so neither can we, by recommending it to His Majesty\u2019s Allowance, give countenance to an Opinion of its being beneficial, least we should excite a just jealousy in the other Colonys, by seeming to extend Advantages to this Proprietary Government, which have been denied to those under his Majesty\u2019s more immediate care. My Lords, independant of the General merits of this Act, we are humbly of Opinion, that it would not be prudent to establish it in the manner that is proposed; for by leaving no Power in the Proprietaries of appointing new judges, it perpetuates in the seat of Justice, for the lives of the Present Possessors, men (excepting the Chief justice only) of Inferior Knowledge and of secondary capacity; tho\u2019 by the Growing wealth of the Province a Salary may be advanced more adequate to the employment, and the Proprietaries be thus enabled to procure others more suitable to that station, and better qualified for the Discharge of a trust, in which every individual of the Province is so Materially interested.\n            An Act for the Relief of the Heirs, Devisees and Assigns of Persons born out of the Kings Liegeance, who have been Owners of Lands within this Province and died unnaturalized.\n          The professed intention of the Act, my Lords, which is now before us, is to relieve the Heirs and devisees of foreigners, settled and possessing Lands in the Province of Pensylvania, who have died unnaturalized, by which their Estates have in Law escheated to the Proprietaries. The Act proposes to take away from the Proprietaries this Benefit of escheat, and to vest the Lands escheated in the Heirs and Devisees of such foreigners Dying unnaturalized, exactly in the same manner as if they had Descended from Natural born Subjects. We apprehend that, tho\u2019 this Bill professes a tenderness to Suffering Heirs and Devisees, its real Object is to take away another of the Proprietaries rights; for tho it is set forth, in the Preamble of this Act, that Inconveniences have happened from the want of such a Law, no Evidence has been produced, nor has there been a Suggestion offerd at our Board of any Grievance, or complaint whatsoever: But on the contrary the Custom has uniformly been, on proper application to make out a new Grant to such Heirs or Devisees Conformable to the Nature of the Inheritance or the Purport of the Devise, without imposing any fine, or any new Terms, or drawing any Lucrative advantage whatsoever from the escheat. We see therefore no reason for recommending to his Majesty\u2019s Approbation an Act, by which it is intended to take away from the Proprietaries a Right to which they are indisputably intitled by their Prerogative, and which they seem constantly to have exercised in so Disinterested a Manner. And we conceive that this Act, with regard to its present and avowed Object, seems alltogether unnecessary; for, as it is now Circumstanced, its Opperation will be only retrospective, and by that means it will provide only for those who have, by the Confession of all Parties, already been provided for by the Proprietaries Indulgence; and, with respect to the Proprietaries, it would only confirm to the Heirs and Devisees the Possession of those Lands in which they had before voluntarily invested them by their Grants. But, under this ineffective Appearance, the real design of the Act we apprehend to be this; that, the General Principle of such a Bill being once admitted as proper, and the Bill itself being now established as necessary, a Necessity of the same kind must in a short time again occur, and, what is now only to opperate retrospectively, would be extended as a permanent regulation, to opperate in future. Nor indeed do we perceive any reason why the Law should be limitted in its Operation, if the Principle, upon which the Law is founded, could be approved.\n          We beg leave further to observe To your Lordships that the Benefits, purposed to be conferr\u2019d by this Act, are extended equally, and without Distinction, to Strangers of every sort, and it is not our sense that any further Privileges than those extensive ones, already allowed by the Charter, should be granted to any other foreigners than Protestants, conformably to the Act of the thirteenth Year of his present Majesty for naturalizing foreign Protestants in America; and it may not be improper to Inform your Lordships that an Act of this Province passed in 1700, was repealed by the Crown in 1705, on the Advice of His Majesty\u2019s Attorney General, chiefly, because, it contained a Provision similar to that which is the Object of this Law.\n            An act for appointing an agent to apply for and receive the distributive share and Proportion which shall be assigned to this province of the sum of money granted by Parliament to his Majesty\u2019s colonyes in America.\n          The Object of this Act is the Appointment of an Agent for the Particular Purpose of receiving the Proportion of the money which shall be allotted to this Province out of the sum of two Hundred Thousand Pounds granted by Parliament in the Year 1759, to be distributed to the several Colonies in North America. The Act Directs that the money should be received by Mr. Franklin, the Agent Nominated for that Purpose, and should be by Him deposited in the Bank of England, liable to the Draught of the Trustees of the Loan Office in Pensylvania. The Principal Objection made to the Act, my Lords, is this; that it cannot possibly be complyed with in the manner there prescribed; for that the money being deposited in the Bank by Mr. Franklin, the Governors will not enter into any correspondence with the Trustees of the Loan Office aforesaid, or with any person but Mr. Franklin Concerning that sum; and that they cannot issue money paid in by one Person at the Draught of another, tho the money should be paid in expressly for their Use, tho we are inclineable to believe, that the practice of the Bank is as it has been stated, Yet we are not satisfied that this can be applyed as a Conclusive Objection to this Act, nor even if it could should we think it a sufficient reason, under the Present Circumstances of the Province to advise his Majesty to anull it; for, my Lords, by the manner in which the Act is worded, it is far from being perfectly clear whether, when the Money was once Deposited in the Bank as a Place of Security it was not the Intention of the Assembly that the Trustees of the Loan Office should draw upon Mr. Franklin and not upon the Bank; and this construction has been contended for by the councel on the part of the Assembly. If Your Lordships should be of Opinion that this was their Intention, the Act stands free from the Objection which has been made; but, my Lords, whether that was, or was not the Case, we Apprehend that the Intention of the Assembly was clearly this; to receive their Proportion of the Money with as much expedition and security as possible. With respect to the first Object, the expedition; their Intention in that will be totally defeated, If the Act now before Your Lordships is to be repealed. No Money will be issued from the Treasury till his Majesty\u2019s Disallowance of this Act is known in Pensylvania, till a new Act is passed in Consequence of it, and that again transmitted to England. With respect to security, we apprehend, it will stand nearly upon the same footing. Mr. Franklin will be equally responsible for the money he receives, and will be equally bound under the Terms of the Act to deposit it in the Bank; And we beg leave to Observe to Your Lordships that the money Distributed in the other Colonies, in consequence of the votes of Parliament, has frequently been received by the Agents of those Colonies under their General Powers of Agency only, or by Virtue of a particular Appointment, subject to no other Restriction than meerly the General Direction of remitting it to the Colony which appointed them. As therefore no personal Objection has been made to Mr. Franklin, and as the Opposition to this Act is founded principally upon a supposition that, from the manner of wording the Act, the Intention of the Assembly cannot be strictly complyed with, we shall beg leave to recommend it to his Majesty\u2019s Approbation; because we are clearly of Opinion that the Intention of the Assembly, and, what is more material, of the British House of Commons will be better Answered, that the Interest, not only of the Province, but the Publick in General will be more effectually promoted by letting this Act be carried into execution, than by suffering the Money intended for the Encouragement of this Colony to lie useless in the Treasurey, whereby the Publick Service very possibly may be retarded; and therefore the very Intention of Parliament in giving this Money by that means be frustrated, mearly because the Assembly did not know, with sufficient accuracy, or did not attend, with sufficient care, in the Directions of the Act, to that precise manner, in which money is received and issued at the Bank. And, my Lords, we are the more Inclinable to recommend this Act to his Majesty\u2019s Approbation, because when we look back upon the Conduct of this Province, when we consider how offten and how Ineffectually they were solicited at the commencement of the war to contribute to the Publick Service, we are extremely Disinclined to furnish not only any real discouragement, but even any colourable Pretext for withholding that Assistance in which the welfare of the Publick and of the Province may be so essentially interested.\n          With regard to the Disposition of the money which is in this Act reserved solely to the Assembly, independant of the Proprietaries, we have had often Occasion to state our Opinion to Your Lordships, in the Course of this report; and we admit this Act to be in that respect very exceptionable; Yet, my Lords, still adhering to our Principle of uniformly disapproving such incroachment, our respect to the sense of the British Legislature, which Intended that this remittance should meet with as few delays as possible, and, our regard to his Majesty\u2019s service have Induced us, in this one Instance to suffer, tho Nothing can Induce us to Approve or for the future to advise his Majesty to permit, such a deviation from the Constitution.\n            An Act for the Continuance of an Act of Assembly of this Province intitled A Supplementary Act to the Act intitled An Act for Preventing the exportation of Bread and Flour not merchantable, and for the new Appointment of Officers to put the same in Execution.\n            An Act for the further Continuance of an Act of Assembly of this Province, intitled An Act for the Continuance of An Act of Assembly of this Province intitled A Supplementary Act to the Act, intitled an Act for preventing the Exportation of Bread and Flour not Merchantable and for the new Appointment of Officers to put the said Law into Execution.\n            An Act to prevent the Exportation of bad or Unmerchantable Staves, Heading Boards and Timber.\n          In delivering our Opinion upon the Subject of these three Bills, in Order, to avoid giving any unnecessary trouble to Your Lordships, we shall beg leave to consider them together, as their Objects are nearly of the same Nature; as they are liable only to one Objection, and as that Objection is common to them all.\n          The purpose my Lords, of these Bills is to prevent the Commission of those frauds which frequently have been practiced in this Province in three of the most material Articles of their Trade, Bread, Flour, and Staves, and to take care that they shall be exported for the future in a Merchantable Condition, suitable to the Regulations which are therein prescribed.\n          To these Regulations no exception has been made, as they are manifestly Calculated for the publick good, as they tend only to Discourage fraud, and to Support the Credit of the Province and are not Detrimental to any Individual.\n          The only Objection which has been made to these Acts is that the Appointment of the Officers, for carrying them into execution, is taken from the Proprietaries, to whom by their Charter it properly belongs. This, my Lords, is a just and Valid Objection to almost all the Acts Against which the Proprietaries Complain; and though in these Acts this Objection has its weight, Yet, as the Privelidge here Assumed is not like the cases we had before the Honour of Stating to Your Lordships, a total change of constitutional powers and a deviation from the whole Course of Proceeding in England, but merely the Appointment of a Ministerial Officer to put in execution a particular and temporary regulation of police. We do not think the Objection considerable enough to out weigh the usefull Provisions of these Bills, and therefore we humbly recommend that they may be suffer\u2019d to pass into Laws.\n          With respect to the several other Acts referr\u2019d to Us by Your Lordships said Order, and to which no Objection has been made, we beg leave to observe that the three following are expired, viz.\n            An Act in Addition to an Act intitled An Act for regulating the hire of Carriages to be employ\u2019d in his Majesty\u2019s Service.\n            An Act for extending several Sections of an Act of Parliament passed in the thirty second Year of the present Reign, Intitled An Act for punishing Mutiny and Desertion and for the better payment of the Army and their Quarters.\n            An Act for regulating the Officers and Soldiers in the pay of this Province.\n          And that the remaining five, as far as we are capable of judging, are extremely unexceptionable, the Objects of them being confined to the internal Government of the Province, to mere regulations of Police and matters of domestic Oeconomy; they are intitled,\n            A Supplement to the Act entitled An Act for regulating the hire of Carriages to be employed in his Majesty\u2019s Service.\n            A Supplement to an Act Intitled An Act for preventing Abuses in the Indian Trade for supplying the Indians, Friends and Allies of Great Britain, with Goods at more easy Rates and for securing and Strengthening the peace and Friendship lately concluded with the Indians Inhabiting the northern and Western Frontiers of this Province.\n            A Supplement to an Act Intitled An Act for granting to his Majesty a Duty of Tonnage upon ships and Vessells, And also certain Duties upon Wine, Rum, Brandy, and other Spirits, and a Duty upon sugar for Supporting and maintaining the Provincial Ship of War, for protecting the Trade of this Province and other purposes for his Majesty\u2019s service.\n            An Act for regulating the hire of Carriages to be employed in his Majesty\u2019s Service.\n            An Act to continue an Act Intitled An Act for directing the Choice of Inspectors in the Counties of Chester, Lancaster, York, Cumberland, Berks and Northampton.\n          Having, in Obedience to Your Lordships orders, stated our Opinion upon the several Acts distinctly which have been referr\u2019d to our Consideration, and having assign\u2019d our reasons why we think they may deserve his Majesty\u2019s disapprobation or Allowance, we beg leave, after having shown how (Separate and Independant of each other) they are repugnant to Justice in a private View, to state, by considering them collectively and together, how fatal they would be to the Constitution, in a publick one. That Your Lordships may be satisfyed how entirely the Prerogatives of the Crown, which it has reserved either for its own Exercise, or which it has deligated to the Proprietaries, must of Necessity be destroy\u2019d, if the Laws, as they have been passed, should be approved by his Majesty; or the more dangerous Claims, which have been set up to support them, should once be Admitted. For, amongst all the laws, referr\u2019d to us by Your Lordships and Objected to by the Proprietaries, there is not a single Act, not only amongst those which we have Advised his Majesty to annull, but even which we have, from peculiar Circumstances, thought ourselves bound to recommend to his Majesty\u2019s Approbation, that does not contain either some Encroachment on the Prerogative of the Proprietaries, as they are Trustees for the Crown, or on their Property as Land holders in the Province, and in several of the Laws Your Lordships will have perceiv\u2019d that both these Purposes are united. By the Land Tax Act, their Property is charged with the utmost Partiality and Injustice, and thereby, in a degree taken away. By the Act for recording Warrants and Surveys they are deprived of all legal Remedy for the Recovery of their Lands, by the Establishment of a Title unreasonable and inconclusive in itself, and unknown to the Common Law. By the Act for the Relief of Devisees their Right of Escheats, which is inseparable from Sovereignty, is cut off. By the Supplemental Bill for Courts of Judicature, their clearest Power in the Appointment of Judicial Officers, tho not absolutely taken away, is considerably abridg\u2019d. By the Substitution of Paper Money for Sterling, in the Reemission Act, their Rents are unequitably reduc\u2019d, and thereby their express Contracts virtually annull\u2019d; and in all the Acts which relate either to the Nomination of Officers, or to the Disposition of the Publick money, the most sacred and inviolable Parts of the Executive Power are transferr\u2019d from the Proprietaries and drawn into the hands of a popular Assembly. To stop these Encroachments and to restrain such Irregularities, there are but two Checks, of which the Constitution, in its Nature, admits. The one is in the Hold which the Proprietaries have over the Governor, the other is in his Majesty\u2019s Prerogative of Repeal. And Abridgement of that Prerogative has been contended for by the Assembly, the Right of the Proprietaries to instruct their Deputy they have denied; and the Justice of indemnifying him against his Principal has been supported, agreeable to what we have stated to Your Lordships at the Opening of our Report.\n          And tho my Lords we think it incumbent upon us to declare that no Instance has been produced of any improper Exercise of their Prerogatives, on the part of the Proprietaries; Yet we cannot help lamenting that they have not been more consistent and uniform in the Support of them: for it is Observable, that even to the Nomination of Officers, which is so much insisted on by the Assembly, they do not pretend a Right from the Constitution itself, but derive it meerly from the Concessions of the Proprietaries; and tho they profess to be very sensibly affected at any Encroachment on the Prerogative of the Crown, and state themselves very properly as intrusted with its Preservations, yet we cannot help Observing that instead of supporting the Constitution of the Colony and their own Dignity, as a very material Part of the Legislature, they seem to have Consider\u2019d themselves only in the narrow and Contracted View of Landholders in the Province, and to have been regardless of their Prerogatives as long as their Property remained secure, and never to have felt for their Privileges, as Proprietaries, till, by the Diminution of those Privileges their Interests were affected, as Individuals.\n          But, my Lords, we Apprehend it is our Duty to hear, and, if they are just, to recommend to redress the Complaints of the Proprietaries, from whatever Motives they may proceed; to bring back, as far as shall be thought advisable by your Lordships, the Constitution of the Colony to its proper principles; to put the Government in a regular Course of Administration; to give to every branch of it the Exercise of its proper powers; to restore to the Crown, in the Persons of the Proprietaries, its just Prerogatives; to check the growing Influence of the Assembly, and to Distinguish what they are perpetually confounding, the Executive from the Legislative Parts of Government.\n          We are satisfied that there is nothing so likely to preserve the Tranquility of the Province itself or its Dependance upon the Mother Country as the maintaining, with a strict and steddy Hand, the necessary Powers and just Prerogatives of the Crown, and the Preferring an uniform and settled Principle of Government to an occasional Departure from it, for temporary Convenience. Every days\u2019 Experience Convinces Us that it is in vain to negotiate away His Majesty\u2019s Prerogative; every new Concession becomes the foundation of some new demand, and that, my Lords, of some new dispute.\n          This, which is true in general, Your Lordships will perceive has been particularly so in the Province of Pensylvania. For, tho no Principle of the Constitution is more known or better establish\u2019d than the Right of the Crown, and therefore, in this case of the Proprietaries, to the sole Nomination of Officers and the exclusive Application of money, it is now contended, that the Proprietaries should not even partake in the Exercise of either of those Powers. The Proprietaries consent to share their Prerogatives with the Assembly; the Assembly insists upon ingrossing them. And even should it be apprehended that, after so much Supineness on the part of the Proprietaries and such long Usage on the Part of the Assembly, the Constitution could not, without difficulty, in every Circumstance be reestablished; We conclude Your Lordships cannot therefore be of Opinion that it ought in every Circumstance to be departed from.\n          If, my Lords, it could be necessary to support the Propriety of maintaining the Constitution of the Colony, by any other Reasons than those which we have already offer\u2019d to Your Lordships, we apprehend that there are Circumstances peculiar to this Province, which make the Restrictions we have mention\u2019d particularly Necessary. This Colony, tho in its Form of Government nominally indeed the same with those which are under the immediate Controul of the Crown, consisting like them of a Governor Council and Assembly, is in reality extremely different: The Governor and the Assembly being the only branches of the Legislature, and the only Purpose of the Council being to assist the Governor with their Advice; not that their consent is in any manner necessary, and their Advice, he may adopt or reject, as he thinks proper. By which means there is not in this Colony, as in other Governments or as in the Mother Country, any intermediate Power that may interpose between the Encroachments of the Assembly, on the one hand, or the Oppression of the Proprietaries on the other. The Assembly, My Lords, claims likewise to be intitled, from its Institution, to the Possession of very extraordinary Powers, to be a Body perpetually subsisting subject neither to Prorogation nor Dissolution, by the Authority of the Governor. It seems therefore particularly necessary, by the constitutional Interposition of the Crown, to restrain the Powers of the Assembly, sufficiently great by it\u2019s Institution, from becoming exorbitant beyond measure, by its Encroachments; And to protect likewise the Rights of His Majesty, which have been gradually departed from by the Proprietaries, and which must always be invaded, while the Prerogatives of Royalty are placed in the feeble hands of Individuals, and the Authority of the Crown is to be exercised, without the Powers of the Crown to support it. We are, My Lords, Your Lordships\u2019 Most obedient Humble Servants,\n            Dunk Halifax.Soame Jenyns.W G. Hamilton.Wm. Sloper.Ed. Eliot.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0048", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 2 July 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Yours, of the 28th of March, I received, owning the Receipt of a Bill for \u00a3200 Sterling, drawn by William Plumsted.\n          The Brevier came safe to hand by Gibbon, looks very well, but sticks, when distributed, most intolerably. Believe it will turn out pretty perfect.\n          By the Captains Falconer and Killner to London, I sent you the first and second Copies of a Bill of Exchange for \u00a3100 Sterling. Inclosed you have now the third Copy of same Bill, in case of Miscarriages, I shall soon remit you more, tho\u2019 at present it does not suit me to do it. I am, Sir, Yours. &c.\n            David Hall\n            To Mr. Franklin By the Myrtilla, Captain Bolitho, to London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-23-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0050", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 23 August 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, Deborah\n            My dear Child,\n          I receiv\u2019d your Letters by Mr. Keene, and some others, which I shall answer fully by Capt. Faulkner, who sails in a few Days.\n          By him I send the Eider Down Cover lid, and Bag for the Feet, which cost 12 Guineas; also the Camlet a second time for Sister Peter, to supply what was lost in Capt. House: with some other little things that I shall mention hereafter. They are in a Box mark\u2019d SF.\n          This serves to let you know we are well, and to cover a Pacquet for the Speaker which you will carefully deliver.\n          My Duty to Mother, Love to Sally and all Friends. I am concern\u2019d you should be so perplex\u2019d about a House, and hope you are settled before this time.\n          Your ever [loving husb]and\n            B Franklin\n            In the Box are sundry Parcels for Mrs. Gambier.\n            Mrs. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0051", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 24 August 1760\nFrom: Norris, Isaac\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Dear Friend B. Franklin\n          It is some Time since I wrote last, which I perceive by Your last, was come to hand, being Dated on the 15th April past, Your Several Dates of 9th January, 19th, 21st 29th february and 11th March With Several Copies, got to me in Due Time, and a few Days Ago the 14th June by the Packet, it will be Needless to Say, That all the Letters by Capt. House Miscarried, but I have been inform\u2019d That Several of them were Infamously Picked up, opend and forwarded to Philadelphia. Several Stories are Propagated Concerning Them, to which I give little Credit being long used to the reports of the Gentleman in whose Custody they Are said to be, I have enclos\u2019d a first Bill of exchange No. 1876 Drawn by Col. J. Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. for \u00a3100 Sterl. which pray receive, as it becomes Due. The Proprietarys endeavouring to repeal our late Laws, is Consistent With their Conduct towards us for many Years past, but the Confusion and Ruinous Consequences, the Disallowance of our Mony Bills, especialy Those granting aids to the Crown, Would throw the Province into, I Trust will Protect Them, as well as the reasonableness of the Acts themselves, especialy as they will be strengthen\u2019d, by Governor Hamilton\u2019s Passing our last Supply Bill, of which I advised You in my Last of 15th April. It is Surprising how little the Proprietarys Taxes amounted to, for the Estate they hold, Compard with the Taxes the Inhabitants and other Owners of Lands here are rated. So That I have been inform\u2019d some of the Proprietarys Officers have said the Proprietarys themselves Will Scarcly beleive it, Till Their Accounts are bro\u2019t in, by what I have heard of them they are too Low, but as it was ever my Opinion, we have been Contending for a Matter of Right, rather than Mony, I am pleas\u2019d, the Comissioners and Assessors have err\u2019d on that Side, all our Laws, by exempting the Unlocated Lands, Can never Tax their estate in full Propotion to the other Inhabitants and land holders, but as we are useing our utmost endeavours to Settle A Quota Bill Against our Next Seting, I do not Doubt, we Shall in a little while, Come to as near a Proportion, of the Share of each Particular, as the Nature of Publick Taxes will Admit, at least, as near, as any of the Other Colonies, and Much nearer Than our Mother Country, I need not enlarge on Any General Heads which Concern this Province, because they are so well known to You and we have no doubt of your Care and Abilities to defend us Against those who have an evil eye over us, and yet Unfortunatly, Must have too great a share in Judging our Cause. At our Next Seting, We shall Consider your proposals for the Disposal of Parliamentry Grants, and be Then enabled to provide a remedy and give Orders less Subject to the Objections Made in England, Some of which I apprehend Would have Come into my mind had I been Able to Attend the House in their last Session, When That Law was Pass\u2019d by Governor Denny. That Gent[leman] is going Passenger with Capt. Hamet a few days hence, he has Promisd to Call Upon me before his Departure, and if any thing further occurs worth Notice, I shall add and Commit it to his Care, Governor Hamilton\u2019s Behavour has been very Civil hitherto, he Declares That he has the greatest Inclination to live on good Terms with the People, Acts of Justice Towards them, will soon have all the Good Effects, he, or his Constituents Can Wish or Desire; I am my Good friend, Your Affectionate Assured friend\n            Original by Captn. Friend Duplicate by Capt. Hamet First Bill of Exchange N 1876 \u00a3100. 0. 0", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0052", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 26 August 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            I received yours, of the 14th of June, with two Protests inclosed for \u00a3300 Bills of Exchange, which I immediately presented to the Gentlemen they were drawn by, who seemed a good Deal surprised that they should have come back protested, and shewed me a Letter from the Portis\u2019s telling them they had paid all their Draughts that had been presented to them, amounting to between Eight and Nine Thousand Pounds Sterling; however, they made no Objection to the renewing them, with the Damages, as they were returned; only they observed, that the Bill for \u00a3100 was protested for Non-acceptance, and that very often it happens, tho\u2019 a Bill is refused to be accepted, yet when it becomes due, is paid; but they very readily renewed it likewise, upon my promising to refund them, in case their first Draught should be paid.\n            Inclosed you have now a fresh Draught from them for \u00a3360 Sterling, which is your full Damages, and which I thought myself obliged to send you by the very first Opportunity, as what Bills I remit you, are at your own Risque, and of Course the Damages on any that may be protested, are likewise most justly yours. There is a small Matter for the Protests, which is not included, but that can be settled with them at any Time. They are reckoned very honest Men, and most generous Dealers, consequently meet with a good Deal of Sympathy and Compassion from every Body here, as their Business, no Doubt, must have been interrupted, in some Measure, by their Connections with that House; but it is hoped that every Thing will soon be set to Rights, and that they, in the End, will be no great Sufferers by the Portis\u2019s, which will give great Pleasure to every Body, as they have the general good Wishes of the Place.\n            I should have made you a fresh Remittance now, but on speaking to Mrs. Franklin a few Days before the Packet arrived, she advised me not to do it, as she certainly expected you here this Fall; but as it has happened otherwise (which I am sorry for on several Accounts) I shall soon send you another Remittance. I shall be glad to hear from you by Budden, and every other opportunity, while you remain in England; and, during your Stay, shall continue, as I have hitherto done, to do my best for your Interest, as well as my own, which, in our present Situation, I think are inseparable. I am, Sir, Yours, &c.\n            NB. You will please observe the Bill is drawn on Messieurs Allen and Marder, likewise, in case of being refused by the Portis\u2019s.\n            To Benjamin Franklin Esqr\n            Sent by the James and Mary, Captain Friend.\n            Aug. 31. 1760. A Copy sent by the Dragon, Captain Hammit, with the second Copy of the above mentioned Bill inclosed.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0053", "content": "Title: William Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 26 August 1760\nFrom: Franklin, William\nTo: Galloway, Joseph\n            My Dear Friend,\n            London, Tuesday, Augst. 26. 1760\n          The Mail was made up and sent for Falmouth on Saturday last, so that whether this may reach you by that Conveyance is uncertain. But as I imagine you must all be extremely anxious about the Fate of your very important Acts, and glad to know of every Thing relative to them from time to time, I have scribbled over as fast as possibly I could, two Papers which have occur\u2019d since my Father\u2019s last Dispatches, in hopes of getting them to Falmouth by the Post (which is just upon the Point of setting off) before the sailing of the Pacquet. The first is a Copy of the Attorney and Sollicitor Generals Report on the Question (which I some time ago sent to the Speaker) about His Majesty\u2019s Right of repealing particular Clauses in Acts; the other is a Copy of a Letter from my Father to Mr. Pitt, imploring his Protection for the Province. What Intention the Lords of the Committee could have in proposing so strange a Question, it is difficult to say; but some are inclin\u2019d to suspect that it covers a Design that may not be altogether to our Advantage. It\u2019s being referr\u2019d to our Adversaries Council has all along been look\u2019d upon here by some disinterested People as an extreme partial Procedure. They go so far as to say, that as the Attorney and Sollicitor General are the only proper Persons for His Majesty to consult on such Matters, that they ought by no means to be concern\u2019d as Advocates for either Side, as they must in all Probability become so bias\u2019d thereby as not to be able to give His Majesty that impartial Advice the Occasion may require. [Between you and I, it is said, that we may look upon them all to be a Pack of d\u2014d R\u2014ls; and that unless we bribe them all higher than our Adversaries can do, and condescend to do every Piece of dirty Work they require, we shall never be able to attain common Justice at their Hands.] You\u2019ll see that they have acknowledg\u2019d (and it would have been strange indeed if they had not) that His Majesty must exercise his Right of Repeal in the entire, where all the Parts of the Act are relative to the same Subject. But then they go on to make some Distinctions, and to establish some Doctrines, which tho\u2019 somewhat specious, are liable I think to many Objections, and if admitted may be productive of dangerous Consequences. I mean what they say with regard to Laws being void ab Initio, and Laws consisting of different Parts on different Subjects. I have not Time to give you my Sentiments in that respect, but I dare say they and many more will occur to you upon reading the Report. Those 2 Paragraphs, however, tho\u2019 express\u2019d in general Terms, seem to be levell\u2019d against some of our particular Acts now before them, and intended to fix a Precedent for some future Occasion. Whether we may promise ourselves any Advantage by the Application to Mr. Pitt is uncertain; but methinks it can do no Harm. The Words which have a Line drawn thro\u2019 them were sent exactly in the same Manner to Mr. P. that he might see what was in the Writer\u2019s Thoughts to say, if the Occasion had been proper. This is a new Species of Rhetoric, which (as there is no hanging a Man for his Thoughts) would be of considerable Service to those who write and publish Libels, if they could get them printed in that Manner. Many of the Merchants of London who trade to Pensylvania have sign\u2019d a Petition in favour of the Paper money Acts, which will be presented tomorrow. This Matter would have been much more forward had it not been for the cold Water thrown on it by D[avi]d Barclay and Company and I hope the Friends of the Province will remember them accordingly. The Report of the Board of Trade, My Father\u2019s Notes thereon, and the Paper drawn up to induce the Merchants to petition in our Behalf have been all sent you. If after Consideration of them, you and the Speaker, and any other of the Members of Assembly would send us such Observations on them as occur, they may possibly come Time enough to be of Service to my Father, in drawing up what he may find necessary to publish to the World on the Occasion. For that the Plan of Attack must be chang\u2019d from the Proprietors to the Board of Trade seems to me highly probable. Till the iniquitous System of Government which they would establish in the Colonies, for their own selfish Purposes, is fully expos\u2019d, I think we can hope for no good from that Quarter. I write my Sentiments freely to you as I know no undue Use will be made of them.\n          The Books of Husbandry which were lost in House, I shall send other Copies of by either Faulkener or McDougal, who sail in a few Days. By the first I have sent you Venus, and I hope her Ladyship will prove acceptable.\n          I have not Time to wonder or I should most prodigiously, at not having heard from you this Twelve-month; in which Time I have wrote you 5 or 6 Letters; so that you have repaid all my former Negligences, with Interest.\n          There is News this Day come to Town of the K. of Prussia\u2019s having by forc\u2019d Marches from Saxony got before M. Daun into Silesia, and there attack\u2019d General Laudoun and totally defeated Him, having kill\u2019d 7, of 8,000, and taken 4,000 Prisoners, 90 Pieces of Cannon, and all their Baggage. That the Battle to be fought Tomorrow, which is the great and important Day big with the Fate of Pensylvania, may be as successful on our Side, is the sincere and fervent Prayer of, Dear Galloway, Your very affectionate humble Servant\n            Wm: Franklin\n            P.S. We have received no Minutes of your Proceedings since Governor Hamilton\u2019s Arrival, except a Copy of his propos\u2019d Amendments, and a few Messages relative to the last \u00a3100,000 Act inclos\u2019d in a Letter from the Speaker. But the Act itself (which would now be of use) nor any other public Paper has been sent, which I am much surpriz\u2019d at. The Proprietor says he has authentic Accounts of great Injustice done him in the Assessments. Of this we know nothing particular. If he means in Cumberland County I should be inclin\u2019d to suspect it was a concerted Thing in order to throw an Odium on the Assembly, as he and his Party have such Influence there as to be able to procure whatever they Please.\n            To Mr. Galloway", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0055", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, [August 1760 ?]\nFrom: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Since you are pleas\u2019d to say you shall be glad of a Line from me I will find Leisure.\n          In my Letter to my Mother, I mention\u2019d I had a Question to ask you. It is this, What is the reason the Water at this place becomes warm by pumping tho it is not so at the spring? Pardon my Impertinence. Goodnatur\u2019d persons have always more impos\u2019d on them than others; yet I believe the satisfaction which they receive from their Actions counterballances their fatigue in performing them. There is my encouragement and my excuse.\n          I remember you told me in your last obliging Conversation that the rising of Tides in Rivers was not owing to a greater quantity of Water in them but to the Moon\u2019s attraction. Now my dear Sir it appears to me that the Rivers are augmented by the water flowing into them from the Sea, because they begin to rise first at the part nearest it whether there Course is contrary or the same with the Moon, and are reckon\u2019d saltest at high Water. Whether my last assertion may not be a false one I will not presume to determine, but it is the common opinion, tho I don\u2019t comprehend why there should not retire an equal quantity of fresh as salt Water. I offer my sentiments to you without reserve, trusting to your Candour, and hoping to have my Errors corrected. I hope you know my Heart well enough to believe I do it with becoming Diffidence.\n          We purpose leaving Bristol next Thursday. I cannot say I have been entertain\u2019d with the Publick Diversions of the Place tho I have attended the Rooms mo[st nigh]ts and danc\u2019d at the Balls, but I have few Acquaintance. Miss Pitt and I generally quit the Rooms as soon as my Aunt is engag\u2019d at Cards, and spend the remainder of the evening with two Young Ladies who lodge in the same House with us, one of them being in too ill a state of Health to permit her to go out much. We have a sensible agreeable Man of our select party. The Country is delightfully pleasant, as I suppose you will take an opportunity of seeing before you leave England. I was one day at Redcliff Church which is allow\u2019d to be a fine piece of Architecture. There is something very Noble when you enter it, but it stands so disadvantageously that the outside is quite lost. There are some Paintings at the Altar, but I own they did not please me, and I had the satisfaction of hearing them disapprov\u2019d by one who has more Judgment.\n          From hence we go to Sir Robert Longs where I intend to write to my Mother but at present this Letter must suffice for both. Therefore my rever\u2019d Preceptor, and honour\u2019d Mother, I hope will together accept the duty and good wishes of their affectionate Pupil and Daughter\n            M Stevenson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0056", "content": "Title: Order in Council, 2 September 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Charles, Robert\nTo: \n          On July 4, 1760, Francis Eyre, Robert Charles and Franklin\u2019s solicitor, drew up and presented on behalf of his clients a petition to the King in Council asking to be heard in opposition to the Board of Trade report on the nineteen Pennsylvania acts. Then Eyre prepared \u201clong Observations on the Report being 8 close Brief Sheets, in Answer to the several Charges in the Report, to serve by way of Brief,\u201d and during the following weeks held several late evening conferences with the barristers de Grey and Jackson on how to present the Assembly\u2019s case at the forthcoming hearing.\n          Meanwhile the Privy Council Committee for Plantation Affairs had begun consideration of the Board\u2019s report. On July 15 the Committee referred the report to the attorney and solicitor general for an opinion on the following question: In case any of these acts contained clauses \u201cnot consonant to reason,\u201d or repugnant or contrary to the laws of England, or inconsistent with the King\u2019s sovereignty or prerogative, or contrary to the allegiance due from the Proprietors or inhabitants, or not warranted by the powers granted by the charter for making laws, might the King repeal or annul such clauses without disallowing \u201cother unexceptionable parts\u201d of these acts; and if so, would such repeal be effective immediately? The Committee did not tell the law officers which acts they had specifically in mind, but one, at least, must have been the Re-emitting Act of June 20, 1759, which the Board of Trade had so severely criticized on the score of \u201ctacking.\u201d\n          The attorney and solicitor general reported back, August 19, that in general under the Pennsylvania charter the Crown must either accept or reject the whole of an act, although there might be cases in which particular provisions of an act \u201cmay be void ab initio,\u201d as when an act of Parliament was contravened or the \u201clegal right of a private subject bound without his consent.\u201d Furthermore, the law officers seemed to believe, though they did not fully commit themselves on the point, that if matters \u201ctotally foreign and as much unconnected with one another as any two of the nineteen acts now under consideration\u201d were joined in one act, the King might disallow that part of the act relating to one of the matters it contained. Neither the Proprietors nor the Assembly agents were pleased that the Council Committee had raised this question of a partial disallowance, but the opinion of Pratt and Yorke did not lead to any such action by the Council in the pending controversy.\n          The hearing before the Privy Council Committee took place at the Council Office in the Cockpit on August 27 (from noon to five o\u2019clock, according to Eyre) and on the 28th. As at the Board of Trade sessions, Attorney General Pratt and Solicitor General Yorke appeared for the Proprietors and William de Grey and Richard Jackson for the agents, Franklin and Charles. In addition, Eyre engaged a Mr. Cooke to take shorthand notes of the proceedings, but unfortunately neither these notes nor any other detailed records of the hearing have been found. Writing in his autobiography nearly thirty years later Franklin repeated \u201cthe purport of what I remember as urg\u2019d by both Sides\u201d regarding the \u00a3100,000 Supply Act, and described his private conference with Lord Mansfield (quoted in a footnote below) which led to a sort of compromise on this act. For the rest, the report of the Committee to the plenary session of the King in Council which is contained in the document printed here provides the best indication of what transpired during those two days of debate in the Cockpit.\n          Later writers have disagreed as to the extent to which the final determination of the Privy Council was a great victory or a resounding defeat for Franklin. Impartially considered, the truth seems to lie, as usual, somewhere between these extremes. Of the eleven acts opposed by the Proprietors, six were disallowed; one (the Supply Act), also opposed by the Board of Trade, was allowed to stand on a compromise basis, and so was indirectly confirmed when September 13 arrived, six months after its first presentation to the Privy Council; one (the Agency Act), recommended for approval by the Board of Trade, had already been indirectly confirmed on August 16 by the lapse of time; and the remaining three were confirmed by the Privy Council on the recommendation of the Board of Trade. Thus on a strictly numerical basis the Proprietors won the disallowances they sought for six of the eleven laws and Franklin won acceptance for the other five.\n          A scorecard, however, is not the most useful device for recording the results of this sort of contest. The acts under dispute were not all of equal importance. By any reasonable scale of values it would be difficult to conclude, for example, that the disallowance of the Act Suppressing Lotteries and Plays was a major political defeat for Franklin and the Assembly, or that the confirmation of the Act to Prevent the Exportation of Bad Staves was a glorious victory. If we may judge by the substance of the acts themselves, the known attitudes of the contending parties towards them, and the relative attention given each at the hearings and in the Board of Trade report, the most important of the measures, in a political and constitutional sense, should be ranked in something like this order: the \u00a3100,000 Supply Act, the Re-emitting Act, the Agency Act, the Act for Recording Warrants and Surveys, and the Supplementary Act for Establishing Courts of Judicature. The Penns succeeded in getting disallowed the Re-emitting Act and those concerning warrants and surveys and the judicial system; Franklin got what he and the Assembly wanted with regard to the Agency Act; the Supply Act, certainly the most important of all, resulted in a compromise which requires further comment.\n          The issue of the taxation of proprietary estates, repeatedly in dispute since the summer of 1755, was the central point of contention in the Supply Act of 1759, just as it had been by far the most important issue that had sent Franklin to England in 1757. In the course of the struggle the Proprietors had at first stood firmly against any sort of concession to the Assembly view that they or their American estates ought to share in the costs of provincial defense. In the autumn of 1755, after news of Braddock\u2019s disastrous defeat reached England, they yielded to pressure at home to the extent of making a voluntary contribution of \u00a35000 to be paid from the arrears of quitrents as these should be collected in Pennsylvania. Although Thomas Penn privately admitted to his supporters in the colony during the summer of 1756 that the Proprietors might permit a very limited taxation of their personal estates, the instructions to Governor Denny, shown to the Assembly in September 1756, made no such concession. In fact, they went so far as to express intense displeasure that the Assembly should \u201cpretend, by any Act of theirs, to charge the Proprietary Estate in the Province with the Burden of any Taxes.\u201d Then in November 1758, in answer to Franklin\u2019s representations in his \u201cHeads of Complaint\u201d and on the advice of the attorney and solicitor general, they stated in somewhat vague terms that they were willing \u201cto have the annual Income of their Estate enquired into\u201d and were \u201cready to contribute whatever the said Sum [of \u00a35000] shall fall short of what has been laid on the Inhabitants in general, for every Part of their Estate, that is in its Nature taxable.\u201d When Franklin asked for an explicit statement as to how they proposed the inquiry to be conducted, whether they would consent to a law for the purpose, what parts of their estate they considered taxable, and what other arrangements they had in mind, they refused to give him a direct reply. They had, however, withdrawn some distance from their original position of a total refusal to be taxed.\n          The Supply Act of 1759 was the first measure involving a land tax to be passed after the Assembly received word of this concession. While the Board of Trade hearings were in progress Penn learned that Governor Hamilton has passed the \u00a3100,000 Supply Act of April 12, 1760, which contained essentially the same provisions as that of 1759 then under consideration. By this time the Proprietors had come to realize that they must submit to having their estates taxed, whether they were willing or not, and Penn\u2019s chief concern had become that it should be done fairly. Writing to the governor, June 6, he declared: \u201cI desire nothing more than to have such parts of the estates of my Family taxed, as are to be taxed, on the same calculation with the estates of other people. It would be knight errantry to desire a more exact calculation, in order to pay more in proportion, and to pay less I should think extreamly scandalous.\u201d Such a statement represents a major retreat from the instructions to Denny four years earlier and even from the answer to the \u201cHeads of Complaint\u201d in November 1758.\n          The Proprietors considered, as their supporters in the colony had done when the Supply Act of 1759 was passed, that this law was improper because, among other reasons, it was vague as to whether their unlocated as well as their located estates were to be taxed, because the assessments on their properties were to be determined entirely by officials in the appointment of whom they had no share, and because their governor was in effect excluded from a voice in the expenditure of the money raised by the act. First the Board of Trade and now the Privy Council Committee agreed that these objections were valid. In order to avoid a disallowance Franklin and Charles, therefore, pledged that the Assembly would pass an amending act to remove these criticisms. On this basis the Privy Council allowed the law to stand.\n          The primary issue that had taken Franklin to England was now settled by the highest authority in his and the Assembly\u2019s favor: It was proper that the proprietary estates in Pennsylvania should be taxed, as the Assembly had been insisting for several years. Two questions, however, remained for the future to decide: Would the Assembly honor the pledge Franklin and Charles had given and pass an act amending the law of 1759 in accordance with the six points laid down by the Privy Council? And would the Assembly include these provisions in all future bills imposing taxes on the proprietary estates? Immediately after the Privy Council hearing and before the order in council was issued, Thomas Penn wrote Hamilton that the Assembly agents had been told \u201cof the Solemnity of the Engagement, that no Bill shal ever pass for raising any money that shal not be appropriated in this manner, that if the conditions are not complied with the \u00a3100,000 Bill [of April 12, 1760] passed by you shal be immediately repealed, without any reference to the Board of Trade, and Parliament applyed to, to do it and to abolish all their encroachments, on the Constitution they are by Charter intitled to.\u201d Penn seemed confident that this was no idle threat. His letters to Pennsylvania during the fall reflect, on the whole, considerable satisfaction with the decision of the Privy Council. Again, unfortunately, Franklin\u2019s letters to Norris about the order in council have disappeared.\n          Repeatedly during the next four years Governor Hamilton and his successor John Penn pressed the Assembly for a bill to amend the Supply Act of 1759; the House never categorically refused, but responded each time by saying that, as their examinations of the assessors\u2019 proceedings showed, full justice had been done to the Proprietors in the levying of the tax. Strong complaints about the assessments in Cumberland County during the first year had appeared even before the decision of the Privy Council in 1760, but adjustments seem to have been made and such complaints died away. So long as proprietary government remained in Pennsylvania no Assembly consented to a formal amendment of the act of 1759 or its successor of the next year. The first question remaining in 1760 was answered in the negative.\n          In time, however, the representatives gave way on the six points stipulated in the order in council. Bills for a land tax in April 1761 and in March 1762 failed of acceptance by the governor because they did not observe all of these requirements. In March 1762, after the British declaration of war on Spain, and in October 1763, after the outbreak of the Indian uprising called Pontiac\u2019s Conspiracy, the Assembly voted supplies which Hamilton accepted because they used other means than a land tax to fund the bills of credit. Then from January to May 1764, with John Penn, son of Richard and nephew of Thomas, in office as governor, and with Franklin back in his seat in the Assembly, occurred one of the most acrimonious disputes of the whole long series. In view of the grave dangers to the colony from the Indians and the state of domestic turmoil created by the Paxton Boys, the Assembly yielded fully, as a majority of its members believed, to the requirements of the Privy Council\u2019s six points. But the new governor, who had attended the hearings of 1760 as an interested spectator, insisted on what the assemblymen considered a wholly unwarranted and unjust interpretation of one of them. Finally, after Isaac Norris had resigned the speakership on the plea of illness and Franklin had been elected to take his place, the Assembly gave way and amended the bill to incorporate Penn\u2019s interpretation. On May 30, 1764, for the first time, a Pennsylvania governor was able to accept an act which complied fully with the terms laid down by the Privy Council in 1760.\n          Early in 1765 Governor Penn had the mortifying experience of reporting to the Assembly that his father and uncle were willing to accept the Assembly\u2019s interpretation of the disputed point after all, and of asking the House to amend the act accordingly. The protracted dispute of 1764, however, had inevitably added to the bitterness against the Proprietors which had been building up within the opposition party; two months before the governor\u2019s recantation Franklin had sailed for England to seek the end of proprietary government. Thus the Proprietors finally got the Assembly to obey, literally as well as in general intent, the terms of the order in council, and the second question still open in 1760 was answered in the affirmative, although at the cost of increased antagonism between the Assembly and the Proprietors.\n          In the final analysis, then, the Assembly gained full recognition of the right to tax the proprietary estates, and the Penns won legislative safeguards of the principle that they should not be discriminated against in future taxation. Neither side can be said to have achieved a complete victory on this major point of dispute. The colony as a whole, however, benefited most of all because the matter of taxing the proprietary estates, a barrier to effective government since 1755, was never again a central issue of Pennsylvania politics.\n            [Privy Council Seal]\n            At the Court at Kensingtonthe 2d: day of September 1760.\n          Present\n          The Kings most Excellent Majesty\n              Arch Bishop of Canterbury\n              Viscount Falmouth\n              Lord President\n              Viscount Barrington\n              Duke of Newcastle\n              Lord Berkeley of Stratton\n              Earl of Cholmondeley\n              Lord Mansfield\n              Earl of Halifax\n          Whereas there was this day read at the Board, a Report from the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of His Majestys most Honourable Privy Council for Plantation Affairs, upon considering Nineteen Acts passed in the Province of Pensilvania in the years 1758 and 1759, Which Report is dated the 28th: of last month, and is in the words following Vizt:\n          \u201cYour Majesty having been pleased, by Your Orders in Council of the 16th: of February, and the 13th: of March last, to referr unto this Committee, Nineteen Acts passed in the Province of Pensilvania in the years 1758 and 1759, as likewise a Petition of the Proprietaries of the said Province, complaining of Eleven of the said Acts, and praying to be heard thereupon before they received Your Majestys Royal Confirmation. The Lords of the Committee thought it proper to transmit the said Acts, together with the said Petition, to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to examine into all the said Nineteen Acts, and to hear the Petitioners upon each of the said Acts, against which they had made their Complaint; And the said Lords Commissioners having accordingly examined into the said Acts, and heard Counsel upon the Petition of the said Proprietaries against Eleven of them, as likewise Counsel on behalf of the House of Representatives of the said Province in Support of the said Eleven Acts, the said Lords Commissioners have made their Report upon all the said Acts to this Committee; And it appearing by the said Report, that the said Lords Commissioners were of Opinion, that Seven out of the said Eleven Acts complained of by the said Proprietaries, were proper to be Repealed by Your Majesty, the Agents for the House of Representatives made Application to this Committee, praying to be heard in Support of the said Seven Acts, and having entered into the usual Security, according to the Rules of the Council Board, to be answerable for Costs, in Case it should be judged necessary to require them to pay the same, the Lords of the Committee thought proper to comply with their request, and accordingly on the 27th: of this Instant, and likewise on this day, took the said Nineteen Acts and Report into Consideration, and heard Counsel on behalf of the said Agents in Support of the said Seven Acts, as likewise Counsel on behalf of the said Proprietaries against the same, and do agree humbly to Report to Your Majesty,\n          \u201cThat as to the Six following Acts Intituled,\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for Re-emitting the Bills of Credit of this Province heretofore Re-emitted on Loan, and for striking the further sum of thirty Six thousand Six hundred and fifty pounds to enable the Trustees to lend Fifty thousand pounds to Colonel John Hunter Agent for the Contractors with the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys Treasury, for His Majestys Service. (Passed 20: June 1759)\u2019\n          \u201c\u2018A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for Re-emitting the Bills of Credit of this Province heretofore Re-emitted on Loan, and for striking the further sum of thirty Six thousand Six hundred and fifty pounds to enable the Trustees to lend fifty thousand pounds to Colonel John Hunter Agent for the Contractors with the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys Treasury for His Majestys Service. Passed 29: Septr. 1759)\u2019\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for Recording Warrants and Surveys, and for rendering the Real Estates and Property within this Province more Secure. (Passed 7: July 1759)\u2019\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for the more effectual Suppressing and preventing Lotteries and Plays. (Passed 20: June 1759).\u2019\n          \u201c\u2018A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for establishing Courts of Judicature in this Province. (Passed 29: Septr. 1759).\u2019\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for the Relief of the Heirs, Devisees and Assigns of Persons born out of the Kings Liegeance, who have been Owners of Lands within this Province, and have died unnaturalized. (Passed 20: June 1759)\u2019\n          \u201cThe Lords of the Committee are of Opinion, that it may be adviseable for Your Majesty to adjudge and declare, under Your Privy Seal, all the said Six Acts to be Void.\n          \u201cThat as to the Act Intituled\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for granting to His Majesty the Sum of One hundred thousand pounds, and for striking the same in Bills of Credit in the manner hereinafter directed, and for Providing a Fund for sinking the said Bills of Credit, by a tax on all Estates, Real and personal, and taxables within this Province. (Passed 17: April 1759)\u2019\n          \u201cThe Lords of the Committee were of Opinion that the said Act is fundamentally wrong and unjust, and ought to be Repealed, unless the following Alterations and Amendments could be made therein. Vizt:\n          \u201c1. That the Real Estates to be taxed, be defined with Precision, so as not to include the unsurveyed waste Land belonging to the Proprietaries.\n          \u201c2. That the Located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Proprietaries shall not be assessed higher than the lowest Rate at which any located uncultivated Lands belonging to the Inhabitants shall be assessed.\n          \u201c3. That all Lands not granted by the Proprietaries within Boroughs and Towns, be deemed located uncultivated Lands and rated accordingly and not as Lots.\n          \u201c4. That the Governors Consent and Approbation be made necessary to every issue and Application of the money to be raised by Virtue of such Act.\n          \u201c5. That Provincial Commissioners be named to hear and determine Appeals brought on the part of the Inhabitants as well as of the Proprietaries.\n          \u201c6. That the Payments by the Tenants to the Proprietaries of their Rents, shall be according to the terms of their respective Grants, as if such Act had never been passed.\n          \u201cThe Proprietaries Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, and Benjamin Franklin and Robert Charles, Agents for the Province, being acquainted with the Opinion of this Committee, the Proprietaries declared, that for the sake of Peace, and to avoid further Contest, they would instruct their Governor to Assent to an Act for discharging the said Debt of One hundred thousand pounds in the form of the said Act now under Consideration, so altered and amended.\n          \u201cAnd the said Agents for the Province, proposed, that in Case this present Act should not be Repealed, they would undertake, that the Assembly will prepare, pass the Assembly, and offer to the Governor, An Act to amend this Act in such manner, as if it had originally been penned according to the Amendments and Alterations above proposed, and will indemnify the Proprietaries from any damage they may sustain by such Act not being so prepared, passed by the Assembly, and offered to the Governor, and have signed such undertaking in the Books of the Council Office in the following words\u2014Vizt.\n          \u201cWe the undersigned Benjamin Franklin and Robert Charles, Agents for the Province of Pensilvania, do hereby consent, that in Case An Act passed in the said Province in April 1759, Intituled \u2018An Act for granting to His Majesty the sum of One hundred thousand pounds, and for striking the same in Bills of Credit in the manner hereinafter directed, and for providing a fund for sinking the said Bills of Credit by a Tax on all Estates, Real and Personal, and Taxable within this Province,\u2019 shall not be Repealed by His Majesty in Council, We the said Agents do undertake that the Assembly of Pensilvania will prepare and pass, and offer to the Governor of the said Province of Pensilvania, An Act to amend the aforementioned Act, according to the Amendments proposed in the Report made by the Lords of the Committee of Council this day (upon the said One hundred thousand pound Act, and other Pensilvania Acts) and We will indemnify the Proprietaries from any damage that they may sustain by such Act not being so prepared and passed by the Assembly, and offered to the Governor. Witness Our Hands this 28th: day of August 1760.\n          \u201cLest some inconveniencies should arise from the Repeal of the said Act in respect of the good purposes thereof, the Lords of the Committee are humbly of Opinion, that your Majesty may rely upon the undertaking for the Assembly of Pensilvania by their Agents, and permit this Act to stand unrepealed, because the Objections upon which this Committee should have founded their Advice for the Repeal, will certainly be removed in a Way more agreable and convenient to the Province.\n            \u201cThat as to the Eight following Acts, Intituled\n            \u201c\u2018An Act for the continuance of an Act of Assembly of this Province, intituled, A Supplementary Act to the Act intituled An Act for preventing the exportation of Bread and flour not Merchantable, and for the new Appointment of Officers to put the said Law in Execution (passed 27: Septr: 1758).\u2019\n            \u201c\u2018An Act for the further continuance of An Act of Assembly of this Province intituled A Supplementary Act to the Act for preventing the Exportation of Bread and flour not Merchantable, and for the New Appointment of Officers to put the said Law in Execution (passed 19: Octr. 1759)\u2019\n            \u201c\u2018An Act to prevent the Exportation of bad or Unmerchantable Staves, Heading Boards, and Timber (passed 21st: April 1759)\u2019\n            \u201c\u2018A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for regulating the Hire of Carriages to be employed in His Majestys Service (passed 20th: Septr. 1758)\u2019\n            \u201c\u2018A Supplement to An Act intituled An Act for preventing Abuses in the Indian Trade, for supplying the Indians, friends and Allies of Great Britain, with Goods at more easy Rates, and for securing and strengthening the Peace and friendship lately concluded with the Indians inhabiting the Northern and Western frontiers of this Province (passed 17: April 1759)\u2019\n            \u201c\u2018A Supplement to the Act intituled An Act for granting to His Majesty a Duty of Tonnage upon Ships and Vessels, and also certain duties upon Wine, Rum, Brandy, and other Spirits, and a Duty upon Sugar, for supporting and maintaining the Provincial Ship of War for protecting the Trade of this Province, and other purposes for His Majestys Service (passed 21st: April 1759.)\u2019\n            \u201c\u2018An Act for regulating the Hire of Carriages to be employed in His Majestys Service (passed 21: April 1759.)\u2019\n            \u201c\u2018An Act to continue An Act intituled An Act for directing the Choice of Inspectors in the Counties of Chester, Lancaster, York, Cumberland, Berks and Northampton (passed 29: September 1759.).\u2019\n          \u201cThe Lords of the Committee do humbly Report to Your Majesty that they have no Objection thereto.\n          \u201cAnd the Lords of the Committee do further humbly Report to Your Majesty that as to the Act Intituled,\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for appointing an Agent to apply for and receive the Distributive share and proportion which shall be assigned to this Province of the sum of money granted by Parliament to His Majestys Colonies in America (passed 29th: September 1759.).\u2019\n          \u201cThe Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations not having Offered any Objection to this Act, it has been permitted to run out Six months since it was first laid before Your Majesty, and by that means it stands confirmed by Virtue of the Proprietaries Charter.\n          \u201cAnd that with regard to the three following Acts intituled\n          \u201c\u2018An Act in Addition to an Act intituled An Act for regulating the Hire of Carriages to be employed in His Majestys Service (passed 29: September 1759.)\u2019\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for extending several Sections of An Act of Parliament passed in the thirty Second Year of the present Reign, intituled An Act for punishing Mutiny and desertion, and for the better Payment of the Army and their Quarters (passed 21: April 1759)\u2019\n          \u201c\u2018An Act for regulating the Officers and Soldiers in the Pay of this Province (Passed 21: April 1759)\u2019\n          \u201cThe Lords of the Committee do humbly Report to Your Majesty, that the said three Acts are expired, and that it will therefore be unnecessary for Your Majesty to give any Orders thereupon.\u201d\n          His Majesty this day took the said Report into His Royal Consideration, and was pleased, with the advice of His Privy Council, to approve of all that is therein proposed to be done with respect to the said Laws, and having adjudged and declared void the Six Acts first mentioned in the said Report, His Majesty hath thought proper to direct the Lord Privy Seal to prepare and pass under the Privy Seal a proper Instrument, signifying such His Majestys adjudication and declaration of all the said Six Acts to be void. And His Majesty doth hereby further Declare, and Order that with respect to the Act for granting to His Majesty the sum of One hundred thousand pounds and for striking the same in Bills of Credit &ca. the same do stand unrepealed; And as to the Eight following Acts, to which the Lords of the Committee have offered no Objection, His Majesty is hereby pleased to signify His Royal Approbation thereof. And the Proprietaries of Pensilvania, their Lieutenant or Deputy Governor, and the Assembly of the said Province, and likewise all others whom it may concern, are to take Notice and Govern themselves accordingly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0057", "content": "Title: Thomas Collinson to His Uncle, 12 September 1760\nFrom: Collinson, Thomas\nTo: \n            Dear Uncle\n          As I am no Stranger to the frequency of Petitions that sometimes interrupt your Retirement; I have been ever very cautious not to encrease the Number, by a too liberal Use of the Priveledge you favoured me with; of Recommending my Friends and Acquaintances.\n          But as the worthy Gentleman Mr. Benjn Franklin of Philadelphia\u2014the Bearer of this; is a Person every way deserving of a more consequential Esteem than mine; I flatter myself the introducing him to your Acquaintance will be mutually agreeable: as you will find him a very sensible knowing Gentleman of an original Turn and Genius; of great Modesty; and rather delibirate in communicating the Treasures of his Mind, than forward in displaying his Ability.\n          He may be esteemed as a second Prometheus who has stolen the \u00c6rial fire, by his invention of extracting the Thunder from the Clouds by the electrical Apparatus of an Iron Bar &c. You know (I fancy) that he is Agent here for the Assembly in opposition to the Proprietors.\n          By one Means or another I have been able to collect great Quantities of Goods, without paying you a Visit so early as I first thought would be necessary: But whilst our Family is at Bath, which I believe will be in about a Fortnight, intend running down and accepting of your kind Offer for a few Nights.\n          A Letter lately received from Bramshot inform\u2019d us all Friends were well there.\n          With all our sincere Loves to you and all yours\u2014remain affectionately Your obliged Kinsman\n            Tho. Collinson\n            P.S. Warmley will be a very entertaining Sight to Mr. Franklin and Son, who accompanies him and is a very agreeable accomplished Gentleman.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-13-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0058", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 13 September 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\n            My dear Friend,\n          I have your agreable Letter from Bristol, which I take this first Leisure Hour to answer, having for some time been much engag\u2019d in Business.\n          Your first Question, What is the Reason the Water at this Place, tho\u2019 cold at the Spring, becomes warm by Pumping? it will be most prudent in me to forbear attempting to answer, till, by a more circumstantial Account, you assure me of the Fact. I own I should expect that Operation to warm, not so much the Water pump\u2019d as the Person pumping. The Rubbing of dry Solids together, has been long observ\u2019d to produce Heat; but the like Effect has never yet, that I have heard, been produc\u2019d by the mere Agitation of Fluids, or Friction of Fluids with Solids. Water in a Bottle shook for Hours by a Mill Hopper, it is said, discover\u2019d no sensible Addition of Heat. The Production of Animal Heat by Exercise, is therefore to be accounted for in another manner, which I may hereafter endeavour to make you acquainted with.\n          This Prudence of not attempting to give Reasons before one is sure of Facts, I learnt from one of your Sex, who, as Selden tells us, being in company with some Gentlemen that were viewing and considering something which they call\u2019d a Chinese Shoe, and disputing earnestly about the manner of wearing it, and how it could possibly be put on; put in her Word, and said modestly, Gentlemen, are you sure it is a Shoe? Should not that be settled first?\n          But I shall now endeavour to explain what I said to you about the Tide in Rivers, and to that End shall make a Figure, which tho\u2019 not very like a River, may serve to convey my Meaning. Suppose a Canal 140 Miles long communicating at one End with the Sea, and fill\u2019d therefore with Sea Water. I chuse a Canal at first, rather than a River, to throw out of Consideration the Effects produc\u2019d by the Streams of Fresh Water from the Land,  the Inequality in Breadth, and the Crookedness of Courses. Let A, C, be the Head of the Canal, C D the Bottom of it; D F the open Mouth of it next the Sea. Let the strait prick\u2019d Line B G represent Low Water Mark the whole Length of the Canal, A F High Water Mark: Now if a Person standing at E, and observing at the time of High water there that the Canal is quite full at that Place up to the Line E, should conclude that the Canal is equally full to the same Height from End to End, and therefore there was as much more Water come into the Canal since it was down at Low Water Mark, as could be included in the oblong Space A. B. G. F. he would be greatly mistaken. For the Tide is a Wave, and the Top of the Wave, which makes High Water, as well as every other lower Part, is progressive; and it is High Water successively, but not at the same time, in all the several Points between G, F. and A, B.\u2014and in such a Length as I have mention\u2019d it is Low Water at F G and also at A B, at or near the same time with its being High Water at E; so that the Surface of the Water in the Canal, during that Situation, is properly represented by the Curve prick\u2019d Line B E G. And on the other hand, when it is Low Water at E H, it is High Water both at F G and at A B at or near the same time; and the Surface would then be describ\u2019d by the inverted Curve Line A H F.\n          In this View of the Case, you will easily see, that there must be very little more Water in the Canal at what we call High Water than there is at Low Water, those Terms not relating to the whole Canal at the same time, but successively to its Parts. And if you suppose the Canal six times as long, the Case would not vary as to the Quantity of Water at different times of the Tide; there would only be six Waves in the Canal at the same time, instead of one, and the Hollows in the Water would be equal to the Hills.\n          That this is not mere Theory, but conformable to Fact, we know by our long Rivers in America. The Delaware, on which Philadelphia stands, is in this particular similar to the Canal I have supposed of one Wave: For when it is High Water at the Capes or Mouth of the River, it is also High Water at Philadelphia, which stands about 140 Miles from the Sea; and there is at the same time a Low Water in the Middle between the two High Waters; where, when it comes to be High Water, it is at the same time Low Water at the Capes and at Philadelphia. And the longer Rivers have, some a Wave and Half, some two, three, or four Waves, according to their Length. In the shorter Rivers of this Island, one may see the same thing in Part: for Instance; it is High Water at Gravesend an Hour before it is High Water at London Bridge; and 20 Miles below Gravesend an Hour before it is High Water at Gravesend. Therefore at the Time of High Water at Gravesend the Top of the Wave is there, and the Water is then not so high by some feet where the Top of the Wave was an Hour before, or where it will be an Hour after, as it is just then at Gravesend.\n          Now we are not to suppose, that because the Swell or Top of the Wave runs at the Rate of 20 Miles an Hour, that therefore the Current or Water itself of which the Wave is compos\u2019d, runs at that rate. Far from it. To conceive this Motion of a Wave, make a small Experiment or two. Fasten one End of a Cord in a Window near the Top of a House, and let the other End come down to the Ground; take this End in your Hand, and you may, by a sudden Motion occasion a Wave in the Cord that will run quite up to the Window; but tho\u2019 the Wave is progressive from your Hand to the Window, the Parts of the Rope do not proceed with the Wave, but remain where they were, except only that kind of Motion that produces the Wave. So if you throw a Stone into a Pond of Water when the Surface is still and smooth, you will see a circular Wave proceed from the Stone as its Center, quite to the Sides of the Pond; but the Water does not proceed with the Wave, it only rises and falls to form it in the different Parts of its Course; and the Waves that follow the first, all make use of the same Water with their Predecessors.\n          But a Wave in Water is not indeed in all Circumstances exactly like that in a Cord; for Water being a Fluid, and gravitating to the Earth, it naturally runs from a higher Place to a lower; therefore the Parts of the Wave in Water do actually run a little both ways from its Top towards its lower Sides, which the Parts of the Wave in the Cord cannot do. Thus when it is high and standing Water at Gravesend, the Water 20 Miles below has been running Ebb, or towards the Sea for an Hour, or ever since it was High Water there; but the Water at London Bridge will run Flood, or from the Sea yet another Hour, till it is High Water or the Top of the Wave arrives at that Bridge, and then it will have run Ebb an Hour at Gravesend, &c. &c. Now this Motion of the Water, occasion\u2019d only by its Gravity, or Tendency to run from a higher Place to a lower, is by no means so swift as the Motion of the Wave. It scarce exceeds perhaps two Miles in an Hour. If it went as the Wave does 20 Miles an Hour, no Ships could ride at Anchor in such a Stream, nor Boats row against it.\n          In common Speech, indeed, this Current of the Water both Ways from the Top of the Wave is call\u2019d the Tide; thus we say, the Tide runs strong, the Tide runs at the rate of 1, 2, or 3 Miles an hour, &c. and when we are at a Part of the River behind the Top of the Wave, and find the Water lower than High-water Mark, and running towards the Sea, we say, the Tide runs Ebb; and when we are before the Top of the Wave, and find the Water higher than Low-water Mark, and running from the Sea, we say, the Tide runs Flood: But these Expressions are only locally proper; for a Tide strictly speaking is one whole Wave, including all its Parts higher and lower, and these Waves succeed one another about twice in twenty four Hours.\n          This Motion of the Water, occasion\u2019d by its Gravity, will explain to you why the Water near the Mouths of Rivers may be salter at Highwater than at Low. Some of the Salt Water, as the Tide Wave enters the River, runs from its Top and fore Side, and mixes with the fresh, and also pushes it back up the River.\n          Supposing that the Water commonly runs during the Flood at the Rate of two Miles in an Hour, and that the Flood runs 5 Hours, you see that it can bring at most into our Canal only a Quantity of Water equal to the Space included in the Breadth of the Canal, ten Miles of its Length, and the Depth between Low and Highwater Mark. Which is but a fourteenth Part of what would be necessary to fill all the Space between Low and Highwater Mark, for 140 Miles, the whole Length of the Canal.\n          And indeed such a Quantity of Water as would fill that whole Space, to run in and out every Tide, must create so outrageous a Current, as would do infinite Damage to the Shores, Shipping, &c. and make the Navigation of a River almost impracticable.\n          I have made this Letter longer than I intended, and therefore reserve for another what I have farther to say on the Subject of Tides and Rivers. I shall now only add, that I have not been exact in the Numbers, because I would avoid perplexing you with minute Calculations, my Design at present being chiefly to give you distinct and clear Ideas of the first Principles.\n          After writing 6 Folio Pages of Philosophy to a young Girl, is it necessary to finish such a Letter with a Compliment? Is not such a Letter of itself a Compliment? Does it not say, she has a Mind thirsty after Knowledge, and capable of receiving it; and that the most agreable Things one can write to her are those that tend to the Improvement of her Understanding? It does indeed say all this, but then it is still no Compliment; it is no more than plain honest Truth, which is not the Character of a Compliment. So if I would finish my Letter in the Mode, I should yet add something that means nothing, and is merely civil and polite. But being naturally awkward at every Circumstance of Ceremony, I shall not attempt it. I had rather conclude abruptly with what pleases me more than any Compliment can please you, that I am allow\u2019d to subscribe my self Your affectionate Friend\n            B Franklin\n            Miss Stevenson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0059", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, 16 September 1760\nFrom: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Such a Letter is indeed the highest Compliment. What you conclude it with I should think too far strain\u2019d to be sincere if I did not flatter myself it proceeded from the warmth of your Affection, which makes you see Merit in me that I do not possess. It would be too great Vanity to think I deserve the Encomiums you give me, and it would be Ingratitude to doubt your Sincerity. Continue, my indulgent Friend, your favourable opinion of me, and I will endeavour to be what you imagine me.\n          I implore your pardon, Dear Sir, for asking you the Reason before I could assure you of the Fact. I promise never again to abuse the liberty you grant me in such a manner. For, tho my chief aim is attain\u2019d when I can procure a Letter from you, I will be careful to avoid Impertinence, lest you should at last be wearied with it and no longer regard me. I confess it was not from my own observation I told you the Water at Bristol, though cold at the Spring, became warm by pumping, I had only heard that it was so. If it is a Fact, that the Water is warmer after they have pump\u2019d for some time, I should account for it in this manner. The Water I imagine springs warm, but being kept long in the Well grows cold; after they have pump\u2019d some time the Water which was in the Well is exhausted, and what they then pump is fresh from the Spring. This I apprehend may be the cause of the Water being warmer after they have drawn a great Quantity. It is I own great Assurance in me to say so much but I hope it will not offend my dear and honour\u2019d Friend. The familiar agreable manner in which you deliver Instruction renders it easy and pleasant; but you must bear patiently with me if I do not always comprehend things as clearly as might be expected. I still conceive that the rising of the Tides in Rivers is not owing to the immediate Influences of the Moon on them, but produc\u2019d from the Effect it has upon the Sea, which is communicated to them in a weaker degree. But I hope soon to have the pleasure of seeing you, or if I cannot have that happiness I shall take an opportunity of writing to you again, therefore I will not add to the length of this Letter. I could not forbear returning my earliest Thanks for the charming Letter I receiv\u2019d yesterday; and am always ready to lay hold of the Privilege you give me of subscribing myself (though I acknowledge it is too presumptuous) Your sincerely affectionate Friend\n            M Stevenson\n            Dr. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0060", "content": "Title: Henton Brown to Goldney, Smith and Co., 16 September 1760\nFrom: Brown, Henton\nTo: Goldney, Smith and Co.\n            Gentlemen\n          My particular friend Benjamin Franklin Esqr. and his Son of Philadelphia intending in a tour they are going to take to call at Bristol I take the liberty to recommend them to your notice, whose personal merit is so well known that I need add nothing farther, but that I am with great esteem your obliged Friend\u2014if they should have occasion for any money please to supply them and place it to our Account.\n          I am for Self and Son Your Obliged Friend\n            Henton Brown\n            To Goldney Smith & Com: Bristol\n          Addressed: To / Goldney Smith & Co: / Bristol", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-17-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0063", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Sir Alexander Dick, 17 September 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Dick, Sir Alexander\n            Dear Sir Alexander\n          It gave me great Pleasure to learn from Dr. Robertson, that you and Lady Dick and your lovely Bairns, were all well and happy. Now that the long Litigation between our Province and the Proprietaries, which I had the Care of, is finished, I hope to be a better and more punctual Correspondent. My Time will be more my own. I am in debt to my Friends in Scotland for their kind Letters, which I shall endeavour to discharge as soon as I return from a Journey I am just going. Will, too, intends to grow good; and as an Earnest of it, remembers his Promise to Lady Dick and sends the Chapter.\n          The Bearer, Mr. Shippen, I beg Leave to recommend to your Countenance and Protection, as an ingenious worthy young Man, and the Son of my Friend. He goes to Edinburgh to improve himself in Physic and Surgery, and hopes to obtain there the Sanction of a Degree, if found to merit it. Your friendly Advice with regard to his Studies, and kind Influence and Interest in facilitating his Affair, will, I am persuaded, be a Favour conferr\u2019d not improperly. With the sincerest Wishes of Health and Happiness to you and yours, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\n            B Franklin\n            Sir Alexr. Dick", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0064", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 20 September 1760\nFrom: Norris, Isaac\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Dear Friend BF\n          Since my Last 24 and 27 August which acknowledged your Several Letters to the 14 of June last I have received the 27th and PS. 29 June and Copy with addition of the 12th July. These acknowledgments of Dates may be satisfactory to know what Letters have fal\u2019n [fallen] into right Hands for it is certain some of those wrote by Captain House got to Philadelphia and there sent open to the Persons to whom they were directed, at least I know it to be so in my own Case for a few Days ago I received Robt. Charles\u2019 Letter directed to me dated the 1st of November 1759 with the Report of the Lords of Trade and Order to Sir Wm. Johnson upon Our Indian Affairs under Cover and a few Lines from N. Scull and it is as certain that to this Day I have not received your Original Letter by Captain House. It is said that Mr. Chatelleau neglected the Letters after tiring or diverting himself with some of them and that a Son of Ralph Asheton took the Opportunity of securing the rest to divert the People here, but I do not warrant the Story nor do I so much as know the young man.\n          It is difficult to assign any Reasons the Chief Justice could have to enquire of my Brother in the Street \u201cwhether the Letters which were in Mr. Scull\u2019s Hands belonging to me were ever sent and whether he [my Brother] had seen or heard of any such being sent.\u201d They were not at that Time but came about, a Week after opened as I have said above without any Account or Apology for that Letter\u2019s comming to me in that Manner nor any Information how he came by it, Only barely telling me these Papers had been some Time with him and he was prevented by Sickness from sending them sooner. I have not seen Nicholas Scull since to make further Enquiry, but how he came by those Papers may very easily be guest at, as the Gentlemen could not keep their own Secrets.\n          I received besides the Letters I have mentioned above a long encouraging Letter by your Son dated the 15th of July. I have it not by me as I thought it necessary to forward it to Town to stop the Uneasinesses which began to appear in the People under the Fears of having \u00a3200,000 of Blank Paper scattered among them instead of Mony. I hope it will have a good Effect, tho\u2019 I had tollerably digested in my own Mind a pretty good Security for sinking most or all those Bills out of the Mony allowed by Parliament with what we have Reason [to] expect the next Year and had drawn a Bill at the Desire of the Committee for that Purpose which is now in the Hands of the Committee and the Mode assented to unanimously by the House by which you will, if they approve of the Bill, have Power to purchase Stocks bearing an Interest till drawn out for the Use of the Publick by Bills of Exchange free from the Objections made by the Bank, who no Doubt are best acquainted with their own Modes, and thought they had sufficient for refusing to take our Mony on the terms of the last Law.\n          I am now fully engaged on the short Adjournment the House have made now near the Expiration of the Assembly Year and shall close this Letter, to go by a Vessel via Bristol, especially as the Business of the Assembly is not finished.\n          Pray make my Complements to your Son for the seasonable Care he has taken to forward Intelligence of so much importance to us.\n          I send inclosed a third Bill of Exchange J. Hunter on Thomlinson &c. No. 1876 for \u00a3100. Sterling. I have forborn the purchase of another in Hopes the Exchange might lower a little but I see no signs of it tho\u2019 I think they will not rise. I am &c.\n            NB did not send the above but instead thereof wrote the following Letter by a Snow of John Taylors to Bristol vizt.\n            NB I sent this Letter to Town hearing the Vessel would sail\u2014but going to Town to the Assembly on the 22d I found it was not [delivered] by CN. so that I took the Letter back and opend it\u2014but did not send it. Instead of which I wrote the Letter that follows this. Via Bristol dated 26. September.\n            did not send this Letter", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0065", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 26 September 1760\nFrom: Norris, Isaac\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Dear Friend Benjamin Franklin\n          Since my last of the 24th and PS of the 29th of June last I have received the 27 and P S 29 June and Duplicate with Addition of the 12th of July\u2013with a long Letter from your Son of the 15th and Duplicate from yourself of the 12th and Addition of the 17th of July with the Report of the Board partial and Vissibly tending to encrease the Power of that Board, but as it appears by that Report that the Acts were presented by the Proprietaries on or before the 20th of February their confirmation or disallowance must by the Limited time be over before now.\n          We have sent up to the Governor a Bill to enable the Agents to receive the Monies which have been or may be allotted to this Province upon the Parliamentary Grants and if I can keep this Letter till we know the Governors Resolution upon that Bill it shall be added. The Bill gives the Agents Power to receive the Monies and Purchase Stock in their own Names for the Use of the Province subject to the Bills of Exchange to be drawn upon Robert Charles and Your Self by the Trustees when thereto required by the Assembly. and Notice given to you under the Great Seal of this Province of such Drafts to be made by their Order upon which you will have a Power to sell and transfer the said Stocks for the Purpose.\n          We are at present among Rocks and Sands in a Stormy Season and it depends on you to do every Thing in your Power in the present Crisis for it is too late for us to give you any Assistance. Had it been in my Power you should not have had so many Difficulties to struggle with, but the House were of another Mind as well in the Tack and other Parts of our Re-Emitting Act, as the Bargain and Engagements with Governor Denny for which there was no Necessity but possibly all may, under Providence, end better than Expectation and for if the Time should be suffered to elapse or the principal Acts be confirmed we shall be made more easy in our Controversies with the Proprietaries for the Future, especially as the War in Canada is at an End and the French entirely subdued in that Quarter.\n          The Two Pamphlets, sent I suppose, by Captain House, never came to my Hands but I procured and read them as well as your Judicious Answer to One of them upon which pray receive my Complements among the others, for I approve and value it much. The Chief Justice told me he was of the same Sentiments and by what I can learn it gives general Satisfaction here.\n          I send inclosed a third Bill of Exchange N 1876. drawn by J. Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. for One Hundred Pounds Sterling and a First bill of Exchange No. 1770 Drawn by Col. Hunter on the same Gentlemen for One Hundred Pounds Sterling which please to receive.\n          The House have received the Governors Amendment to our Bill for appointing Your Self and R Charles to negotiate our Part of the Parliamentary Grant. I shall enclose a Copy of the Bill and Amendments which need no Comment.\n          I am informed the Vessel is just going and am obliged to close. Your Affectionate Friend\n            Isaac Norris", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0066", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hume, 27 September 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hume, David\n          I have too long postpon\u2019d answering your obliging Letter, a Fault I will not attempt to excuse, but rather rely on your Goodness to forgive it if I am more punctual for the future.\n          I am oblig\u2019d to you for the favourable Sentiments you express of the Pieces sent you; tho\u2019 the Volume relating to our Pensilvania Affairs, was not written by me, nor any Part of it, except the Remarks on the Proprietor\u2019s Estimate of his Estate, and some of the inserted Messages and Reports of the Assembly which I wrote when at home, as a Member of Committees appointed by the House for that Service; the rest was by another Hand. But tho\u2019 I am satisfy\u2019d by what you say, that the Duke of Bedford was hearty in the Scheme of the Expedition, I am not so clear that others in the Administration were equally in earnest in that matter. It is certain that after the Duke of Newcastle\u2019s first Orders to raise Troops in the Colonies, and Promise to send over Commissions to the Officers, with Arms, Clothing, &c. for the Men, we never had another Syllable from him for 18 Months; during all which time the Army lay idle at Albany for want of Orders and Necessaries; and it began to be thought at least that if an Expedition had ever been intended, the first Design and the Orders given, must, thro\u2019 the Multiplicity of Business here at home, have been quite forgotten.\n          I am not a little pleas\u2019d to hear of your Change of Sentiments in some particulars relating to America; because I think it of Importance to our general Welfare that the People of this Nation should have right Notions of us, and I know no one that has it more in his Power to rectify their Notions, than Mr. Hume. I have lately read with great Pleasure, as I do every thing of yours, the excellent Essay on the Jealousy of Commerce: I think it cannot but have a good Effect in promoting a certain Interest too little thought of by selfish Man, and scarce ever mention\u2019d, so that we hardly have a Name for it; I mean the Interest of Humanity, or common Good of Mankind: But I hope particularly from that Essay, an Abatement of the Jealousy that reigns here of the Commerce of the Colonies, at least so far as such Abatement may be reasonable.\n          I thank you for your friendly Admonition relating to some unusual Words in the Pamphlet. It will be of Service to me. The pejorate, and the colonize, since they are not in common use here, I give up as bad; for certainly in Writings intended for Persuasion and for general Information, one cannot be too clear, and every Expression in the least obscure is a Fault. The unshakeable too, tho\u2019 clear, I give up as rather low. The introducing new Words where we are already possess\u2019d of old ones sufficiently expressive, I confess must be generally wrong, as it tends to change the Language; yet at the same time I cannot but wish the Usage of our Tongue permitted making new Words when we want them, by Composition of old ones who Meanings are already well understood. The German allows of it, and it is a common Practice with their Writers. Many of our present English Words were originally so made; and many of the Latin Words. In point of Clearness such compound Words would have the Advantage of any we can borrow from the ancient or from foreign Languages. For instance, the Word inaccessible, tho\u2019 long in use among us, is not yet, I dare say, so universally understood by our People as the Word uncomeatable would immediately be, which we are not allow\u2019d to write. But I hope with you, that we shall always in America make the best English of this Island our Standard, and I believe it will be so. I assure you, it often gives me Pleasure to reflect how greatly the Audience (if I may so term it) of a good English Writer will in another Century or two be encreas\u2019d, by the Increase of English People in our Colonies.\n          My Son presents his Respects with mine to you and Dr. Monro. We receiv\u2019d your printed circular Letter to the Members of the Society, and purpose some time next Winter to send each of us a little Philosophical Essay. With the greatest Esteem I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\n            B Franklin\n          [Added in another hand:] Dated Coventry. Sepr. 27. 1760.\n          [Endorsed:] 27 Septr. 1760 Dr. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0067", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Kames, 27 September 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Kames, Henry Home, Lord\n            My dear Lord,\n          We are here upon a Journey which when first proposed was to have extended farther than the Season will now permit; we design\u2019d going over to Ireland, and, having made the Tour of that Country, we were to have cross\u2019d from its Northern Part to Dumfries, or some other Port on your Coast, which would have given us the pleasing Opportunity of seeing once more our Friends in Scotland. This, if we could have left London early in the Summer: But the Litigation between our Province and its Proprietor, in which we were engag\u2019d, confin\u2019d us in London till the middle of this Month. That Cause is indeed at length ended, and in a great degree to our Satisfaction; but by its continuing so long, we are disappointed in our Hopes of spending some more happy Days at Kaims, with you and your amiable Family.\n          I do not pretend to charge this to your Account as a Letter. It is rather to acknowledge myself in your Debt, and to promise Payment. It is some time since I receiv\u2019d your obliging Favour of June last. When I return to London, which we intend after seeing Cheshire, Wales, Bristol, and spending some time at Bath, I hope to be a more punctual Correspondent. My Son joins in the sincerest Wishes of Happiness to you and yours, with, My dear Lord, Your Lordship\u2019s most obedient and most humble Servant\n            B Franklin\n            Our Thanks to Lady Kaims for the Receipt. Inclos\u2019d we send the Chapter.\n            Lord Kaims\n          [Addressed:] To / The honourable Lord Kaims / Edinburgh / Per favour of / Mr Shippen", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0069", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 5 October 1760\nFrom: Norris, Isaac\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Dear Friend BF\n          I wrote on the 26 and 27 of 7 br. last the First via Bristol and the other intended by our Friend C Kelby who is taking shipping at NY. in the 1st I sent our Agent Bill and the Governors proposed Amendments copied by the Clerk and in the other the Vindication of the Commissioner and Assessors of Cumberland County against the Representation of RH. and RP the Proprietary Rec. General and Secretary in relation to their taxing the Proprietary Estate in that Co. I have not the Opportunity or Time to send Copies\u2014I hope the Original will get to your Hands.\n          Our Elections are over and the Old Members, that were alive, generally chosen as far as I have heard the Ch. Justice told me at the last sitting that he should not be in the House this Year\u2014I have not heard from that County. I send inclosed a 3d. Bill of Exchange N 1770 for \u00a3100 Sterl. drawn by Col. Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. and like wise a 1st Bill No. 1798 drawn by the same on the same Gentleman for \u00a3100 sterling which I have endorsed payable to your Self\u2014please to receive them.\n          The Bill for appointing Agents to receive our Part of the Mony granted by Parliament drop\u2019d upon the Governors proposed Amendments. The Design of those Amendments is too obvious to need any Remarks upon them. The Members of the last Assembly were Unanimous in rejecting them except the C.J. who thought they were reasonable and accordingly reasoned and Voted by himself on that Occasion. It would have been a Noble Fund for paying the present Governor the Salary of his former Administration and the Proprietary Expences in solicting the repeal of our late Acts &c. &c. It is probable the Assembly at their next Setting may make some Order upon it in the best manner they can. It was not proposed at our last Sessions for some prudential Reasons. I am Your Affectionate Friend\n            By the Ship American Captn. Stiles BF recd this\u2014See Letter datd Novr. 22. 1760", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-06-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0070", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 6 October 1760\nFrom: Hall, David\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Yours I received by the Philadelphia Packet, Captain Budden, relating to the two protested Bills of Scott and McMichael\u2019s; but I had got them renewed, with the Damages, and sent them off, before yours came to hand; however, that does not signify much, as the last Sett, of Course, will not be presented for Payment. I am glad to find, as you will see by my Letter, that we were both of a Mind with respect to these Gentlemen, as they are reckoned very honest Men, and most genteel Dealers.\n          I am at a Loss what to do as to remitting you, Exchange rises so fast: it is now 70. and it is thought, in a Week or two will be 80. however I will send some more before the Winter sets in, and hope to see you early in the Spring; and am, Yours, &c.\n            To Benjamin Franklin Esq: Sent by the American Captain Stiles. to London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-22-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0071", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Isaac Norris, 22 October 1760\nFrom: Norris, Isaac\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Since the above, Duplicate of my Last, I have received yours by the Packet of the 22d and PS 23d of August  with the inclosed Papers which bring us down to a preparation for a Hearing upon our Acts on the 27th. where, on this Side the Water, we must leave the Issue under Providence to your Care of which we have no Doubt; I am, however, pleased that the Attorney and Solicitor General have given their Opinion that our Acts cannot be repealed in part; The Contrary of which must have been attended with fatal Consequences and palpable Absurdities.\n          Our last sitting produced an Order of the House to receive the Distributive Share of the Parliamentary Grant. The proceedings upon it and the Governor\u2019s refusing to affix the Great Seal to the appointment of our Agents this Year is referr\u2019d to the Committee of Correspondence who will transmit to you, no doubt a full Account of that Transaction.\n          The Governor\u2019s Apprehensions seem to arise from the Report of the Board of Trade \u201cthat the Mony distributed in the other Colonies in consequence of the Votes of Parliament has frequently been received by the Agents of those Colonies under their general Powers of Agency only.\u201d Tho\u2019 I presume even that has been with the concurrence of the Governors of the respective Colonies; will you take the trouble of explaining this minutely for our future Conduct with respect to the further Parliamentary Grants.\n          I am sorry my very ill State of Health prevented my attendance at the House on Governor Denny\u2019s passing that Act, it would have been, had the Act been properly drawn and well considered, a fine provision against the Confusion the repeal of our Mony Grants to the Crown must introduce should we be so extreamly unfortunate as to have those Acts disallowed\u2014which God forbid. I hope the Order of the House which you will receive by this Vessel will be effectual for the Mony already allotted to this Province, and if so I think it might be convenient to get Copper Plate Bills of Exchange struck and sent over for the Use of the Trustees.\n          The Commissioners and Assessors of Cumberland County assert, and it is known to be the constant Decission in our Courts of Justice, that a Warrant to survey a Tract of Land from the Proprietarys who at the Time of granting Their Warrant receive above One third Part of the Purchase Mony, and a regular Return of that Survey into the Surveyor General\u2019s Office, does give a just Title to that Land and the Land it Self, whatever Transfers are made from Hand to Hand remains (in the nature of a Mortgage) and Security for the remaining Purchase Mony. This was the Opinion of T. Francis when Attorney General under the Proprietor and all the Justices Judges and Lawyers here generally regulate their Decisions accordingly.\n          I perceive the Lords of Trade pretty openly conclude their Report with recommending to the Crown a resumption of the Proprietary Grant, when they assert \u201cthat the Rights of his Majesty have been gradually departed from by the Proprietarys and which must always be invaded while the Prerogatives of Royalty are placed in the feeble Hands of Individuals and the Authority of the Crown is to be exercised without the Powers of the Crown to support it.\u201d This Resumption, to me, appears at no great distance; when a sufficient part of the Odium is taken off by the intermediate Powers, which are to be supported for that Purpose. \u201cThen Aaron shall lay both his Hands upon the Head of the live Goat and confess over him all the Iniquities of the Children of Israel and all their Transgressions and all their Sins, putting them upon the Head of the Goat and shall send him away by the Hand of a fit Man into the Wilderness\u201d where, if I judge right, he will never be able to leave his Posterity such Marks of skill in peopling and cultivating it, as his Father has left to him and his Family, at least in so Short a Time. I now inclose a 2d Bill of Exchange for \u00a3100 Sterl N 1798 drawn by Colonel Hunter on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. which please to receive. I sent a Power of Attorney by Chas. Beatty as I apprehended you requested it but I can see no use of that Power as I am perfectly satisfied that my Stock continue in your Name, \u2019till your Return, or other Accident may Make it necessary to transfer it, in which Case, after returning my Complements to Sampson Lloyd junior and his Brother Osgood Hanbury for their kind offer be pleased to transfer it to them in my Behalf. I am Your Affectionate Friend\n            B. FranklinTo BF. by Captn Budden\n            By T. Lloyd to whom I gave a Separate Letter to B.F. with a Credit for about \u00a3100\u2014if he (TLl) should have Occasion for it. The order dated 8 br. 22. 1760", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-31-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0072", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Canton, 31 October 1760\nFrom: Canton, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Spital Square, 31 Octr. 1760\n          Having procur\u2019d some thin Glass Balls of about an Inch and a half in Diameter, with Stems, or Tubes of eight or nine Inches in length, I electrified them, some positively on the inside, and others negatively, after the manner of charging the Leyden Bottle, and sealed them hermetically. Soon after, I applied the naked Balls to my Electrometer, and could not discover the least Sign of their being electrical; but holding them before the Fire at the distance of six or eight Inches, they became strongly electrical in a very short time, and more so, when they were cooling. These Balls will, every time they are heated, give the electrical Fluid to, or take it from other Bodies, according to the plus or minus State of it within them. Heating them frequently, I find, will sensibly diminish their Power; but keeping one of them under Water a Week, did not appear in the least degree to impair it. That which I kept under Water was charged on the 22d of September last, was several times heated before it was kept in Water and has been heated frequently since, and yet it still retains its Virtue to a very considerable degree. The breaking two of my Balls accidentally, gave me an Opportunity of measuring their Thickness, which I found to be between seven and eight parts in a Thousand, of an Inch.\n          A down Feather in a thin Glass Ball hermetically sealed, will not be affected by the Application of an excited Tube, or the Wire of a charged Vial, unless the Ball be considerably heated. And if a Glass Pane be heated till it begins to grow soft, and in that State be held between the Wire of a Charged Vial, and the discharging Wire, the Course of the electrical Fluid will not be through the Glass, but on the Surface, round by the Edge of it. I am, with the greatest Respect, Dear Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant\n            To Benjn. Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0073", "content": "Title: State of the Transaction at the Exchequer, 4 November 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \n          State of the Transaction at the Exchequer, relating to the Parliamentary Grant for the Year 1758\n              The Sum given to Pennsylvania and the Lower Counties jointly, for their 2727 Men, is\n              By General Abercrombie\u2019s Report, there were of these effective Men in the Field,\n              From Pennsylvania\n              From Lower Counties\n              Therefore the Proportion to Pensilvania wasto the Lower Counties\n              Paid Fees and Gratuities at the Exchequer, viz.\n              To the Tellers\n              Do. Extra. a Gratuity\n  Mr. Wilford, Sign Manual and Gratuity\n              Remains to be divided between the two Governments\n              Of which the Share of Pensilvania is\n              Paid to Mr. Barclay that of Lower Counties\n          Fees at the Treasury still to be paid of which Mr. Barclay is to repay me the Proportion of Lower Counties.\n            B Franklin\n          Endorsed: State of the Transaction at the Exchequer, London, Nov. 4. 1760 No. 1", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0074", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Canton, 12 November 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Canton, John\n          What pass\u2019d at the Society last Thursday night, was chiefly, a Motion for an Address to the King, which was agreed to, and a Committee appointed to make a Draft. The Society adjourn\u2019d to Monday night, to hear the Address and agree upon it, which was also done. On Thursday next at the Meeting we are to be inform\u2019d when it is to be presented. I hope I shall have the Pleasure of seeing you there at that time; and am Sir, Your most obedient Servant\n            B Franklin\n            P.S. I doubt I shall not be ready with the Paper, but have other Reasons for desiring you not to be absent.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0075", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Thomson, 18 November 1760\nFrom: Thomson, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Worcester 18th Novr. 1760\n          I take this Opportunity to return you my sincere thanks not only for the pleasure your Company afforded me during your short stay in Worcester, but also for the Entertainment I am confident I owe to you after your Departure\u2014 The Interest of Great Britain with Respect to her Colonies gave me a more distinct view than I ever had before of our Connexions with our fellow Subjects in distant parts of the Globe; And I hope the methods proposed there, for our mutual Advantage, will be properly attended to by those, whose Duty it is to listen to every Hint or Scheme laid down [for] promoting the Interest of those who intrust them with their [Property,] Liberty, and Life.\n          I thought to have commissioned our friend Mr. Small to return thanks to you in my Name, but, for my own Sake, I take the liberty to do it in this manner, as I am glad to embrace every Opportunity of improving the Acquaintance I thought myself so happy in beginning, and of assuring you and Mr. Franklin that I am, with great Esteem, your faithfull and obedient Servant\n            Willm Thomson\n          Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin\n          Endorsed: Dr Thomson Worcester", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-19-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0076", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, 19 November 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Norris, Isaac\n          This is just to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favours of August 24 and 27. with the Bill for \u00a3100 on Messrs. Thomlinson &c. No. 1876, and to acquaint you, that I have at length receiv\u2019d the Money from the Exchequer and lodg\u2019d it in the Bank as nearly agreeable to the Directions of the Act as I possibly could; for they would not, as I acquainted you before, receive it subject to the Drafts of the Trustees in Pensylvania, it being contrary to their Rules. The House will consider what is to be done with it, and send me the necessary Directions. If I were to advise, it should be to lay it out in the Stocks, which will certainly at a Peace produce a Profit of near 20 per Cent. besides the intermediate Interest. I am applying for the Grant of 1759, but nothing is yet done in it. I shall write more fully per Bolitho. With the greatest Esteem, I am &c.\n            P.S. The Sum lodg\u2019d in the Bank belonging to the Province is \u00a326,648 4s. 6d. out of which I have some Fees to pay, of which I have not had the Account.\n            To Isaac Norris, Esqr. Speaker (Copy)", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-22-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0077", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, 22 November 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Norris, Isaac\n          The Share allotted by the Lords of the Treasury to Pensylvania and the Lower Counties, of the Parliamentary Grant for 1758, was \u00a329,993. The Rule their Lordships follow\u2019d in the Division of the \u00a3200,000 was, to proportion the Sums for each Colony according to the Number of effective Men each had in the Field. These Numbers they took from Gen. Abercromby\u2019s Report. By that Report it appear\u2019d that Pensylvania had 2446 and the Lower Counties 281 in all 2727 Men; for which the Allowance was \u00a329,993, as above. This Sum divided by the same Rule between Pensylvania and the Lower Counties, was\n              For Pensylvania\n              For the Lower Counties\n              Out of this was paid sundry Fees and Customary Gratuities at the Exchequer,\n              viz To the Tellers\n              To the Auditor\n              To Do Extra, a Gratuity\nTo Mr. Wilford, Sign Man. and Gratuity\n              Of which the Share of Pensylvania is of Lower Counties\n          The above Share of Pensylvania after deducting the Commissions allow\u2019d me by the Act, is lodg\u2019d in the Bank. When the Trustees draw for it, the Drafts must be upon me; for the Bank, as I wrote you before, will have no Account with them.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0079", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [November 1760?]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\n            My dear Friend\n          It is, as you observed in our late Conversation, a very general Opinion, that all Rivers run into the Sea, or deposite their Waters there. \u2019Tis a kind of Audacity to call such general Opinions in question, and may subject one to Censure: But we must hazard something in what we think the Cause of Truth: And if we propose our Objections modestly, we shall, tho\u2019 mistaken, deserve a Censure less severe, than when we are both mistaken and insolent.\n          That some Rivers run into the Sea is beyond a doubt: Such, for Instance, are the Amazones, and I think the Oranoko and the Missisipi. The Proof is, that their Waters are fresh quite to the Sea, and out to some Distance from the Land. Our Question is, whether the fresh Waters of those Rivers whose Beds are filled with Salt Water to a considerable Distance up from the Sea (as the Thames, the Delaware, and the Rivers that communicate with Chesapeak Bay in Virginia) do ever arrive at the Sea? and as I suspect they do not, I am now to acquaint you with my Reasons; or, if they are not allow\u2019d to be Reasons, my Conceptions, at least of this Matter.\n          The common Supply of Rivers is from Springs, which draw their Origin from Rain that has soak\u2019d into the Earth. The Union of a Number of Springs forms a River. The Waters as they run, expos\u2019d to the Sun, Air and Wind, are continually evaporating. Hence in Travelling one may often see where a River runs, by a long blueish Mist over it, tho\u2019 we are at such a Distance as not to see the River itself. The Quantity of this Evaporation is greater or less in proportion to the Surface exposed by the same Quantity of Water to those Causes of Evaporation. While the River runs in a narrow confined Channel in the upper hilly Country, only a small Surface is exposed; a greater as the River widens. Now if a River ends in a Lake, as some do, whereby its Waters are spread so wide as that the Evaporation is equal to the Sum of all its Springs, that Lake will never overflow: And if instead of ending in a Lake, it was drawn into greater Length as a River, so as to expose a Surface equal, in the whole to that Lake, the Evaporation would be equal, and such River would end as a Canal; when the Ignorant might suppose, as they actually do in such cases, that the River loses itself by running under ground, whereas in truth it has run up into the Air.\n          Now many Rivers that are open to the Sea, widen much before they arrive at it, not merely by the additional Waters they receive, but by having their Course stopt by the opposing Flood Tide; by being turned back twice in twenty-four Hours, and by finding broader Beds in the low flat Countries to dilate themselves in; hence the Evaporation of the fresh Water is proportionably increas\u2019d, so that in some Rivers it may equal the Springs of Supply. In such cases, the Salt Water comes up the River, and meets the fresh in that part where, if there were a Wall or Bank of Earth across from Side to Side, the River would form a Lake, fuller indeed at some times than at others according to the Seasons, but whose Evaporation would, one time with another, be equal to its Supply.\n          When the Communication between the two kinds of Water is open, this supposed Wall of Separation may be conceived as a moveable one, which is not only pushed some Miles higher up the River by every Flood Tide from the Sea, and carried down again as far by every Tide of Ebb, but which has even this Space of Vibration removed nearer to the Sea in wet Seasons, when the Springs and Brooks in the upper Country are augmented by the falling Rains so as to swell the River, and farther from the Sea in dry Seasons.\n          Within a few Miles above and below this moveable Line of Separation, the different Waters mix a little, partly by their Motion to and fro, and partly from the greater specific Gravity of the Salt Water, which inclines it to run under the Fresh, while the fresh Water being lighter runs over the Salt.\n          Cast your Eye on the Map of North America, and observe the Bay of Chesapeak in Virginia, mentioned above; you will see, communicating with it by their Mouths, the great Rivers Sasquehanah, Potowmack, Rappahanock, York and James, besides a Number of smaller Streams each as big as the Thames. It has been propos\u2019d by philosophical Writers, that to compute how much Water any River discharges into the Sea, in a given time, we should measure its Depth and Swiftness at any Part above the Tide, as, for the Thames, at Kingston or Windsor. But can one imagine, that if all the Water of those vast Rivers went to the Sea, it would not first have pushed the Salt Water out of that narrow-mouthed Bay, and filled it with fresh? The Sasquehanah alone would seem to be sufficient for this, if it were not for the Loss by Evaporation. And yet that Bay is salt quite up to Annapolis.\n          As to our other Subject, the different Degrees of Heat imbibed from the Sun\u2019s Rays by Cloths of different Colours, since I cannot find the Notes of my Experiment to send you, I must give it as well as I can from Memory.\n          But first let me mention an Experiment you may easily make your self. Walk but a quarter of an Hour in your Garden when the Sun shines, with a Part of your Dress white, and a Part black; then apply your Hand to them alternately, and you will find a very great Difference in their Warmth. The Black will be quite hot to the Touch, the White still cool.\n          Another. Try to fire Paper with a burning Glass. If it is White, you will not easily burn it; but if you bring the Focus to a black Spot or upon Letters written or printed, the Paper will immediately be on fire under the Letters.\n          Thus Fullers and Dyers find black Cloths, of equal Thickness with white ones, and hung out equally wet, dry in the Sun much sooner than the white, being more readily heated by the Sun\u2019s Rays. It is the same before a Fire; the Heat of which sooner penetrates black Stockings than white ones, and so is apt sooner to burn a Man\u2019s Shins. Also Beer much sooner warms in a black Mug set before the Fire, than in a white one, or in a bright Silver Tankard.\n          My Experiment was this. I took a number of little Square Pieces of Broad Cloth from a Taylor\u2019s Pattern Card, of various Colours. There were Black, deep Blue, lighter Blue, Green, Purple, Red, Yellow, White, and other Colours or Shades of Colours. I laid them all out upon the Snow in a bright Sunshiny Morning. In a few Hours (I cannot now be exact as to the Time) the Black being warm\u2019d most by the Sun was sunk so low as to be below the Stroke of the Sun\u2019s Rays; the dark Blue almost as low, the lighter Blue not quite so much as the dark, the other Colours less as they were lighter; and the quite White remain\u2019d on the Surface of the Snow, not having entred it at all. What signifies Philosophy that does not apply to some Use? May we not learn from hence, that black Cloaths are not so fit to wear in a hot Sunny Climate or Season as white ones; because in such Cloaths the Body is more heated by the Sun when we walk abroad and are at the same time heated by the Exercise, which double Heat is apt to bring on putrid dangerous Fevers? That Soldiers and Seamen who must march and labour in the Sun, should in the East or West Indies have an Uniform of white? That Summer Hats for Men or Women, should be white, as repelling that Heat which gives the Headachs to many, and to some the fatal Stroke that the French call the Coup de Soleil? That the Ladies Summer Hats, however should be lined with Black, as not reverberating on their Faces those Rays which are reflected upwards from the Earth or Water? That the putting a white Cap of Paper or Linnen within the Crown of a black Hat, as some do, will not keep out the Heat, tho\u2019 it would if plac\u2019d without[?] That Fruit Walls being black\u2019d may receive so much Heat from the Sun in the Daytime, as to continue warm in some degree thro\u2019 the Night, and thereby preserve the Fruit from Frosts, or forward its Growth?\u2014 with sundry other particulars of less or greater Importance, that will occur from time to time to attentive Minds? I am, Yours affectionately,\n            Miss Stevenson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0080", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 5 December 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Colden, Cadwallader\n          I take this first Opportunity of congratulating you most sincerely on your Accession to the Government of your Province, which I am the more pleas\u2019d with, as I learn that the Ministry are well satisfy\u2019d the Administration has fallen into so good Hands, and therefore that you are not like to be soon superseded by the Appointment of a new Governor.\n          The Abb\u00e9 Nollet has lately published another Volume of Letters on Electricity, in which he undertakes to support his Principles against the Attacks they have met with from all Quarters. He has sent me a Copy, and another for your Son Mr. David Colden. I take the Freedom of forwarding it under your Cover, with my best Respects to that very ingenious young Gentleman, whose valuable Work on the same Subject I am sorry has not yet been made publick.\n          With the greatest Esteem and Regard I have the Honour to be Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant\n            B Franklin\n            Honble. Cadr. Colden Esqr.\n          Endorsed: Franklin Decr 3 1760", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0081", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Isaac Norris, [16] December 1760\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Norris, Isaac\n          Agreeable to what I wrote in mine of the 13th. I [have] ventur\u2019d to agree by my Broker for the following [torn] Stocks, on Account of the Province, to be deliver\u2019d [torn] Week from this Day, viz.\n              of the 4 per Cent. Annuities 1760, at\n          I was advis\u2019d to buy rather the Annuities of 1760 than those of 1758 and 1759 which I formerly bought for you and myself, they being but 3 per Cents and cost 78 and \u00bd while these 4 per. Cents were but about 92 and consequently cheaper. However, finding the Stocks still falling, tho\u2019 they had been thought at the lowest, I have held my Hand, not knowing whether I had best venture any farther at present or wait for the new Loan of 1761, which it is suppos\u2019d will be still cheaper, especially near the Time of the first Payment. On a Peace, \u2019tis thought by those who know most of these Things, that the Three per Cents will be at par, if not higher, and the four per Cents at about 124.\n          I believe I shall have the Bills you advis\u2019d to be printed, with proper Checks, to be made use of by the Trustees in their Drafts, ready so as to send per next Ship; but hope they will not think of drawing till a Peace; which now cannot be far off. However that is as the House may think proper.\n          With the greatest Esteem, I am, &c.\n            P.S. The Reason of the present Lowness of the Stocks is that the Subscribers to the new Loan for 1761 are selling out to enable themselves to comply with their Engagements to the Government.\n            I write this to send after the Mail, hoping [to] reach the Pacquet at Falmouth.\n            To Isaac Norris, Esqr (Copy)", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0082", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, 27 December 1760\nFrom: Strahan, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Saturday Evening Decr. 27. [1760?]\n          Mr. Strahan\u2019s respectful Compliments to Dr. Franklin\u2014called to know how he does, and to reproach him (gently) for not calling in New Street to see his Wife, who he told him last Monday Sevenight was to be in Town the following Thursday\u2014Is afraid he will, at least, do himself no good by feasting every Day, as he is informed he hath done for some time past, and therefore wishes him to come soon and have one meagre Day in New Street.\n          Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-29-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0083", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 29 December 1760\nFrom: Managers of the Pennsylvania Hospital\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          \u201cOn December 29, 1760, a letter was written to Franklin for some necessary drugs and medicines, and he was also asked \u2018to join with some others of our fellow citizens, now in London, in soliciting contributions on behalf of the Hospital from several merchants who, we apprehend, may be induced to encourage the progress thereof.\u2019 \u201c", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-29-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0084", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, 29 December 1760\nFrom: Taunton, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Few documents could be more exasperating to editors trying conscientiously to do their duty by future readers. Nothing has been found to identify the writer beyond what he himself says here or in the three other letters printed below, pp. 267\u20139. This letter gives a month and day of writing but no year and the other three bear no dates at all. The sheet on which this is written is badly torn, as is one other, and in most instances imagination fails when one attempts to supply missing words befitting the writer\u2019s inimitable style. Three of these missives carry on their address pages, seemingly as contemporary endorsements, surnames of unknown persons in unidentified handwriting. Perhaps these are the names of friends of Taunton who carried the letters to the post-office. Lastly, Franklin\u2019s surviving account books record no payments made to or on behalf of Thomas Taunton during either of his English missions.\n          Under these regrettable circumstances the editors have decided to print all these letters from Taunton close together, purely for convenience, though they may not in fact all belong to the same year. We have chosen 1760 as probably the earliest year in which any of them may have been written. Admittedly, we can show no adequate basis for this assignment beyond the fact that, apparently in equally deplorable uncertainty, I. Minis Hays suggested this year for most of these letters in his Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin, I, 21.\n            Honored Sir\n          The favour of yourn I received on Christmas day with my Penshon, for which I Return you many thanks for it, and I pray god make you amens, for it, I wish [my] hard would gieve my tong the Liberty to Express [my-]self in a moer agreabell maner for so great [one or two words missing] it would be moear agreabell to me, but [I am in ill?] stat of helth. and pain and thinging of my m [missing] Burdonsom to my frinds, Renders me [missing] of Expressing my self to such [missing] but parden me, But I [missing] HARTY prayer for you [missing] From your Dutifull hum[ble Servant]\n            Tho: Taunton\n          Addressed: To / [torn] Franklin / at Mrs. Stevenson / in Craven Streat / in the Strand.\n          Endorsed: Bennet", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0085", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Baskerville, [1760?]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Baskerville, John\n          In the spring of 1758 Franklin had subscribed through Dr. Fothergill for six copies of Baskerville\u2019s new edition of Vergil and had ordered all six bound in vellum and another copy in calf. He sent one as a gift to Harvard College and several to Philadelphia for Isaac Norris and other friends there. Apparently when he was in Birmingham during that summer looking up Deborah\u2019s relatives, he went to Baskerville\u2019s place of business and made several purchases, for his accounts show that on Nov. 2, 1758, he \u201cPaid Baskerville\u2019s Bill\u201d of \u00a37 9s., of which \u00a32 4s. were \u201cfor Teaboard and Waiters etc.\u201d\u2014japanned ware which for many years had been the principal source of the Englishman\u2019s income. This was probably the occasion of Franklin\u2019s first meeting with Baskerville; the senior partner of the Philadelphia printing firm would hardly have failed to take the opportunity of making the acquaintance of the man who had recently created such a sensation in the printing world and for whose initial work he had shown so much enthusiasm.\n          If Franklin passed through Birmingham on his journey to Scotland in August 1759, as seems probable, he may have called on Baskerville again. In any case, it is certain that he and William were in Birmingham in late September 1760, after their stop-over in Coventry and before their journey through Wales to Bristol and Bath. By that time four editions of Baskerville\u2019s Milton had appeared and at least two of the Book of Common Prayer, and the printer had begun work on a collection of Select Fables of Esop And other Fabulists for the bookseller Robert Dodsley, and had prepared specimen pages for his great folio Bible to be printed at Cambridge for the University. Franklin could not have allowed himself to miss this chance to visit Baskerville while in Birmingham and to see and discuss the work in progress. The friendship of the two men continued through their lives.\n          When Baskerville was at last ready to issue his Cambridge Bible, August 1763, he placed identical advertisements in several London newspapers. The announcement read: \u201cThis Day was published, Baskerville\u2019s Folio Bible. The subscribers to him are desired to apply for their Volumes at his Printing-Office at Mr. Paterson\u2019s, in Essex-House in the Strand. Where may be had, His Long-Line and Column Octavo and Twelves Common-Prayer-Books; Milton\u2019s Poetical Works, in two Volumes, Octavo, Royal large Paper; Juvenal and Persius, in Quarto Royal; and a Pocket Horace, by John Livie, A.M. The above may be had also of the following Booksellers [here follow twenty-three names].\u201d Then comes a heading: \u201cExtract of a Letter from B. Franklin Esq; to J. Baskerville.\u201d and the text of the letter printed below. Franklin was back in Philadelphia when the advertisement appeared and it seems doubtful that he knew Baskerville would use his private letter in this way. Its printing stands, however, as an early example of the use of a personal letter as a testimonial in advertising, and whatever Franklin would have thought about it, we may be grateful to the Birmingham printer for preserving thus one of Franklin\u2019s most delightful hoaxes.\n          As Baskerville printed it, the letter is undated. When Temple Franklin reprinted it in 1817, he added \u201c1760\u201d to the address line, and this year has been used by all later editors. Franklin mentions in the second sentence that the incident he describes took place \u201cSoon after I returned,\u201d and Temple\u2019s assumption that these words refer to the Birmingham visit of 1760 seems reasonable. The present editors believe that Franklin must have written the letter near the end of 1760 or very soon thereafter; hence it is reprinted at this point.\n            Craven-Street, London. [1760?]\n          Let me give you a pleasant Instance of the Prejudice some have entertained against your Work. Soon after I returned, discoursing with a Gentleman concerning the Artists of Birmingham, he said you would be a Means of blinding all the Readers in the Nation, for the Strokes of your Letters being too thin and narrow, hurt the Eye, and he could never read a Line of them without Pain. I thought, said I, you were going to complain of the Gloss on the Paper, some object to: No, no, says he, I have heard that mentioned, but it is not that; \u2019tis in the Form and Cut of the Letters themselves; they have not that natural and easy Proportion between the Height and Thickness of the Stroke, which makes the common Printing so much more comfortable to the Eye. You see this Gentleman was a Connoisseur. In vain I endeavoured to support your Character against the Charge; he knew what he felt, he could see the Reason of it, and several other Gentlemen among his Friends had made the same Observation, &c. Yesterday he called to visit me, when, mischievously bent to try his Judgment, I stept into my Closet, tore off the Top of Mr. Caslon\u2019s Specimen, and produced it to him as yours brought with me from Birmingham, saying, I had been examining it since he spoke to me, and could not for my Life perceive the Disproportion he mentioned, desiring him to point it out to me. He readily undertook it, and went over the several Founts, shewing me every-where what he thought Instances of that Disproportion; and declared, that he could not then read the Specimen without feeling very strongly the Pain he had mentioned to me. I spared him that Time the Confusion of being told, that these were the Types he had been reading all his Life with so much Ease to his Eyes; the Types his adored Newton is printed with, on which he has pored not a little; nay, the very Types his own Book is printed with, for he is himself an Author; and yet never discovered this painful Disproportion in them, till he thought they were yours.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0086", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Ann Penn?], [1760]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Penn, Ann\n          If the proposed identification of the addressee is correct, this letter is the first of several among Franklin\u2019s papers relating to a complicated situation in the Penn family. William Penn 3d (1703\u20131747) had become by 1731 the sole surviving grandson of the founder of Pennsylvania in the senior line, that is, through William Penn\u2019s first marriage, to Gulielma Maria Springett (1644\u20131694). In accordance with the founder\u2019s rather loosely drawn will, William 3d in time inherited certain specific lands in Pennsylvania and Ireland, but all other lands and the proprietorship of the province passed, after extended litigation and negotiation, to the founder\u2019s three sons by his second marriage to Hannah Callowhill (1664\u20131726): John (1700\u20131746), Thomas (1702\u20131775), and Richard (1706\u20131771).\n          William 3d was twice married; his first wife, who died in childbirth, bore him one daughter Christiana Gulielma (1733\u20131803), who married Peter Gaskell in 1761; his second wife Ann Vaux (d.1767) bore him one son Springett (1739\u20131766). Within a few years William 3d and his wife Ann became estranged; he sued for divorce but either withdrew his charge against her or failed to prove it in court. Under the terms of his will his half-uncle Thomas Penn became guardian of Christiana and Springett upon their father\u2019s death in 1747 and until the boy should attain his majority, when Springett was to become executor of the estate. Thomas arranged for Springett\u2019s schooling, then, according to Franklin (below, p. 316), first proposed to send him off to the East Indies, then to Russia, and finally articled him to a lawyer in Sussex. This arrangement did not work out well and Springett rejoined his mother, Mrs. Ann Penn.\n          Thomas seems to have delayed turning the estate over to Springett when the young man attained his majority, March 1, 1760, for on April 25 of that year Springett wrote his uncle demanding all his \u201cpapers without exception, that there may be no more troubles, delays, or mistakes whatsoever.\u201d Thomas, whose own son had died the day before, as Springett knew, replied with indignation at such \u201cingratitude,\u201d and the matter was finally turned over to the lawyers of both parties for adjustment. Later Thomas offered to buy Springett\u2019s lands in Pennsylvania, and both Franklin and Edward Penington, a Philadelphia relative of the youth, thought that Thomas Penn was less than fair and honorable in his proposals.\n          How Franklin became involved in the affair is not known; probably Springett and his mother appealed to him for advice and help, turning over to him their papers for examination. Franklin, for his part, was certainly far from averse to assisting any relative to expose possible chicanery on Thomas Penn\u2019s part. Writing to Richard Jackson, March 31, 1764, Franklin suggested that Springett might be able to prove his right to the proprietorship and, if so, would be willing to surrender it to the Crown for a reasonable sum. Surviving correspondence shows that Franklin took a continuing interest in the dispute until Springett died unmarried in 1766 and his mother, now married to one Alexander Durdin of Dublin, died the next year.\n            Thursday Evening [1760?]\n          I return the Box of Papers, and believe you will find none of them missing. I am glad to learn by the Bearer that you are well; and hope your intended Journey into the Country will contribute to keep you so, and prove otherwise agreable. I am, with the utmost Esteem and Respect, Dear Madam, Your most obedient humble Servant\n            B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0087", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [1760\u20131762]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\n          Among the surviving letters between Franklin and Mary Stevenson are two from him and two from her bearing incomplete dates or none at all, which cannot be even approximately placed by other evidence, although they seem to belong to the general period from May 1, 1760, when Franklin and Polly agreed to correspond on subjects of moral and natural philosophy, to August 1762, when he sailed back to Philadelphia. In accordance with editorial practice in this edition they are printed together at this point.\n            Dear Polly\n          You have obliged me very much by so readily fulfilling your Promise, and by adding the very pretty Letter to Mrs. Franklin.\n          I have just received one from her, and another from Sally, who both desire to be affectionately remembered to you.\n          Your good Mother is about House as usual, but complaining a little. She seems however to be rather better to day than for some days past.\n          I was out of Town till yesterday Afternoon, and till then had not your Letter, or should sooner have answered it.\n          My Respects to Mrs. Tickel. I am, my Dear Friend, with great Truth, Yours affectionately\n            B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0088", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, [1760\u20131762]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\n          Here is a Coach from your House, and no Line to me from you. I will never forgive you, if you do not immediately write me a long Letter in the room of that you stole from me yesterday. You know the Penalty of the old Law was four fold. See that you punish yourself fully, and thereby disarm the Resentment of Your injured Friend", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0090", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, [1760\u20131762]\nFrom: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          You find I endeavoured to maintain an opinion which I imperfectly understood but I hope I shall be pardon\u2019d when it is consider\u2019d that the desire of obtaining intelligence and conviction was my motive. I believe I told you before that nothing had fallen under my observation to justify the opinion that men are carried to excellence in the exertion of their faculties in one direction rather than another, and I must now acknowledge that you have driven me out of every conjecture I had formed to support it.\n          I hope I said nothing to deny the Equivoque of referring the expression of strength and agility to Mind when I understood that strength denotes ability; yet give me leave to observe that those who suppose men are carried to excellence by this inherent occult cause do not suppose that genius is incompatible with weakness of mind.\n          Pardon me, dear Sir, for saying you would allow a distinction which you have prov\u2019d to be erroneous. I could not have suppos\u2019d that works of Fancy and of Judgment require such similar operations of the mind as by a discreminate view you have shewn they do.\n          I knew you never contended for the sameness of intellectual power as any other than a natural endowment, for I remember you said he who exerts all his strength in one direction will move farther in that direction than if he had exerted it in several but then he will be less able to move in any other.\n          I am entirely of your opinion that those who have multiplied the duties of Christianity have been its most effective Enemies, and allow me to say that I thought Ditton wrongs his cause in saying Christianity requires more than the strict discharge of moral obligation. It indeed enhances and gives us motives for the performance of moral obligation, but I know no more that it requires of us; and I believe the Gospel precepts are equally calculated to make us happy Here as Hereafter. The Yoke of Christianity is easy and it\u2019s Burthen light; but there are those who will submit to no yoke and bear no burthen.\n          I am pleased to find that you lov\u2019d me even when you thought me abominably idle, such indulgence will make me industrious to shew my Gratitude, [two lines struck out] prove myself Dear Sir Your faithful and affectionate Servant\n            M Stevenson.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0091", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Stevenson, [1760\u20131762]\nFrom: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          Your last Letter gave me great pleasure though the thoughts of having laid you under a necessity of writing it fill me with Confusion, for it was so unreasonable to draw you in to write a third Letter after you had condescendingly written two, that you ought to have punish\u2019d me for it; but you have us\u2019d the most effectual method to make me sensible of my fault by obliging me more than I wish to be oblig\u2019d. While we think the Pleasure of the Benefactor in bestowing is equal to ours in receiving, our pride is not hurt by obligations, but when we begin to fear he acts by constraint we wish not to be oblig\u2019d. These sentiments arise from reading the first sentence in your Letter, what the second excites I am unable to express, and I can answer it only by telling you I will endeavour to deserve your compliments. I am afraid the generality of people will be apt to think my giving up my opinion to Dr. Hawkesworth is rather the effect of vanity than humility, for they will imagine I am not able to defend my argument, therefore chuse to come off with the appearance of having sense enough to be convinc\u2019d.\n          You start a supposition that our Saviours fasting and temptation in the Wilderness was visionary, a supposition my mind is very ready to receive, for I have been always at a loss what to think of those transactions. The power of God I should not question, but there the power is Satan\u2019s, who performs miracles upon the Son of God. Jesus consider\u2019d as an omnipresent God had no need of being carried up into on high to see all the kingdoms of the earth, and as man he could not see really them from the summit of the highest mountain, therefore I think the fact appears to be visionary. Besides the shewing him all the Kingdoms of the earth and the glory of them must be visionary, for it is not possible to be real. St. Luke says Jesus, being full of the Holy Ghost, returned from Jordan, and was led by the Spirit into the wilderness. I know the general acceptation of this expression is that he was guided by the Holy Ghost; but will it not bear interpretation of his being carried thither in a vision? Those who have read the Gospel in the original Language can determine that better than I can. I remember one day while I was at Bromley Mrs. Hawkeworth and I enter\u2019d upon the subject of our Saviour\u2019s temptation in the wilderness, but something prevented our discussing at that time, and we never resum\u2019d it. Our dear little Friend you know is cautious of enquiring into subjects she holds sacred; we know and admire the piety of her sentiments, but I cannot help wishing she had not imbib\u2019d some superstitions, that are prejudicial to that Religion she so warmly professes, and the duties of which she so devoutly practices. I have [remainder missing].", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0092", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, [1760?\u20131775]\nFrom: Taunton, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n          I [hope you] will not be angrey at my writing b [missing] me, I know you ar Intament with mr. St[rahan] [missing] god will kepe me in my troubell but k [missing] e to help myself the least thing Cant dres now [missing] [with] out help, If mr. troauen will be so Cind as to [missing] for to Ogment my salery I am told it is great [ly?] in his pour, and have know frind in all the world but you, the Compeny gieves me Fiftean shillings a Qarter my por daughter is now indent to pay for my soport and when I Recd: my moity my frinds gieve me I have but a Leven shillings to soport me till the next Quarter Com round, but what the Compney gieves me and then must put my trust in god, had I amongest all my aqaintains, that would but gieve me but won shilling a weak it would be an Estates to me, but amongst all never Lit of so much humanity as In you and mr. strawon. Litell did I think wons I should lit with such a frind or I Even should want, God Reward you and mr. Strawon. I hop he will Repay it, I should be glad whe[n] you ar in your Charot, would strain a pint to see me, my duty to mr. strawn god bless you doe let me see you wons moer it Cant be long from your dutifull servant\n            Tho: Taunton\n            I Log at mr. Turners At no. 5 In the Vinard walk near the smallpox Ospatell Clarkenwell\n          Addressed: For / Doctr. Franklen / at Mrs. Stevenson\u2019s / in Craven Streat / In the Stran\n          Endorsed: Watson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0093", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, [1760?\u20131775]\nFrom: Taunton, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            Honred Sir\n          I hop you will pardin my fredom in writin to you, should be glad to have waited on you but never shall see you moer so bad with the stoan not abell to goe to the hall for my penshon but the treasourer is so Cind as to send it god reward him for it, I had a long winter never been out tell march with my breth nor abell to go to bed know mor then a child, and sins I have been abell to goe a litell way to Church which is a miell it is a ouer and halfs work for me, and coming hom I have a frind gieves me a diner Every sunday if abell to goe for it, I had a sudon shake going a long which I believe lowsen the Stoan it was on a Thursday it set me abliding thrwo the penis tell monday the Shurgon never had such a troubell in his lief to stop befour to my great pain and troubell he did it greatis Elis [else?] I mus been lost but weak still Louizing so much blod, it was stopt by won mr. Renells at Higgat, I Log still at mr. Houes neare the Cock at holay Ieslington I would have wroat to mr. Strwon but am a fraid I doe not drict [direct?] properly to him from your dutifull humbell Servant\n            N.B. know frind to goe with a leter know or any thing Eles without mony the caes is oltred know, the Treasourer sent a man yesterday to hear how I was god I hop will reward him for his goodnes.\n          Addressed: For / Doctr. Franklin / at Mrs. Stevenson\u2019s / in Craven Streat / in the Strand\n          Endorsed: Jones", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-09-02-0094", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Taunton, [1760?\u20131775]\nFrom: Taunton, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n            most worthey Sir\n          I hop you will pardon the fredom I have takeen, I have been to the bishop\u2019s palies at lamboth to see for the old Cook that did Lieve with the late bishop, but to my mortifycasion am Desieved she is gon, I went to see If I Could have got my daughter to been under for som tiem to had som Experence in the Chiken bisnes it would have been of great servies to her and that would been of greter help to me for I have knothing but what Coem from her and my frinds and aqaintence tsill [still] bad with the gout, Stoan, and asma, and woer out being upords of 78 years old should be glad if you Could think of any pleas I was abell to doe, I lodg at mr. Slaters neare the hair at hogsdon, I beg Leave to Conclud with my best Respects to you from your Dutyfull humbell Seruant\n            Tho: Taunton\n          Addressed: For / Mr. Franklen / Thease", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-15-02-0054", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Associates of Dr. Bray, [before 7 April 1768]: r\u00e9sum\u00e9\nFrom: Associates of Dr. Bray\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n[Before April 7. A notice of the meeting of the Associates at ten o\u2019clock on that day, at their office at the Angel and Bible in Ave-Mary Lane.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 2 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJany. 2d. Wednesy. Mrs. Barnes who came to visit Mrs. Washington yesterday returnd home in my Chariot the Weather being too bad to Travel in an open Carriage\u2014which together with Mrs. Washington\u2019s Indisposition confind me to the House and gave me an oppertunity of Posting my Books and putting them in good Order. Fearing a disappointment elsewhere in Pork I was fein to take Mr. French upon his own terms & engagd them to be delivd. at my House on Monday next.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 3 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday Jany. 3d. The Weather continuing Bad & the same causes subsisting I confind myself to the House. Morris who went to work Yesterday caught cold, and was laid up bad again\u2014and several of the Family were taken with the Measles, but no bad Symptoms seemd to attend any of them. Hauled the Sein and got some fish, but was near being disappointd of my Boat by means of an Oyste\u27e8r\u27e9 Man who had lain at my Landing and plagud me a good deal by his disorderly behaviour.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 4 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Jany. 4th. The Weather continud Drisling and Warm, and I kept the House all day. Mrs. Washington seemg. to be very ill \u27e8I\u27e9 wrote to Mr. Green this afternoon desiring his Company to visit her in the Morng.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Jany. 5th. Mrs. Washington appeard to be something better. Mr. Green however came to see her abt. 11 Oclock and in an hour Mrs. Fairfax arrivd. Mr. Green prescribd the needful and just as we were going to Dinnr Captn. Walter Stuart appeard with Doctr. Laurie. The Evening being very cold, and the wind high Mrs. Fairfax went home in the Chariot & soon afterwards Mulatto Jack arrivd from Fredk. with 4 Beeves.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-06-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Jany. 6th. The Chariot not returng. time enought from Colo. Fairfax\u2019s we were prevented from Church. Mrs. Washington was a good deal better today, but the Oyster Man still continuing his Disorderly behaviour at my Landing I was obligd in the most preemptory manner to order him and his Compy. away which he did not Incline to obey till next morning.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Jany. 8. Directed an Indictment to be formd by Mr. Johnston against Jno. Ballendine for a fraud in some Iron he sold me. Got a little Butter from Mr. Dalton and wrote to Colo. West for Pork. In the Evening 8 of Mr. French\u2019s Hogs from his Ravensworth Quarter came down one being lost on the way as the others might as well have been for their goodness. Nothing but the disappointments in this Article of Pork which he himself had causd and my necessities coud possibly have obligd me to take them. Carpenter Sam was taken with the Meazles.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-09-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0009", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 9 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday. Jany. 9. Killd and dressd Mr. French\u2019s Hogs which weighd 751 lbs. neat. Colo. West leaving me in doubt about his Pork yesterday obligd me to send to him again to day, and now no definitive answr was receivd\u2014he purposing to send his Overseer down tomorrow to agree abt. it. Colo. Bassetts Abram arrivd with Letters from his Master appointing Port Royal, & Monday next as a time and place to meet him. He brought some things from me that Lay in Mr. Norton\u2019s Ware house in York Town.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday Jany. 10th. Accompanied Mrs. Bassett in a Visit to Belvoir. She this day determind on setting of for Port Royal on Saturday. Colo. West wrote me word that he had engag\u2019d his Pork. Killd the Beeves that Jack brought down two of which were tolerable good.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-11-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Jany. 11th. Deliverd Rd. Stephens two Hogs in part of his Years Provisions weight\nHe had one before of 100 lbs. weight. Two Hogs were also reservd for Foster of the following weights\nwhich with\n    that were cut out and Salted makes up 719 lbs. and accts. for Mr. French\u2019s 8 Hogs; shewing the loss of weiging Meat so soon as kills which cannot be less than 5 pr. Ct.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-13-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0013", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 13 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Jany. 13th. The Wind last Night Chopd about from Southerly to the No. West blew extreame hard and made it excessive cold. We reachd Mr. Seldons abt. 3 Oclock and met with a certain Captn. Dives there a Man who, as I have been informd is pretty well known for some of his Exploits and suspected to be an Instrument in carrying Dickenson whose Character and Memory are too well established to need any Commentaries.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-15-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0015", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 15 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Jany. 15th. Mr. Gibourne and I, leaving Mr. Bassett Just ready to set out recrossd the River and proceeded to Colo. Carters where we dind and in the Evening reachd Colo. Champes. Several Gentlemen dind with us at Colo. Carters (neighbours of his) but we spent a very lonesome Evening at Colo. Champes not any Body favouring us with their Company but himself. The Morning of this day was exceeding cold the Wind still continuing at No. West but in the Evening it died away grew something more moderate and promisd falling weather but no appearance of a thaw.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0016", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday Jany. 16. I parted with Mr. Gibourne, leaving Colo. Champes before the Family was Stirring and abt. 10 reachd my Mothers where I breakfasted and then went to Fredericksburg with my Brothr. Saml. who I found there. Abt. Noon it began Snowing, the Wind at So. West but not Cold; was disappointed of seeing my Sister Lewis & getting a few things which I wanted out of the Stores returnd in the Evening to Mother\u2019s\u2014all alone with her.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Jany. 18th. Continued my Journey home, the Misling continuing till Noon when the Wind got Southerly and being very warm occasiond a great thaw. I however found Potomk. River quite coverd with Ice & Doctr. Craik at my House.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-19-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0019", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 19 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Jany. 19. The Wind got abt. to the No[rth] ward last Night and froze the Ground hard. The Morning Lowerd, and threatned Rain; but about Noon the clouds dispersd and grew Warm, the Wind coming about Southerly again. Recd. a Letter from my Overseer Hardwick, informing me that the Small Pox was surrounding the Plantation\u2019s he overlookd\u2014& requiring sundry Working Tools. Bought 4 Hogs weighing\u2014\nand deliverd them to Richd. Stephens wch. fully compleats his own & Sons allowance of Provision\u2019s.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0020", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 20 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Jany. 20th. My Waggon after leaving 2 Hogsheads of Tobo. at Alexandria arrivd here with 3 Sides of Sole Leather and 4 of upper Leather 2 Kegs of Butter one of which for Colo. Fairfax and 15 Bushels of Salt which She took in at Alexandria. Visited at Belvoir to day carrying Doctr. Craik with us who spent the Evening there. The wind Continued Southerly the whole day the Ground very soft, & \u27e8rain\u27e9\u2014till 10 Oclo\u27e8ck A.\u27e9M. It Raind witht. intermission, but then the Clouds dispers\u2019d and promisd fair Weather till Noon\nwhen it again set in to Raining and continued by Intervals the whole Afternoon being Warm.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-21-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0021", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Jany. 21st. Warm with Rain, the Wind at South till Noon when it veerd abt. to the No. Ward & cleard. The Ice in the River almost gone. The Rains that fell last Night, & to day in some measure hardned the Ground from the Rotton condition it appeard in Yesterday.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-22-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0022", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Jany. 22d. The Wind continued No[rth]wardly\u2014the weather clear & cold\u2014the ground hard froze & the River blockd up again. Killd 17 more Hogs which were bought of Mr. French who was here ready to see them weighd & to receive his Money. Doctr. Craik Dind here. Hogs wd. 1722 lbs. nett.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-25-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0025", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 25 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Jany. 25th. Fine warm morning with the wind at So. till abt. 10 Oclock when it came westerly and then No. Wt. blewing exceeding hard till 3 in the afternoon. Went to Alexandria and saw my Tobo. wch. came from the Mountns. lying in an open shed with the ends of the Hhds out and in very bad order. Engagd the Inspection of it on Monday.  Wrote to Doctr. Ross to purchase me a Joiner, Bricklayer, and Gardner if any Ship of Servants was in. Also wrote to my old Servt. Bishop to return to me again if he was not otherwise engagd. Directed for him at Phila. but no certainty of his being there.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0026", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 26 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Jany. 26th. A Very white frost the ground and River hard froze. The wind at Sun Rise at No. Et. In an hour afterwards it got to south and continued there the whole day. Rode to Williamsons Quarter\u2014the Overseer not there\u2014a very remarkable Circle round the Moon\u2014another Indication of falling Weather.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0027", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 27 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Jany. 27th. A high South Wind continued to blow till about 4 in the afternoon and then it got to No. Wt. blew fresh, and grew Cold. Abt. 10 oclock it began to Rain, and continued witht. Intermission till the wind changd and then grew clear and began to freeze. The Southerly Wind had almost opend the River of Ice.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0028", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 28 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Jany. 28th. The River close again & the ground very Knobby & hard. The wind got So. about  and blew fresh which allmost cleard the River of Ice.  Visited my Plantation. Severely reprimanded young Stephens for his Indolence, & his father for suffering of it. Found the new Negroe Cupid ill of a pleurisy at Dogue Run Quarter & had him brot. home in a Cart for better care of him.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-29-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0029", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 29 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Jany. 29th. White Frost, and Wind at So. till 3 oclock then No. Wt. but not very cold\u2014clear all day. Darcus\u2014daughter to Phillis died, which makes 4 Negroes lost this Winter viz. 3 Dower Negroes namely\u2014 Beck\u2014appraisd to \u00a350\u2013 Dolls Child born since\u2014 Darcus appd. at and Belinda a Wench of mine in Frederick.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-30-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001-0030", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 30 January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday Jany. 30th. Very Cloudy. Wind at So. till 9 Oclock at Night when it instentaniously shifted to No. West & blew a mere hurricane. Cupid was extreame Ill all this day and at Night when I went to Bed I thought him within a few hours of breathing his last.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0001", "content": "Title: [January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nJanuary 1 Tuesday. Visited my Plantations and receivd an Instance of Mr. French\u2019s great Love of Money in disappointing me of some Pork because the price had risen to 22/6 after he had engagd to let me have it at 20/.\nCalld at Mr. Possey\u2019s in my way home and desird him to engage me 100 Barl. of Corn upon the best terms he coud in Maryland.\nAnd found Mrs. Washington upon my arrival broke out with the Meazles.\n   Daniel French (c.1723\u20131771), a wealthy Fairfax County planter, lived at Rose Hill, about five miles west of Alexandria. Although his main plantation lay in the vicinity of his house, he also owned a plantation on Dogue Creek a short distance west of Mount Vernon. At this time it contained about 416 acres, but with the purchase of another tract of land later this year, he would own a total of about 552 acres in the Mount Vernon area (see entry for 6 Mar. 1760; will of French, 20 May 1771, Fairfax County Wills, Book C\u20131, 134\u201336, Vi Microfilm). French was a Fairfax County justice 1743\u201371 and a vestryman of Truro Parish 1744\u201365 and of Fairfax Parish 1765\u201371.\n   John Posey, whose home, Rover\u2019s Delight, stood near the Potomac River about a mile southwest of Mount Vernon, was a regular in GW\u2019s social circle in the 1760s, often joining him in fox hunts. Posey farmed a plantation of about 400 acres and operated a public ferry from a landing near his house across the Potomac to Maryland, where he had many personal contacts.\n   Mrs. Washington, born Martha Dandridge (1731\u20131802), first married (1749) Daniel Parke Custis (1711\u20131757), of the White House, New Kent County. They had two children who survived infancy, John Parke Custis (1754\u20131781) and Martha Parke Custis (1756\u20131773). Following Martha\u2019s wedding to GW 6 Jan. 1759 in her home county of New Kent, GW took Martha and the two Custis children to their new home at Mount Vernon (see FREEMANDouglas Southall Freeman. George Washington: A Biography. 7 vols. New York, 1948\u201357., 3:1\u20132, 13).\nJany. 2d. Wednesy. Mrs. Barnes who came to visit Mrs. Washington yesterday returnd home in my Chariot the Weather being too bad to Travel in an open Carriage\u2014which together with Mrs. Washington\u2019s Indisposition confind me to the House and gave me an oppertunity of Posting my Books and putting them in good Order.\nFearing a disappointment elsewhere in Pork I was fein to take Mr. French upon his own terms & engagd them to be delivd. at my House on Monday next.\n   Sarah Barnes was the daughter of Col. William Ball of Northampton County and thus a distant relation to GW. After the death in 1742 of her first husband, Denis McCarty, of Prince William County, she married Abraham (Abram) Barnes, of Truro Parish, Fairfax County.\n   pork: After GW resigned Dec. 1758 from the command of the Virginia troops in the French and Indian War, he retired to Mount Vernon and\nbegan working to make it a paying plantation. On 27 April 1763 he wrote to Robert Stewart, one of his old officers: \u201cwhen I retired from the Publick Service of this Colony . . . I had Provision\u2019s of all kinds to buy for the first two or three years; and my Plantation to stock, in short, with every thing\u201d (DLC:GW).\nThursday Jany. 3d. The Weather continuing Bad & the same causes subsisting I confind myself to the House.\nMorris who went to work Yesterday caught cold, and was laid up bad again\u2014and several of the Family were taken with the Measles, but no bad Symptoms seemd to attend any of them.\nHauled the Sein and got some fish, but was near being disappointd of my Boat by means of an Oyste\u27e8r\u27e9 Man who had lain at my Landing and plagud me a good deal by his disorderly behaviour.\n   morris: Because Mrs. Washington\u2019s first husband died without a will, his property was divided according to English common law, which allowed the widow one-third of the property for her life only (called her right of dower), after which it would revert to their children or their descendants (BLACK [2]Henry Campbell Black. Black\u2019s Law Dictionary: Definitions of the Terms and Phrases of American and English Jurisprudence, Ancient and Modern. Rev. 4th ed. St. Paul, 1968., 580\u201381). Upon her marriage to GW, all of Martha\u2019s property came under his control during her lifetime, including her share of the slaves from the Custis estate. One of her \u201cdower slaves\u201d that was transferred to Mount Vernon by GW was Morris (born c.1730), who worked as a carpenter 1760\u201363, a tradesman 1764\u201365, and overseer of GW\u2019s Dogue Run plantation 1766\u201394. Morris\u2019s wife was Hannah, who, with a child, had been purchased by GW from William Cloptan 16 June 1759 for \u00a380 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 56). Morris and\nHannah were married c.1765 when both were transferred to the Dogue Run plantation. Like most large planters, GW referred to his plantation workers collectively either as his \u201cpeople\u201d or his \u201cfamily.\u201d\nFriday Jany. 4th. The Weather continud Drisling and Warm, and I kept the House all day. Mrs. Washington seemg. to be very ill \u27e8I\u27e9 wrote to Mr. Green this afternoon desiring his Company to visit her in the Morng.\n   Rev. Charles Green (c.1710\u20131765) was the first permanent rector of Truro Parish, recommended to that post in 1736 by GW\u2019s father. He also practiced medicine. \u201cMinisters were frequently the only ones who could \u2018read medicine,\u2019 since before 1700 the greater part of the literature was in Latin. Clerical practice survived incidentally in rural areas well into the eighteenth century\u201d (SHRYOCK [1]Richard H. Shryock. \u201cEighteenth Century Medicine in America.\u201d Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s., 59 (1950): 275\u201392., 280).\nSaturday Jany. 5th. Mrs. Washington appeard to be something better. Mr. Green however came to see her abt. 11 Oclock and in an hour Mrs. Fairfax arrivd. Mr. Green prescribd the needful and just as we were going to Dinnr Captn. Walter Stuart appeard with Doctr. Laurie.\nThe Evening being very cold, and the wind high Mrs. Fairfax went home in the Chariot & soon afterwards Mulatto Jack arrivd from Fredk. with 4 Beeves.\n   Mrs. Fairfax is Sarah (Sally) Cary Fairfax (c.1730\u20131811), wife of George William Fairfax. Walter Steuart (Stuart, Stewart) served with GW in the Virginia Regiment and in 1755 was wounded in Braddock\u2019s Defeat. At Grant\u2019s Defeat in 1758, where he was again wounded, Stuart \u201cdistinguished himself greatly. . . . He was left in the Field, but made his escape afterwards\u201d (GW to Francis Fauquier, 25 Sept. 1758, DLC:GW). Dr. James Laurie (Lowrie), a physician of Alexandria, may have come that day to tend those in GW\u2019s \u201cfamily\u201d who were down with measles.\n   Mulatto Jack, a dower Negro from the Custis estate, was regularly used by GW as a courier, often to and from his Bullskin plantation in the Shenandoah Valley, which at this time was part of Frederick County (later Berkeley County and now Jefferson County, W.Va.; see entry for 19 Jan. 1760).\nSunday Jany. 6th. The Chariot not returng. time enought from Colo. Fairfax\u2019s we were prevented from Church.\nMrs. Washington was a good deal better today, but the Oyster Man still continuing his Disorderly behaviour at my Landing I was obligd in the most preemptory manner to order him and his Compy. away which he did not Incline to obey till next morning.\n   In colonial Virginia the established church\u2014paid for by an annual levy on all tithables\u2014was the Anglican Church of England. By 1760 there were a number of Methodists, Baptists, Presbyterians, Quakers, and German Pietists in Virginia; but GW, like the majority of Virginians, still adhered to the\nestablished church. Each Anglican parish was administered by a 12\u2013man vestry elected by the voters upon the creation of the new parish by the Virginia Assembly. Subsequent vacancies were filled by the vestry itself, which had broad civil and religious duties within the parish boundaries and enjoyed great power in the choice of rector. The parish boundaries did not always follow county lines; while populous counties were served by two or even three parishes, more thinly settled counties often had but one. Mount Vernon was in Truro Parish, which in 1760 served all but the upper edge of Fairfax County. In the 1760s \u201cChurch\u201d for GW was the old wooden Pohick Church, built sometime before 1724 in Mason\u2019s Neck, two miles up the road from Colchester toward Alexandria and about a seven-mile ride from Mount Vernon. Originally called Occoquan Church, it became the main church for Truro Parish when that parish was formed in 1732 and was renamed Pohick Church the following year (see HARRISON [1]Fairfax Harrison. Landmarks of Old Prince William: A Study of Origins in Northern Virginia. Berryville, Va., 1964., 285\u201386; SLAUGHTER [1]Philip Slaughter. The History of Truro Parish in Virginia. Edited by Edward L. Goodwin. Philadelphia, 1908., 5; FREEMANDouglas Southall Freeman. George Washington: A Biography. 7 vols. New York, 1948\u201357., 1:136\u201337).\nMonday Jany. 7th. Accompanied Mrs. Bassett to Alexandria and engagd a Keg of Butter of Mr. Kirkpatrick being quite out of that Article.\nWrote from thence to Doctr. Craik to endeavour if possible to engage me a Gardener from the Regiment and returnd in the dusk of the Evening.\n   Mrs. Bassett, the former Anna Maria Dandridge (1739\u20131777), younger sister of Mrs. Washington, in 1757 married Burwell Bassett, of Eltham, New Kent County, by whom she had seven children. Mr. Kirkpatrick was one of two brothers, John or Thomas, merchants and partners in Alexandria. John was GW\u2019s personal secretary, 1755\u201357. The keg of butter weighed 71 pounds and cost GW \u00a32 13s. 3d., which he paid on 25 Jan. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio folio 63).\n   A GARDENER FROM THE REGIMENT: Dr. Craik did not find a gardener, so GW asked Capt. Robert Stewart of the Virginia Regiment, then stationed at Winchester, to locate one and then find a replacement for him in the regiment. Stewart quickly found a replacement, but the chosen gardener\u2014whose surname was Allen or Allan\u2014balked at the terms. An appeal went\nout to the commandant at Pittsburgh\u2014to no avail. Finally, in Dec. 1762, Allen went to Mount Vernon to be interviewed for the gardener\u2019s position. Apparently he did not take it.\nTuesday Jany. 8. Directed an Indictment to be formd by Mr. Johnston against Jno. Ballendine for a fraud in some Iron he sold me.\nGot a little Butter from Mr. Dalton and wrote to Colo. West for Pork.\nIn the Evening 8 of Mr. French\u2019s Hogs from his Ravensworth Quarter came down one being lost on the way as the others might as well have been for their goodness.\nNothing but the disappointments in this Article of Pork which he himself had causd and my necessities coud possibly have obligd me to take them.\nCarpenter Sam was taken with the Meazles.\n   John Ballendine (d. 1782) of Prince William County, an enthusiastic promoter, builder, and operator of a series of mills, ironworks, and canals, had moved in 1755 to a site on Occoquan Creek about two miles above Colchester and now operated \u201can iron furnace, a forge, two saw mills, and a bolting mill\u201d there (BURNABYRufus Rockwell Wilson, ed. Burnaby\u2019s Travels through North America. 1798. Reprint. New York, 1904., 66). The \u201cfraud\u201d was a shortage in weight of an iron shipment from the Occoquan works to Mount Vernon. On 19 Dec. 1759 GW had paid Ballendine \u00a344 12s. 3d. for 2 tons of bar iron, but he received only 3,556 pounds, leaving a balance of \u00a38 5s. 7d. charged against Ballendine (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 69). GW wished to recover that sum in iron or cash\nand at the same time to teach Ballendine a lesson, but George Johnston (d. 1766) of Alexandria and Belvale, a distinguished lawyer and Fairfax County burgess, today told him that a suit in the county court would be expensive and that a conviction would have little, if any, effect on Ballendine, because he had been previously found guilty and punished severely in a similar case without producing any change in his behavior (Johnston to GW, 8 Jan. 1760, DLC:GW). Although Ballendine wrote GW 18 Nov. 1760, expressing a desire to send iron to make up the deficiency and thus to clear his name of all suspicion of dishonesty, the dispute was never settled (DLC:GW). GW continued to charge \u00a38 5s. 7d. against Ballendine in his ledgers until about 1773, when he wrote the sum off as \u201clost\u201d (General Ledger BGeneral Ledger B, 1772\u20131793. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 7).\n   John Dalton (d. 1777), a merchant in Alexandria and one of the founders of that town, had supplied GW during the French and Indian War. Col. John West (d. 1777), uncle of John West, Jr., lived on the south side of Hunting Creek near the Potomac River, his house being about two miles by water and four by road from Alexandria (Va. Gaz., P&D, 24 Nov. 1774). He had succeeded his brother Hugh West as Fairfax County burgess soon after Hugh\u2019s death in 1754 and served in the house until 1774 (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1752\u201355, 197). He was a Fairfax County justice 1745\u201377 and a vestryman 1744\u201365 for Truro Parish, and after 1765, for Fairfax Parish. He married twice, having children both by his first wife, Mary, and his second wife, Margaret Pearson (John West\u2019s will, 27 Mar. 1776, Fairfax County Wills, Book D\u20131, 25\u201333, Vi Microfilm; BROCKETTF. L. Brockett. The Lodge of Washington. A History of the Alexandria Washington Lodge, No. 22, A.F. and A.M. of Alexandria, Va., 1783-1876. Alexandria, Va., 1876., 104). Because John West, Jr., lived in the same general neighborhood and died only a few months before his uncle did, the two men are often confused with one another. In the diaries, GW distinguishes between them by referring to the elder John West as colonel\u2014apparently a militia title\u2014and to his nephew as Mr. or Capt. John West. The title of captain may also have been a militia designation or may have derived from an earlier involvement in merchant shipping (Va. Gaz. 5 Mar. 1752; General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 135).\n   Ravensworth was originally a patent for 21,996 acres of land granted to William Fitzhugh 1 Oct. 1694 (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book 2, 14, Vi Microfilm). Lying west of Alexandria and north of Mount Vernon, this large area was now divided into several plantations and quarters belonging to various planters (see map of GW\u2019s lands in MVAR, 1965, 25).\n   Sam, who was one of GW\u2019s slave carpenters, recovered.\nWednesday. Jany. 9. Killd and dressd Mr. French\u2019s Hogs which weighd 751 lbs. neat.\nColo. West leaving me in doubt about his Pork yesterday obligd me to send to him again to day, and now no definitive answr was receivd\u2014he purposing to send his Overseer down tomorrow to agree abt. it.\nColo. Bassetts Abram arrivd with Letters from his Master appointing Port Royal, & Monday next as a time and place to meet him. He brought some things from me that Lay in Mr. Norton\u2019s Ware house in York Town.\n   Burwell Bassett (1734\u20131793), husband of Mrs. Washington\u2019s sister Anna Maria, lived at Eltham on the Pamunkey River, where the Washingtons usually stayed when visiting Williamsburg. The two families were close,\nparticularly before the death of Mrs. Bassett in 1777. Port Royal, a small port town on the Rappahannock River, was a convenient rendezvous almost equidistant between Eltham and Mount Vernon. The warehouse at Yorktown, at the mouth of the York River, was being run in 1760 by John Norton, of the London tobacco firm of Flowerdewe & Norton. As recently as 30 Nov. 1759 GW had complained in a letter (DLC:GW) to his London agent Robert Cary that \u201cit is almost as much trouble and expence getting Goods from any of the Rivers round to Potomack as the Original Charges of Shipping them amounts to.\u201d\nThursday Jany. 10th. Accompanied Mrs. Bassett in a Visit to Belvoir.\nShe this day determind on setting of for Port Royal on Saturday.\nColo. West wrote me word that he had engag\u2019d his Pork.\nKilld the Beeves that Jack brought down two of which were tolerable good.\n   Belvoir, located on a bluff overlooking the Potomac on the next \u201cneck\u201d downriver from Mount Vernon, was the first seat of the Fairfax family of Virginia, built around 1741 by William Fairfax (1691\u20131757), cousin and agent of Thomas, Lord Fairfax. GW first visited there while in his early teens, during stays with his brother Lawrence at Mount Vernon. It was then that the long friendship began between GW and William Fairfax\u2019s son George William. From 1757 to 1773, when Belvoir was the permanent home of George William and Sarah Cary Fairfax, the Washingtons often visited it. Years later, in reflecting to George William on his days at Belvoir, GW observed that \u201cthe happiest days of my life had been spent there\u201d (27 Feb. 1785, DLC:GW). For the house itself, see WATERMANThomas Tileston Waterman. The Mansions of Virginia, 1706\u20131776. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1946., 329\u201334.\nFriday Jany. 11th. Deliverd Rd. Stephens two Hogs in part of his Years Provisions weight\nHe had one before of 100 lbs. weight. Two Hogs were also reservd for Foster of the following weights\nwhich with\nthat were cut out and Salted makes up 719 lbs. and accts. for Mr. French\u2019s 8 Hogs; shewing the loss of weiging Meat so soon as kills which cannot be less than 5 pr. Ct.\n   Richard Stephens (Stevens) was overseer of the Muddy Hole farm and John Foster was overseer of the Dogue Run farm, both on the Mount Vernon plantation.\nSaturday Jany. 12th. Sett out with Mrs. Bassett on her journey to Port Royal. The morning was clear and fine but soon clouded and promisd much Rain or other falling weather wch. is generally the case after remarkable white Frosts\u2014as it was to day. We past Occoquan witht. any great difficulty withstanding the Wind was something high and Lodgd at Mr. McCraes in Dumfries\u2014sending the Horses to the Tavern.\nHere I was informd that Colo. Cocke was disgusted at my House, and left it because he see an old Negroe there resembling his own Image.\n   The ferry at Occoquan Creek, about ten miles south of Mount Vernon, was owned by George Mason of Gunston Hall and run by one of his slaves. At the ferry crossing, the creek was quite shallow and about 100 yards wide, thus being treacherous in high winds. By 1760 Dumfries, on Quantico Creek in lower Prince William County, was losing in its commercial competition with Alexandria. Allan Macrae (d. 1766) was one of the Scottish merchants who built the town on the tobacco trade. He had come to Virginia about 1750 and in 1756 married Elizabeth Pearson (VIRKUSFrederick Adams Virkus, ed. The Compendium of American Genealogy: The Standard Genealogical Encyclopedia of the First Families of America. 7 vols. Chicago, 1925\u201342., 5:162).\n   Catesby Cocke (b. 1702), son of William Cocke (1672\u20131720), served successively as clerk of Stafford, Prince William, and Fairfax counties. In 1746 he retired and lived in Dumfries near his daughter Elizabeth, who had married John Graham (1711\u20131787), founder of Dumfries.\nSunday Jany. 13th. The Wind last Night Chopd about from Southerly to the No. West blew extreame hard and made it excessive cold.\nWe reachd Mr. Seldons abt. 3 Oclock and met with a certain Captn. Dives there a Man who, as I have been informd is pretty well known for some of his Exploits and suspected to be an Instrument in carrying Dickenson whose Character and Memory are too well established to need any Commentaries.\n   Samuel Selden, who married a daughter of John Mercer of Marlborough, lived at Salvington on the south side of Potomac Creek in Stafford County (Va. Mag., 18:455, note g; HAYDENHorace Edwin Hayden.  Virginia Genealogies. A Genealogy of the Glassell Family of Scotland and Virginia, also of the Families of Ball, Brown, Bryan, Conway, Daniel, Ewell, Holladay, Lewis, Littlepage, Moncure, Peyton, Robinson, Scott, Taylor, Wallace, and others, of Virginia and Maryland. 1891. Reprint. Baltimore, 1973., 63). Dickenson is probably William Dickenson, who came to Virginia with two partners about 1754. They opened a store in Williamsburg and began buying up tobacco at advanced prices. In the spring of 1759, when they were unable\nto pay their creditors, they fled the colony, leaving debts of over \u00a320,000 and taking their profits with them.\nMonday Jany. 14th. The Wind at No. West, and the Morning being clear and cold but otherwise fine we set out\u2014Mr. Seldon obligingly accompanying us a few Miles to prevent any misapprehensions of the Road. We arrivd about 2 Oclock to the Plantation late Colo. Turners but now Inhabited by an Overseer directly opposite to Port Royal (at this place also Mr. Giberne lodges) and here we were disagreably disappointed of meeting him for a few hours but at length he arrivd almost at the same Instant that Colo. Bassett did. From hence we moved over to Port Royal and spent the Evening at Fox\u2019s with Mr. & Mrs. Bassett.\nMr. Bassett brought me a letter from Captn. Langbourn Inclosing a Bill of Lading for 20 Hhds. pr. the Deliverance Captn. Wm. Whyte. One other was sent by the Ship neither of which signifying to whom the Tobo. was Consignd which is not less strange than that only two Bills shd. be given when 4 and never less than three is customary in War time.\nThe Wind freshned up as the Evening came on and causd a most intense frost. Indeed no thaw had been the whole day.\n   Thomas Turner (d. 1758) had lived at Walsingham in King George County. His son Thomas (d. 1757) had been an old friend of GW\u2019s. At the age of 16 GW won 1s. 3d. from the latter in a game of billiards. Rev. Isaac William Giberne was licensed in 1758 and came to Virginia the next year to find a parish. In 1760 he left his bachelor\u2019s quarters at Walsingham to marry a wealthy widow, Mary Fauntleroy Beale, and moved to her home, Belle Ville, in Richmond County, Lunenburg Parish, which he served 1762\u201395. A hard drinker, an avid cardplayer, and an active Whig, Giberne was generally considered to be the most popular preacher in the colony (FITHIANHunter Dickinson Farish, ed. Journal & Letters of Philip Vickers Fithian, 1773\u20131774: A Plantation Tutor of the Old Dominion. Williamsburg, Va., 1943., 25n). The original Roy\u2019s tavern at Port Royal was bought in 1755 by Capt. William Fox (d. 1772) and was run by his wife Ann during the captain\u2019s sailing trips between England and Virginia (CAMPBELL [1]Thomas Elliott Campbell. Colonial Caroline: A History of Caroline County, Virginia. Richmond, 1954., 398).\n   Capt. William Langbourne (Langborn) (1723\u20131766) was a ship captain who sailed between Virginia and Bristol, Eng. Langbourne\u2019s home, in King William County, was about three miles up the Pamunkey River from Williams\u2019 Ferry. The bill of lading, for tobacco from a Custis estate in York County, was directed to the Hanbury firm of London. In 1754 Capt. William Whyte was commanding the Deliverance between Virginia and Barbados (Va. Gaz., 19 July and 7 Nov. 1754).\n   In 1760 the Seven Years\u2019 (French and Indian) War was raging on three continents and in most of the world\u2019s oceans, putting every British merchant ship in danger of being captured or sunk by the French. Thus, commercial communications between America and Britain were usually sent in triplicate or quadruplicate in different ships, so that at least one copy would get through. GW was not overcautious; the Deliverance was, in fact, taken by\nthe French. The tobacco had been insured, and GW reflected that \u201caccidents of this Nature are common & ought not to be repin\u2019d at\u201d (GW to Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 10 Aug. 1760, DLC:GW).\nTuesday Jany. 15th. Mr. Gibourne and I, leaving Mr. Bassett Just ready to set out recrossd the River and proceeded to Colo. Carters where we dind and in the Evening reachd Colo. Champes.\nSeveral Gentlemen dind with us at Colo. Carters (neighbours of his) but we spent a very lonesome Evening at Colo. Champes not any Body favouring us with their Company but himself.\nThe Morning of this day was exceeding cold the Wind still continuing at No. West but in the Evening it died away grew something more moderate and promisd falling weather but no appearance of a thaw.\n   Charles Carter (1707\u20131764), of Cleve, King George County, was the third son of Robert \u201cKing\u201d Carter. In 1760 Charles was one of the most powerful members of the House of Burgesses.\n   Col. John Champe (d. 1763), of Lamb\u2019s Creek, King George County, served variously as sheriff, coroner, and justice of the peace. Champe\u2019s daughter Jane became the first wife of GW\u2019s younger brother Samuel.\n   During the previous summer GW, Colonel Carter, Colonel Champe, and 15 other gentlemen had been commissioned justices for King George County by the governor and council (King George County Order Book for 1751\u201365, 874, Vi Microfilm). GW was entitled to be a King George justice by virtue of owning Ferry Farm and other property in the county, but he declined to serve, apparently finding the distance from Mount Vernon to the King George courthouse too great to attend the frequent court sessions. Like several others named in the commission, he did not take the required oaths of office, and his name was explicitly deleted from the county\u2019s next commission of the peace, which was issued in 1770 (VA. EXEC. JLS.H. R. McIlwaine et al., eds. Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia. 6 vols. Richmond, 1925\u201366., 6:345). In Sept. 1768, GW was appointed to the Fairfax County Court.\nWednesday Jany. 16. I parted with Mr. Gibourne, leaving Colo. Champes before the Family was Stirring and abt. 10 reachd my Mothers where I breakfasted and then went to Fredericksburg with my Brothr. Saml. who I found there.\nAbt. Noon it began Snowing, the Wind at So. West but not Cold; was disappointed of seeing my Sister Lewis & getting a few things which I wanted out of the Stores returnd in the Evening to Mother\u2019s\u2014all alone with her.\n   my mother\u2019s: the Ferry Farm of GW\u2019s youth. When GW was about three years old the Washingtons moved from his birthplace at Pope\u2019s Creek, Westmoreland County, about 60 miles up the Potomac River to a new home near Little Hunting Creek. There the family lived three years on the plantation that later became Mount Vernon in Prince William (after 1741, Fairfax) County. In Nov. 1738 GW\u2019s father bought 260 acres on the north bank of the Rappahannock River just below the new town of Fredericksburg, and\n      the next month he moved his family to this new home. Although GW, by his father\u2019s will, inherited the farm upon reaching his majority in 1753, his mother remained there until the early 1770s.\n   Samuel Washington (1734\u20131781), the eldest of GW\u2019s three younger brothers, left Ferry Farm in the mid\u20131750s and settled on a 600\u2013acre plantation in the Chotank district of Stafford County that he had inherited from his father. He also had a house in the town of Fredericksburg, which in 1760, with a population of about 2,500, was a flourishing commercial and cultural center, serving most of the Rappahannock valley and a large part of the backcountry.\n   GW\u2019s sister was Betty Washington (1733\u20131797), born at Pope\u2019s Creek and raised at the Ferry Farm. In 1750 she married the widower Fielding Lewis (1725\u20131781), son of John and Frances Fielding Lewis, of Warner Hall in Gloucester County. Fielding Lewis was a second cousin to both GW and Betty. The Lewises, who had seven children that survived to adulthood, lived in Fredericksburg at a home built for Lewis in 1752, later called Kenmore.\n   In the Fredericksburg stores GW today bought 27\u00bd pounds of German steel, a Dutch oven, and an iron pot (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 63).\nThursday Jany. 17th. The Snow had turnd to Rain & occasiond a Sleet, the Wind at No. Et. and the Ground coverd abt. an Inch and half with Snow, the Rain continued with but little Intermission till Noon and then came on a Mist which lasted till Night.\nAbt. Noon I set out from my Mother\u2019s & Just at Dusk arrivd at Dumfries.\nFriday Jany. 18th. Continued my Journey home, the Misling continuing till Noon when the Wind got Southerly and being very warm occasiond a great thaw. I however found Potomk. River quite coverd with Ice & Doctr. Craik at my House.\nSaturday Jany. 19. The Wind got abt. to the No[rth] ward last Night and froze the Ground hard. The Morning Lowerd, and threatned Rain; but about Noon the clouds dispersd and grew Warm, the Wind coming about Southerly again.\nRecd. a Letter from my Overseer Hardwick, informing me that the Small Pox was surrounding the Plantation\u2019s he overlookd\u2014& requiring sundry Working Tools.\nBought 4 Hogs weighing\u2014\nand deliverd them to Richd. Stephens wch. fully compleats his own & Sons allowance of Provision\u2019s.\n   During the surveying trips of his early years GW discovered the rich lands in the lower Shenandoah Valley. The first real property GW owned was several tracts of land along Bullskin Run in Frederick County, which he bought in 1750. These lands he named the Bullskin plantation and on them were raised crops of corn, wheat, and tobacco. In 1756 GW hired Christopher Hardwick to be resident overseer. The smallpox epidemic in Frederick County was, by Jan. 1760, in its seventh month. It had already become so general by Oct. 1759 that the county court had closed down for the duration, thus bringing all legal and much other business to a standstill.\n   The pork that GW bought today did not come from Daniel French, but from some unidentified person. In his ledger GW recorded the total price as \u00a34 17s. 6d. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 63).\nSunday Jany. 20th. My Waggon after leaving 2 Hogsheads of Tobo. at Alexandria arrivd here with 3 Sides of Sole Leather and 4 of upper Leather 2 Kegs of Butter one of which for Colo. Fairfax and 15 Bushels of Salt which She took in at Alexandria.\nVisited at Belvoir to day carrying Doctr. Craik with us who spent the Evening there.\nThe wind Continued Southerly the whole day the Ground very soft, & \u27e8rain\u27e9\u2014till 10 Oclo\u27e8ck A.\u27e9M. It Raind witht. intermission, but then the Clouds dispers\u2019d and promisd fair Weather till Noon\nwhen it again set in to Raining and continued by Intervals the whole Afternoon being Warm.\n   The wagon apparently came from Bullskin plantation.\nMonday Jany. 21st. Warm with Rain, the Wind at South till Noon when it veerd abt. to the No. Ward & cleard.\nThe Ice in the River almost gone. The Rains that fell last Night, & to day in some measure hardned the Ground from the Rotton condition it appeard in Yesterday.\nTuesday Jany. 22d. The Wind continued No[rth]wardly\u2014the weather clear & cold\u2014the ground hard froze & the River blockd up again.\nKilld 17 more Hogs which were bought of Mr. French who was here ready to see them weighd & to receive his Money. Doctr. Craik Dind here. Hogs wd. 1722 lbs. nett.\n   These hogs made the total amount of pork received from French 2,473 pounds. Paying the agreed rate of 22s. 6d. a pound, GW today gave him \u00a327 12s. 6d. Virginia currency (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 63).\nWednesday Jany. 23d. Clear and more moderate than Yesterday\u2014but the g[roun]d & r[iver] still hard frozen. Abt. Noon the wind (what little blew) came Westerly and Inclining South.\nMy Waggon set of for Frederick with Sundry\u2019s that were wrote for by the Overseer there.\nDoctr. Craik left this for Alexandria and I visited my Quarter\u2019s & the Mill. According to Custom found young Stephen\u2019s absent.\n   GW\u2019s gristmill at this time was on the east side of Dogue Run, about 2 miles northwest of Mount Vernon. Lawrence Washington, acting on behalf of his father, Augustine, had apparently obtained this mill for the family in 1738, when he bought a 56\u2013acre tract of land on the run from William Spencer (deed of Spencer to Lawrence Washington, 1\u20132 Mar. 1738, Prince William County Deeds, Book D, 110\u201316, Vi Microfilm). This property was transferred to Augustine and remained his until his death in 1743, when Lawrence was bequeathed the Mount Vernon tract \u201cwith the water mill Adjoining thereto or Lying Near the same\u201d (will of Augustine Washington, 11 April 1743, DLC:GW). Lawrence may have improved the mill and the milldam near it, because in 1750 he bought 94 acres of land on the west side of Dogue Run onto which his millpond had overflowed and in the following year bought 22 acres adjoining the \u201cMill Tract\u201d on the north, probably for the same reason (deed of Henry Trenn to Lawrence Washington, 4\u20135 Feb. 1750, Fairfax County Deeds, Book C\u20131, 152\u201355, Vi Microfilm; deed of Thomas Marshall to Lawrence Washington, 28 Mar. 1751, Fairfax County Deeds, Book C\u20131, 159\u201360, Vi Microfilm). Thus, there were now 172 acres around GW\u2019s mill, land which he later called his mill plantation.\n   Robert Stephens, son of Richard, worked on GW\u2019s Williamson farm in 1760. He apparently left before the harvest, for GW directed the 1760 Williamson farm harvest himself (see entry for 26 Jan. 1760).\nThursday Jany. 24th. Moderate and fine, the Wind at So. and a gradual thaugh.\nFriday Jany. 25th. Fine warm morning with the wind at So. till abt. 10 Oclock when it came westerly and then No. Wt. blewing exceeding hard till 3 in the afternoon.\nWent to Alexandria and saw my Tobo. wch. came from the Mountns. lying in an open shed with the ends of the Hhds out and in very bad order. Engagd the Inspection of it on Monday.\nWrote to Doctr. Ross to purchase me a Joiner, Bricklayer, and Gardner if any Ship of Servants was in.\nAlso wrote to my old Servt. Bishop to return to me again if he was not otherwise engagd. Directed for him at Phila. but no certainty of his being there.\n   saw my tob[acc]o: Nicotiana tabacum, tobacco, was GW\u2019s main cash crop during this period but less important to him later (see the Introduction, p. xxx). Tobacco was inspected in tobacco warehouses, established in compliance with the acts of 1730 and 1732 of the General Assembly to prevent the exportation of \u201cbad, unsound, and unmerchantable tobacco\u201d (HENINGWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 4:247, 331). FROM THE MOUNTNS.: from Bullskin plantation in Frederick County.\n   Dr. David Ross (d. 1778) was a merchant in Bladensburg, Md. GW had dealt with him during the French and Indian War, when Ross was a commissary for the Maryland troops. The servants would be white indentured servants emigrating from the British Isles. Thomas Bishop (c.1705\u2013c.1795) came to America with General Braddock in the spring of 1755. Soon after GW was appointed colonel of the new Virginia Regiment he hired Bishop as his personal servant, paying him \u00a310 per year. Seven months after GW retired from military life, Bishop resigned from GW\u2019s service, apparently with the intention of rejoining a unit of the British army. Philadelphia had been since 1757 the eastern headquarters for the frontier expeditions in which GW and Bishop had served.\nSaturday Jany. 26th. A Very white frost the ground and River hard froze. The wind at Sun Rise at No. Et. In an hour afterwards it got to south and continued there the whole day. Rode to Williamsons Quarter\u2014the Overseer not there\u2014a very remarkable Circle round the Moon\u2014another Indication of falling Weather.\n   In 1756 Benjamin Williamson rented a farm from GW near Mount Vernon on Little Hunting Creek. During the next four years he slowly slipped behind in his rent. The rental was not renewed for 1760, and in that year GW turned Williamson\u2019s farm (possibly combined with the farm of Thomas Petit) into a Mount Vernon quarter called Williamson\u2019s. He assigned six hands to it and hired Robert Stephens as overseer. By 1761 Stephens was replaced by Josias Cook and the quarter was renamed the Creek plantation.\nSunday Jany. 27th. A high South Wind continued to blow till about 4 in the afternoon and then it got to No. Wt. blew fresh, and grew Cold.\nAbt. 10 oclock it began to Rain, and continued witht. Intermission till the wind changd and then grew clear and began to freeze.\nThe Southerly Wind had almost opend the River of Ice.\nMonday Jany. 28th. The River close again & the ground very Knobby & hard. The wind got So. about  and blew fresh which allmost cleard the River of Ice.\nVisited my Plantation. Severely reprimanded young Stephens for his Indolence, & his father for suffering of it.\nFound the new Negroe Cupid ill of a pleurisy at Dogue Run Quarter & had him brot. home in a Cart for better care of him.\n   In 1760 Cupid was one of four slaves assigned to the Dogue Run quarter, which was divided into tracts and was still being planted in tobacco. Through various land acquisitions this farm came by 1793 to comprise close to 649 working acres.\nTuesday Jany. 29th. White Frost, and Wind at So. till 3 oclock then No. Wt. but not very cold\u2014clear all day.\nDarcus\u2014daughter to Phillis died, which makes 4 Negroes lost this Winter viz. 3 Dower Negroes namely\u2014\nBeck\u2014appraisd to \u00a350\u2013\nDolls Child born since\u2014\nDarcus appd. at\nand Belinda a Wench of mine in Frederick.\nWednesday Jany. 30th. Very Cloudy. Wind at So. till 9 Oclock at Night when it instentaniously shifted to No. West & blew a mere hurricane.\nCupid was extreame Ill all this day and at Night when I went to Bed I thought him within a few hours of breathing his last.\nThursday Jany. 31st. He was somewhat better; The wind continued at No. West all day\u2014very cold & clear.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Feby. 1st. 1760. Wind at  and Snow till 9 Oclock then cleard & became tolerable warm. Visited my Plantation\u2019s. Found Foster had been absent from his charge since the 28th. Ulto. Left Order\u2019s for him to come immediately to me upon his return & reprehended him severely. Mr. Johnston & Mr. Walter Stewart came here this Afternoon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 2 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Feby. 2d. 17[60]. The Gentlemen went of after Breakfast and I rid out to my Plantns. and to my Carpenter\u2019s. Found Richd. Stephens hard at Work with an ax\u2014very extraordinary this! Desird him to see after Wm. Nations\u2019 Rent, who died t\u2019other day. The wind for the most part was Northerly yet the Day was mild\n   \u2014the Evening fine & promisd settle Weathr. Mrs. Possey and 2 of her Children came, and Stayd the Night here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 3 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Feby. 3d. Very white Frost\u2014and wind shifting from So. to East. Breechy was laid up this Morning with pains in his breast & head attended with a fever. Mrs. Possey went home and we to Church at Alexandria. Dind at Colo. Carlyles and returnd in the Evening. One Newell offerd himself to me to be Overseer. Put him of to another day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 4 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Feby. 4th. White Frost & So[uther]ly Wind. Sometimes cloudy & sometimes clear. The Frost seemed to be getting out of the Ground.  Dispatchd Foster to Occoquan, to proceed from thence in Bailey\u2019s Vessell to Portobacco for 100 Barrls. of Corn wch. Captn. Possey purchased of Mr. Hunter the Priest for my use. Sent money to pay for the Corn viz.\u201437 pistoles and a Shilling, each pistole weighing 4 d[ram]s 8 gr. Breechy\u2019s pains Increasd and he appeard extreamely ill all the day. In Suspence whither to send for Doctr. Laurie or not. Visited my Plantations and found two Negroes Sick at Williamson\u2019s Quarter viz. Greg and Lucy\u2014orderd them to be Blooded. Stepns. at Wk. Colo. Fairfax giving me Notice that he shoud send up to Frederick in the Morning, sat down & wrote to my Overseer there.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Feby. 5th. Breechy\u2019s pains Increasg. & he appearing worse in other Respects inducd me to send for Dr. Laurie. Wrote to Mr. Ramsay Begging the favour of him to enquire in to the price of Mr. Barnes Sugar Land Tract & he informd me that the value set on it by Mr. Barnes was \u00a3400. Visited my Plantation and found to my great surprise Stephens constt. at Work. Greg and Lucy nothing better. Passing by my Carpenters that were hughing I found that four of [them] viz. George, Tom, Mike & young Billy had only hughd 120 Foot Yesterday from 10 Oclock. Sat down therefore and observd. Tom and Mike in a less space than 30 Minutes cleard the Bushes from abt. a Poplar Stock-lind it 10 Foot long and hughd each their side 12 Inches deep. Then, letting them proceed their own way\u2014they spent 25 Minutes\n   more in getting the cross cut saw standing to consider what to do\u2014sawing the Stock of in two places\u2014putting it on the Blocks for hughing it square lining it &ca. and from this time till they had finishd the Stock entirely; requird 20 Minutes more, so that in the Spaces of one hour and a quarter they each of them from the Stump finishd 20 Feet of hughing: from hence it appears very clear that allowing they work only from Sun to Sun and require two hour\u2019s at Breakfast they ought to yield each his 125 feet while the days are at their present length and more in proportion as they Increase.  While this was doing George and Billy sawd 30 Foot of Plank so that it appears as clear making the same allowance as before (but not for the time requird in pilling the Stock) that they ought to Saw 180 Feet of Plank. It is to be observd here, that this hughing, & Sawing likewise was of Poplr. What may be the difference therefore between the working of this Wood and other some future observations must make known. The Weather to day was variable, often Rainy but the Wind hung chiefly between the So. & West. No Frost last Night & the Ground Vastly Rotton. Colo. Fairfax, his Lady, & Doctr. Laurie dind here. The Dr. went away afterwards but the others stayd the Evening.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-07-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0007", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 7 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday Feby. 7th. The Hogs which arrivd Yesterday were killd\u2014weighg. as follows viz. \nTotal\n  Out of which Jno. Foster recd. the remainder of his Years Provisions viz. \nlbs.\nhad before\n\u2014the years Allowe.\n Doctr. Lauries Man attended the Sick this day also. I went to Mr. Craigs Funeral Sermon at Alexandria\u2014and there met my Waggons with 4 Hhds. Tobo. more. Unloaded & sent them down to Mt. Vernon. One of the Boys that came down with them & the Hogs (Nat) was taken with the Meazles last Night. The Wind was Southerly, and very warm & drying, but the Earth extreamely Rotton.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Feby. 8th. 1760. The Wind had got to No. West, but as it did not blew fresh, so neither was it cold. Rode to my Plantatns. and orderd Lucy down to H[ome] House to be Physickd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Feby. 10th. The Wind got to North and often, clouded up and threatend Rain but in the Evening at sunsetting it cleard and seemd to promise fair Weather. Captn. Possey, and Mrs. Possey dind here. He obliquely hinted a design of selling his 145 Acres of Wood Land on Muddy hole. Orderd all the Fellows from the different Quarter\u2019s to Assembly at Williamson\u2019s Quarter in the Morning to move Petits House.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-11-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0011", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 11 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Feby. 11th. Went out early myself and continued with my People till 1 Oclock in which time we got the house abt. 250 yards. Was informd then that Mr. Digges was at my House upon which I retd. finding him & Doctr. Laurie there. The Ground being soft and Deep we found it no easy matter with 20 hands and 8 Horses & 6 Oxen to get this House along. Exceeding clear & fine, wind Northwardly.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0012", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 12 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Feby. 12th. A Small Frost happening last Night to Crust the Ground causd the House to move much lighter and by 9 Oclock it was got to the spot on wch. it was intended to stand. Visited at the Glebe the day being very fine clear & still. No wind blowing from any Quarter perceivably. Sett Kate & Doll to heaping the Dung abt. the Stable. Recd. a Letter & Acct. Currt. from Messrs. Hanbury the former dated Octr. 1\u20131759 the other Septr. 1st. same yr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0014", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 14 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday Feby. 14th. Mr. Clifton came here and we conditiond for his Land viz., if he is not bound by some prior engagement. I am to have all his Land in the Neck (500 Acres about his house excepted) and the Land commonly calld Brents for 1600 \u00a3 Curry. He getting Messrs. Digges &ca. to join in making me a good & less Colo. Carlyle will let me have his Land adjoining Brents at half a Pistole an Acre. Visited my Quarters and saw a plant patch burnt at the Mill.  Brought home 4003 lbs. of Hay from Mr. Digges\u2019s. The Southerly wind still continued to blow fresh till abt. 9 Oclock at Night and then it suddenly changed to No. Et. Clouded up, and threatned Rain every moment.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0016", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Feby. 16. Returned home\u2014receiving an Invitation to Mrs. Chews Ball on Monday night next, first. The Morning lowerd, and dript as yesterday, but abt. 10 Oclock the Wind So[uther]ly, blew fresh, and cleard.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-21-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0021", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday Feby. 21. Finished landing the Corn, which held out only 1\u00bd Bushells above measure. Paid the Skipper for the Freight. Visited at Mr. Clifton\u2019s and rode over his Lands\u2014but in an especial manner view\u2019d that tract calld Brents, which wd. have pleas\u2019d me exceedingly at the price he offerd it at viz. half a pistole an Acre provided Colo. Carlyle\u2019s 300 Acres just below it coud be annexd at the same price and this but a few Months ago he offerd it at but now seeming to set a higher value upon it, and at the same time putting on an air of indifference inducd me to make Clifton another for his Land\u2014namely \u00a31700 Cury. for all his Lands in the Neck Including his own Plantn. &ca. which offer he readily accepted upon Condition of getting his wife to acknowledge her Right of Dower to it and of his success in this he was to inform me in a few days. A fresh So[uther]ly Wind blew the whole day and often Clouds towards Night. It threatned \u27e8Rain very much.\u27e9", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0024", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Feby. 24th. Captn. Bullet dind here to day also. So did Mr. Clifton but the latter was able to give me no determinate answer in regard to his Land. Was unprovided for a demand of \u00a390 made by Mr. Alligood in favour of Messrs. Atchinson & Parker of Norfolk. My note of Hand to Sampson Darrel but promisd the payment, & Interest, at the April Court next. Fresh Southerly Wind and Cloudy Weather.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-25-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0025", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 25 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Feby. 25th. Lord Fairfax, Colo. F[airfa]x & his Lady, Colo. Martin, Mr. B. F[airfa]x, Colo. Carlyle, & Mr. Green & Mrs. Green dind here. So[uther]ly Wind and remarkable fine clear day. Set my People to Carting and carrying Rails round the Peach Orchard. The Broken Legd. horse fell out of his Sling and by that means and strugling together hurt himself so much that I orderd him to be killd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-29-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002-0029", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 29 February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Feby. 29th. The Rain continued by Intervals through the Night, and till afternoon when the Wind came to No. West and ceasd, growing clear. Stopd my Plows. The Gentlemen Dind here to day and two, viz. Mr. Ramsay & Captn. Stanley, returnd to Alexandria. The others went to Belvoir. A very great Circle rd. the Moon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0002", "content": "Title: [February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Feby. 1st. 1760. Wind at  and Snow till 9 Oclock then cleard & became tolerable warm. Visited my Plantation\u2019s. Found Foster had been absent from his charge since the 28th. Ulto. Left Order\u2019s for him to come immediately to me upon his return & reprehended him severely.\nMr. Johnston & Mr. Walter Stewart came here this Afternoon.\nSaturday Feby. 2d. 17[60]. The Gentlemen went of after Breakfast and I rid out to my Plantns. and to my Carpenter\u2019s. Found Richd. Stephens hard at Work with an ax\u2014very extraordinary this! Desird him to see after Wm. Nations\u2019 Rent, who died t\u2019other day.\nThe wind for the most part was Northerly yet the Day was mild\n   \u2014the Evening fine & promisd settle Weathr. Mrs. Possey and 2 of her Children came, and Stayd the Night here.\n   In 1755 William Nations began renting a quarter from GW for 1,000 pounds of tobacco per year.\n   mrs. possey: Martha Posey (n\u00e9e Price) first married George Harrison (d. 1748) and then Capt. John Posey of Rover\u2019s Delight. She bore Posey at least four children: John Price, Hanson, St. Lawrence, and Amelia. Of the two children who came with her this day one was probably Amelia, who appears in the diaries as \u201cMilly.\u201d\nSunday Feby. 3d. Very white Frost\u2014and wind shifting from So. to East.\nBreechy was laid up this Morning with pains in his breast & head attended with a fever.\nMrs. Possey went home and we to Church at Alexandria. Dind at Colo. Carlyles and returnd in the Evening.\nOne Newell offerd himself to me to be Overseer. Put him of to another day.\n   Episcopal services in Alexandria at this time were held in a small building furnished jointly by local subscription and by Truro Parish. The Rev. Mr. Green preached there every third Sunday from 1753 until 1765, when Fairfax Parish was formed. John Carlyle (1720\u20131780), of Dumfrieshire, Scot., was a merchant and a founder of Alexandria. In 1747 he married Sarah Fairfax (1730\u20131761), of Belvoir, a sister-in-law of GW\u2019s brother Lawrence. During the French and Indian War, Carlyle was a supplier of GW\u2019s troops.\nMonday Feby. 4th. White Frost & So[uther]ly Wind. Sometimes cloudy & sometimes clear. The Frost seemed to be getting out of the Ground.\nDispatchd Foster to Occoquan, to proceed from thence in Bailey\u2019s Vessell to Portobacco for 100 Barrls. of Corn wch. Captn. Possey purchased of Mr. Hunter the Priest for my use. Sent money to pay for the Corn viz.\u201437 pistoles and a Shilling, each pistole weighing 4 d[ram]s 8 gr.\nBreechy\u2019s pains Increasd and he appeard extreamely ill all the day. In Suspence whither to send for Doctr. Laurie or not.\nVisited my Plantations and found two Negroes Sick at Williamson\u2019s Quarter viz. Greg and Lucy\u2014orderd them to be Blooded. Stepns. at Wk.\nColo. Fairfax giving me Notice that he shoud send up to Frederick in the Morning, sat down & wrote to my Overseer there.\n   Father George Hunter (1713\u20131779) was one of the handful of Roman Catholic priests\u2014all Jesuits\u2014who served the small Catholic populace living in colonial Maryland. As there was no official support (in the form of taxes or glebe land) to provide a living for the Jesuits, the Roman Catholic community of Maryland made use of Maryland\u2019s manor system of land tenure by establishing several manors that were held in trust by the community\u2019s leaders in the name of one or more of the Jesuits residing in the colony. Each manor, like St. Thomas Manor, in Charles County, had a chapel and usually slaves to work the manor\u2019s fields. Port Tobacco, founded in 1728 as the county seat (1728\u20131895) of Charles County, Md., was literally a small tobacco port on Port Tobacco Creek, which joined the Potomac opposite the Chotank district of King George County in Virginia. The town\u2019s official name, Charlestown, which was seldom used, was legally dropped in 1820 (KLAPTHORMargaret Brown Klapthor and Paul Dennis Brown. The History of Charles County, Maryland. La Plata, Md., 1958., 46, 105; W.P.A. [2]W.P.A. Writers\u2019 Project. Maryland: A Guide to the Old Line State. American Guide Series. New York, 1940., 490). Roman Catholic priests in this period were commonly addressed as \u201cMister.\u201d In 1760 Mr. Hunter was the superior for the Maryland Mission.\n   The 37 pistoles and 1 shilling were, according to GW\u2019s ledger, equal to \u00a340 2s. 8d. Virginia currency (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 63; see entries for 21 Feb. 1760 [1] [2]).\nTuesday Feby. 5th. Breechy\u2019s pains Increasg. & he appearing worse in other Respects inducd me to send for Dr. Laurie. Wrote to Mr. Ramsay Begging the favour of him to enquire in to the price of Mr. Barnes Sugar Land Tract & he informd me that the value set on it by Mr. Barnes was \u00a3400.\nVisited my Plantation and found to my great surprise Stephens constt. at Work. Greg and Lucy nothing better.\nPassing by my Carpenters that were hughing I found that four of [them] viz. George, Tom, Mike & young Billy had only hughd 120 Foot Yesterday from 10 Oclock. Sat down therefore and observd.\nTom and Mike in a less space than 30 Minutes cleard the Bushes from abt. a Poplar Stock-lind it 10 Foot long and hughd each their side 12 Inches deep.\nThen, letting them proceed their own way\u2014they spent 25 Minutes\n   more in getting the cross cut saw standing to consider what to do\u2014sawing the Stock of in two places\u2014putting it on the Blocks for hughing it square lining it &ca. and from this time till they had finishd the Stock entirely; requird 20 Minutes more, so that in the Spaces of one hour and a quarter they each of them from the Stump finishd 20 Feet of hughing: from hence it appears very clear that allowing they work only from Sun to Sun and require two hour\u2019s at Breakfast they ought to yield each his 125 feet while the days are at their present length and more in proportion as they Increase.\nWhile this was doing George and Billy sawd 30 Foot of Plank so that it appears as clear making the same allowance as before (but not for the time requird in pilling the Stock) that they ought to Saw 180 Feet of Plank.\nIt is to be observd here, that this hughing, & Sawing likewise was of Poplr. What may be the difference therefore between the working of this Wood and other some future observations must make known.\nThe Weather to day was variable, often Rainy but the Wind hung chiefly between the So. & West. No Frost last Night & the Ground Vastly Rotton.\nColo. Fairfax, his Lady, & Doctr. Laurie dind here. The Dr. went away afterwards but the others stayd the Evening.\n   William Ramsay (1716\u20131785) migrated to Virginia from the Galloway district of Scotland and became a founder and merchant of Alexandria. During the French and Indian War, Ramsay, then in financial straits, was appointed a commissary of British troops on the recommendation of GW. The land of Abraham Barnes was part of an area full of sugar-bearing maple trees and hence called the Sugar Lands which lay along Sugar Land Run. After 1798 the confluence of Sugar Land Run with the Potomac River described the northern point of the boundary between Fairfax and Loudoun counties.\n   STOCK-LIND IT: cut it into sections before hewing it into square timbers.\nWednesday Feby. 6th. Fine warm day and the ground much dried. The wind which was extreamely little appeard to be shifting.\nColo. Fairfax & Mrs. Fairfax Dind here.\nThe Dr. sent his Servant down with things to Breechy. Grig came here this afternoon, worse and I had 15 Hogs arrivd from Bullskin.\nThursday Feby. 7th. The Hogs which arrivd Yesterday were killd\u2014weighg. as follows viz.\nTotal\nOut of which Jno. Foster recd. the remainder of his Years Provisions viz.\nlbs.\nhad before\n\u2014the years Allowe.\nDoctr. Lauries Man attended the Sick this day also.\nI went to Mr. Craigs Funeral Sermon at Alexandria\u2014and there met my Waggons with 4 Hhds. Tobo. more. Unloaded & sent them down to Mt. Vernon.\nOne of the Boys that came down with them & the Hogs (Nat) was taken with the Meazles last Night.\nThe Wind was Southerly, and very warm & drying, but the Earth extreamely Rotton.\n   The funeral was probably for Charles Craig (Craik), who had rented a Mount Vernon quarter from GW since 1756.\nFriday Feby. 8th. 1760. The Wind had got to No. West, but as it did not blew fresh, so neither was it cold.\nRode to my Plantatns. and orderd Lucy down to H[ome] House to be Physickd.\nSaturday Feby. 9th. The Ground was a little crusted but not hard\u2014a remarkable white Frost.\nVisited my Plantation\u2019s before Sunrise & forbid Stephen\u2019s keeping any horses upon my Expence.\nSet my Waggon\u2019s to draw in Stocks and Scantling, and wrote to Mr. Stuart of Norfolk for 20 or 30 or more thousd. shingles 6 Barrls. Tar 6 of Turpentine & 100 wt. of Tallow or Myrtle wax or half as much Candles.\nRemarkable fine day but the Wind at No. Et.\n   MR. STUART: possibly Charles Steuart, a merchant in Norfolk active in the 1750s (Va. Gaz., 12 Mar. 1752).\nSunday Feby. 10th. The Wind got to North and often, clouded up and threatend Rain but in the Evening at sunsetting it cleard and seemd to promise fair Weather.\nCaptn. Possey, and Mrs. Possey dind here. He obliquely hinted a design of selling his 145 Acres of Wood Land on Muddy hole.\nOrderd all the Fellows from the different Quarter\u2019s to Assembly at Williamson\u2019s Quarter in the Morning to move Petits House.\n   On 20\u201321 Sept. 1759 GW\u2019s youngest brother, Charles Washington, had sold John Posey two separate tracts lying between Mount Vernon and Dogue\nCreek: one of about 200 acres on the Potomac River and the one mentioned here, which supposedly contained 145 acres of uncleared land and lay on Muddy Hole Branch, a tributary of Dogue Creek (Fairfax County Deeds, Book D\u20131, 669\u201373, Vi Microfilm). Not part of the original Mount Vernon tract, these lands had been bought for GW\u2019s father, Augustine, in 1738 and tract, 1739 by Lawrence Washington and had subsequently been inherited by Charles (deed of William Spencer to Lawrence Washington, 1\u20132 Mar, 1738, Prince William County Deeds, Book D, 110\u201316, Vi Microfilm; deed of George Harrison to Lawrence Washington, 20\u201321 Nov. 1739, Prince William County Deeds, Book D, 425\u201329, Vi Microfilm; will of Augustine Washington, 11 April 1743, DLC:GW). Posey combined the tract on the Potomac with adjacent land that his wife held by right of dower from her first husband to form the plantation that he was farming, but he either did not want or could not afford to keep the tract on Muddy Hole Branch (see entry for 6 Mar. 1760).\n   Thomas Petit rented a Mounty Vernon quarter from GW in 1759 and 1760, after which he disappears from GW\u2019s records.\nMonday Feby. 11th. Went out early myself and continued with my People till 1 Oclock in which time we got the house abt. 250 yards. Was informd then that Mr. Digges was at my House upon which I retd. finding him & Doctr. Laurie there.\nThe Ground being soft and Deep we found it no easy matter with 20 hands and 8 Horses & 6 Oxen to get this House along.\nExceeding clear & fine, wind Northwardly.\n   The Digges family of Virginia and Maryland descended from Edward Digges, who settled in Virginia in the mid-seventeenth century and served as governor of Virginia 1655\u201357. His eldest son, William, later moved north of the Potomac River and founded the Maryland branch of the Digges family. The Mr. Digges who appears here is William Digges (1713\u20131783), a grandson of the elder William. This William, a prominent layman in the Roman Catholic church in Maryland, married Ann Atwood and lived at his plantation, Warburton Manor, across the Potomac River within sight of Mount Vernon. For many years the families of Warburton Manor and Mount Vernon exchanged visits across the Potomac.\nTuesday Feby. 12th. A Small Frost happening last Night to Crust the Ground causd the House to move much lighter and by 9 Oclock it was got to the spot on wch. it was intended to stand.\nVisited at the Glebe the day being very fine clear & still. No wind blowing from any Quarter perceivably.\nSett Kate & Doll to heaping the Dung abt. the Stable.\nRecd. a Letter & Acct. Currt. from Messrs. Hanbury the former dated Octr. 1\u20131759 the other Septr. 1st. same yr.\n   The Truro Parish glebe, which grew from 176 acres in 1752 to 385 in 1767, included a house and outbuildings for the Rev. and Mrs. Green (Truro\nVestry Book, 70, 121, DLC). The house, begun in 1752 by Green and Thomas Waite, had been newly completed in 1760 by William Buckland (1734\u20131774), a talented joiner previously imported from England for the construction of George Mason\u2019s Gunston Hall.\n   The Hanbury firm, a powerful London merchant house, had served the Custis plantations for a number of years. On 12 June 1759 GW had written to the firm, then known as Capel & Osgood Hanbury, informing them of his marriage to Martha Custis and stating: \u201cI must now desire that you will please to address all your Letters which relate to the Affairs of the Deceas\u2019d Colo. Custis to me\u201d (DLC:GW), which directions the Hanburys acknowledged in a letter to GW, 1 Oct. 1759 (DLC:GW).\nWednesday Feby. 13th. A fresh gale So. continued the whole day with clear and Warm Sun.\nVisited all my Quarters.\nThursday Feby. 14th. Mr. Clifton came here and we conditiond for his Land viz., if he is not bound by some prior engagement. I am to have all his Land in the Neck (500 Acres about his house excepted) and the Land commonly calld Brents for 1600 \u00a3 Curry. He getting Messrs. Digges &ca. to join in making me a good & less Colo. Carlyle will let me have his Land adjoining Brents at half a Pistole an Acre.\nVisited my Quarters and saw a plant patch burnt at the Mill.\nBrought home 4003 lbs. of Hay from Mr. Digges\u2019s.\nThe Southerly wind still continued to blow fresh till abt. 9 Oclock at Night and then it suddenly changed to No. Et. Clouded up, and threatned Rain every moment.\n   William Clifton (c.1704-c.1770) was descended from an English Roman Catholic family, several branches of which began leaving England for Maryland and Virginia in the mid-seventeenth century. William left England in the early eighteenth century and settled in Truro Parish, where he was living in 1739 when he bought 500 acres of the Neck land from his brother-in-law George Brent (d. 1778) of Stafford County. By 1760 Clifton\u2019s land was a plantation of about 1,806 acres in Clifton\u2019s Neck, which lay on the east side of Little Hunting Creek, facing the Potomac River, across which Clifton ran a ferry often used by GW.\n   brents: George Brent\u2019s remaining land in the Neck, 238 acres lying between Little Hunting Creek and Clifton\u2019s plantation.\n   GW paid William Digges \u00a314 for hay on 5 June 1760 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 95).\nFriday Feby. 15th. A Small fine Rain from No. Et. wet the Top of my Hay that had been landed last Night. It was all carted up however to the Barn & the Wet and dry seperated.\nWent to a Ball at Alexandria\u2014where Musick and Dancing was the chief Entertainment. However in a convenient Room detachd for the purpose abounded great plenty of Bread and Butter, some Biscuets with Tea, & Coffee which the Drinkers of coud not Distinguish from Hot water sweetned. Be it remembered that pocket handkerchiefs servd the purposes of Table Cloths & Napkins and that no Apologies were made for either. I shall therefore distinguish this Ball by the Stile & title of the Bread & Butter Ball.\nThe Proprietors of this Ball were Messrs. Carlyle Laurie & Robt. Wilson, but the Doctr. not getting it conducted agreeable to his own taste woud claim no share of the merit of it.\nWe lodgd at Colo. Carlyles.\n   A man named Robert Wilson voted for GW in the 1758 Frederick County election for the House of Burgesses.\n   GW apparently played cards at the ball, because on the following day he recorded the loss of 7s. \u201cBy Cards\u201d (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 63).\nSaturday Feby. 16. Returned home\u2014receiving an Invitation to Mrs. Chews Ball on Monday night next, first.\nThe Morning lowerd, and dript as yesterday, but abt. 10 Oclock the Wind So[uther]ly, blew fresh, and cleard.\n   Mercy Chew (d. 1775), with her husband Joseph Chew, kept a tavern in Alexandria which GW patronized in the early 1760s (Fairfax County Deeds, Book C\u20131, 63, Vi Microfilm; Fairfax County Wills, Book C\u20131, 244, Vi Microfilm; General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 141, 160).\nSunday Feby. 17th. The Wind blew cold & fresh from the No. West.\nWent to Church & Dind at Belvoir.\nSent 4 Yews & Lambs to the Mill to be fatted.\nMonday Feby. 18th. Dispatchd my Waggon with Tools &ca. for Frederick.\nSent over for two more Tons of Hay\u2014to Mr. Digges.\nThe Morning was cold the Wind being at No. West. It afterwards changd to So. and grew more moderate but towards Night it agn. Shifted to the No. East, but made no perceptable change in the Air, as to heat or cold.\nTuesday Feby. 19th. Went to Court, and Administerd upon Nations Effects. Got Mr. Smiths Lease to me recorded and Mr. Johnston not having Darrels Deeds ready I was obligd to get the acknowledging of them postpond.\nRecd. a Letter from my Brothr. Austin by Mr. Lane & answerd it.\nFine moderate day with a brisk Southerly Wind which brought up the Vessell with my Corn.\nMike and Tom began sawing in the Pit some considerable time after Sun rise and Cut 122 feet of Oak Scantling.\n   GW\u2019s first expansion of the Mount Vernon property occurred in Dec. 1757, when he bought two pieces of land on the plantation\u2019s northern boundary from Sampson Darrell (d. 1777) of Fairfax County: a tract of 200 acres on Dogue Run and an adjoining tract of 300 acres on Little Hunting Creek. The total price of these two tracts was \u00a3350, which GW paid with \u00a3260 in cash and a bond for \u00a390 due in two years, and in return he received Darrell\u2019s bond guaranteeing him title to the land (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 49; bond of Darrell to GW, 20 Dec. 1757, ViMtvL). But the official deeds were not immediately signed and recorded in court because the property was held under right of dower by Darrell\u2019s mother, Ann, for her lifetime; only after her death would it revert to Darrell as a surviving son. Thus, although GW owned Darrell\u2019s rights to the land, he could not obtain the deeds until Ann died or rented the land to him. GW did not have to await her death, because on 20 Sept. 1759 he signed a lease with her and her present husband, Thomas Smith (d. 1764) of Fairfax County, agreeing thereby to pay them 1,000 pounds of tobacco and cask a year until Ann died (lease of Thomas and Ann Smith to GW, 20 Sept. 1759, PHi: Gratz Collection; General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 111). Having recorded the lease on this day, GW was eager to get and record Darrell\u2019s deeds, but he was obliged to wait for the May court session (deeds of Darrell to GW, 19\u201320 May 1760, Fairfax County Deeds, Book D\u20131, 681\u201392, Vi Microfilm).\n   Augustine Washington (1720\u20131762), half brother of GW by his father\u2019s first wife, Jane Butler, married Anne Aylett (d. 1773) and lived at Pope\u2019s Creek in Westmoreland County. GW usually called him \u201cAustin.\u201d Mr. Lane\nwas probably one of the three sons of William Lane (1690\u20131760) of Nomini Forest, Westmoreland County: James Lane (d. 1777), William Carr Lane (d. 1770), and Joseph Lane (d. 1796).\nWednesday Feby. 20. Landed 65 Barrels of Corn. Fine moderate day. Very little wind. George & Billy sawd 155 feet of Oak Scantling.\nThursday Feby. 21. Finished landing the Corn, which held out only 1\u00bd Bushells above measure. Paid the Skipper for the Freight.\nVisited at Mr. Clifton\u2019s and rode over his Lands\u2014but in an especial manner view\u2019d that tract calld Brents, which wd. have pleas\u2019d me exceedingly at the price he offerd it at viz. half a pistole an Acre provided Colo. Carlyle\u2019s 300 Acres just below it coud be annexd at the same price and this but a few Months ago he offerd it at but now seeming to set a higher value upon it, and at the same time putting on an air of indifference inducd me to make Clifton another for his Land\u2014namely \u00a31700 Cury. for all his Lands in the Neck Including his own Plantn. &ca. which offer he readily accepted upon Condition of getting his wife to acknowledge her Right of Dower to it and of his success in this he was to inform me in a few days.\nA fresh So[uther]ly Wind blew the whole day and often Clouds towards Night. It threatned \u27e8Rain very much.\u27e9\n   Clifton\u2019s wife was his cousin Elizabeth Brent (d. 1773), a daughter of Robert Brent of Woodstock, Stafford County, whose seventeenth-century ancestor Giles Brent had originally patented most of the land in what was now called Clifton\u2019s Neck. Mrs. Clifton\u2019s \u201cRight of Dower\u201d referred to that portion of the Neck which, although controlled by her husband under the law of marital right, could only be alienated (given or sold) by Mrs. Clifton, the legal owner. This situation was common in eighteenth-century Virginia; sometimes the wife allowed her husband to sell her land and sometimes not.\n   GW received a total of 100 barrels of corn. The shipping cost was \u00a35 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 63).\nFriday Feby. 22. The Wind in the Night encreasd to a mere Storm and raind exceedg. hard; towards day it moderated and ceasd Raining but the whole day afterwards was Squally.\nLaid in part the Worm of a fence round my Peach Orchard, & had it made. Waited on Lord Fairfax at Belvoir & engd. him to dine at Mt. Vernon on Monday next.\nUpon my return found one of my best Waggon Horses (namely Jolly) with his right foreleg Mashd to pieces which I suppose\n happend in the Storm last Night by Means of a Limb of a tree or something of that sort falling upon him.\n   Did it up as well as I coud this Night.\n   This was GW\u2019s birthday according to the Gregorian calendar (see entry for 11 Mar. 1748), but there is no indication that he took note of it either on this day or 11 Feb., the Old Style date on which he actually was born. In 1798 and 1799 the citizens of Alexandria celebrated his birthday on or near the old date.\n   WORM OF A FENCE: the bottom course of rails in a rail fence.\nSaturday Feby. 23. Had the Horse slung upon Canvas and his leg fresh set\u2014following Markhams directions as near as I coud.\nLaid the Worm round my Apple Orchard & made the Fence.\nThe Wind for the first part was So[uther]ly but afterwards it shifted to No. West. blew fresh and grew a little Cool.\nCaptn. Bullet came here from Alexandria, and engagd to secure me some Lands on the Ohio being lately appointed Surveyor of a District there.\n   markham\u2019s directions: Gervase Markham (1568\u20131637) wrote many treatises on diseases of cattle and horses. In 1759 GW purchased a much more current work, William Gibson\u2019s Treatise on the Diseases of Horses (London, 1751).\n   Thomas Bullitt, son of Benjamin Bullitt (d. 1766) of Fauquier County, served with GW in the Virginia Regiment, rising to captain. He was with GW at Fort Necessity and at Braddock\u2019s Defeat, and held his Virginians in a bloody skirmish at Grant\u2019s Defeat. For Bullitt\u2019s appointment as a surveyor, see George Mercer to GW, 17 Feb. 1760, DLC:GW.\nSunday Feby. 24th. Captn. Bullet dind here to day also. So did Mr. Clifton but the latter was able to give me no determinate answer in regard to his Land.\nWas unprovided for a demand of \u00a390 made by Mr. Alligood in favour of Messrs. Atchinson & Parker of Norfolk. My note of Hand to Sampson Darrel but promisd the payment, & Interest, at the April Court next.\nFresh Southerly Wind and Cloudy Weather.\n   my note: the two-year bond for \u00a390 that GW had given Sampson Darrell as final payment for land bought from Darrell in Dec. 1757. Darrell had apparently used the bond to settle an account, and the firm of Aitcheson & Parker had now sent their collector to Mount Vernon for payment. GW paid them the \u00a390 as promised while in Williamsburg in April (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 49, 89).\nMonday Feby. 25th. Lord Fairfax, Colo. F[airfa]x & his Lady, Colo. Martin, Mr. B. F[airfa]x, Colo. Carlyle, & Mr. Green & Mrs. Green dind here.\nSo[uther]ly Wind and remarkable fine clear day. Set my People to Carting and carrying Rails round the Peach Orchard.\nThe Broken Legd. horse fell out of his Sling and by that means and strugling together hurt himself so much that I orderd him to be killd.\n   Thomas Bryan Martin (1731\u20131798), a nephew of Lord Fairfax, came to Virginia in 1751 and the next year was appointed land agent for the Fairfax Grant, taking up residence with Lord Fairfax at Greenway Court in the Shenandoah Valley. In 1758 Martin and GW were elected burgesses for\n   Frederick County. Bryan Fairfax (1737\u20131802) was a half brother of George William Fairfax. After an erratic youth Bryan married Elizabeth Cary, a sister of Sarah Cary Fairfax, and settled in Fairfax County, making his home at Green Hill near Belvoir from 1761 until about 1765 when he went to England. He was one of GW\u2019s frequent fox-hunting companions before the Revolution.\nTuesday Feby. 26th. Began Plowing the Field by the Stable and Quarter for Oats and Clover. Set two plows to Work under the care of Mulatto, & Cook Jacks.\nLayd the Worm round my Peach Orchard & had the Fence put up.\nMade an absolute agreement with Mr. Clifton for his Land (so far as depended upon him) on the following terms\u2014to wit, I am to give him \u00a31150 Sterling for his Neck Lands, containg. 1806 Acres, and to allow him the use of this Plantn. he lives on till fall twelve months.\nHe on his part is to procure the Gentlemen of Maryland to whom his Lands are under Mortgage to join in a Conveyance and is to put me into possession of the Land so soon as this can be done. He is not to cut down any Timber, nor clear any Ground nor to use more Wood than what shall be absolutely necessary for Fences and firing. Neither is he to assent to any alterations of Tenants transferring of Leases &ca. but on the contrary is to discourage every practice that has a tendancy to lessen the value of the Land.\nN.B. He is also to bring Mr. Mercers opinion concerning the validity of a private sale made by himself.\nWent down to Occoquan, by appointment to look at Colo. Cockes Cattle, but Mr. Peakes being from home I made no agreemt. for them not caring to give the price he askd for them.\nCalld & dind at Captn. McCarty\u2019s in my way home & left the order of Court appointing him and others to appraisers of Nation\u2019s Estate (which I had sent my Boy down for) and at the same time got a promise of him to Prize & Inspect his Tobo. at the Warehouse.\nBottled 35 dozn. of Cyder, the weather very warm, & Cloudy with some Rain last Night.\n   The \u201cGentlemen of Maryland\u201d who held mortgages were Charles Carroll (1702\u20131782) of Annapolis, Benjamin Tasker (1690\u20131768) of Anne Arundel County, and William Digges, Ignatius Digges, and John Addison, all of Prince George\u2019s County. The Carroll and Digges families of Maryland had married into the Brent family of Maryland and Virginia, and all of these parties were now in the fifteenth year of a struggle over Clifton\u2019s Neck, producing a maze of lawsuits involving leases, inheritances, mortgages, injunctions,\nand ejectments. Clifton\u2019s suit for a final settlement in Virginia\u2019s General Court (sitting in chancery) was now awaiting the report of court-appointed commissioners, one of whom was GW.\n   Since the court case was still pending, the validity of such a \u201cprivate sale\u201d was a moot point, and GW wisely advised Clifton to seek a legal opinion. Mr. Mercer is  John Mercer (1704\u20131768), who emigrated from Ireland to Virginia in 1720 and made his home near the Potomac River at Marlborough, Stafford County. As a lawyer Mercer became so aggressive in the courtroom that in 1734 he was barred from practice. He then turned to legal scholarship, spending the next few years preparing An Exact Abridgement of All the Public Acts of Assembly, of Virginia, in Force and Use, issued by the Virginia Gazette printer William Parks (Williamsburg, 1737; 2d ed., Glasgow, Scot., 1759). This work was the first such edition of Virginia\u2019s laws, and all county justices of the peace, including those who had complained about Mercer, were advised to possess a copy. Mercer himself was later appointed a justice of Stafford County. In the process of his scholarly pursuits, Mercer collected one of the finest libraries in the colony, about a third of which related to law.\n   GW had known John Mercer for years. Mercer\u2019s home of Marlborough, on the neck between Aquia and Potomac creeks, was only a few miles up the Potomac from the Chotank neighborhood, so well known to GW from youth and later so thickly populated with his cousins. As early as 1754 GW had asked for Mercer\u2019s legal advice regarding the disposition of Mount Vernon after Lawrence Washington\u2019s death. Mercer had also served the Custis family for 16 years during a major legal battle in which GW took an interest following his marriage to Martha Custis in 1759.\n   Speculating in large tracts of land in Fauquier and Loudoun counties, Mercer was also interested in western lands in the Ohio River valley. To pursue this interest the Mercers and the Lees were instrumental in forming the Ohio Company, although the two families later had a falling-out in the debate over the 1764 Stamp Act. While Mercer was the company\u2019s secretary, GW\u2019s brother Lawrence was its second president.\n   Two of John Mercer\u2019s sons served with GW in the Virginia Regiment, one of whom, John Fenton Mercer (1735\u20131756), was killed in battle. The other son George Mercer (1733\u20131784), appears in the diaries along with other members of the family (see: HARRISON [1]Fairfax Harrison. Landmarks of Old Prince William: A Study of Origins in Northern Virginia. Berryville, Va., 1964., 369; FREEMANDouglas Southall Freeman. George Washington: A Biography. 7 vols. New York, 1948\u201357., 2:2, 290; COUNCIL\u201cJournals of the Council of Virginia in Executive Sessions, 1737\u20131763.\u201d Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 14 (1906\u20137): 225\u201345., 232\u201335).\n   The Peake family of the Northern Neck descended in two branches through the two grandsons of John Peake the immigrant. The elder of the two grandsons was John Peake (d. 1758), of Prince William County, whose wife Lucy bore him eight sons. The younger grandson, William Peake (d. 1761), of Fairfax County, lived at Willow Spring in the fork of Little Hunting Creek and was hence GW\u2019s closest neighbor. William was a Truro Parish vestryman for many years, and upon his death GW was chosen by the vestry to take his place. William had two daughters, Sarah and Mary, and three sons, Humphrey, John, and William Jr., the last of whom served in the French and Indian War and died in 1756. Although it is the Willow Spring Peakes who usually appear in the diaries, the Mr. Peake mentioned here may have been a Peake of Prince William County (MCDONALDCornelia McDonald. A Diary with Reminiscences of the War and Refugee Life in the Shenandoah Valley, 1860\u20131865. Nashville, 1935., 437\u201353).\n   From Daniel McCarty (d. 1724), planter of Pope\u2019s Creek, Westmoreland County, and Speaker of the House of Burgesses, 1715\u201318, were descended three branches of the Pope\u2019s Creek McCartys, many of whom appear in the\n   diaries. Speaker Daniel\u2019s oldest son, Denis McCarty (d. 1742), founder of the Cedar Grove McCartys, married Sarah Ball in 1724 and settled at Cedar Grove, which was in Truro Parish when that parish was created in 1732. His oldest son, Daniel McCarty (d. 1792), whom GW refers to before the Revolution as \u201cCaptain\u201d and afterwards as \u201cColonel,\u201d was in his lifetime one of the wealthiest men in Virginia (MAINJackson Turner Main. \u201cThe One Hundred.\u201d William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 11 (1954): 354\u201384., 378\u201379). Captain McCarty, his wife Sinah Ball McCarty (d. 1798), and their six children, five of whom appear in the diaries, lived at Mount Air about three miles up Accotink Creek from Cedar Grove. Both McCarty homesteads were located a few miles down the Potomac River from Mount Vernon. Captain McCarty served in the Truro vestry 1748\u201384, and the Washingtons and McCartys often appear to have dined together after services at Pohick Church. Through his mother GW was related to both Captain McCarty and his wife.\nWednesday Feby. 27. Very little Wind & that Southerly but raind of and on the whole day.\nContinued plowing while the Weather woud permit, and the People, viz. George, Kate, Doll, & little George were employd in Grubing the Field by the Garden.\nNations\u2019s horse that was destraind on for my Rent was sold at Publick Auction to Mr. Tom Triplet for \u00a35.\nPeter had got his Coal drawn & brought in one load.\n   Thomas Triplett (1732\u20131780) of Truro Parish was a son of Thomas Triplett (d. 1737). By 1763 he was living on the North Branch of Little Hunting Creek where he had rented a small plantation from George Mason of Gunston Hall (lease of Mason to Triplett, 26 April 1763, Fairfax County Deeds, Book E\u20131, 262\u201369, Vi Microfilm). In 1771 he leased additional land in that area from Mason and continued living there until his death (lease of Mason to Triplett, 19 Dec. 1771, Fairfax County Deeds, Book K\u20131, 14\u201323, Vi Microfilm). This land later passed to Mason\u2019s son Thomson Mason (1759\u20131820) and became part of Hollin Hall plantation (deed of George Mason to Thomson Mason, 16 June 1786, Fairfax County Deeds, Book Q\u20131, 249\u201354, Vi Microfilm). Thomas Triplett and his brother William regularly joined GW in fox hunting.\nThursday Feby. 28th. Measurd the Fields by the Quarter & Garden as the Fences was intended to be run and found Six Acres in the former & Nine in the Latter.\nAlso run the Round the Fields in the Lower pasture according as the dividing Fence is to go but the Compass being bad or some mistake happening I coud not close the plot with any exactness.\nFinished Grubbing the Field by the Garden.\nBetween Sul [sun] setting & Dark, came Mr. Ramsay, Mr. Piper, Captn. Stanly & Captn. Littledale.\nWarm, & little or no wind the first part of the Day. Towards Night it clouded and the Wind getting No. Easterly it begn. raining & grew colder.\nBought 3000 Shingles a 22/6 of  Newbold also wood ware, & Bees Wax.\n   close the plot: In running the lines of this survey, GW did not return to his exact beginning point as he should have, and thus a gap was left in the boundaries of the plot.\n   Harry Piper (d. 1780), a merchant of Alexandria, was a factor for John Dixon & Isaac Littledale, of Whitehaven, Eng. Captain Stanley may have been Capt. Edward Stanley, who sailed in the tobacco trade for Peter How & Co., also of Whitehaven (P.R.O., C.O.5/1447, f. 66).\n   GW paid Purnell Newbold a total of \u00a35 4s. 7\u00bdd. Maryland currency for his goods (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 89).\nFriday Feby. 29th. The Rain continued by Intervals through the Night, and till afternoon when the Wind came to No. West and ceasd, growing clear. Stopd my Plows.\nThe Gentlemen Dind here to day and two, viz. Mr. Ramsay & Captn. Stanley, returnd to Alexandria. The others went to Belvoir.\nA very great Circle rd. the Moon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Mar. 1\u20131760. Finishd Bottling 91 dozn. Cyder. The wind for the first part was at No. West & very cold, but shifting Easterly & then to So. it grew something warmer but continued Cloudy. The Ground being hard froze stopd my Plows this day also\u2014and employd all hands in running the dividing fence of my Pastures. Traversd the Fields in the Lower Pasture again & set a Course from the head of the drain that Runs into my Meadow  which leaves in the Tobo. House Field  and in the other . Also found the contents of my Meadow to be  and that the Pocoson at Cotton patch measurd . Note. The Ground cleard this year measures  and the fallow Ground is only . The Marsh and Pocoson at the Creek point contains .", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday Mar. 5. High Wind from the West\u2014the day clear & somewhat cold. Began plowing the field by the Garden for Lucern. Put in the great bay mare (& horse) King. The latter coud not be prevaild upon to plow. The other did very well: but the Plows run very badly. Finishd Plow Harness for my Chariot Horses.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-06-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday Mar. 6. Fitted a two Eyed Plow instead of a Duck Bill Plow and with much difficulty made my Chariot Wheel horses plow.  Surveyd Captn. Posseys 145 Acres of Woodland Ground which he bought of my Bror. Chs. & find some of the Courses and distances to vary from those in the Deeds and that 136 Acres only, are Included. Also run the upper Courses of Frens Land and find some great Errors as may be seen by my Plot of it. Wind Southerly & day fine.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n Monday Mar. 10th. No. W. wind and clear, but the Ground too Wet for Plowing. Rode to my Plantation and the Mill, & there partly agreed with Jerry Mitchell to rebuild my Mill when She runs dry in the Summer. Dispatchd Mulatto Jack to Frederick for some Mares from thence to Plow. The Snow (which was not more than an Inch & half deep) was entirely dissolvd today.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0012", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 12 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday Mar. 12. Returnd home, Mrs. Carlyle accompanying us, the day being exceeding fine. Wind at South. Found William Lodwick here with one Beef from Frederick. He set of with two but lamd the other and left him at Ricd. Colemans at the Sugar Lands.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0014", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 14 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Mar. 14th. No. Et. Wind & rain witht. Intermission till after Noon. The Rain then abated, but clouds continued. Mr. Carlyle & his Wife still remaind here. We talkd a good deal of a Scheme of setting up an Iron Work on Colo. Fairfax\u2019s Land on Shannondoah. Mr. Chapman who was proposd as a partner being a perfect Judge of these matters was to go up and view the Conveniences and determine the Scheme.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0016", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Mar. 16th. In the Morning early began Snowing with a Strong No. Et. Wind and continued without the least Intermission, or Remission till dark, & how long after I know not.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-17-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0017", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 17 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Mar. 17th. The Snow this Morng. was much drifted, & many places of considerable depth. It kept Snowing by Intervals till Noon & appeard unsettled the whole day. Went to my Mill and took a view of the Ruins the Fresh had causd. Determind however to repr. it with all expedition & accordingly set my Carpenters to making Wheel & Handbarrows. Beef from Coleman\u2019s was brought down. Mr. Possey being here and talking of the Orphan Fren\u2019s Land adjoining mine on Dogue Run, he undertook to purchase it for me of the said Orphan Diana, who lives at Nangemy in Maryland with one\u2014Wright who I think he said Married her Aunt. Mr. Possey thinks it may be bought for \u00a350 or 60 pound & there shoud be 207 Acres of it.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Mar. 18th. Cool in the morning, Wind at No. West, but afterwards Shifting to South grew more moderate and Melted the Snow much. Went to Court partly on my own private Business and partly on Cliftons Affair but the Commissioners not meeting nothing\nwas done in regard to the Latter. Much discourse happend between him and I con\u27e8cer\u27e9ning his ungenerous treatment of me. The whole turning to little Acct. tis not worth reciting here the result of which was that for \u00a350 more than Mr. Mason offerd him he undertook if possible to disengage himself from that Gentleman & to let me have his Land. I did not think Myself restraind by any Rules of Honour, Conscience or &ca. from makeg. him this offer as his Lands were first engagd to me by the most Solemn assurances that any Man coud give. Mr. Johnston not being in Town I coud not get Mr. Darrel\u2019s Deeds to me acknowledgd. Killd the Beeves that came from Frederick.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-22-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0022", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n Saturday March 22d. Cold southerly Wind and Cloudy, with Rain from 10 O\u2019clock till Night. Doctr. Laurie came here. Agreed with George Taylor for 3 Sows and Pigs\u2014at 45/.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0024", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Mar. 24th. Began repairing my Mill Dam\u2014with hands from all my Quarters Carpenters Included. In digging Earth for this purpose great Quantities of Marle or Fullers Earth appeard. In the Evening, in a Bed that had been prepard with a mixture of Dung on Saturday last, I sowed Clo\u27e8ver,\u27e9 Lucerne, & Rye Grass Seeds in the Garden, to try their Goodness\u2014doing it in the following Order. At the end next the Corner are two Rows of Clover Seed\u2014in the 3d., 4, 5 & 6th. Rye Grass the last Row thinest Sowd 7th. & 8th. Barley (to see if it woud come up) the last also thinnest Sown\u20149, 10, 11, 12th. Lucerne\u2014first a few seeds at every 4 Inches distance the next thicker & so on to the last wch. was very thick. Carried the Sows I bot. of George Taylor to my Mill by Water.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-25-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0025", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 25 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday Mar. 25th. Set one Plow to Work on the Field below the Garden. All hands being employd on the Dam again the Water was Stopd. and the Work in a fair way of receiving a finish by tomorrow Night. The Wind was Southerly\u2014the Day Changeable. Mrs. Possey, & some young woman whose name was unknown to any Body in this family, dind here.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0027", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 26 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday Mar. 26. One Plow at Work today also. Miss Dent & Miss Fairfax returnd home. My Dam was entirely compleated by Evening. Spent the greatest part of the day in making a new plow of my own Invention. Wind at No. West & very boisterous.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0028", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 27 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday Mar. 27. Southerly Wind, day warm and very fine. Sat my Plow to work and found She Answerd very well in the\nField in the lower Pasture wch. I this day began Plowing with the large Bay Mare & Rankin. Mulatto Jack conting. to Plow the Field below the Garden. Agreed to give Mr. William Triplet \u00a318 to build the two houses in the Front of my House (plastering them also) and running Walls for Pallisades to them from the Great house & from the Great House to the Wash House and Kitchen also.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0029", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 28 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Mar. 28. According to appointment, Colo. F\u27e8airfa\u27e9x & Mr. Green met here upon Clifton\u2019s Affair, he being present as was Mr. Thompson Mason (as Council for him). Mr. Digges and Mr. Addison were also here and after examining all the Papers and Accts. on both sides, and stating them in the manner wch. seemd most equitable to Us, the debt due from Mr. Clifton according to that Settlement amounted to \u00a3 that is to say\u2014to Mr. Carroll \u00a3[243 13s.1d.] to Mr. Tasker pr. Mr. Digges [\u00a3304 15s.3d.] to Do. pr. Mr. Addison [\u00a3364 19s.]. We also agreed to report several things which appeard necessary, as well, in behalf of Mr. Clifton as the other party. The Gentlemen from Maryland, Mr. Mason & Clifton left this; but Colo. Fairfax and Mr. Green stayd the Night. Abt. Noon Mulatto Jack finishd plowing the Field below the Garden and went into the lower Pasture to work. Sun shone Warm but the Wind blew strong from South.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-29-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003-0030", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 29 March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Mar. 29th. About noon sat one Plow into the Fallow Ground below the Hill, & about an hour before Sunset the other.  Fresh and variable Wind chiefly from South. Carried out about  Tumbril Load of Dung from the Stable upon the Clover Field.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0003", "content": "Title: [March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Mar. 1\u20131760. Finishd Bottling 91 dozn. Cyder.\nThe wind for the first part was at No. West & very cold, but shifting Easterly & then to So. it grew something warmer but continued Cloudy.\nThe Ground being hard froze stopd my Plows this day also\u2014and employd all hands in running the dividing fence of my Pastures.\nTraversd the Fields in the Lower Pasture again & set a Course from the head of the drain that Runs into my Meadow  which leaves in the Tobo. House Field  and in the other .\nAlso found the contents of my Meadow to be  and that the Pocoson at Cotton patch measurd .\nNote. The Ground cleard this year measures  and the fallow Ground is only . The Marsh and Pocoson at the Creek point contains .\n   pocoson (pocosin): from an Algonquin Indian word meaning a tidal swamp in its last stages before turning into dry land. In the miry pocosin soil,\nalternately covered and uncovered by water, would grow grass, shrubs, and pine trees.\nSunday Mar. 2. The Morning calm & Serene. About 10 Oclock the Wind freshned from the No. West, and died away by two. At 5 it came Southerly & blew again seeming unsettled.\nMr. Clifton came here to day, & under pretence of his Wife not consenting to acknowledge her Right of Dower wanted to disengage himself of the Bargain he had made with me for his Land on the 26th. past and by his Shuffling behaviour on the occasion convincd me of his being the trifling body represented.\nMonday Mar. 3d. Bought 100 Bushels of Oats at 1/6. of Reuben Joyne.\nFinishd plowing the Clover field but not the dividing Fence in the Pastures.\nWind for the most part was Southerly\u2014sometimes blewing fresh & at other times quite calm but the day was cloudy & felt cold till towards Night.\nTuesday Mar. 4th. Rain without Intermission till Noon\u2014thence at Intervals till Night, with strong So[uther]ly wind the whole time.\nPlows Stopd\u2014but the dividing fence finishd. Gave up the Horse Cart, & the Dun horse and Jack to R. Stephens.\nWednesday Mar. 5. High Wind from the West\u2014the day clear & somewhat cold. Began plowing the field by the Garden for Lucern.\nPut in the great bay mare (& horse) King. The latter coud not be prevaild upon to plow. The other did very well: but the Plows run very badly.\nFinishd Plow Harness for my Chariot Horses.\n   lucern: alfalfa or lucerne, Medicago sativa. Although this perennial legume is widely grown in Virginia today as a hay crop, GW tried unsuccessfully for at least 35 years to raise it. On 12 Sept. 1795 Thomas Jefferson wrote to GW that he was giving it up because, even with manuring, he had experienced less success with it than with chicory. He probably would have fared better by using more limestone, and much better had he had available the inoculating bacteria in use today for such nitrogen-fixing crops.\nThursday Mar. 6. Fitted a two Eyed Plow instead of a Duck Bill Plow and with much difficulty made my Chariot Wheel horses plow.\nSurveyd Captn. Posseys 145 Acres of Woodland Ground which he bought of my Bror. Chs. & find some of the Courses and distances to vary from those in the Deeds and that 136 Acres only, are Included.\nAlso run the upper Courses of Frens Land and find some great Errors as may be seen by my Plot of it.\nWind Southerly & day fine.\n   Charles Washington (1738\u20131799) was married in 1757 to Mildred Thornton, daughter of Col. Francis Thornton of Spotsylvania County, and was probably living in the Fredericksburg area at this time. Although GW was very interested in buying lands near Mount Vernon, he did not purchase the woodland tract from Posey, and it was sold 16\u201317 June 1760 to Daniel French for \u00a3217 10s. (Fairfax County Deeds, Book D-2, 730\u201336, Vi Microfilm).\n   Henry Trenn (variously spelled Tren, Frenn, and Fren), who died in 1751, had owned a tract of about 300 acres on the west bank of Dogue Run, above the road from Gum Spring to Colchester. In 1750 he had sold 94 acres at the lower end of the tract to GW\u2019s half brother Lawrence, and the remainder was inherited at his death by two of his orphaned children, Absolom and Diana (deed of Trenn to Lawrence Washington, 4 Feb. 1750, Fairfax County Deeds, Book C\u20131, 152\u201353, Vi Microfilm; will of Trenn, 3 Oct. 1751, Fairfax County Wills, Book A\u20131, 490\u201391, Vi Microfilm). Absolom had apparently died since his father\u2019s death, and the tract was now solely owned by Diana, who was living in Maryland.\nFriday Mar. 7th. Fine Morning, but Cloudy Afternoon, wind Southerly.\nPut the Poll end Horses into the Plow in the Morng. and the Postilion & hand Horse in the Afternoon but the Ground being well sworded over & very heavy plowing I repented putting them in at all for fear it should give them a Habit of Stopping in the Chariot.\nSaturday Mar. 8. No. Et. Wind & Rain\u2014Plows stopd.\nGave Captn. Cawseys Skipper namely William Vicars\u20141 Tobo. Note and an Order on Hunting Creek Warehouses for 7 Hhds. of my Mountain Tobo.\n   John Cawsey was captain of the Tyger, a 120\u2013ton British-built ship which took a crew of nine and sailed in the Virginia tobacco trade for John Farrel & Co. of Bristol, Eng. William Vicars was probably Cawsey\u2019s first mate. hunting creek warehouses: These tobacco warehouses at Alexandria had been established by the inspection acts of 1730 and 1732 (see entry for 25 Jan. 1760).\nSunday Mar. 9. No. Et. wind, and Snow by Intervals the whole day.\nMonday Mar. 10th. No. W. wind and clear, but the Ground too Wet for Plowing.\nRode to my Plantation and the Mill, & there partly agreed with Jerry Mitchell to rebuild my Mill when She runs dry in the Summer.\nDispatchd Mulatto Jack to Frederick for some Mares from thence to Plow.\nThe Snow (which was not more than an Inch & half deep) was entirely dissolvd today.\n   Jeremiah Mitchell, an independent artisan, contracted to do this repair work for 4s. 6d. a day. He put in 97 days in all, finishing the job by 1 Dec. 1760 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 102).\nTuesday Mar. 11th. Visited at Colo. Fairfax and was informd that Clifton had sold his Land to Mr. Thompsons Mason for 1200 \u00a3 Sterlg. which fully unravelled his Conduct on the 2d. and convincd me that he was nothing less than a thorough pacd Rascall\u2014disregardful of any Engagements of Words or Oaths not bound by Penalties.\nThe day clear but something cold, Wind at No. West.\n   George William Fairfax was one of GW\u2019s fellow commissioners in the Clifton case. Thomson Mason (1733\u20131785),  a younger brother of George Mason of Gunston Hall, lived in St. Mary\u2019s County, Md. Mason moved c.1764 to Stafford County, Va. and c.1771 to Raspberry Plain in Loudoun County. He\nstudied law in England at the Middle Temple and in 1760 was a burgess for Stafford County.\nWednesday Mar. 12. Returnd home, Mrs. Carlyle accompanying us, the day being exceeding fine. Wind at South.\nFound William Lodwick here with one Beef from Frederick. He set of with two but lamd the other and left him at Ricd. Colemans at the Sugar Lands.\n   Lodwick was apparently hired for this job only. In 1756 Richard Coleman (d. 1764) and his son James received a license to run an ordinary on the Leesburg Pike at Sugar Land Run.\nThursday Mar. 13th. Incessant Rain and No. Et. Wind.\nMr. Carlyle (who came here from Port Tobo. Court last Night) and Mrs. Carlyle were confind here all day.\nMulatto Jack returnd home with the Mares he was sent for, but so poor were they, and so much abusd had they been by my Rascally Overseer Hardwick that they were scarce able to go highlone, much less to assist in the business of the Plantations.\n   Merchants or their agents regularly made rounds of county courts, which met monthly to transact business and legal cases. Port Tobacco was the seat of Charles County, Md.\n   highlone: alone, without support.\nFriday Mar. 14th. No. Et. Wind & rain witht. Intermission till after Noon. The Rain then abated, but clouds continued.\nMr. Carlyle & his Wife still remaind here. We talkd a good deal of a Scheme of setting up an Iron Work on Colo. Fairfax\u2019s Land on Shannondoah. Mr. Chapman who was proposd as a partner being a perfect Judge of these matters was to go up and view the Conveniences and determine the Scheme.\n   Colonel Fairfax\u2019s land on the Shenandoah River included the east bank of the crossing for Vestal\u2019s ferry. Carlyle and his brother-in-law George William Fairfax went ahead with the ironworks project. Nathaniel Chapman, who died later this year, had iron experience both with the Principio Company of Maryland and the Accokeek works in Stafford County. Chapman had also served as an executor for the estates of Augustine and Lawrence Washington, both of whom had had interests in ironworks.\nSaturday Mar. 15. Snowd in the Morng. but afterwards clearing. Mr. Carlyle and his Wife returnd home.\nWm. Lodwick & the boy (Nat) who came down with him went up for the lame Beef they left upon the Road coming down.\nThe Vast quantity of Rain which had fallen in the last two\ndays had Swelld the Waters so high that dogue Run carried of the Tumbling Dam of my Mill and was near carrying of the House also.\nWind at No. Et. & fair from a settled Sky. Sent word to Mr. Clifton by my Negro Will that I shoud be glad to see him here in the Morning having something to propose to him.\nThe bad Weather this Week put a Total stop to plowing except a little on Wednesday with one Plow.\n   GW\u2019s dam was an earthwork with a tumbling bay, or spillway, in one portion. Excess water flowed over this outfall, normally preventing the water level behind the dam from rising too high. But on this occasion water came downstream faster than it could flow out the spillway, and the dam collapsed.\nSunday Mar. 16th. In the Morning early began Snowing with a Strong No. Et. Wind and continued without the least Intermission, or Remission till dark, & how long after I know not.\nMonday Mar. 17th. The Snow this Morng. was much drifted, & many places of considerable depth. It kept Snowing by Intervals till Noon & appeard unsettled the whole day.\nWent to my Mill and took a view of the Ruins the Fresh had causd. Determind however to repr. it with all expedition & accordingly set my Carpenters to making Wheel & Handbarrows.\nBeef from Coleman\u2019s was brought down.\nMr. Possey being here and talking of the Orphan Fren\u2019s Land adjoining mine on Dogue Run, he undertook to purchase it for me of the said Orphan Diana, who lives at Nangemy in Maryland with one\u2014Wright who I think he said Married her Aunt.\nMr. Possey thinks it may be bought for \u00a350 or 60 pound & there shoud be 207 Acres of it.\n   Posey finally purchased this land for GW in 1764, by which time Diana had married William Whiting. The Whitings received \u00a375 in several installments for the property, which was then estimated to contain 200 acres (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 168; GW\u2019s list of quitrent lands for 1764, DLC:GW).\n   Nanjemoy, according to an English traveler who saw it in 1774, was \u201ca small Village of about five houses\u201d lying west of Nanjemoy Creek in Charles County, Md. All the inhabitants were planters except two men who ran a store there (CRESSWELLLincoln MacVeagh, ed. The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, 1774\u20131777. New York, 1924., 17).\nTuesday Mar. 18th. Cool in the morning, Wind at No. West, but afterwards Shifting to South grew more moderate and Melted the Snow much.\nWent to Court partly on my own private Business and partly on Cliftons Affair but the Commissioners not meeting nothing\nwas done in regard to the Latter. Much discourse happend between him and I con\u27e8cer\u27e9ning his ungenerous treatment of me. The whole turning to little Acct. tis not worth reciting here the result of which was that for \u00a350 more than Mr. Mason offerd him he undertook if possible to disengage himself from that Gentleman & to let me have his Land. I did not think Myself restraind by any Rules of Honour, Conscience or &ca. from makeg. him this offer as his Lands were first engagd to me by the most Solemn assurances that any Man coud give.\nMr. Johnston not being in Town I coud not get Mr. Darrel\u2019s Deeds to me acknowledgd.\nKilld the Beeves that came from Frederick.\n   The following month this move by GW in the Clifton affair was criticized by the General Court sitting in chancery. GW was putting himself into a potentially awkward situation, for as a commissioner he was responsible for giving a disinterested report to the chancery court on how the Clifton case should be settled.\n   GW dined today at Mrs. Chew\u2019s tavern (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 89).\nWednesday Mar. 19. Cold Southerly Wind & Lowring Weather till towds. Evening when the Clouds dispersing it became more moderate.\nPeter (my Smith) and I after several efforts to make a plow after a new model\u2014partly of my own contriving\u2014was fiegn to give it out, at least for the present.\nSnow but little dissolvd. Colo. Fairfax & Mrs. Fx. came here in the Evening.\nThursday Mar. 20th. Cold Northerly Wind. Colo. F[airfa]x and I set out to Alexa. by appointmt. to Settle & adjust (with the other Comrs.) Cliftons & Carrols accts. conformable to a decree of our Genl. Court but not being able to accomplish it then the 28th. was a further day appointed to meet and my house the place resolvd upon.\n   The other commissioners were Rev. Charles Green and John West, Jr., now sheriff of Fairfax County. It was the common practice in such cases for the court to appoint four commissioners, any three of whom could act as a quorum.\nFriday Mar. 21st. Colo. Fairfax & Mrs. Fx. returnd home. The Wind being No. Easterly the Morng. and indeed the best half of the day was very Cold and Cloudy. The Wind towards Evening seemd to be getting So[uther]ly.\nBrought 47 Bushels of Wheat from my Mill.\nSaturday March 22d. Cold southerly Wind and Cloudy, with Rain from 10 O\u2019clock till Night.\nDoctr. Laurie came here. Agreed with George Taylor for 3 Sows and Pigs\u2014at 45/.\n   Taylor is a local small planter who apparently moved to Loudoun County later in 1760.\nSunday Mar. 23d. Southerly Wind and Warm. Miss Fairfax & Miss Dent came here.\n   Hannah Fairfax was a younger sister of George William Fairfax. Miss Dent was possibly Elizabeth Dent (1727\u20131796) or one of her younger sisters, all daughters of Peter Dent (c.1694\u20131757), of Whitehaven, on Mattawoman Creek in the Piscataway region of Prince George\u2019s County, Md. (NEWMANHarry Wright Newman. The Maryland Dents: A Genealogical History of the Descendants of Judge Thomas Dent and Captain John Dent Who Settled Early in the Province of Maryland. Richmond, Va., 1963., 36\u201339).\nMonday Mar. 24th. Began repairing my Mill Dam\u2014with hands from all my Quarters Carpenters Included.\nIn digging Earth for this purpose great Quantities of Marle or Fullers Earth appeard.\nIn the Evening, in a Bed that had been prepard with a mixture of Dung on Saturday last, I sowed Clo\u27e8ver,\u27e9 Lucerne, & Rye Grass Seeds in the Garden, to try their Goodness\u2014doing it in the following Order. At the end next the Corner are two Rows of Clover Seed\u2014in the 3d., 4, 5 & 6th. Rye Grass the last Row thinest Sowd 7th. & 8th. Barley (to see if it woud come up) the last also thinnest Sown\u20149, 10, 11, 12th. Lucerne\u2014first a few seeds at every 4 Inches distance the next thicker & so on to the last wch. was very thick.\nCarried the Sows I bot. of George Taylor to my Mill by Water.\n   The carpenters were needed to work on the spillway, which was made of timber. In addition, the dam probably had a timber foundation and may have been further strengthened by vertical planking on its upstream or downstream sides or in its center (CRAIK [1]David Craik. The Practical American Millwright and Miller: Comprising the Elementary Principles of Mechanics, Mechanism, and Motive Power, Hydraulics, and Hydraulic Motors, Mill Dams, Saw-Mills, Grist-Mills, the Oat-Meal Mill, the Barley Mill, Wool Carding and Cloth Fulling and Dressing, Windmills, Steam Power, etc. Philadelphia, 1870., 167\u201370).\n   clover seed: Trifolium pratense, red clover. Unless he specifies another clover by name, GW is referring to this species.\nTuesday Mar. 25th. Set one Plow to Work on the Field below the Garden.\nAll hands being employd on the Dam again the Water was Stopd. and the Work in a fair way of receiving a finish by tomorrow Night.\nThe Wind was Southerly\u2014the Day Changeable.\nMrs. Possey, & some young woman whose name was unknown to any Body in this family, dind here.\nWednesday Mar. 26. One Plow at Work today also.\nMiss Dent & Miss Fairfax returnd home.\nMy Dam was entirely compleated by Evening.\nSpent the greatest part of the day in making a new plow of my own Invention.\nWind at No. West & very boisterous.\nThursday Mar. 27. Southerly Wind, day warm and very fine. Sat my Plow to work and found She Answerd very well in the\nField in the lower Pasture wch. I this day began Plowing with the large Bay Mare & Rankin. Mulatto Jack conting. to Plow the Field below the Garden.\nAgreed to give Mr. William Triplet \u00a318 to build the two houses in the Front of my House (plastering them also) and running Walls for Pallisades to them from the Great house & from the Great House to the Wash House and Kitchen also.\n   William Triplett (d. 1803) of Truro Parish lived with his wife Sarah Peake Triplett at Round Hill about four miles northwest of Mount Vernon. He had participated in a recent remodeling of GW\u2019s mansion house, doing brickwork on the foundation and chimneys and plastering the interior of the house. His bill for those jobs, which totaled \u00a352 8s. 4d., had been discharged by GW on 26 Feb. 1760 (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 72). GW had planned to have the two outbuildings mentioned here built earlier, but Triplett\u2019s many engagements to work for other planters in the area had prevented him from undertaking the task until now (John Patterson to GW, 2 Sept. 1758, DLC:GW).\n   Friday Mar. 28. According to appointment, Colo. F\u27e8airfa\u27e9x & Mr. Green met here upon Clifton\u2019s Affair, he being present as was Mr. Thompson Mason (as Council for him). Mr. Digges and Mr. Addison were also here and after examining all the Papers and Accts. on both sides, and stating them in the manner wch. seemd most equitable to Us, the debt due from Mr. Clifton according to that Settlement amounted to \u00a3 that is to say\u2014to Mr. Carroll \u00a3[243 13s.1d.] to Mr. Tasker pr. Mr. Digges [\u00a3304 15s.3d.] to Do. pr. Mr. Addison [\u00a3364 19s.].\nWe also agreed to report several things which appeard necessary, as well, in behalf of Mr. Clifton as the other party.\nThe Gentlemen from Maryland, Mr. Mason & Clifton left this; but Colo. Fairfax and Mr. Green stayd the Night.\nAbt. Noon Mulatto Jack finishd plowing the Field below the Garden and went into the lower Pasture to work.\nSun shone Warm but the Wind blew strong from South.\n   The Addison family of Maryland descended from John Addison, who emigrated from England in 1677. His son Thomas Addison (1679\u20131727) built the family home of Oxon Hill in Prince George\u2019s County, Md., across the Potomac from Alexandria. By his second wife, Eleanor Smith Addison, Thomas had one daughter and four sons, one of whom was John Addison (1713\u20131764) of Oxon Hill, who appears here.\n   The gross amounts filled in here are taken from the Virginia General Court decree of 12 April 1760 (NjWdHi). They are probably the amounts decided upon at this meeting but left blank by GW because interest and court costs were still to be figured into the final totals.\nSaturday Mar. 29th. About noon sat one Plow into the Fallow Ground below the Hill, & about an hour before Sunset the other.\nFresh and variable Wind chiefly from South. Carried out about  Tumbril Load of Dung from the Stable upon the Clover Field.\nSunday Mar. 30th. Little Wind, but moist Weather. A misty Rain continuing at Short Intervals through the day.\nMonday Mar. 31st. Strong So[uther]ly Wind in the first part of the day with light Showers but Abt. Noon the Wind got No[rther]ly.\nWent to Belvoir (according to Appointment on the 28th. past) and drew up and Signd a Report of our Proceedings in Clifton\u2019s affair to be sent with the Accts. to the Genl. Court.\nFinishd plowing the Fallowd Ground abt. Sun Setting.\nMr. Walter Stuart who I met with at Belvoir gave me a Letter from Dr. Macleane and another from Bishop.\nThe Latter very desirous of returning but enlisted in the 44th. Regimt. the Former wrote to Colo. Byrd to ask his discharge of the Genl.\nWrote to Lieutt. Smith to try if possible to get me a Careful Man to Overlook my Carpenters. Wrote also to Harwick ordering down two Mares from thence & desiring him to engage me a Ditcher. Inclosd a Letter from my Brother Jno. to his Overseer Farrell Littleton and directed him what to do if the Small pox shd. come amongst them.\n   report: The report included a recommendation that all sales by Clifton be set aside in favor of an auction. See entry for 28 Mar.\n   Dr. Lauchlin MacLeane (d. 1778), of England, served with units of the British army and practiced medicine in Philadelphia 1755\u201361. MacLeane, Steuart, Bishop, Byrd, and GW had all served together in the Forbes expedition against Fort Duquesne in 1758. GW knew that MacLeane was now in Philadelphia and may have written to Bishop in care of the doctor (see entry for 25 Jan. 1760). The 44th Regiment was brought from Ireland for Braddock\u2019s campaign and may have been Bishop\u2019s old unit. Col. William Byrd III (1729\u20131777), of Westover, had succeeded GW as commander of the Virginia Regiment, now stationed at Winchester. Bishop did not appear at Mount Vernon until Sept. 1761, when he resumed his service which continued to his death 33 years later.\n   Lt. Charles Smith, who was given command of Fort Loudoun at Winchester in 1758, had been recommended to that post by GW as an officer both \u201cdiligent\u201d and \u201cexceedingly industrious\u201d (GW to John Blair, 28 May 1758, DLC:GW). Having lost an arm in the service, Smith received a life pension from the House of Burgesses on the recommendation of a committee which included GW (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1761\u201365, 179, 185).\n   ditcher: a man who was employed to build and repair drainage ditches, along field boundaries and elsewhere. The customary boundaries delineating\nGW\u2019s fields consisted of two parallel ditches with a row of dense hedge along the center ridge. They served the dual purpose of draining wet lands and making it more difficult for livestock to pass through the hedge.\n   GW\u2019s brother John Augustine Washington (1736\u20131787), who lived at Bushfield in Westmoreland County, had inherited land in Frederick County which lay near GW\u2019s Bullskin plantation.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0002", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 2 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday Apl. 2d. Got the above Ground ready for Sowing tomorrow. Begn. to Cross plow the first plowd Ground in the lower Pasture endeavouring to get it in Order for Sowg. Lucerne Seed In. A Drying Southerly Wind & Warm.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 3 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday April 3d. Sowd 17\u00bd Drills of Trefoil Seed in the ground adjoining the Garden, numbering from the side next the\nStable (or Work Shop) the residue of them viz. 4 was sowd with Lucerne Seed\u2014both done with design to see how these Seeds answer in that Ground. Sowd my Fallow Field in Oats to day, and harrowed them in viz. 10\u00bd Bushels. Got done about three Oclock. Cook Jack after laying of the Lands in this Field went to plowing in the 12 Acre Field where they were Yesterday as did the other plow abt. 5 oclock after Pointing. Got several Composts and laid them to dry in order to mix with the Earth brot. from the Field below to try their several Virtues. Wind blew very fresh from South. Clouds often appeard, and sometimes threatned the near approach of Rain but a clear setting Sun seemd denoted the Contrary.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 4 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday Apl. 4th. Sowd abt. one Bushl. of Barley in a piece of Ground near the Tobo. House in the 12 Acre Field. Harrowd, & crossd Harrowd the Ground in the sd. Field intended for Lucerne. Apprehending the Herrings were come Hauled the Sein but catchd only a few of them tho a good many of other sorts. Majr. Stewart and Doctr. Johnston came here in the Afternoon and at Night Mr. Richie attended by Mr. Ross solliciting Freight\u2014promisd none.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Apl. 5th. Planted out 20 young Pine trees at the head of my Cherry Walk. Recd. my Goods from York. Hauld the Sein again catchd 2 or 3 White Fish more Herring than Yesterday & a great Number of Cats. Richie and Ross went away. Made another Plow the same as my former excepting that it has two Eyes and the other one. So[uther]ly Wind, but not so fresh as that wch. blew Yesterday. However, it blew up a little Rain abt. Dark with a good deal of Lightning & some Thunder.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-06-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday April 6th. Wind at No. Et. and Cool. About 3 Oclock it began Raining and continued to do so (moderately) for about an hour when it cleard, the Wind shifting So[uther]ly. I just perceivd the Rye grass Seed wch. I sowd in the Garden to try its goodness was beginning to come up pretty thick; the Clovr., Lucerne, & Barley I discoverd above Ground, on the first Instant. Majr. Stewart & Doctr. Johnston set out for Winchesr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-07-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0007", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 7 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday April 7th. Raind till 6 Oclock pretty hard and then cleard\u2014Wind So[uther]ly and Cloudy all day. In the Evening Colo. Frog came here, and made me an offer of 2400 Acres of Land wch. he has in Culpeper for \u00a3400. This Ld. Lyes (according to his acct.) 46 Miles above The Falls of Rappahannock\u2014is well Water\u2019d Timberd & of a Fertile Soil\u2014no Impr[ove]ments on it. I told him that I woud get Captn. Thomas\nFitzhugh to give me his Opinion of the Land when he went next to his Quarter not far from it\u2014or I woud take it in my way from Fredk. when I next went up there as it lies he says only 8 Miles from the place where Josh. Nevil livd at the Pignut Ridge. One Captn. Kennelly lives within a Mile of the Land and is well acquainted with it. People kept Holliday.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-13-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0013", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 13 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday April 13th. Fine clear still Morng. Abt. 10 Oclock the Wind (what little there was before being So.) came Easterly, blew fresh and Clouded. Towards Evening the Atmostphere was quite Overcast and threatned Instant Rain. My Negroes askd the lent of the Sein to day but caught little or no Fish. Note the Wind blew upon the shore to day.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0014", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 14 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Apl. 14. Fine warm day, Wind So[uther]ly and clear till the Eveng. when it clouded. No Fish were to be catchd to day neither. Mixd my Composts in a box with ten Apartments in the following manner viz.\u2014in No. 1 is three pecks of the Earth brought from below the Hill out of the 46 Acre Field without any mixture\u2014in No. \n2. is two pecks of the said Earth and one of Marle taken out of the said Field which Marle seemd a little Inclinable to Sand.\n3. Has 2 Pecks of sd. Earth and 1 of Riverside Sand.\n4. Has a Peck of Horse Dung.\n5. Has Mud taken out of the Creek.\n6. Has Cow Dung.\n7. Marle from the Gullys on the Hill side wch. seemd to be purer than the other.\n8. Sheep Dung.\n9. Black Mould taken out of the Pocoson on the Creek side.\n10. Clay got just below the Garden.\n All mixd with the same quantity & sort of Earth in the most effectual manner by reducing the whole to a tolerable degree of fineness & jubling them well together in a Cloth. In each of these divisions were planted three Grains of Wheat 3 of Oats & as many of Barley, all at equal distances in Rows & of equal depth (done by a Machine made for the purpose). The Wheat Rows are next the Numbered side, the Oats in the Middle, & the Barley on that side next the upper part of the Garden. Two or three hours after sowing in this manner, and about an hour before Sun set I waterd them all equally alike with Water that had been standing in a Tub abt. two hours exposd to the Sun. Began drawing Bricks burning Lime & Preparing for Mr. Triplet who is to be here on Wednesday to Work. Finishd Harrowing the Clover Field, and began reharrowing of it. Got a new harrow made of smaller, and closer Tinings for Harrowing in Grain\u2014the other being more proper for preparing the Ground for sowing. Cook Jack\u2019s plow was stopd he being employd in setting the Lime Kiln.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-15-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0015", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 15 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday April 15th. Sent Tom and Mike to Alexandria in my Boat for 20 or 25 Bushels of Oats. Went up myself there to Court after calling at Mr. Green\u2019s & leaving Mrs. Washington there. Mr. Darrell not being there the Execution of his Deeds were again put of. Being informd that French, Triplet and others were about buying (in conjunction) a piece of Land of Simon Piarson lying not far from my Dogue Run Quarter I engagd him to give me the first offer of it so soon as he shoud determine upon selling it. About 3 Oclock fell a very heavy Shower of Rain attended with much Wind at So. wch. Instantaneously abt. an hour by Sun changd to No. West & blew for a few Minutes most violently but soon after fell calm. Good part of my New Fencing that was not Riderd was leveld.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-19-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0019", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 19 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday Apl. 19th. Crossd at Mr. Possey\u2019s Ferry and began my journey to Williamsburg about 9 Oclock. Abt. 11 I broke my\nChair and had to Walk to Port Tobo. where I was detaind the whole day getting my Chair mended\u2014no Smith being with 6 Miles. Lodgd at Doctr. Halkerston\u2019s.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0020", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 20 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday Apl. 20th. Set out early, and crossd at Cedar point by 10; the day being very calm & fine, Dind and lodgd at my Brother\u2019s. The Evening Cloudy with Rain. Wind tho little at So. West.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-22-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0022", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday April 22d. Crossd Pamunky at Williams\u2019s Ferry, and visited all the Plantations in New Kent. Found the Overseers\nmuch behind hand in their Business. Went to Mrs. Dandridges and lodgd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0024", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 24 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday April 24th. Visited my Quarters at Claibornes and found their business in tolerable forwardness. Also went to my other Quarter at  where their was an insufficient quantity of Ground prepard\u2014but all that coud be had\u2014it was sd. Dind at Mr. Bassetts and went in the Evening to Williamsburg.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004-0028", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 28 April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday Apl. 28th. Let my House in Town to Colo. Moore, for Colo. Dandridge, who is to come into it in the Fall, and pay me 45 \u00a3 pr. Ann. In the meanwhile I am to paint it. In the Afternoon after collecting what Money I coud I left Town and reachd Colo. Bassetts. This day agreed with Mr. Jno. Driver of Nansemond for 25,000 shingles to be deliverd in October. They are to be 18 inch shingles and of the best sort. Desird him if he coud not cause them to be deliverd for 18/ a Thousd. not to send them but let me know of it as soon as possible.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0004", "content": "Title: [April 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday April 1\u20131760. Crossd plowd the Fallow Field to day wch. contains 3.2.38 wch. shews that 2 Acres a day in Level ground already broke up may easily be accomplishd.\nDoctor Laurie came here.\nThe Wind at No. West. Weather clear, somewhat Cool and drying.\nMoon at its first rising remarkably red.\nRecd. a Letter from Mr. Digges, Inclosing a Packet for Messrs. Nichos. & Withe wch. he desird I woud send under Cover to some Friend of mine in Williamsburg as it was to go by Clifton suspecting that Gentleman woud not deal fairly by it.\nBegan to prepare a Small piece of Ground of abt.  Yards Square at the lower Corner of my Garden to put Trefoil in\u2014a little Seed given me by Colo. F[airfa]x Yesterday.\n   The next day GW wrote a covering letter to accompany the packet. In the letter, addressed to Benjamin Waller, of the General Court, GW recited his differences with Clifton and Thomson Mason and argued strongly for his own position, which was that the court should \u201cconfirm the Opinion of the Commissioners\u201d (2 April 1760, ViMtvL). Of the two interested parties named Digges, this reference is probably to William, since Ignatius, as an agent for Charles Carroll of Annapolis, consistently refused to cooperate in the Clifton proceedings (GW to Carroll, 31 July 1791, DLC:GW). In 1760 Robert Carter Nicholas (1728\u20131780), a burgess for York County, and George Wythe (1726\u20131806), the burgess for the College of William and Mary, were already recognized as having two of Virginia\u2019s most talented legal minds.\n   contains 3.2.38: He means 3 acres, 2 roods, 38 perches. A rood is 40 square rods or \u00bc acre; a perch is 1 square rod or 1/160 acre.\n   trefoil: Trifolium procumbens, hop clover, or hop trefoil. GW is probably referring to this plant when he mentions yellow clover and yellow trefoil.\nWednesday Apl. 2d. Got the above Ground ready for Sowing tomorrow. Begn. to Cross plow the first plowd Ground in the lower Pasture endeavouring to get it in Order for Sowg. Lucerne Seed In.\nA Drying Southerly Wind & Warm.\nThursday April 3d. Sowd 17\u00bd Drills of Trefoil Seed in the ground adjoining the Garden, numbering from the side next the\nStable (or Work Shop) the residue of them viz. 4 was sowd with Lucerne Seed\u2014both done with design to see how these Seeds answer in that Ground.\nSowd my Fallow Field in Oats to day, and harrowed them in viz. 10\u00bd Bushels. Got done about three Oclock.\nCook Jack after laying of the Lands in this Field went to plowing in the 12 Acre Field where they were Yesterday as did the other plow abt. 5 oclock after Pointing.\nGot several Composts and laid them to dry in order to mix with the Earth brot. from the Field below to try their several Virtues.\nWind blew very fresh from South. Clouds often appeard, and sometimes threatned the near approach of Rain but a clear setting Sun seemd denoted the Contrary.\n   sowd . . . oats to day: Avena sativa, the \u201ccommon oat\u201d in GW\u2019s papers. GW did far less experimenting with varieties of oats than with wheat or field peas, perhaps because there was less selection in process among English and American growers. While president, he wrote to manager James Anderson, 29 Jan. 1797, that he was obtaining several bushels of an oat from beyond the Alleghenies \u201cof a quality, it is said, inferior to none in the world\u201d (DLC:GW). See entry for 8 Mar. 1787 for a note on the Poland oat.\nFriday Apl. 4th. Sowd abt. one Bushl. of Barley in a piece of Ground near the Tobo. House in the 12 Acre Field.\nHarrowd, & crossd Harrowd the Ground in the sd. Field intended for Lucerne.\nApprehending the Herrings were come Hauled the Sein but catchd only a few of them tho a good many of other sorts. Majr. Stewart and Doctr. Johnston came here in the Afternoon and at Night Mr. Richie attended by Mr. Ross solliciting Freight\u2014promisd none.\n   bushl. of barley: Hordeum vulgare, barley. Here GW is sowing spring barley, but his common practice is to use the winter variety (see entry for 2 Sept. 1763). \u201cI tried it [spring barley] two or three years unsuccessfully\u201d (GW to William Pearce, 23 Mar. 1794, NBLiHi). Elsewhere he mentions summer barley, Minorca barley, and English barley. For naked barley, see entry for 3 May 1788, and for bere barley, see entry for 10 April 1787.\n   Herring came up the rivers of tidewater Virginia and Maryland every spring to spawn near the falls (VOYAGE\u201cNarrative of a Voyage to Maryland, 1705\u20131706.\u201d American Historical Review 12 (1906\u20137): 327\u201340., 335). On 15 Mar. 1760 Cary & Co. of London sent GW an invoice listing two new fish seines which were described as being \u201c35 fathoms long each, each 20 feet deep all through, made of the best 3 thd. laid twine, small Inch Meshes, hung loose on the lines & well fixd with Leads & Corks\u201d (DLC:GW). Those seines, however, probably did not arrive in time to be of much use to GW during this fishing season.\n   Robert Stewart entered the Virginia Regiment in 1754. He was soon made captain and was with GW at Braddock\u2019s Defeat, becoming\n      one of GW\u2019s favorite officers. In the fall of 1758 he became brigade major of the Virginia troops on GW\u2019s recommendation, and in 1760 he was still in the service, stationed at Winchester. Dr. Johnston is probably Robert Johnston (Johnson), originally of James City County, who served as the surgeon in both GW\u2019s and Col. William Byrd\u2019s Virginia Regiments; he may have been attending the Virginia troops in Winchester at this time. Johnston, who voted for GW in the lively 1758 burgesses\u2019 election in Frederick County, died in Frederick County in 1769 (CROZIER [1]William Armstrong Crozier, ed. Virginia Colonial Militia, 1651\u20131776. Baltimore, 1954., 40; election poll for Frederick County, 24 July 1758, DLC:GW).\n   Archibald Ritchie (d. 1784) was a Scottish merchant in Hobbs Hole (Tappahannock, on the Rappahannock River, Essex County). Hector Ross, a merchant at Colchester, Fairfax County, bought tobacco and Indian corn from GW, and his establishment, in turn, served as a local store of convenience for clothing and minor necessities for GW\u2019s white servants, his tenants, and his slaves.\nSaturday Apl. 5th. Planted out 20 young Pine trees at the head of my Cherry Walk.\nRecd. my Goods from York.\nHauld the Sein again catchd 2 or 3 White Fish more Herring than Yesterday & a great Number of Cats.\nRichie and Ross went away.\nMade another Plow the same as my former excepting that it has two Eyes and the other one.\nSo[uther]ly Wind, but not so fresh as that wch. blew Yesterday. However, it blew up a little Rain abt. Dark with a good deal of Lightning & some Thunder.\n   white fish: shad. These fish usually ran in large numbers during April and May. cats: (VOYAGE\u201cNarrative of a Voyage to Maryland, 1705\u20131706.\u201d American Historical Review 12 (1906\u20137): 327\u201340., 335).\nSunday April 6th. Wind at No. Et. and Cool. About 3 Oclock it began Raining and continued to do so (moderately) for about an hour when it cleard, the Wind shifting So[uther]ly.\nI just perceivd the Rye grass Seed wch. I sowd in the Garden to try its goodness was beginning to come up pretty thick; the Clovr., Lucerne, & Barley I discoverd above Ground, on the first Instant.\nMajr. Stewart & Doctr. Johnston set out for Winchesr.\nMonday April 7th. Raind till 6 Oclock pretty hard and then cleard\u2014Wind So[uther]ly and Cloudy all day.\nIn the Evening Colo. Frog came here, and made me an offer of 2400 Acres of Land wch. he has in Culpeper for \u00a3400. This Ld. Lyes (according to his acct.) 46 Miles above The Falls of Rappahannock\u2014is well Water\u2019d Timberd & of a Fertile Soil\u2014no Impr[ove]ments on it. I told him that I woud get Captn. Thomas\nFitzhugh to give me his Opinion of the Land when he went next to his Quarter not far from it\u2014or I woud take it in my way from Fredk. when I next went up there as it lies he says only 8 Miles from the place where Josh. Nevil livd at the Pignut Ridge.\nOne Captn. Kennelly lives within a Mile of the Land and is well acquainted with it.\nPeople kept Holliday.\n   Col. John Frogg was living in Fauquier County but held land across Hedgman\u2019s River in Culpeper County. The falls were just above Fredericksburg. Capt. Thomas Fitzhugh (1725\u20131768) lived at Boscobel in King George (now Stafford) County. Many of the military ranks held by men appearing in the diaries are in the colonial militia, in which the highest rank was that of colonel; Fitzhugh was a captain in the militia. Joseph Neville (many spellings) lived in the vicinity of the Neville\u2019s ordinary shown on the 1755 edition of the Fry-Jefferson Map. Joseph and his brother, George, both operated ordinaries in the area. KENNELLY: probably James Kennerley, of Culpeper County, whose land was close to John Frogg\u2019s (PRICHARDA. M. Prichard, comp. Abstracts from the County Court Minute Book of Culpeper County, Virginia, 1763\u20131764. Dayton, Va., 1930., 31).\n   holliday: Easter Monday.\nTuesday April 8th. What time it began Raining in the Night I cant say, but at day break it was pouring very hard, and continued so, till 7 oclock when a Messenger came to inform me that my Mill was in great danger of blowing. I immediately hurried off all hands with Shovels &ca. to her assistance and got there myself just time enough to give her a reprieve for this time by Wheeling dirt into the place which the Water had Washd.\nWhile I was here a very heavy Thunder Shower came on which lasted upwards of an hour.\nHere also, I tried what time the Mill requird to grind a Bushel of Corn and to my Surprize found She was within 5 Minutes of an hour about. This old Anthony attributed to the low head of Water (but Whether it was so or not I cant say\u2014her Works all decayd and out of Order wch. I rather take to be the cause).\nThis Bushel of Corn when Ground measurd near a Peck more Meal.\nNo. Et. Wind and Cloudy all day. Towards Night it dripd of Rain.\n   The mill was probably a small, one- or two-story wooden structure with an overshot or breast wheel and a single set of grinding stones. GW\u2019s assessment of the mill\u2019s machinery must have been correct, but Anthony recognized an equally important problem. The head of water was not high enough to generate much force when the water fell on the wheel, and without more power, better machinery could not be used to its full capacity. Some work was done on the millrace by Hosea Bazell during the late summer, but any improvement made in the head of water was probably minimal (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio\n102). Jerry Mitchell apparently confined his efforts this year to rebuilding the mill\u2019s internal works.\n   The slave carpenter Anthony was in his middle fifties when he was brought to Mount Vernon in 1759 as part of Martha Custis\u2019s dower. GW made him his miller but the next year reassigned him to the crew of carpenters, where by 1762 he had become head slave carpenter. After 1763 Anthony disappears from GW\u2019s tithable lists.\nWednesday Apl. 9th. Wind at No. Et. Very Cloudy and sometimes Misty.\nThe Heavy Rains that had fallen in this few days past had made the Ground too wet for Plowing; I therefore set about the Fence which Incloses my Clover Field.\nDoctr. Laurie came here. I may add Drunk.\nObservd the Trefoil wch. I sowd on the 3d. Inst. to be coming up, but in a Scattg. manner. The Lucerne wch. was sewd at the same time and in the same manner appeard much better; & forwarder.\nThursday Apl. 10th. Mrs. Washington was blooded by Doctr. Laurie who stayd all Night.\nThis Morning my Plows began to Work in the Clover Field, but a hard Shower of Rain from No. Et. (where the Wind hung all day) abt. 11 Oclock, stopd them for the Remainder of the day. I therefore Employd the hands in making two or three hauls of the Sein, & found that the Herrings were come.\nVal Crawford brought 4 Hhds. of my Mountain Tobo. to the Warehouses in Alexa. two in my own Waggon and with a Plow such as they use mostly in Frederick came here in the Night.\nHe informd me of my worthy Overseer Hardwicks lying since the 17th. Ulto. in Winchester of a Broken Leg.\n   Valentine Crawford (d. 1777) lived near GW\u2019s Bullskin plantation in Frederick County and was regularly hired to bring down GW\u2019s mountain tobacco from those quarters. Valentine was the brother of Col. William Crawford (1732\u20131782) and half brother to John, Hugh, Richard, and Marcus Stephenson, sons of Richard and Onora (n\u00e9e Grimes) Crawford Stephenson, all of whom appear in the diaries.\nFriday Apl. 11th. Set one Plow to Work again in the Morning the other about 10 Oclock in the Clover Field.\nTryd the new Plow brot. Yesterday, found she did good Work and run very true but heavy\u2014rather too much so for two Horses, especially while the Gd. was moist.\nAbt. 11 Oclock set the People to Hauling the Sein and by Night\nand in the Night Catchd and dressd  Barrels of Herring and 60 White Fish.\nObservd that the Flood tide was infinitely the best for these Fish.\nThe Wind came fresh from So. Et. the day Cool. Cloudy till Noon, but very clear promising settled Weather afterwards.\n   After cleaning, the catch was packed with salt into barrels and stored for use on the plantation, fish being a staple of the slaves\u2019 diet (MIDDLETON [2]Arthur Pierce Middleton. Tobacco Coast: A Maritime History of the Chesapeake Bay in the Colonial Era. Newport News, Va., 1953., 202\u20135).\nSaturday April 12th. Hard No. West the whole day, very clear and Cool.\nHauld the Sein but without Success. Some said it was owing to the wind setting of the Shore, which seems in some Measure confirmd by the quantity we catchd Yesterday when the Wind blew on upon it.\nAbout 11 Oclock finishd plowing the Clover Field. Abt. 1 Mullatto Jack began harrowing it with the wide Toothd Harrow and got half over the Field by Night. Cook Jack went to Plowing in the 12 Acre Field.\nPerceivd my Barley and Oats to be coming up very thick and well.\nEngag\u2019d 150 Bushels of Oats of an Eastern shore Man & got 40 of them Landd. before I found they were damagd.\n   GW paid \u00a32 16s. for 39\u00bd bushels of the oats (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 89).\nSunday April 13th. Fine clear still Morng. Abt. 10 Oclock the Wind (what little there was before being So.) came Easterly, blew fresh and Clouded. Towards Evening the Atmostphere was quite Overcast and threatned Instant Rain.\nMy Negroes askd the lent of the Sein to day but caught little or no Fish. Note the Wind blew upon the shore to day.\nMonday Apl. 14. Fine warm day, Wind So[uther]ly and clear till the Eveng. when it clouded.\nNo Fish were to be catchd to day neither.\nMixd my Composts in a box with ten Apartments in the following manner viz.\u2014in No. 1 is three pecks of the Earth brought from below the Hill out of the 46 Acre Field without any mixture\u2014in No.\n2. is two pecks of the said Earth and one of Marle taken out of the said Field which Marle seemd a little Inclinable to Sand.\n3. Has 2 Pecks of sd. Earth and 1 of Riverside Sand.\n4. Has a Peck of Horse Dung.\n5. Has Mud taken out of the Creek.\n6. Has Cow Dung.\n7. Marle from the Gullys on the Hill side wch. seemd to be purer than the other.\n8. Sheep Dung.\n9. Black Mould taken out of the Pocoson on the Creek side.\n10. Clay got just below the Garden.\nAll mixd with the same quantity & sort of Earth in the most effectual manner by reducing the whole to a tolerable degree of fineness & jubling them well together in a Cloth.\nIn each of these divisions were planted three Grains of Wheat 3 of Oats & as many of Barley, all at equal distances in Rows & of equal depth (done by a Machine made for the purpose).\nThe Wheat Rows are next the Numbered side, the Oats in the Middle, & the Barley on that side next the upper part of the Garden.\nTwo or three hours after sowing in this manner, and about an hour before Sun set I waterd them all equally alike with Water that had been standing in a Tub abt. two hours exposd to the Sun.\nBegan drawing Bricks burning Lime & Preparing for Mr. Triplet who is to be here on Wednesday to Work.\nFinishd Harrowing the Clover Field, and began reharrowing of it. Got a new harrow made of smaller, and closer Tinings for Harrowing in Grain\u2014the other being more proper for preparing the Ground for sowing.\nCook Jack\u2019s plow was stopd he being employd in setting the Lime Kiln.\n   grains of wheat: Triticum aestivum, wheat, was second to tobacco as a cash crop during GW\u2019s early farming years and his prime cash crop after he reduced his tobacco plantings in later years. When he speaks of \u201cwheat\u201d he means the common English red winter wheat, but during his lifetime he tried at least a dozen different kinds and experimented (as above) with various modes of culture. A common method of cropping was to sow wheat between corn rows after the corn had been topped in late summer. GW\u2019s diaries and papers show him trying early wheat, summer wheat, red-straw wheat, lamas wheat, double-headed wheat, yellow-bearded wheat, and Russian wheat sent him by British agriculturist Arthur Young. White wheat became his favorite variety but during the Revolution, when his farms were neglected, his seed became so mixed that it lost its original characteristics. Much of his experimentation with wheat after that time involved finding an ideal white variety. He sent a sack of early white wheat to Sir John Sinclair 10 July 1798, saying it had been developed in America about seven years earlier and\nwas a white, full, and heavy grain. Possibly this is the strain which Thomas Jefferson sent home from Georgetown, Md., in 1790, reporting that Washington had assured him it was the best he had ever seen. It was a white wheat widely used in Maryland with a small, plump grain, weighing 62 to 64 pounds per bushel (BETTS [2]Edwin Morris Betts, ed. Thomas Jefferson\u2019s Garden Book, 1766\u20131824: With Relevant Extracts from His Other Writings. Philadelphia, 1944., 153\u201354).\nTuesday April 15th. Sent Tom and Mike to Alexandria in my Boat for 20 or 25 Bushels of Oats.\nWent up myself there to Court after calling at Mr. Green\u2019s & leaving Mrs. Washington there.\nMr. Darrell not being there the Execution of his Deeds were again put of.\nBeing informd that French, Triplet and others were about buying (in conjunction) a piece of Land of Simon Piarson lying not far from my Dogue Run Quarter I engagd him to give me the first offer of it so soon as he shoud determine upon selling it.\nAbout 3 Oclock fell a very heavy Shower of Rain attended with much Wind at So. wch. Instantaneously abt. an hour by Sun changd to No. West & blew for a few Minutes most violently but soon after fell calm.\nGood part of my New Fencing that was not Riderd was leveld.\n   Simon Pearson (c.1738\u20131797) owned 558 acres of land which lay on the main road from Alexandria to Colchester, northwest of the land on Dogue Run that GW had bought from Sampson Darrell in 1757. To sell his tract Pearson had to dock the entail on it, which he achieved in 1762, and on 14 Feb. 1763 GW bought 178 acres of Pearson\u2019s land for \u00a3191 7s. (deed of Pearson to GW, DLC:GW). The remainder went to William Triplett and George Johnston.\n   fencing . . . not riderd: In a rail fence, a rider is the top rail placed in a crotch of crossed stakes at the end of each panel, to lock all the rails in place and keep the fence firm.\nWednesday Apl. 16. My Boat which the Wind and Rain prevented from returning Yesterday came home this Morning the Wind being at North West and Fresh.\nMr. Triplet & his Brother came this day to Work. Abt. 10 Oclock they began, and got the Wall between the House and Dairy finishd.\nThinking the Ground Rather too wet for Sowing I set my Horses to Carting Rails, and both my Plows were stopd Cook Jack being employd abt. the Lime.\nFinishd a Roller this day for Rolling my Grain.\nThursday April 17th. By 3 Oclock in the afternoon Mr. Triplet finishd the Wall between the Dairy and Kitchen. The Rain from that time prevented his Working.\nSowed my Clover Field with Oats, 24 Bushels. The upper part next the Peach Orchard was Harrowed in during the Rain but before it began to Clog much.\nAlso sowd 18 Rows of Lucerne in the 12 Acre Field below the Hill. The first 4 Rows were Sowd in Drils the others by a line stretchd and the Seed Raked In.\nRichd. Stephens brot. down 9 Hogsheads of Tobo. to go to the Inspection at Hunting [Creek Warehouse] in a flat which I borrowd (or I rather suppose hird) from Messrs. Carlyle and Dalton\u2014wch. Flat brot. down 4 Barrels of Corn\u2014being part of Eight that I was to have had of William Garner at the rate of 9/. pr. Barl. to be paid in Pistoles or Dollars. It seems the other 4 Barrels I am to get from Garner\u2019s House.\nA Fresh Southerly Wind blew all day. Towards Noon it shifted more East and by 3 Oclock it began Raining and continued so to do witht. Intermission till we went to Bed & how long afterwards I know not.\n   The Alexandria retail partnership of John Carlyle & John Dalton lasted from 1744 to Dalton\u2019s death in 1777, an unusually long time in an age when most partnerships were entered into for one year at a time and few lasted more than a decade. GW carried this firm on his books from 1760 to 1769. William Gardner was a Truro vestryman from 1765 to 1776, when he apparently moved out of the parish. In 1766 and 1767 he served as a churchwarden with GW. flat: flatboat.\nFriday April 18th. Righted up all my Fencing.\nPlanted other Pine Trees in the Fencd place at the Cornr. of the Garden the first being broke, and much hurt by Creatures.\nBegan Sowing my Clovr. and got 4 Acres sowd 14 lb. to the Acre. Harrowd it in with the fine toothd Harrow as light as I coud.\nTryd my Roller wch. find much too light.\nSowd 69 Rows more of Lucerne which makes 87 in all.\nGot my Cloaths &ca. packd up for my Journey to Williamsburg tomorrow.\nMr. Barnes\u2019s Davy brot. home my Negroe fellow Boson who Ran away on Monday last.\n   Davy was one of Abraham Barnes\u2019s slaves. In 1760 Boson was assigned to the Mount Vernon quarter called Williamson\u2019s. GW today paid Davy 10s. for taking up Boson (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 89). For colonial Virginia slaves who \u201cran away\u201d from their masters, see MULLINGerald W. Mullin. Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth-Century Virginia. New York, 1972..\nSaturday Apl. 19th. Crossd at Mr. Possey\u2019s Ferry and began my journey to Williamsburg about 9 Oclock. Abt. 11 I broke my\nChair and had to Walk to Port Tobo. where I was detaind the whole day getting my Chair mended\u2014no Smith being with 6 Miles. Lodgd at Doctr. Halkerston\u2019s.\n   John Posey\u2019s ferry crossed the Potomac River from the lower point of the Mount Vernon neck to Marshall Hall in Charles County, Md., home of Capt. Thomas Hanson Marshall (1731\u20131801) and his wife Rebecca Dent Marshall (c.1737\u20131770). By using Posey\u2019s ferry, GW could cut across Charles County, past Port Tobacco, and recross the Potomac, entering Virginia in the Chotank area of King George County. In this way he saved himself from traveling the lower \u201cPotomac Path\u201d on the Virginia side of the Potomac, which crossed a number of swamps and small streams now swollen by a week of hard rains. Robert Halkerston had lived in Fredericksburg during GW\u2019s youth, where he was a founding member of the Masonic Lodge in 1752 and was probably present at the 1753 lodge meetings in which the young GW was initiated, passed, and raised into Masonry.\nSunday Apl. 20th. Set out early, and crossd at Cedar point by 10; the day being very calm & fine, Dind and lodgd at my Brother\u2019s. The Evening Cloudy with Rain. Wind tho little at So. West.\n   The lower of the two Cedar Points in Maryland was about a 13\u2013mile ride south from Port Tobacco. GW most likely used Hooe\u2019s ferry, although several ferries crossed the Potomac from Cedar Point in 1760. His brother Samuel\u2019s plantation in the Chotank area of Stafford County (now King George County) was originally one of their father\u2019s quarters, inherited by Samuel when he came of age in 1755 (HENINGWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 6:513\u201316). There Samuel settled and built a \u201cdwelling house with six rooms below and three above . . . situated on a hill, that opens a most agreeable prospect for some miles up and down the [Potomac] river\u201d (Va. Gaz., R, 18 Aug. 1768, supp.). In the 1760s Samuel served as a justice of the peace for Stafford County and as a vestryman for St. Paul\u2019s Parish.\nMonday Apl. 21st. Crossd at Southern\u2019s and Tods Bridge and lodgd at Major Gaines\u2019s.\n   After leaving his brother\u2019s home GW rode about three miles below Leedstown to Southern\u2019s (earlier Southings) ferry on the Rappahannock River, whose owner lived on the far side of the river in Essex County. In 1755 the ferryboat was manned by two Negroes (HENINGWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 3:22; \u201cNarrative of George Fisher,\u201d\u201cNarrative of George Fisher. Commencing with a Voyage from London, May, 1750, for Yorktown in Virginia and Ending in August, 1755, on His Return from Philadelphia to Williamsburg.\u201d William and Mary Quarterly, 1st ser., 17 (1908\u20139): 100\u2013139, 147\u201376. 170). GW then rode southwest through Essex and King and Queen counties to arrive at Todd\u2019s Bridge, where he crossed the Mattaponi River into King William County a short way upriver from Aylett\u2019s Warehouse (later the village of Aylett, Va.). In 1760 William Todd, who lived on the King and Queen side of the bridge, also had a warehouse and an ordinary at this crossing (GRAY [1]Arthur P. Gray. \u201cWashington\u2019s Burgess Route.\u201d Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 46 (1938): 299\u2013315., 303). Maj. Harry Gaines (d. 1767), a local planter, was elected a burgess for King William County in 1758.\nTuesday April 22d. Crossd Pamunky at Williams\u2019s Ferry, and visited all the Plantations in New Kent. Found the Overseers\nmuch behind hand in their Business. Went to Mrs. Dandridges and lodgd.\n   From Major Gaines\u2019s, GW rode south through King William County to cross the Pamunkey River into New Kent County at Williams\u2019s ferry. The crossing brought him very near the Custis plantations in the vicinity of the White House, which had been the home of Martha Dandridge Custis when GW met her. Mrs. Frances Jones Dandridge (1710\u20131785), widow of John Dandridge (1700\u20131756), was GW\u2019s mother-in-law. She lived at Chestnut Grove in New Kent County, about midway along the Pamunkey River between the White House and the Bassett\u2019s home, Eltham (GRAY [1]Arthur P. Gray. \u201cWashington\u2019s Burgess Route.\u201d Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 46 (1938): 299\u2013315., 304, 315).\nWednesday Apl. 23d. Went to Colo. Bassetts and remaind there the whole day.\n   Burwell Bassett\u2019s home, Eltham in New Kent County, was less than a mile up the Pamunkey River from West Point, where the Pamunkey joins the Mattaponi to form the York River.\n   Thursday April 24th. Visited my Quarters at Claibornes and found their business in tolerable forwardness. Also went to my other Quarter at  where their was an insufficient quantity of Ground prepard\u2014but all that coud be had\u2014it was sd.\nDind at Mr. Bassetts and went in the Evening to Williamsburg.\n   claibornes: This Custis plantation lay in King William County on the neck of land the Pamunkey River forms just above Eltham. Containing an estimated 3,080 acres, nearly half of which were marsh, Claiborne\u2019s was so named because Martha Washington\u2019s first husband, Daniel Parke Custis, had purchased it 14\u201315 Dec. 1750 from the executors of William Claiborne (d. 1746) of Romancoke (survey by William Groveham 14\u201318 April 1789 and 25\u201329 Mar. 1791, Vi). When the Custis estate was apportioned among Martha and the two children, Claiborne\u2019s was one of the plantations assigned to her by right of dower. As her second husband, GW was entitled to use the dower plantations as if they were his own, except that he could not sell them or encumber them \u201cto the prejudice of her ultimate rights or those of her heirs,\u201d for on her death the dower plantations were to go to John Parke Custis (FREEMANDouglas Southall Freeman. George Washington: A Biography. 7 vols. New York, 1948\u201357., 3:20). At this time 19 dower slaves worked at Claiborne\u2019s, growing tobacco, wheat, and corn under the direction of the plantation\u2019s overseer, John Roan (\u201cPart of John Roan\u2019s Crop\u20141759,\u201d and \u201cA List of Working Dower Negroes, where settld & under whose care, 1760,\u201d DLC:GW; both lists are at the beginning of the 1760 Virginia Almanack in which GW kept his diary for this year).\nFriday Apl. 25th. Waited upon the Govr.\n   The governor of Virginia was an appointee of the king. Since, in the British imperial practice, the governorship was considered to be a source of revenue as well as an administrative responsibility, the governor often obtained the royal appointment of a lieutenant governor, who would live in Virginia as the colony\u2019s chief executive officer, and with whom the governor would come\n   to some agreement over the income and perquisites of the office. In 1760 the governor of Virginia was Sir Jeffrey Amherst, and the resident lieutenant governor was Francis Fauquier (1703\u20131768). Fauquier was commissioned lieutenant governor of Virginia 10 Feb. 1758, took the oaths of office in Williamsburg 5 June 1758, and died in office. He had thus been GW\u2019s superior during part of the 1758 campaigns against the French. It was Lieutenant Governor Fauquier whom he visited on this date; he was following the common practice of Virginians in referring to him as simply the governor.\nSaturday Apl. 26th. Visited all the Estates and my own Quarters about Williamsburg. Found these also in pretty good forwardness.\nReceivd Letters from Winchester informing me that the Small Pox had got among my Quarter\u2019s in Frederick; determind therefore to leave Town as soon as possible and proceed up to them.\n   estates: John Parke Custis\u2019s plantations in York County. He had also inherited the Custis lands in New Kent, Hanover, and Northampton counties as well as lots in Williamsburg and Jamestown (Custis to GW, 11 May 1778, ViHi; Va. Gaz., P, 16 Oct. 1778). my own quarters: Martha Washington\u2019s dower plantations in York County\u2014Bridge Quarter and the Ship Landing, both of which lay near the Capitol Landing on Queen\u2019s Creek about two miles north of Williamsburg. Together they contained about 1,000 acres, of which \u201c100 or more\u201d were \u201cfirm hard marsh, supporting a numerous flock of cattle winter and summer,\u201d and 10 to 12 were swamp (Va. Gaz., P&D, 2 April 1767). Tobacco and corn were grown on the higher ground by 19 dower slaves who worked there at this time. The dower property also included a gristmill, which adjoined the two York plantations, plus lots in Williamsburg\n   and Jamestown (\u201cA List of Working Dower Negroes, where settled, & under whose care, 1760,\u201d DLC:GW, at the beginning of GW\u2019s 1760 Virginia Almanack; GW to Custis, 12 Oct. 1778, DLC:GW).\nSunday Apl. 27th. Went to Church. In the Afternoon some Rain, & a great deal of severe Lightning but not much Thunder.\n   church: probably Bruton Parish Church on Duke of Gloucester Street in Williamsburg.\nMonday Apl. 28th. Let my House in Town to Colo. Moore, for Colo. Dandridge, who is to come into it in the Fall, and pay me 45 \u00a3 pr. Ann. In the meanwhile I am to paint it.\nIn the Afternoon after collecting what Money I coud I left Town and reachd Colo. Bassetts.\nThis day agreed with Mr. Jno. Driver of Nansemond for 25,000 shingles to be deliverd in October. They are to be 18 inch shingles and of the best sort. Desird him if he coud not cause them to be deliverd for 18/ a Thousd. not to send them but let me know of it as soon as possible.\n   By \u201cmy House in Town,\u201d GW refers to a Williamsburg house in Martha\u2019s dower estate which was now under GW\u2019s management.\n   Colonel Moore is either Thomas Moore or his brother and near neighbor, Bernard Moore (d. 1775), of Chelsea, who was a burgess for King William County 1744\u201365 and again, 1769\u201371. Both were colonels and lived in the Custis-Dandridge-Bassett neighborhood along the Pamunkey River; both were heavily in debt to the Custis estate. Colonel Dandridge is Bartholomew Dandridge (1737\u20131785), a brother of Mrs. Washington.\n   The money GW collected today was for burgesses\u2019 wages and an old account from the colony of Virginia \u00a360 4d. in all (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 89).\n   John Driver was a merchant in the port town of Suffolk, Va., on the Nansemond River. One of the major sources of roofing shingles for Virginians was the Dismal Swamp area just south of Suffolk in Nansemond County.\nTuesday Apl. 29th. Reachd Port Royal by Sunset.\n   GW crossed the Pamunkey River at Thomas Dansie\u2019s ferry and dined at Todd\u2019s ordinary on his way to Port Royal (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 89).\nWednesday 30th. Came to Hoes Ferry by 10 Oclock but the wind blew too fresh to cross: detained there all Night.\n   Hooe\u2019s ferry, running from Mathias Point in Virginia to lower Cedar Point in Maryland, was established in 1715 by Col. Rice Hooe (Hoe, Howe), grandson of Rice (Rhuys) Hooe, a seventeenth-century immigrant from Wales. At Colonel Hooe\u2019s death (1726), the ferry was inherited and run by his son John (1704\u20131766), and following John\u2019s death by John\u2019s widow, Ann Alexander Hooe, and their son Gerard Hooe (1733\u20131786), who married\nSarah Barnes (1742\u20131815) and lived at the family home of Barnsfield in Mathias Neck, Stafford County (HENINGWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819\u201323. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 4:93; Va. Gaz., R, 24 Mar. 1768; NICKLIN [1], 368).\n   From Hooe\u2019s ferry, GW probably retraced his steps home but entered no expense in his ledger for recrossing the Potomac to reach Mount Vernon.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0001", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 1 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday May 1st. Got over early in the Morning and reachd home before Dinnertime and upon enquiry found that my Clover Field was finishd sowing & Rolling the Saturday I left home\u2014as was the Sowing of my Lucerne: and that on the  they began sowing the last field of Oats & finishd it the 25th. That in box No. 6, two grains of Wheat appeard on the 20th.; one an Inch high\u2014on the 22d. a grain of Wheat in No. 7 and 9 appeard\u2014on the 23 after a good deal of Rain the Night before some Stalks appeard in Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, & 8 but the Ground was so hard bakd by the drying Winds when I came home that it was difficult to say which Nos. lookd most thriving. However in \nNo.\n1 there was nothing come up.\n2 Oats\n1 barley\n1 Oat\n2 barley\n1 Oat\n1 Wheat\n2 Oats\n1 Do.\n3 Do.\n1 Do.\n1 Do.\n2 Do.\n2 Do.\n1 Do.\n1 Do.\n2 Do.\n3 Do.\n2 Do.\n1 Do.\n The two Grains in No. 8 were I think rather the strongest, but upon the whole No. 9 was the best.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0003", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 3 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday May 3d. Wind got Southerly, but blew fresh and Cool. The Stallion coverd Ranken\u2014and afterwards breaking out of his pasture Coverd the great bay Mare again.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0004", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 4 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n Sunday May 4th. Warm and fine. Set out for Frederick to see my Negroes that lay Ill of the Small Pox. Took Church in my way to Colemans where I arrivd about Sun setting.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0005", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 5 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday May 5th. Reach\u2019d Mr. Stephenson in Frederick abt. 4 Oclock just time enough to see Richd. Mounts Interrd. Here I was informd that Harry & Kit, the two first of my Negroes that took the Small Pox were Dead and Roger & Phillis the only two down with it were recovering from it. Lodgd at Mr. Stephenson.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-06-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0006", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 6 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday May 6. Visited my Brother\u2019s Quarter, & just calld at my own in my way to Winchester where I spent the day & Evening with Colo. Byrd &ca. The Court was held to Day at Stephen\u2019s Town but adjournd to Winchester to Morrow.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-07-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0007", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 7 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday May 7. After taking the Doctrs. Direction\u2019s in regard to my People I set out for my Quarters and got there abt. 12 Oclock\u2014time enough to go over them and find every thing in the utmost confusion, disorder & backwardness my Overseer lying upon his Back of a broken Leg, and not half a Crop especially of Corn Ground prepard. Engagd. Vale. Crawford to go in pursuit of a Nurse to be ready in case more of my People shd. be seizd with the same disorder.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0008", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 8 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday May 8th. Got Blankets and every other requisite from Winchester & settld things upon the best footing I coud to prevt.\nthe Small Pox from Spreading\u2014and in case of its spreading for the care of the Negroes. Mr. Vale. Crawford agreeing in case any more of the People at the lower Quarter getting it to take them home to his House\u2014& if any of those at the upper Quarter gets it to have them removd into my Room and the Nurse sent for.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-09-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0009", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 9 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday May 9th. Set out on my return Home. The Morning drizzling a little. Calld at the Bloomery and got Mr. Wm. Crawford to shew me the place that has been so often talkd of for erecting an Iron Work upon. The Convenience of Water is great\u2014first it may be taken out of the River into a Canal and a considerable Fall obtained\u2014& \u27e8then\u27e9 a Run comes from the Mountain on which the largest Fall may [be] got with Small Labour and expence. But of the constancy of this Stream I know nothing nor Coud Crawford tell me. I saw none of the Ore but all People agree that there is an inexhaustable fund of that that is rich\u2014but Wood seems an obstacle not but that there is enough of it but the Gd. is so hilly & rugged as not to admit of making Coal or transporting it. I did not examine the place so accurately myself as to be a competent\n   the bloomery: a primitive means of turning iron ore into iron, consisting of a hearth rather larger than that of a blacksmith. Iron ore and charcoal were fed into a fire fanned by a bellows that was powered by a waterwheel. When the heated iron formed a lump, or \u201cbloom,\u201d it was lifted to an anvil and beaten into a bar by a hammer, also powered by the waterwheel. The product was an impure wrought iron used by local artisans and blacksmiths. A bloomery for making bar iron was begun in 1742 by a group which included William Vestal and Crawford\u2019s stepfather, Richard Stephenson. It was located on John Vestal\u2019s land about four miles above Key\u2019s (later Vestal\u2019s) ferry, on the right bank of the Shenandoah River and the mouth of Evitt\u2019s Run.\n   iron work: a more sophisticated process producing a high grade of iron for commercial sale. Such a work, using limestone for flux, needed a much greater amount of capital to finance a 25\u2013 to 30\u2013foot-high furnace, a large bellows (often 25 feet long) for the blast, a waterwheel over 20 feet in diameter, and a minimum of 10 to 12 full-time workers. But it could turn out 20 tons of relatively pure pig iron per week, which would either be worked in the colonies or shipped to England for sale (BININGArthur Cecil Bining. Pennsylvania Iron Manufacture in the Eighteenth Century. Harrisburg, 1938. In Publications of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission, vol. 4., 76\u201384). Vast amounts of firewood were needed to produce charcoal for the iron furnace.\n   William Crawford, brother of Valentine Crawford, entered the Virginia Regiment in 1755 as an ensign in the company of scouts and later served with GW on the Forbes expedition of 1758. He lived in Frederick County until 1765, when he removed to the Youghiogheny country in western Pennsylvania.\n   Despite Crawford\u2019s approval of this site for an ironwork, GW did not join in the venture.\n   judge of this matter & Mr. Crawford says there will be no difficulty in the case. Reachd Coleman\u2019s.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0010", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 10 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSaturday May 10. Arrivd at home abt. 10 Oclock where I found my Brother Jno. And was told that my great Chesnut folded a Horse Colt on the 6 Instt. and that my Young Peach trees were Wed according to Order. The Oats, & in short every thing else seemd quite at a stand, from the dryness of the Earth which was remarkably so partly for want of Rain and partly by the constant drying Winds which have blown for sometime past.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0012", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 12 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday May 12th. Fine Rain began in the Morning and continued by Intervals all day. Sent Cook Jack & my Horses to get in Stephens Corn. Black Mare was coverd again to day. Mr. Alexander sent a Mare but She refusd the Horse.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-13-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0013", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 13 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday May 13th. Cloudy with some slight Showers of Rain. People all working at Muddy hole getting in Stephens\u2019s Corn. My Brother Jno. returnd from Difficult.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-16-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0016", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 16 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nFriday May 16th. Still Cool and Windy\u2014my People yet continuing at Muddy hole. My Brother Jno. left this and I got Nations Estate Appraisd by Messrs. McCarty Barry & Triplet\u2014as follows viz. \nOne old Gun & lock\n1 Small Bell\n         1 Suit of Cloaths viz.\n         a Coat Waistt. Breechs.\n         Shirt, Hat, Shoes & Garters\nA Small parcel of Lea[the]r", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0018", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 18 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nSunday May 18th. Set out in Company with Mr. George Johnston. At Colchester was informd by Colo. Thornton and Chissel that the Assembly wd. be broke up before I could get down.\nTurnd back therefore & found Colo. Fairfax and his Family and that Lightning wch. had attended a good deal of Rain had struck my Quarter & near 10 Negroes in it some very bad but with letting Blood they recoverd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-19-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0019", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 19 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nMonday May 19th. Went to Alexandria to see Captn. Littledales Ship Launchd wch. went of extreamely well. This day was attended with slight shower\u2019s. Colo. F[airfa]x had a Mare Cover\u2019d. So had Captn. Dalton.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0020", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 20 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nTuesday May 20th. Being Court day Mr. Clifton\u2019s Land in the Neck was exposd to Sale and I bought it for \u00a31210 Sterlg. & under many threats and disadvantages paid the Money into the Comrs. hands and returnd home at Night with Colo. Fairfax & Famy. Captn. Dalton\u2019s Dun Mare again Covd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-21-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0021", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 21 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nWednesday May 21. Wrote to Messrs. Nicholas & With for Advice how to act in regard to Clifton\u2019s Land. Sent the Letter by the Post. A good deal of Rain in the Night. Colo. Fairfax went home. Began shearing my Sheep. \u27e8Dalton\u2019s sorrel\u27e9 Mare coverd.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-22-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005-0022", "content": "Title: [Diary entry: 22 May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday May 22d. Continued shearing my sheep. A good deal of Rain at Night\u2014and Cool as it has been ever since the first Reign on the 12th. Captn. Dalton had a sorrell Mare coverd. My Black Mare that came Frederick was Coverd Yesterday & the day before. Captn. McCarty had a Mare Coverd the 20th. Memms. To have 600 Tobo. Hills Marld at Williamsons quarter\u2014to try the Virtues of it\u2014to do it more effectually, tend 500 Hills of the same Ground witht. Marl giving both equal working and let them fare exactly alike in all Respects.  For an Experimt. Take 7 Pots (Earthen) or 7 Boxes of equal size and number them. Then put in No. 1 pld. Earth taken out of the Field below, which is intend. for Wheat\u2014in No. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 equal proportion\u2019s of the same Earth\u2014to No. 2 put Cow dung\u2014to 3 Marle, 4 \u27e8with\u27e9 Mud from the Marshes \u27e8& bottoms\u27e9 adjoining the  Field, to 5 Mud \u27e8tak\u27e9en out of the River immediately, to 6 the same Mud lain to Mellow sum time, and to 7 the Mud taken from the Shoreside at low Water where it appears to be unmixd with Clay. Of each an equal quantity\u2014and at the proper Season of Sowing Oats put in each of these Pots or boxes 6 Grains of the largest and heaviest Oats planted at proper distances\u2014and watch their growth and different changes till Harvest. N.B. To preserve them from Accidents put them in the Garden \u27e8and\u27e9 let the Pots be buried \u27e8up\u27e9 to their brims.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0005", "content": "Title: [May 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nThursday May 1st. Got over early in the Morning and reachd home before Dinnertime and upon enquiry found that my Clover Field was finishd sowing & Rolling the Saturday I left home\u2014as was the Sowing of my Lucerne: and that on the  they began sowing the last field of Oats & finishd it the 25th.\nThat in box No. 6, two grains of Wheat appeard on the 20th.; one an Inch high\u2014on the 22d. a grain of Wheat in No. 7 and 9 appeard\u2014on the 23 after a good deal of Rain the Night before some Stalks appeard in Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, & 8 but the Ground was so hard bakd by the drying Winds when I came home that it was difficult to say which Nos. lookd most thriving. However in\nNo.\n1 there was nothing come up.\n2 Oats\n1 barley\n1 Oat\n2 barley\n1 Oat\n1 Wheat\n2 Oats\n1 Do.\n3 Do.\n1 Do.\n1 Do.\n2 Do.\n2 Do.\n1 Do.\n1 Do.\n2 Do.\n3 Do.\n2 Do.\n1 Do.\nThe two Grains in No. 8 were I think rather the strongest, but upon the whole No. 9 was the best.\nFriday May 2d. Cold, & strong Westerly Winds.\nMy English Horse Coverd the great bay Mare.\n   GW had bought an English colt from Col. Bernard or Thomas Moore in Mar. 1759 for \u00a317 10s. (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 55).\nSaturday May 3d. Wind got Southerly, but blew fresh and Cool.\nThe Stallion coverd Ranken\u2014and afterwards breaking out of his pasture Coverd the great bay Mare again.\nSunday May 4th. Warm and fine. Set out for Frederick to see my Negroes that lay Ill of the Small Pox. Took Church in my way to Colemans where I arrivd about Sun setting.\nMonday May 5th. Reach\u2019d Mr. Stephenson in Frederick abt. 4 Oclock just time enough to see Richd. Mounts Interrd. Here I was informd that Harry & Kit, the two first of my Negroes that took the Small Pox were Dead and Roger & Phillis the only two down with it were recovering from it.\nLodgd at Mr. Stephenson.\n   Richard Stephenson (d. 1765) of Frederick County married the widow Onora Grimes Crawford, mother of William and Valentine Crawford. By Mrs. Crawford, Stephenson had five sons, four of whom appear in the GW diaries. As an early entrepreneur in the Shenandoah Valley, Stephenson joined John Vestal and others in 1742 to set up an iron bloomery project. He hired GW to survey land for him in 1750 and during the French and Indian War was a supplier to GW\u2019s troops. GW sometimes referred to Stephenson as \u201cStevens\u201d or \u201cStephens.\u201d\n   Richard Mount recorded a will in Frederick County in 1752.\nTuesday May 6. Visited my Brother\u2019s Quarter, & just calld at my own in my way to Winchester where I spent the day & Evening with Colo. Byrd &ca.\nThe Court was held to Day at Stephen\u2019s Town but adjournd to Winchester to Morrow.\n   Because of the smallpox epidemic in Frederick County, the county court was moved, by order of the governor 3 July 1759, to Stephensburg, \u201cduring the time the small pox rageth in the town of Winchester.\u201d Stephensburg (later Newton, later Stephens City), founded by Lewis Stephens in 1758, was competing with Winchester to become the seat for Frederick County. By Oct. 1759 the smallpox, according to a petition of the inhabitants of Winchester, \u201cwas raging at Stephensburg,\u201d and the court did not meet at all until Feb. 1760 (NORRIS [1]J. E. Norris, ed. History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley. 1890. Reprint. Berryville, Va., 1972., 121\u201322). GW is here noting the court\u2019s move back to its regular seat.\nWednesday May 7. After taking the Doctrs. Direction\u2019s in regard to my People I set out for my Quarters and got there abt. 12 Oclock\u2014time enough to go over them and find every thing in the utmost confusion, disorder & backwardness my Overseer lying upon his Back of a broken Leg, and not half a Crop especially of Corn Ground prepard.\nEngagd. Vale. Crawford to go in pursuit of a Nurse to be ready in case more of my People shd. be seizd with the same disorder.\nThursday May 8th. Got Blankets and every other requisite from Winchester & settld things upon the best footing I coud to prevt.\nthe Small Pox from Spreading\u2014and in case of its spreading for the care of the Negroes. Mr. Vale. Crawford agreeing in case any more of the People at the lower Quarter getting it to take them home to his House\u2014& if any of those at the upper Quarter gets it to have them removd into my Room and the Nurse sent for.\n   GW today lent \u00a315 to Crawford and gave \u00a34 to his overseer Hardwick (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 89).\nFriday May 9th. Set out on my return Home. The Morning drizzling a little. Calld at the Bloomery and got Mr. Wm. Crawford to shew me the place that has been so often talkd of for erecting an Iron Work upon.\nThe Convenience of Water is great\u2014first it may be taken out of the River into a Canal and a considerable Fall obtained\u2014& \u27e8then\u27e9 a Run comes from the Mountain on which the largest Fall may [be] got with Small Labour and expence. But of the constancy of this Stream I know nothing nor Coud Crawford tell me. I saw none of the Ore but all People agree that there is an inexhaustable fund of that that is rich\u2014but Wood seems an obstacle not but that there is enough of it but the Gd. is so hilly & rugged as not to admit of making Coal or transporting it.\nI did not examine the place so accurately myself as to be a competent\n   the bloomery: a primitive means of turning iron ore into iron, consisting of a hearth rather larger than that of a blacksmith. Iron ore and charcoal were fed into a fire fanned by a bellows that was powered by a waterwheel. When the heated iron formed a lump, or \u201cbloom,\u201d it was lifted to an anvil and beaten into a bar by a hammer, also powered by the waterwheel. The product was an impure wrought iron used by local artisans and blacksmiths. A bloomery for making bar iron was begun in 1742 by a group which included William Vestal and Crawford\u2019s stepfather, Richard Stephenson. It was located on John Vestal\u2019s land about four miles above Key\u2019s (later Vestal\u2019s) ferry, on the right bank of the Shenandoah River and the mouth of Evitt\u2019s Run.\n   iron work: a more sophisticated process producing a high grade of iron for commercial sale. Such a work, using limestone for flux, needed a much greater amount of capital to finance a 25\u2013 to 30\u2013foot-high furnace, a large bellows (often 25 feet long) for the blast, a waterwheel over 20 feet in diameter, and a minimum of 10 to 12 full-time workers. But it could turn out 20 tons of relatively pure pig iron per week, which would either be worked in the colonies or shipped to England for sale (BININGArthur Cecil Bining. Pennsylvania Iron Manufacture in the Eighteenth Century. Harrisburg, 1938. In Publications of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission, vol. 4., 76\u201384). Vast amounts of firewood were needed to produce charcoal for the iron furnace.\n   William Crawford, brother of Valentine Crawford, entered the Virginia Regiment in 1755 as an ensign in the company of scouts and later served with GW on the Forbes expedition of 1758. He lived in Frederick County until 1765, when he removed to the Youghiogheny country in western Pennsylvania.\n   Despite Crawford\u2019s approval of this site for an ironwork, GW did not join in the venture.\n   judge of this matter & Mr. Crawford says there will be no difficulty in the case.\n   Reachd Coleman\u2019s.\nSaturday May 10. Arrivd at home abt. 10 Oclock where I found my Brother Jno. And was told that my great Chesnut folded a Horse Colt on the 6 Instt. and that my Young Peach trees were Wed according to Order.\nThe Oats, & in short every thing else seemd quite at a stand, from the dryness of the Earth which was remarkably so partly for want of Rain and partly by the constant drying Winds which have blown for sometime past.\n   GW\u2019s younger brother, John Augustine Washington, had managed Mount Vernon for him during the former\u2019s absence in the French and Indian wars.\n\u201cJack,\u201d as GW called him, brought his bride, Hannah Bushrod Washington, to Mount Vernon in 1756 and lived there until 1758. It was partly in acknowledgment of Jack\u2019s help and loyalty that GW in his will left part of the Mount Vernon estate to Jack\u2019s older son, Bushrod Washington (MVAR, 1964, 18\u201321; WRITINGSJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745\u20131799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931\u201344., 37:288\u201389).\nSunday May 11th. Mrs. Washington we[nt] to Church.\nMy black pacing Mare was twice Coverd.\nProposd a purchase of some Lands which Col. F[airfa]x has at the Mouth of the Warm Spring Run joing. Barwicks bottom. He promisd me the preference if he shd. sell but is not inclind to do it at prest.\nMonday May 12th. Fine Rain began in the Morning and continued by Intervals all day.\nSent Cook Jack & my Horses to get in Stephens Corn.\nBlack Mare was coverd again to day. Mr. Alexander sent a Mare but She refusd the Horse.\n   corn: Zea mays, Indian corn. GW\u2019s principal variety was probably Virginia Gourdseed, a coarse, white dent corn with a red cob and soft and starchy kernel (SINGLETONW. Ralph Singleton. \u201cAgricultural Plants.\u201d Agricultural History 46 (1972): 71\u201379., 73). He wrote Charles Carter 14 Dec. 1787 that his normal yield at that time was 2 to 2\u00bd barrels per acre, an estimated 8 to 10 bushels. When he obtained early seed corn from the North, it was most likely to be a flint variety with white cob and a round kernel, much harder than that of the dent variety.\n   There were two main branches of the Alexander family in eighteenth-century Virginia, descended respectively from Robert and Philip Alexander, the two sons of John Alexander the immigrant (d. 1677). It was this John Alexander who in 1669 purchased the 6,000\u2013acre Howsing Patent out of which the city of Alexandria was carved in 1749. In 1760 the \u201cRobert\u201d branch of Alexanders was represented by the brothers John Alexander (1711\u20131764), of Caledon, in the Chotank area of Stafford County, and Col. Gerard Alexander (d. 1761), of Alexandria, whose oldest son, Robert Alexander (d. 1793), is probably the Mr. Alexander mentioned here.\nTuesday May 13th. Cloudy with some slight Showers of Rain.\nPeople all working at Muddy hole getting in Stephens\u2019s Corn.\nMy Brother Jno. returnd from Difficult.\n   difficult: Difficult Run, which empties into the Potomac River between the Great Falls and the Little Falls. From 1757 until 1798 it was the upper half of the boundary between Loudoun and Fairfax counties.\nWednesday May 14th. Wind at No. Wt. fresh and drying. Visited at Belvoir.\nPeople & Plows at Muddy Hole.\nThursday May 15th. Drying Winds\u2014People at Muddy hole again.\nFriday May 16th. Still Cool and Windy\u2014my People yet continuing at Muddy hole. My Brother Jno. left this and I got Nations Estate Appraisd by Messrs. McCarty Barry & Triplet\u2014as follows viz.\nOne old Gun & lock\n1 Small Bell\n         1 Suit of Cloaths viz.\n         a Coat Waistt. Breechs.\n         Shirt, Hat, Shoes & Garters\nA Small parcel of Lea[the]r\n   Nations\u2019s estate still owed GW \u00a31 11s. 1d., but GW wrote off that balance as \u201cgiven to his Widow\u201d (General Ledger AGeneral Ledger A, 1750\u20131772. Library of Congress, George Washington Papers, Series 5, Financial Papers., folio 69). Barry is probably John Barry (d. 1775), the clerk of Pohick Church, an original trustee of the town of Colchester, and a neighbor of Daniel McCarty.\nSaturday May 17th. Mulatto Jack returnd from King William with 3 Yoke of Oxen & lost Punch the Horse he rid.\nSent up 16 Hydes to Mr. Adams at Alexa. viz.\n12 large &\n\u20034 Small ones to be Tan\u2019d.\nBrought a Pipe of Wine from there wch. Captn. McKie brought from Madeira also a Chest of Lemons and some other trifles.\nBegan weeding my Trefoil below the Hill.\nThe Great Bay was coverd. Got an Acct. that the Assembly was to meet on Monday. Resolvd to set of to Morrow.\n   Robert Adam (1731\u20131789) was born in Kilbride, Scot., migrated to America in the early 1750s, and settled in Alexandria, where he initiated a number of industries, including a tannery.\n   McKie is possibly Capt. William Macky, who entered his ship into the York River Naval District records, 1 April 1760, as having come from South Carolina, a common port of call in the trade between Chesapeake Bay and the wine islands (P.R.O., C.O.5/1448, f. 25).\n   GW was a burgess for Frederick County 1758\u201365. The House of Burgesses had met 4\u201311 Mar. 1760 to continue the existence of the Virginia Regiment for another six months, but GW had not attended that session (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1758-61, 157\u201368). The House met again 19\u201324 May 1760 to consider an urgent message from Governor Fauquier for men and money to relieve Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee River, which was in danger of falling to the Cherokees (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1758\u201361, 171\u201379).\nSunday May 18th. Set out in Company with Mr. George Johnston. At Colchester was informd by Colo. Thornton and Chissel that the Assembly wd. be broke up before I could get down.\nTurnd back therefore & found Colo. Fairfax and his Family and that Lightning wch. had attended a good deal of Rain had struck my Quarter & near 10 Negroes in it some very bad but with letting Blood they recoverd.\n   George Johnston, of Belvale, was a burgess for Fairfax County 1758\u201365. Colchester, a small settlement of Scottish merchants, lay on Occoquan Creek about eight miles below Mount Vernon. Colonels Thornton and Chissel may have been Col. Presley Thornton, burgess for Northumberland County, and John Chiswell, of Hanover County.\n   On 23 May the House of Burgesses passed a bill authorizing the raising of \u00a332,000 and up to 700 soldiers plus officers for the relief of Fort Loudoun (JHBH. R. McIlwaine and John Pendleton Kennedy, eds. Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia. 13 vols. Richmond, 1905\u201315., 1758\u201361, 176).\nMonday May 19th. Went to Alexandria to see Captn. Littledales Ship Launchd wch. went of extreamely well. This day was attended with slight shower\u2019s. Colo. F[airfa]x had a Mare Cover\u2019d. So had Captn. Dalton.\n   In 1760 Isaac Littledale was establishing his trade between his home in Whitehaven, Eng., and the Potomac River valley. For this trade the Hero, a 200\u2013ton ship which required 14 hands, was built in the Alexandria shipyard in 1760. Littledale was her captain on the maiden voyage.\nTuesday May 20th. Being Court day Mr. Clifton\u2019s Land in the Neck was exposd to Sale and I bought it for \u00a31210 Sterlg. & under many threats and disadvantages paid the Money into the Comrs. hands and returnd home at Night with Colo. Fairfax & Famy. Captn. Dalton\u2019s Dun Mare again Covd.\n   The final decree of the General Court in chancery (decree, Clifton v. Carroll et al., 12 April 1760, NjWdHi) ordered that the commissioners on 20 May at Alexandria sell at public auction to the highest bidder the lands in Clifton\u2019s Neck and that Clifton\u2019s creditors then be paid off. The \u201cthreats and disadvantages\u201d to GW came from all sides. Thomson Mason threatened to appeal the sale decree; Ignatius Digges and Charles Carroll refused to show up at all to deliver their mortgages, thus barring GW from a clear title; and Carroll had already decided to appeal the case to the Privy Council in London (Charles Carroll of Annapolis to Charles Carroll of Carrollton, 26 April, 4 July 1762, CARROLLCharles Carroll of Annapolis and Charles Carroll of Carrollton. \u201cExtracts from the Carroll Papers.\u201d Maryland Historical Magazine 10 (1915): 143-59, 218-58, 322-44; 11 (1916): 66-73, 175-89, 261-78, 322-69; 12 (1917): 21-41, 166-87, 276-96, 347-69; 13 (1918): 54-75, 171-79, 249-67; 14 (1919): 137-54, 272-93, 358-71; 15 (1920): 56-65, 194-201, 274-91; 16 (1921): 29-42., 264\u201369). Finally, Clifton declared he would not vacate the land until 1762, which, among other problems, threatened GW with a two-year loss of rent from the Clifton\u2019s Neck tenant farmers (Robert Carter Nicholas and George Wythe to GW, 27 May 1760, anonymous donor).\nWednesday May 21. Wrote to Messrs. Nicholas & With for Advice how to act in regard to Clifton\u2019s Land. Sent the Letter by the Post. A good deal of Rain in the Night.\nColo. Fairfax went home. Began shearing my Sheep. \u27e8Dalton\u2019s sorrel\u27e9 Mare coverd.\n   In their reply of 27 May 1760 Robert Carter Nicholas and George Wythe stated they were \u201csorry to find you are likely to be involved in so much Trouble\u201d and warned GW that they could advise nothing \u201cwith any Certainty\u201d (Nicholas and Wythe to GW, 27 May 1760, anonymous donor). After giving their opinion that Mason had a strong case and that the Privy Council would probably find for Carroll, they referred GW to his local lawyer, George Johnston.\n   At this point in the diary GW inserts a lengthy paraphrase on the cultivation of lucerne from Jethro Tull, Horse-Houghing Husbandry: An Essay on the Principles of Vegetation and Tillage (London, 1731). This important British work on scientific agriculture ran through several editions\u2014here GW is quoting the 1751 edition\u2014and was still being published in 1829. GW relied heavily on it in his early years as a farmer; later he would turn to the books and personal communications of Arthur Young.\n   Material in angle brackets has been taken from Fitzpatrick, DiariesJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Diaries of George Washington, 1748\u20131799. 4 vols. Boston and New York, 1925., 1:164.\nThursday May 22d. Continued shearing my sheep. A good deal of Rain at Night\u2014and Cool as it has been ever since the first Reign on the 12th.\nCaptn. Dalton had a sorrell Mare coverd.\nMy Black Mare that came Frederick was Coverd Yesterday & the day before.\nCaptn. McCarty had a Mare Coverd the 20th.\nMemms.\nTo have 600 Tobo. Hills Marld at Williamsons quarter\u2014to try the Virtues of it\u2014to do it more effectually, tend 500 Hills of the same Ground witht. Marl giving both equal working and let them fare exactly alike in all Respects.\nFor an Experimt.\nTake 7 Pots (Earthen) or 7 Boxes of equal size and number them.\nThen put in No. 1 pld. Earth taken out of the Field below, which is intend. for Wheat\u2014in No. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 equal proportion\u2019s of the same Earth\u2014to No. 2 put Cow dung\u2014to 3 Marle, 4 \u27e8with\u27e9 Mud from the Marshes \u27e8& bottoms\u27e9 adjoining the  Field, to 5 Mud \u27e8tak\u27e9en out of the River immediately, to 6 the same Mud lain to Mellow sum time, and to 7 the Mud taken from the Shoreside at low Water where it appears to be unmixd with Clay. Of each an equal quantity\u2014and at the proper Season of Sowing Oats put in each of these Pots or boxes 6 Grains of the largest and heaviest Oats planted at proper distances\u2014and watch their growth and different changes till Harvest.\nN.B. To preserve them from Accidents put them in the Garden \u27e8and\u27e9 let the Pots be buried \u27e8up\u27e9 to their brims.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0006", "content": "Title: [The Weather] [January 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n1st. Fine warm Sun Shine\u2014wind Southerly.\n2. Warm, but Mist and Rain.\n3. Just the same kind of Weather as Yestery.\n4. Ditto.\n5. Wind at No. West. Blew hard & grew very Cold.\n6. Clear & tolerable warm.\n7. Ditto.\n8. The morng. fine, but Cloudy & cold afterwards.\n9. High wind, but clear & tolerably warm.\n10. Fine, clear & warm.\n11. Morng. Lowering, but fine & warm afterwards.\n12. White frost & clear in the Morng. but Cloudy afterwd.\n13. Wind at N. Wt. very clear, & extrame cold.\n14. Wind Do. but not hard\u2014yet very cold & frosty.\n15. Do. pretty fresh & very cold & frosty.\n16. Wind at So. Wt. very cloudy in the Mg. At 12 begn. to Sn[ow].\n17. Wind at No. Et. and Rain till Noon then Mist.\n18. Great Sleet, & mist till Noon, then clear Wd. So.\n19. Wind So. tolerable clear\u2014but cloudy afternn.\n20. Wind Contd. So[uther]ly with Rain, & Warm.\n21. So[uther]ly in the Morng. and Rain till Noon\u2014then No[rther]ly & clear.\n22. Wind cond. No[rther]ly. Clear, cold, & hard frost.\n23. Clear and Moderate\u2014wind Westerly.\n24. Fine day. Wind So[uther]ly. Gradual thaw.\n25. Warm & So[uther]ly wind in the Mg. Afterwards. at No. Wt.\n26. No. Et. in the Morng. So[uther]ly afterwards.\n27. Strong So. wind & Rain till 4 P.M. then No. Wt.\n28. Wind at So. again & fresh. Clear all day.\n29. Wind at Do. till 3 Oclock then No. W. clear all d[ay].\n30. So[uther]ly Wind & Cloudy till 9 at Night then No. W. & clear.\n31. \u27e8N\u27e9o. Wt. clear and Cold.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0007", "content": "Title: [The Weather] [February 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n1. Snow in the Morning, but clear afterwds.\n2. Wind No[rther]ly but mild clear.\n3. Wind shifting from East to So. Clear & \u27e8warm\u27e9.\n4. So[uther]ly cloudy & clear by turns\u2014white Frost.\n5. So[uther]ly with Rain\u2014gd. very Rotton.\n6. Very fine drying day. No wind.\n7. W. So[uther]ly, very warm & drying.\n8. W. No. Wt. but not hard, fine clear & Warm.\n9. Sml. Frost. Wd. No. Et.\n10. Do. wind at No. threatning Rain.\n11. Clear & fine. Wind Northwardly.\n12. Very clear, still and fine.\n13. Strong, & warm southerly Wind\u2014clear.\n14. Ditto\u2003Ditto\u2003Do.\u2003Do.\u2003but cloudy.\n15. No. Et. wind and Rain.\n16. Morng. cloudy\u2014fair afterwds. & So[uther]ly Wind.\n17. Wind at No. W. cloudy & very cold.\n18. Cold in the Mg. Moderate afterwds. Wd. So[uther]ly.\n19. Fine warm day. Fresh So[uther]ly Wind.\n20. Fine Day & little wind.\n21. Brisk So[uther]ly Wind & Cloudy with mch. Rain.\n22. So[uther]ly Storm.\n23. Fine day. Wind shifting from So. to No. Wt.\n24. Fresh So[uther]ly Wind & Cloudy Weather.\n25. Wind still So[uther]ly, warm & fine day.\n26. So[uther]ly wind Cloudy & a little Rain.\n27. So[uther]ly wind & dripping Weather.\n28. Little or no Wind till Night then No. Et. & Wet.\n29. Rain till 12 Oclock then Wind at No. West.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/01-01-02-0005-0008", "content": "Title: [The Weather] [March 1760]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n1. Cold & Cloudy\u2014wind first at No. Wt. then East[er]ly.\n2. Fair day, variable Wind.\n3. Southerly Wind & Cloudy.\n4. High Westerly Wind\u2014clear & cool.\n5. So[uther]ly wind & Rain.\n6. Do. fine day.\n7. Do. fine Morning but Cloudy Afterwds.\n8. No. Et. Wind, and much Rain.\n9. No. Et. Wind & Snow by Intervals all day.\n10. No. W. Wind & Clear.\n11. Ditto\u2014Ditto\u2014somewhat Cold.\n12. Southerly Wind\u2014clear & very fine.\n13. No. Et. Wind & Incessant Rain.\n14. Do. till Noon.\n15. Wind at Do. Cloudy and little Snow.\n16. No. Et. Wind and much Snow.\n17. Snowd by Intervals all Day.\n18. Wind in the Morng. at No. Wt. then So[uther]ly & War[m].\n19. Lowg. & Cold, Wind So[uther]ly.\n20. Cold No[rther]ly Wind\u2014clear.\n21. In the Morng. No. Et. Wind. So[uther]ly afterwards.\n22. Cold south[er]ly Wind & Rain.\n23. Southerly Wind and Warm.\n24. South[er]ly in the Morng. Easterly After.\n25. Do. but changeable Weather.\n26. No. West & very boisterous.\n27. So[uther]ly Wind, fine warm day.\n28. Clear, & Warm strong So[uther]ly Wind.\n29. Misty Rain at Intervals. Little wind.\n30. Fresh & variable Wind, chiefly from So.\n31. Do. & fresh, light Showers.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0164-0028", "content": "Title: Appendix F. List of Dower Slaves, 1760\u201361\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nA List of Working Dower Negroes, where settled, & under whose care, 1760 At Claibornes John Roan [overseer]\nGeorge\nA Man\n1 Share\nStephen\nDitto\n1 Ditto\nParros\nDitto\n1 ditto\nArgyle\nDitto\n1 ditto\nSolomon\nDitto\n1 ditto\nMarlbrough\nDitto\n1 ditto\nSam\nDitto\n1 ditto\nDavid\nDitto\n1 ditto\nHector\nDitto\n1 ditto\nWill\nDitto\n1 ditto\nSam \u27e8Cit\u27e9\nDitto\n1 ditto\nSarah\nA Woman\n1 ditto\nSew\nDitto\n1 ditto\nPatt\nDitto\n1 ditto\nRachel\nDitto\n1 ditto\nJenny\nDitto\n1 ditto\nCitt\nDitto\n1 ditto\nCitt\nA Girl\n\u00bd ditto\nGeorge\nA Boy\n\u00bd ditto\n18 shares\nJohn Roan\n2 shares\nAt Moncock Hill Isaac Osling [overseer]\nMatt\nA Man\n1 Share\nWill\nDitto\n1 ditto\nMoll\nA Woman\n1 ditto\nSarah\nDitto\n1 ditto\nOverseer\n5 In all\nAt Bridge Quarter\u2014York\nBachus\nA Man\n1 Share\nBen\nDitto\n1 ditto\nYoung Ned\nDitto\n1 ditto\nCupid\nDitto\n1 ditto\nOld Daphne\nA Woman\n1 ditto\nYoung Daphne\nDitto\n1 ditto\nMoll\nDitto\n1 ditto\nFrank\nDitto\n1 ditto\nArlington\na Boy\n\u00bd ditto\nCaesar\nDitto\n\u00bd ditto\nGeorge\nDitto\n\u00bd ditto\nSuckey\na Girl\n\u00bd ditto\n10 ditto\nAt the Ship Landing\u2014[York]\nCrispin\nA Man\n1 Share\nNed Holt\nDitto\n1 ditto\nOld Captain\nDitto\n1 ditto\nJupiter\nDitto\n1 ditto\nBrunswick\nDo \n1 ditto\nMoll\nA Woman\n1 ditto\nBetty\nDitto\n1 ditto\n7 ditto", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0208", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Andrew Burnaby, 4 January 1760\nFrom: Burnaby, Andrew\nTo: Washington, George\nSir,\nWilliamsburg Jan. 4. 1760.\nI arrived here yesterday & take the first opportunity of writing to thank you & Mrs Washington for the many civilities I received at Mt Vernon. It gives me some concern when I consider the obligations I lie under in Virginia to think how I shall be able to return them: indeed I am afraid it will only be in my power to retain a proper sense of them; which I always shall do.\nI have the pleasure to acquaint you that your friends in these parts are all well. They inquire after you, particularly the Govr\nand Mrs Fauquier, and seem to regret very much that Mrs Washington & yourself are so far from Williamsburg.\nWe have little or no news\u2014there having been no late arrivals either from Engd or the Northward. The Speaker was married I believe last week: on which occasion nothing appeared but youth and gaiety. The new married Couple are now gone to their seat in the country. As a counterpart to this, I find that Mrs Burwell of James River was buried a few days ago; that Geo. Braxton has been dying of a pleurisy; but is now something better; I believe out of danger. Yr much obliged & humble Servt\nA. Burnaby", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0209", "content": "Title: To George Washington from John Carlyle, 8 January 1760\nFrom: Carlyle, John\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nAlexa. Jany 8th 1760\nWe have Try\u2019d your Stilliards at 56 112 & 168 & beleive them to be As True as Any Stilliards are, the fault Is not In the Stilliards Its where you Suspected it to be.\nMr Dalton Spar\u2019s you Sum butter; I Lett Coll Fairfax have half of mine Abt A Month Ago Mrs Carlyle Joyns In Compts to You the Ladys & family & am Yr Very Hble Sert\nJohn Carlyle\nP.S. Yr Man brings the Wmburg papers.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-25-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0211", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Stewart, 25 January 1760\nFrom: Stewart, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nWilliamsbg Janry 25th 1760\nWhen I recd the Inclos\u2019d I propos\u2019d to have done myself the pleasure of delivering it with my own hands, and in person return\u2019d my unfeign\u2019d thanks for your Freindly & Affectionate Epistle by Finnie, which had taken the Tour of Fort Cumberland, Pittsbg Legonier &Ca before I recd it at Winchester, But deferr\u2019d waiting on you at Mount Vernon till after I had visited this City for the two following reasons vizt 1st Colo. Byrd was of opinion that your prior applications in my behalf back\u2019d by his subsequent ones in the most pressing Terms would take place of any he had made in favour of Colo. P\u2014 2d as Finnie for many reasons had little room to expect a continuation of his, he would take a small matter for it, tho\u2019 I had no opinion of the 1st, the 2d carried a shew of probability, therefore hasten\u2019d hither, But found both equally ill grounded, and learn\u2019d that I have no chance happen what will, as 4 others besides P\u2014 were mention\u2019d as having a prior Right; so that after having spent much Time & thought in concerting a thousand different Plans for steering thro\u2019 the remainder of an unfortunate Life I find myself reduc\u2019d to the sad alternative of being & continuing a Sub[altern] (than which nothing can to me be more horrible) or running some risque of making my best Friends suffer by using their aid towards the Purchass of a Compy, and as ten thousand concurring circumstances Demonstrates the Noble\nmotives that actuated you to make me the Generous offer of your Freindly assistance I concluded \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 be the most eligible I have therefore wrote to Colo. Byrd & to Majr Gates to give in my Name at Head Quarters for the Purchass of a Compy or Capt. Lieuty and in case either should come as low down amongst the Subs. as me to transmit me the earliest, Intelligence of it, in which Event Colo. Hunter has engag\u2019d to negotiate the money part provided he can have proper Security of being soon reimburs\u2019d. I have told them I would prefer the Capt. Lieuty as Rank is the principal Object of my ambition and as I could accomplish the Payment of it without the aid of Freinds, But if good Fortune of which I have hitherto enjoy\u2019d so small share should bring a Compy as low down in the Line I beg you\u2019ll be so good as to Inclose me a Letter for Colo. Hunter informing him that in case I can have an oppy of Purchassing a Compy you will pay him \u00a3300 Sterg which my dear Colo. is a great Sum But as my future Happiness depends upon it and when I solemnly Declare which I now do by every thing that\u2019s Sacred to a Christian and an Officer that no method consistent with Honour will be unessay\u2019d to reemburse you the Principle & Interest as soon as possible and to prevent your suffering in case I should fall I would fain hope you will not hesitate to grant this great favour of which and the manifold others you have conferr\u2019d upon me I shall ever retain the most Just and gratefull sense\u2014I would say much on this Subject but my Heart is full\u2014I fear I\u2019m too unreasonable.\nPlease Direct for me at Petersburgh where I Recruit I\u2019m told the Assembly will sit in about six weeks hence against wch Time I shall be here to wait your arrival Be so good as to present my Respectfull Complemts to your Lady and allow me to Subscribe myself With the highest Esteem and most perfect Regard My Dear Colonel Your unalterably Affectionate & Most Obliged hble Servant.\nRobert Stewart", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0212", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, February 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[February 1760]\nCash\nFeby 27\u2014\nTo Wm Nationss horse destraind on & sold for\nTo Cash at Cards\nContra\nFeby 4\u2014\nBy 37 pistoles and a Shilling pd for 100 Barrl Corn\nBy freight of Ditto from Port Tobo a 1/\nBy Overseers Expences in fetching it\nBy a Man that drove down my Hogs\nBy Cards 7/.\u2003gave away 5/.\u2003pd Mr Welden for my Seal 43/\nBy 4 Horse Collars 6/3\u2014Fish 5/\nBy Cash paid Mr Wm Triplet for Brick Work\nBy ditto paid Peter Greenlaw in full\ndo\u2003\nBy Purnell Newbold for 3,000 Shings.\n         1 Nest of Wood Ware", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "02-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0214", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Stewart, 20 February 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Stewart, Robert\n Letter not found: to Robert Stewart, 20 Feb. 1760. On 8 Mar. Stewart wrote to GW: \u201c. . . your\u2019s of the 20th Ulto which I yesterday had the infinite pleasure of receiving.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0215", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, March 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[March 1760]\nContra\nMar. 1\u2014\nBy Christr Hardwick\nBy 100 Bushels of Oats @ 1/6\nBy a Line for Muddy hole Quarter\nBy Mrs Washington in Cut Bits &ca\nBy Wm Lodwick\nBy Dinner & Club at Mrs Chews\nGave away 1/3\nBy Cash pd Doctr Laurie 20 Carolines weight\nBy Jno. Askew\nBy a Beggar 5/.\u2007By Wm Keane for 5 Barls Corn @ 12/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0216", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Stewart, 8 March 1760\nFrom: Stewart, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nMy Dear Sir\nWilliamsbg March 8th 1760\nWith a heart that overflows with Gratitude I return my most unfeign\u2019d thanks for that fresh mark of your true Friendship and Noble generosity to me, so amply evinc\u2019d in your\u2019s of the 20th Ulto which I yesterday had the infinite pleasure of receiving, But I should never forgive myself if I should by making use of your uncommon goodness, in the least degree embarrass, much less cause a material disappointment in the prosecution of your affairs, therefore my dear Sir let me entreat you not to think of being off any Bargain or do anything that might cause the most distant risque of a Bill\u2019s returning, for I solemnly declare it would give me much more uneasiness to be instrumental in occasioning either, than to continue a Sub[altern] for ever\u2014besides there\u2019s but a very small chance for my procuring a Purchass supposing me possessed of never so much Money another reason is that by a Memorial we have given into the Assembly (which is referrd to the next Session) we have great room to hope that we will when reduc\u2019d receive Half Pay or an equivalent to it these reasons added to the strong Attachment I have to this Colony which a number of concurring circumstances obliges me to Love, has determin\u2019d me to apply for Leave to Sell out, or, if that can\u2019t be obtain\u2019d to Resign.\nThe Assembly has voted Twenty thousand Pounds to support the Regt till next November and 300 Men till the following April if the Governor should Judge it necessary to keep up that Numr, It\u2019s said the Assembly will rise in 4 or 5 days\u2014We have no other News of any kind here that can merit your notice and as the Bearer (who assures me you will receive this in 3 Days) is just setting out have only Time to beg you that you will be so good as to render my Respectfull & most obliging Complemts acceptable to your Lady and be assur\u2019d that I am & ever will be With the warmest and most Gratefull sense of your vast Friendship My Dear Colo. Your Most Affecte & Most Obliged hble Servt\nRobert Stewart", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0218", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Richard Washington, 26 March 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, Richard\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Richard Washington, 26 Mar. 1760. On 10 Aug. GW wrote to Richard Washington: \u201c. . . acknowledge the Receipt of your favours of the . . . 12th Decr & 26 March.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "03-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0219", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Hill, Lamar & Hill, 28 March 1760\nFrom: Hill, Lamar, & Hill\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nMadeira 28th March 1760\nAgreeable to an order we received from Messrs Cary & Co. inclosed you have a Bill of Loading for a pipe of wine which although very dear we hope will prove Satisfactory after Standing a Summer to Show its quality in which as well as the Color we have endeavored Carefully to please you. The demand for new wines having been pretty brisk & the expectation of a Wt India Convoy touching here make the Portuguese stand out for Such extravagant prices as the English Factory have hither to been obliged to pay.\nAt bottom you will observe the Cost for which we shall value on Messrs Cary & Co.\nWe are with much respect to you & Mrs Washington Sir Your most ready & obliged Friends\nHill Lamar & Hill\nNo. GWA1\na pipe of wine\n10 \u214c for the Virga gauge\nStg", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0220", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, April 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[April 1760]\nCash\nApril 25\u2014\nTo Ditto [cash] of Colo. Custis\u2019s Estate\u2014by Sundrie Hands\nTo Ditto of Mr Lewis Martin for a Horse I sold him\nTo Ditto of the Country pr an Acct renderd\nTo Ditto for my Burgesses Wages\nContra\nApril 11\u2014\nBy Cash advanc\u2019d Vale Crawford to buy butter with\nBy 39\u00bd Bushels Oats\nBy Dinner & Club at Alexa. 2/6. Mendg Sein 3/\nBy Mr Barnes\u2019s Davy\u2014for taking up Boson\nBy repairs to my Chair 7/6.\u2007Exps. at P. Tobo 9/9\nBy Ferriages at Cedar Point 17/6\u2014gave Ferrymen 1/3\nBy my Brother\u2019s Servants 2/. \u2003Ferry at Southerns 3/6\nBy Exps. at McGraths 4/. \u2003gave away 1/\nBy Ferry at Williamsons 3/6\u2014gave away 1/\nBy Candles 1/. \u2003paid Mr Craik Jeweller \u00a31.15.6\nBy 1 Quire Paper 2/6\nBy Colo. Fairfax\u2019s and my Subscription to Purse in W.\nBy Barber 7/6\u2014paid Colo. Randolph for the use of Valiant\nBy Atchison & Parker my Note to Sampson Darrell\nBy Mrs Webb mendg a Fan 2/6\u2014Dinner at Weathes. 3/3\nBy Mr Bassetts Servants 3/. \u2003Ferry &ca at Dansies 5/6\nBy Exps. at Todds 5/9\u2014By old Acct 24/1\nBy Cash given at the Charity Sermon\nBy Exps. at Port Royal &ca 13/4\u00bd\u2014Ferry at Hoes 16/ & 1/6", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0222", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 4 April 1760\nFrom: Capel & Osgood Hanbury\nTo: Washington, George\nEsteemd Friend\nLondon Apl 4. 1760\nWe hope ours \u214c Capt. Walker got to hand of whh please to \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 Inclosd are the Sales of thy 17 Hhds DPC \u214c \u27e8the Anna\u27e9 to assure thee that We have taken every method that We could think of to make the most of them & had they not been out of Condition we should have got a much better price for them. hope the next We have will be of a fine s[c]ent & quality & that We shall have the pleasure of some \u27e8JC\u27e9 & \u214c all opportunitys thy Consignments will be very acceptable. The Insurance upon the Deliverance is made \u00a3200 upon 20 Hhds at 10 Gs. \u214c Ct premm. the Ship is lost in the Bay of Biscay as soone as the Papers comes to hand & the loss can be adjustd thy Acct shall have Credit\u2014Since thy Acct Current was sent Thy Bill to T. Moore is paid \u00a3250\u2014We wish Thee and thy Wife Health & Happiness & are wth great Esteem Thy Assurd Friends\nC. & O. Hanbury", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0223", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Stewart, 14 April 1760\nFrom: Stewart, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nMy dear Sir\nWinchester April 14th 1760\nNext day after parting I got here, where I found Colo. Byrd and Paddy is to join him in a few days; I hope \u2019ere now Bishop is with you; Colo. Byrd says you must send the General a man in his room. Major Lewis by Express informs the Colo. that on the 30th Ulto Capt. Gist was at Bryant\u2019s attack\u2019d by a Body of Cherrokees which he by the advantage of some Houses that he avail\u2019d himself off Beat them off and took a Scalp; the Majr adds that 4 different Posts were attack\u2019d in one day, at 3 of which the Enemy were repuls\u2019d, but had not learn\u2019t the Fate of the 4th. These encursions according to custom spreads much terror amongst the Inhabitants, and leaves us no room to doubt what part our old allies are determin\u2019d to act.\nI hear that Genl Mocton is appointed to Command in this Quarter, that a Post is to be establish\u2019d at Presque Isle and the Conquest of Detroit undertaken; But as it\u2019s fear\u2019d (notwithstanding of what we hear\u2019d) that Pensylvania will do little, if any thing, Maryland as usual nothing, and a great part of our Regiment (whose strength is vastly diminish\u2019d by Death Desertion & Sickness) will probably be employ\u2019d on the Fronteers I dread this Plan will be greatly obstructed if not render\u2019d impracticable.\nI\u2019m extremely sorry to find the Regiment in so bad a situation\u2014Step[hen]s (whose gone to Pennsylvania to Buy Land) employ\u2019d several of the Soldiers on his own Plantation, in driving Cattle &Ca and many have had Furlough\u2019s of whose return there\u2019s little probability; Scarce a man has a Bayonet, Lock Cover, Hammer Cap, Brush or Picker; Order and Discipline much neglected, the Adjutant laid up with a broken Leg, the Serjt Majr several Serjts Corpls and many private down with the small Pox\u2014we have only 166 fit for Duty at this place, tho\u2019 we have 4 Compys & some from 3 more so that we must cut a very poor Figure both as to number & appearance. By the Colos. orders, I have since my arrival been constantly employ\u2019d in exers[iz]ing them, seeing them Drill\u2019d and in endeavouring to get things restor\u2019d some Order But almost every Day adds to the disagreeable Prospect my own affairs present me with, since my arrival I had the mortification to learn that none of 8 Recruits which I enlisted at so great an Expence ever got to the Battn\nnor can I hear that any of the 14 I sent from Virginia is got to the Regiment, those that undertook to Recruit for me spend a great deal of my Money without doing me any Service, and I\u2019m well assur\u2019d that Bouquet is determin\u2019d to make a point of my Joining him immediatly or giving up my Commission But for the reasons we talk\u2019d over I will depend on my Virga Half Pay tho\u2019 a disappointment therein and my late misfortunes would leave me quite destitude, in fine the Train of perplixing embarrassments I have long been and never more than now involv\u2019d in would make an honble Passage to another world not disagreeable.\nI beg you will be so good as to present my Complemts in the most respectfull and obliging Terms to Your Lady & allow me the pleasure of subscribing myself with unbiass\u2019d Esteem & unalterable Regard My Dear Colo. Your Most Affecte & Ever Obliged hble Servt\nRobert Stewart\n   Excuse haste.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "04-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0225", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Augustine Washington, April 1760\nFrom: Washington, Augustine\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Brother\n[c.April 1760]\nYrs I recd by Capt. Posey & am very sorry we shall not have the pleasure of yrs & my Sisters company here in yr way to Wmsburg, but hope unless you make too long a stay below & very anctious to return home we may have that pleasure some time in may & that I may not be absent if you intend this way\ndesire you will acqt me as you will have freqt op\u27e8por\u27e9tunities from the general Court, I am of the opinion from the freqt disapointments, we shall meet first at yr house where you may be assured to se me as soon as the weather will permit & I dare with safety Venture for the Gout, which has been most favourable to me this w\u27e8int\u27e9er than for many past & I am at this time in a better state of health than I have been for the last seven years. I am Surprised Mr Carlyle shou\u2019d blame me for the accts not being settled he has all the Accts & when we settled last there was a Ballence due \u27e8us\u27e9 I am also surprised at the large acct of Quitrents, Mr Carlile Charged himself with that debt so that none ought to be due only from the death of our Niece. if it is convenient be assured we shall be extreme glad to se you both, but at all events I will (if no unforseen accident happens) pay you a Visit in warm weather such as will suit my Gouty Joints. The small pox is no nearer than when I wrote last & in no other families. Mrs Washington Joins me in my Compts to yourself & my sister & I am Dr Sir Yr affe Bror\nAugst. Washington\nP.S. I am sorry to hear there is so great a prospect of yr missing Cliftons land, if it is not too late let me advise you not, you will repent it as long as you live, to you it is worth half as much again as I am informed he has \u27e8s\u27e9old it for.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0227", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Stewart, 14 May 1760\nFrom: Stewart, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nMy Dear Sir\nWinchester May 14th 1760\nThree Days after I parted with you I got a Man to Inlist in the room of Allen, for about 50/. Expence, and wheneve[r] the Companies from Augusta arriv\u2019d I found out Allen, but every argument I could use could not prevail upon him to engage for more than two years, nor would he take less than \u00a320 \u214c ann. his Terms are so extremely unreasonable that I have not apply\u2019d for his Discharge, as I\u2019m perswaded you will not have him at such an exorbitant rate, I cannot hear of any other of the Profession in the Regt. I shall write to Capt. McKinzie to enquire for one amongst the Troops at Pittsburg.\nWe are here to our great surprise inform\u2019d that the Assembly\nis to meet on the 19th Inst. in consequence of some Intelligence from So. Carolina\u2014Various are our Conjectures\u2014We are all impatience! most are of opinion that the Regt will be compleated and new one rais\u2019d; should this affair whatever it may be, cause any considerable change in our Military affairs, I hope you will be so good as to have an Eye towards me, if it should be judg\u2019d necessary to have a Major of Brigade, surely my long Services and having acted already in that Capacity gives me an undubitable right to it in preference to any other, and much more so to Mr Irwine.\nColo. Byrd writes to the Governor on the Half Pay Scheme, and from the opinion of the House last Session our hopes are rais\u2019d high and very sanguine, It would be a vast encouragement for us to have some Provision made for our future support before we enter on a new Sene of Dangers and Fatigues perhaps of the most horrible nature we have ever encounter\u2019d\u2014Colo. Byrd has taken upon him to prevent my obeying Orders for Joining the R[oyal] A[merican]s for 8 or 10 Days longer, and if it was possible for you in that Time or a few Days more to inform me what I may hope or fear from the Half Pay Scheme it would be of the last Importance to me. I am really asham\u2019d to be so extremely troublesome to you, but when you know that my welfare or misery depends on the determination I must make I flatter myself it will appologize for it I ever am with the highest Esteem and invariable Regard My Dear Colonel Your most Gratefull & Most Affecte hble Servt\nRobert Stewart\nBe so good as to present my humble respects to your Lady I hope \u27e8s\u27e9he is got perfectly recover\u2019d.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-18-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0228", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Christopher Hardwick, 18 May 1760\nFrom: Hardwick, Christopher\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nBulskin May 18th 1760\nwe are disopinted in sending two Wagings down Magnis Tate has declind Coming down & Mr Crafords waginner Refusd to Carey the two mars down So that I was fosed to send down nat with them which I Cud very elley spare! I am in hops I Shall soon be able to see about my beseness we have no more people taken with the Small pox as yet nor I am in hops Shant I have prepared them a Cording to your orders & the Doct. instruct\u27e8mutilated\u27e9s & are all well but the two that had the small pox & Fortin & winy & they Seame to be very mulch amnded I beg you will Disspach nat as Soon as posable\u2014I am your most obednt Humble Servant\nChristopher Hardwick", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0231", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Carter Nicholas and George Wythe, 27 May 1760\nFrom: Nicholas, Robert Carter,Wythe, George\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nWilliamsburg 27th May 1760\nYesterday we received your Letter of the 21st Instant & are sorry to find you are likely to be involved in so much Trouble by your late Purchase of Clifton\u2019s Neck, & the more so, because we don\u2019t find ourselves able, even after the maturest Deliberation, to point out such Measures for you to conduct yourself by, as can with any Certainty be relied on; however, as you desire it, we \u27e8&\u27e9 will freely & candidly give you our private Opinions of the Matter, private we call them, because we can give no Assurances that they will correspond with those of superior Judges, indeed we know they differ materially in some Respects with the Judgt of the supreme Court in this Colony.\nWe think with you that the greatest Danger is to be apprehended from Mr Carrol\u2019s Demand; he at entering the final Decree moved for an Appeal, in which he seem\u2019d very sanguine, but the Court refused it because they thought the Sum under \u00a3500 Stg. If he should continue as earnest in the Matter as he seem\u2019d to be the last Time we heard from him, we suppose he will apply for & obtain a Writ of privy Seal to remove the Cause to England; if he should do this, we have very little Doubt but that so much of the Decree, as respects him, will be reversed. Mr Carrol\u2019s original Demand, or rather Mr Ig. Digges\u2019s for Carrol assign\u2019d the Debt to him; ag\u2019t Clifton was \u00a3627.9.4\u00bd Sterlg with 6 \u214cCt Int. from the 16th Octr 1752, as you\u2019ll observe by the inclosed Acct; in this Sum was included the accumulated or comp[o]und Interest so much complaind of by Clifton & which our Court disallow\u2019d; but we incline to think that Carrol, considering the whole Circumstances of this Case, would upon an Appeal be allow\u2019d his whole Demand; but at all Events, after deducting the comp[o]und Interest, the Money Mr Mercer recover\u2019d, if that should be allowed, & in short after making every Deduction which we think there is the least colourable Foundation for, we are convinced Mr Carroll is at least well entituled to \u00a3584.12.1\u00bd Stg; so that by comparing these Sums with what\nis allow\u2019d Mr Carroll by the Decree, you\u2019ll be able to judge whether it is worth your while to offer him \u00a3100; tho\u2019 if you still incline to do it & he will accept your Proposal, we think you will purchase his Acquiescence at an easy Rate. As to Mr Mason\u2019s Pretensions, we don\u2019t know whether he will put his Threats in Execution; but if he should we can\u2019t pretend to say what will be the Consequence of them. The General Court was much divided whether they should renew the Order for a Sale, as Mr Mason offer\u2019d to lodge Money enough to satisfy the several Creditors; many of the Court, Bar & Bystanders thought it hard that this Proposal was not accepted. We think the Court here would & ought to do every Thing in their Power to confirm the Sale & enforce every other Part of their Decree; but you know there is a superior Jurisdiction; which will not think herself bound by any Steps our Court has taken. If Mr Mason\u2019s Agreement should be establish\u2019d there is an End to yours & if Mr Carrol should recover more than is decreed to him by our Court, the Land undoubtedly will remain a Security for the Exceeding Sum; as these material Points depend upon future Determinations of Men\u2019s Judgments, than which you know Nothing is more uncertain, we really are at a Loss, as we said before, how to advise you. As to Clifton\u2019s Declaration that he will not deliver Possession of the Land \u2019till the year 1762, we can\u2019t find out his Reason for it, but are sure there is nothing in the Case to countenance such a Piece of Obstinacy. We think, according to the Decree, that the Commissioners ought to pay such of the creditors as are willing & ready to comply with the Terms of it, & upon their Receipt of the Money they ought to convey to you their Title & Interest of the Land, which we fear will not be a sufficient Security to you ag\u2019t Carrol, if the Decree should be reversed & he should recover his whole Demand. If Clifton continues obstinate, upon proper affadavits of his refusing to join in a Conveyance & deliver Possession I imagine the General Court would commit him for a Contempt \u2019till he complys with the Decree, which perhaps may be the spediest method of gaining you the Possession; but Nothing of this Sort can be done \u2019till October. You can\u2019t recover the Possession in a Court of Law \u2019till you are invested with the Legal Title, which you can\u2019t have but by a Deed from the Maryland Creditors, who are the Mortgagees. If Messrs Digges & Addison convey to you their Interest\nin the Land, perhaps you might be let into such Part of it as is proportionate to the Terms they receive; but the method of doing this will be excessively tedious & very expensive. We would send you a Conveyance as you desire, but can\u2019t prepare it properly without the Title Deeds nor without knowing who are to be the Parties; we would therefore recommend your Neighbour Mr Johnston to you as the properest Gentleman for this Business, as he is upon the Spot & may be acquainted with every Circumstance as it may turn out. If the Money is not paid to such of the Creditors as are willing to comply with the Terms of the Decree, their Interest in Justice ought to run on, & whoever is the Cause of the Money\u2019s being with-held, without Doubt ought to answer it. As you have already paid the Money & it\u2019s probable you\u2019ll not very soon get Possession of the Land, we think you are well entituled to the Rents & Profits; perhaps the Tenants will agree to pay their Rents to you, upon their being fully indemnified; if they will not, we think you should forbid their paying them to any other Person; Clifton surely can have no Right to receive them, & we suppose most of the Creditors will agree that they may be paid to you, after they have received their Money. If Carrol appeals, we think in Justice Clifton ought to defend it, though we suppose he\u2019ll not concern himself about the Matter, & therefore it probably will go undone unless you will undertake it; the Expence is very uncertain & as to the Consequence, we have before given you our Sentiments. Bills of Exchange no Doubt are a good Payment, if accepted by the Creditor, otherwise not; we would therefore advise you to pay Mr Carroll\u2019s Proportion in Current Money at 40 \u214cct, the Rate, at which Excha. was settled at our last Court. As you have gone so far into the Purchase, it may be worth your while to sound Mr Carroll, the Terms you are the best Judge of, & if you could satisfy him, perhaps Mr Mason might cool a little. We are, Sir, Yr most obt humble Serts\nRo. C. Nicholas\nG. Wythe", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0232", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Joseph Valentine, 27 May 1760\nFrom: Valentine, Joseph\nTo: Washington, George\nYorke \u27e8illegible\u27e9 \u27e8May\u27e9 27th 1760\nI this day Recd a Letter \u27e8illegible\u27e9 hand of Mr Nicholas\u27e8;\u27e9 have also Recd a Letter from him to \u27e8you\u27e9 which I send \u27e8off\u27e9 immediately to you by George from King Wm who I think \u27e8is the\u27e9 safest hand I Can send it By\u2014I also Recd your Letter the 18th sent by melato Jack and will do my \u27e8truest\u27e9 endeavours to get an over seer to sute you\u2014Ass to Colo. Johnson I Cant get one farding of money from him he appointed me \u27e8severall\u27e9 times to go to Receive the money but he all ways faild[.] I went up to Colo. Bassetts the day \u27e8mutilated\u27e9 appointed to set off to your house and from thence I was obligd up to Black Creek and made all the hast Back I Cud as Colo. Bassett had \u27e8defferd setting\u27e9 of for fore or five days Longer I Expected sertainly to get the money of \u27e8illegible But when\u27e9 I came back Colo. Johnson was gone out of town and havt see nor heard any thing of him since and wheather \u27e8he had Contract\u27e9 the money or any part of it to Colo. Bassett \u27e8unbeknown\u27e9 to me I cant tel ass he seemd to want to pay \u27e8part but not\u27e9 all the money due to the Bond.\nAss \u27e8Louis Smith\u27e9 is dead I have setteld another man their he is single man and seems to \u27e8illegible\u27e9 on ass he Begins I am in hops \u27e8if the year sutes\u27e9 to have a \u27e8tolerable\u27e9 good crop their.\nwe have got a good \u27e8deel of land\u27e9 to be planted and hope to get ot finished everywheare next \u27e8Monday\u27e9.\n\u27e8I\u27e9 have setteld with Mr Mossom but got no money of him, he had ass I Thought \u27e8not paid old Ac[coun]t\u27e9 but as it was your orders \u27e8sir\u27e9 I aloud it. have in Closd the ac[coun]t with a half\nCrown Bill which is the Ballance due and \u27e8our slaves\u27e9 are all in tolerable good helth at this time I \u27e8plais\u27e9 god and hope you and Mrs Washington and the Children are the same.\nFrom Sir your very Humble servant\nJoseph Valentine", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0233", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Joseph Valentine, 28 May 1760\nFrom: Valentine, Joseph\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nI in tended to sent old George but when I cam to Rones George was sick and I was obligd to send Stephen ass I was a fraid to send any but what had had the Small pox ass I understood it was in the way ass they Came they have a prospect of a fine Crop heare if please God the year permits. I am Sir your Most Humble Servant\nJoseph Valentine", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "05-31-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0234", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Cary & Co., 31 May 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Robert Cary & Co., 31 May 1760. On 28 Sept. 1760 GW wrote to Robert Cary & Co.: \u201cYour Letter of the 31st May Via Bristol came to hand.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0238", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, June 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \nCash\nJune 9\u2014\nTo Ditto [cash] of Jno. Gist for Smiths Acct for self & Mother\nTo Ditto of Mr Sampson Darrel\u2014for Ditto\nTo Ditto of Captn Possey\u2014Balle Accts\nTo Ditto of Mr Piper for 20,602 lbs. Tobo @ 20/ prCt\nContra\nJune 2\u2014\nBy Mr Mercer. A fee for his Opinion in Cliftons dispute\nBy Cash gave Widow Nation\u2019s\nBy ditto gave Jno. Askew 20/\nBy ditto pd Mr Wm Digges for Hay\nBy 6 packs Cards 7/6\u2014lost at Ditto 7/6\nBy Mrs Washington\nBy Colo. [Fielding] Lewis Balle Accts\n   By Cards 2/6.\u2003By my Store Acct wt. Mr D. Craig 98/3\nBy Mr Mercers claim on Cliftons Sale of Land\nBy Mr Wisheart old Acct\nBy Expences at Mrs Chews\nBy 1 pr Scissars 1/3\u2014pd Robt Cunningham Publick Acct 7/6\nBy Captn Possey for two Grey Horses bought\nBy Cash lent Jeremiah Mitchell\nBy a pair of Shoes for Peter the Smith\u2014cost\nBy Cash gave for the Sufferers at Boston by Fire\nBy Ditto advancd Hosea Bazill", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-03-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0239", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Carter Nicholas and George Wythe, 3 June 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Nicholas, Robert Carter,Wythe, George\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Robert Carter Nicholas and George Wythe, 3 June 1760. The catalog entry describes this letter as being \u201con legal matters, concerning the assignment of mortgages and titles.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-04-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0241", "content": "Title: To George Washington from William Digges, 4 June 1760\nFrom: Digges, William\nTo: Washington, George\nSr\nJune the 4th 1760\nI recd the Proclamation from Mr Green last Thursday & have sent it to Mr Igs Digges in order to know his determination, mine being to meet on the 17th in order to Receive my money\n& wash my hands of that Troublesome affr. I cannot judge the Reason Mr Cook has so often disapointed me in not sending the vinegar to Bladensburgh in order to Meet my Boat: but shall know it the first opportunity that offers & am yr Most obt Humble St\nW. Digges\nP.S. if you have any Command by McGahien, Dr Ross will be here Tomorrow in his way Down to Clear him out.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0242", "content": "Title: To George Washington from John Robinson, 8 June 1760\nFrom: Robinson, John\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nJune 8th 1760.\nMy friend Colo. Thomas Moore has applied to me, to assist him with a Sum of Money, to discharge a Debt due to You which he is very anxious of doing, and was it in my power at this time, I would readily advance the Sum he wants, but it realy is not, if your Affairs would permit You to wait a little longer for it, I will engage to see You paid in Six Months I am with my Complimints to Mrs Washington Dr Sir Your Affecte Friend and hbe Servt\nJohn Robinson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-09-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0243", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Moore, 9 June 1760\nFrom: Moore, Thomas\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nKing Wm June 9. 1760\nAccording to my promis in my last I Sent over to the Speaker, who sent me the inclosd for you, I am very sorry if your not receveing the money immediatly should be any disadvantage to you, but I have done all in my power to get it for you, and as the demand at first was what I did not expect so was I the less prepard for it, however I hope a few months will not make any great alteration in your affairs. I am with my compliments to your Lady Sir Your obt hble Sert\nThos Moore", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0245", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 20 June 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nMount Vernon June 20th 1760\nOn the 17th Instt I drew two setts of Exchange upon you dated the 20th Ulto one sett payable to Mr Jno. Addison amounting to Three hundred and Sixty four pounds Nineteen shillings\u2014the other sett for Three hundred and four pounds fifteen Shillings and three pence and payable to Mr William Digges, both at thirty Days Sight\u2014I don\u2019t doubt their meeting due acceptance & I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0246", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Thomas Hanson Marshall, 20 June 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nLetter not found: to Thomas Hanson Marshall, 20 June 1760. On 21 June Marshall wrote to GW: \u201cYours of the 20th Instant I Recd this Day.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-21-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0247", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Thomas Hanson Marshall, 21 June 1760\nFrom: Marshall, Thomas Hanson\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nMary Land the 21st of June 1760\nYours of the 20th Instant I Recd this Day; I have not the Least thought, (nor Ever had) of making Sale of any Part of my Land in Virga, unless I had an oppertunity of Purchasing, Immediately (Lands) Joining to me in Maryland, which there is not the Least Prospect off Just now, as the Lands are in the hands of Gen[tleme]n who have not the Least thought of making Sale thereoff.\nCaptn Posey was mentioning to me sum short Time Past, that he had agreed to Let Mr French, have the Woodland (Tract of Land) he bought of your Brother, for the Same he gave for it; on which I told Capt. Posey (in a Bantr) that I must Let Mr French have that Slipe of mine which Run by Mrs Manleys. As Immagend he would give me a great Price for it, as it Ley Very Conven[ien]t & was well stocked with Timber tho. At the Same Time hand not the Least thought of affering Said Land; I am Sensable how your Lands Surround mine, & Probabilly will In a Short Time be more so, However Sir If I should have an oppertunity of Purchasing Land\u2019s In Maryland Conveniant, would Willingly sell my Land in Virga; if this Should Happin, or if I should Incline to Sell my Land In Virga at Any rate, you may Depend on my Giving you the Refuseal &c. I am With Great Regard Sir your Most Hble servt\nThos Han. Marshall", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-23-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0248", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Andrew Burnaby, 23 June 1760\nFrom: Burnaby, Andrew\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nPhiladelphia June 23d 1760.\nI arrived here the 15th past, after an Agreable journey; and desire You will think me extremely Obliged to you for the favour you did me in sending me to Annapolis, and by the letters you gave me to recommend me. I had not an Opportunity of seeing Mr Sharp; but Dr Macleane has behaved with the greatest Politeness to me, introduced me to General Stanwix by Mr Doe his Aid de Camp, and contrived for me to go on a fishing Party with about 15 or 16 Ladies & 8 or 10 Gentlemen to the Schuilkill. We dined Upon a Turtle & drank Tea in the Afternoon & returned in the Evening. Philadelphia is beyond my Expectation; and when I consider that it contains near 20,000 Inhabitants of Many Nations and Religions; that it Employs one Year with Another 350 Vessels; that it has a well regulated Police; and is in beauty, Trade, Riches, not inferiour to many cities in Europe, I am lost in Admiration of that Great Man Mr Penn, who by his Wisdom and vast foresight, has been able to Accomplish such things. I beleive I shall set out for New York either Wednesday or thursday; shall stay there About a week and from thence to Boston for About the same time, from whence in about a Month I shall expect to see England, where I\nshall hope to have the pleasure of hearing from You very soon. We have very little News here; the Seige of Quebec is certainly raised; and it is said we have taken about half a dozen Store-ships; from whence it is hoped the Remains of the French Army must be reduced to the greatest distress. The Merchants in this Place were much Alarmed the Other day at hearing that Many of their flags of truce Ships to the Value of better than 100,000\u00a3 Sterling were taken in the West Indies; this Evening however they have recovered their looks a little, as a Vessel from Jamaica has brought them an Account that About Eleven are already Acquitted. General Amherst has not yet left Albany, at least he had not, when the last accounts Arrived; People begin to wonder. One of the Miss Hopkinsons (perhaps you may know her) was married last thursday to Mr Duch\u00e8 a young clergyman here. This I think is everything that can possibly come under the Article of news, Unless I was to tell you of a very violent thunder Gust which happened last Monday & struck two or three houses in Town here; though this to an American has very little Novelty in it; for which reason, Sir, I beleive I must desire You to make My Compliments to Mrs Washington, & conclude by Assuring you that I am with the greatest respect Your Much obliged, most obedient, and most Humble servant\nA. Burnaby", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "06-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0250", "content": "Title: To George Washington from John Carlyle, 28 June 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Carlyle, John\nTo: Washington, George\n\tLetter not found: from John Carlyle, Alexandria, 28 June 1760. The dealer\u2019s catalog gives GW\u2019s following endorsement on the letter: \u201cColo Carlyle\u2019s Lettr. 28th June 1760 relatg. to my decd Br. Laur Estate.\u201d Included with the letter was a page of accounts.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-24-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0252", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Joseph Valentine, 24 July 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Valentine, Joseph\nLetter not found: to Joseph Valentine, 24 July 1760. On 9 Aug. 1760 Valentine wrote to GW: \u201cI Recd Yours dated July 24th.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-30-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0253", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Farell & Jones, 30 July 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Farell & Jones\nSir,\nMount Vernon Potk Rivr Virginia 30th July 1760\nCaptn Cawsey at the time he receivd my Tobo wrote me, that he shoud be in these parts before he Saild in order to give Bills of Lading and receive Letters for your House. But I suppose the Captns business renderd it inconvenient for him to do so, and my not seeing, nor hearing from him since, and getting no Bills of Lading at all, must plead an excuse for my silence till now.\nHe has doubtless informd you that I had Eight Hogsheads on\nBoard the Tyger, which please to sell to the best advantage, and out of the proceeds pay Mr Knox the Sterling Sum of Fifty one pounds five Shillings and Eleven pence balle of my Account with him.\nI have once or twice in my Life been very sensibly disappointed in the Sales of some Tobacco\u2019s\u2014and that in Bristol\u2014which obliges me to add that if these Eight Hhds dont fetch the Amount of Mr Knox\u2019s Account I must nevertheless desire the favour of you to discharge it, and draw for the Balle on Robt Cary Esqr. & Comy London, who will immediately pay what you may advance on my behalf\u2014I am Sir Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington\n   By the Nugent Only, Captn Copithorn.\nCopy, By Captn Littledale, in the Hero.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "07-30-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0254", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Thomas Knox, 30 July 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Knox, Thomas\nSir\nVirginia 30th July 1760\nPlease to call upon Mr Farrel, and he will discharge the Balle of my Account with you\u2014viz. \u00a351.5s.11d.\u2014I am Sir, Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington\nBy the Nugent Only, Captn Copithorn.\n   Copy, By the Hero, Captn Littledale.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0255", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, August 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[August 1760]\nContra\nAugt 1\u2014\nBy Ditto [cash] pd Thos Hardin (Mrs Steptoes Overr) for 34 Barl Corn\nBy Do pd Messrs Digges & Addison\u2014their Costs in Cliftons Suit besides Tobo\nBy Do paid Levies Taxes &ca to John West besides Tobo\nBy Do paid Doctr McCarmick on acct of Jno. Adams\nBy Ditto paid Mr Richd Stephen\u2014in Acct\nBy Ditto paid Mr Danl Payne\u2014store Acct Dumfries\nBy Expences at Dumfries 4/10\u2014gave ferryman 7\u00bd\nBy Mr Geo: Johnston\u2014A retaining Fee\nBy Expences at Alexa.\nBy Mr Piper for 1 Hogshead Rum 102 Gals. @ 4/6\nBy Mr John Gist for his Lease\nBy Saml and Jane Warner\u2014for their Lease in Cliftons Neck\nBy Joseph Gardner\u2019s Lease Do Do\nBy Messrs Carlyle & Dalton\u2019s Acct\nBy Mr Robt Johnston\u20143 Yrs Rent [Patrick] Matthews Plantn\nBy Mr William Clifton in part for his Land\nBy 2 Sailors setting us across the River\nBy Cash gave Colo. Fairfax\u2019s Will\nBy Do in part of expences at Benedict\nBy Bryan Allison in full of Accts\nBy Wm Ransom\u2014for taking up Boson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0256", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Christopher Hardwick, 1 August 1760\nFrom: Hardwick, Christopher\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nBulskn August 1th 1760\nyou wrot to me a bout Beaves[.] Catle Sels Considerable dearer then ever I knew them & are scase to be had at any rate I am told Beafe at winshester Sels at Forpence pr pound so that I dont know as yet whethr there is any to be bought as small Common Cows pricess beteen three & four pounds each I dont know what quntety you may want we have five stears & two Charmen baron Cows which one of them hant had a Calf this two years which may be made extroney good Beaf If you think that will not be anofe let me know what quntety to purchis as I shall be glad too oblige you. I Shall take Care to Save what Sweet Sented Tobaco seed you want of each Sort we have gott our Harvest safe in Stouts of about two or three hundred Sheves in a place well Hudderd\u2014the hind wheals of the wagin is doted So that one of the fellows is brok out & we have hir to Carey to the wagner to gtt hir mended if She Can or new ons made & as son as that Can be done I Shall take Care to gtt it in & Cornelos has promist to stak it for me.\nI Sent Fortin & Winey Som meale last Sunday when I herd Fortin was as bad as ever & winey Sum beter our Summer Crop Coms on very fast as the weather has benn very Seasenable the tobaco grows mutch larger then last yeare we are over the higt of toping & Shall be quit by the last of next week done\u2014we have all the three Colts Salted three tims a week when they dont Com I have them fetcht up but they are often up every day leatly.\nI for got to in form you in my last letter that blease bay mare I boug at Anderson outcry has got as likely a Hors Coult as any I have seen this yeare. I am hartely Sory to tell you of my unhapy misfortin I am as yet not Capable to do any thing but am in hops I soon Shall Jams masen follows my Derictons in Every thing & gows on very well I am ine hops we shall make as mutch as Ever we have yet I am your Humble servant to Comman\nChristopher Hardwick", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0258", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 10 August 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Capel & Osgood Hanbury\nGentn\nMount Vernon 10th Augt 1760.\nBy my friend Mr Fairfax I take the oppertunity of acknowledging the receipt of your favour pr Captn Wa[l]ker & once since of later date by Captn Chew\u2014I am very sorry for the Account (given in the latter) of the Deliverance being lost. All the Tobacco I had on board her was JC and I dare say woud have disgracd no Market whatever\u2014but accidents of this Nature are common & ought not to be repind at.\nWe had a very favourable prospect sometime ago of making large Crops of Tobacco, but a continued series of Rain for near 4 Weeks has given a sad turn to our expectations and now I verely believe that unless some very surprising change happens for the better again the Crops will be very short\u2014A great deal of Tobo being Drownd, and the rest spotting very fast, which is always a consequence of so much Wet Weather.\nI hope you will have receivd for the Books retaken in Captn Downs before this Letter can reach you: they were not intended for ourselves for which Reason I must get the favour of you to State an Acct of the Costs with proper Credits that I may know how to settle for them here. I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0259-0001", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 10 August 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nMount Vernon 10th Augt 1760\nBy my Friend Mr Fairfax I take the oppertunity of acknowledging the Receipts of your several favours that have come to hand since mine of the 30th of November last, and observe in one of them of the 14 Feby by Crawford that you refer to another by the same Ship, but this has never yet appeard.\nInclosd you are presented with the Memm for receiving the Interest of the Bank-Stock signd as directed. The Estate not yet being so amply settled as it ought, an entire division has not been made which leaves many matters upon an instable footing, and among the rest the money in your Hands which has not yet been Assignd to Individuals altho. I believe it will Chiefly, if not all fall into my part since it best suits my purposes to have money that can be Commanded, than money at Interest However till matters comes to a more conclusive Settlement you may let the Accounts stand as you have Stated them, charging each party with their own Drafts and Orders, and letting the Credits remain in favour of the Estate as a Common Stock till further Directions\u2014The Tobaccos Shipd pr the Fair American, Cary & Russia Merchant may be applied the sameway but the present (growing) Crop will be Shipd on my own and Jno. Parke Custis\u2019s particular Accounts (each having our Plantations alloted Us) and must be applied to Our several Credits as you will be directed\u2014so must all the remittances hereafter to be made.\nThe Insurance on the Tobo pr Talman was high I think\u2014higher than expected; And here Gentn I cannot forbear ushering in a Complaint of the exorbitant prices of my Goods this year all of which are come to hand (except those packages put on board Hooper): For many Years I have Imported Goods from London as well as other Ports of Britain and can truely say I never had such a penny worth before\u2014It woud be a needless\nTask to innumerate every Article that I have cause to except against, let it suffice to say that Woolens, Linnens, Nails &ca are mean in quality but not in price, for in this they excel indeed, far above any I have ever had\u2014It has always been a Custom with me when I make out my Invoices to estimate the Charge of them, this I do for my own satisfaction, to know whether I am too fast or not, and I seldom vary much from the real prices doing it from old Notes &ca but the amount of your Invoice exceeds my Calculations above 25 prCt & many Articles not sent that were wrote for.\nI must once again beg the favour of you never to send me any Goods but in a Potomack Ship, and for this purpose let me recommend Captn John Johnson in an annual Ship of Mr Russells to this River\u2014Johnson is a person I am acquainted with, know him to be very careful and he comes past my Door in his Ship: I am certain therefore of alway\u27e8s\u27e9 having my Goods Landed in Good time and Order which never yet has happend when they come into another River: This year the Charming Polly went into Rappahannock & my Goods by her, recd at different times and in bad order\u2014The Porter entirely Drank out\u2014There came no Invoice of Mrs Dandridges Goods to me\u2014I suppose it was forgot to be Inclosd.\nI was owing Mr Knox of Bristol a Balle of \u00a351.5s.11d. to discharge which, and be out of that Gentns Debt I shipd Mr Farrel eight Hhds Tobo in April last desiring him out of the proceeds to pay the above Sum but if in case (which I thought hardly possible) this Tobo shoud be insufficient to answer this purpose then for him to draw upon you for what it might fall short\u2014you will please therefore to notice this\u2014and Mrs Fairfax having kindly undertaken to purchase somethings for Mrs Washington to the amount I suppose of Fifty or Sixty pounds I must likewise desire the favour of you to pay my Order in his favour so soon as presented. When you have receid the Money for the Inclosd Bill please to Credit my Acct for it.\nAs I shall write to you again by the Fleet I shall decline giving any directions about the Busts till then\u2014Sometime ago there was a prospect of making a large Crop of Tobacco this Summer but a Series of wet weather for near a Month, with little or no Intermission has causd general Complaints among the Planters and now it is feard that the Crops will be very short\u2014The Tobo\nin many places being under Water and Drownd\u2014and in other\u2019s suffering much by the Spot which is always a Consequence of such Rains.\nMy Steward on York River writes me that he has receivd the Goods from Glasgow\u2014Inclosd I address you the Copy of a Letter wrote from Williamsburg in April last\u2014and in a Letter of the 20th June I advertisd you of two Drafts I had made upon you, the one in favour of Mr Jno. Addison for \u00a3364.19s.od. and the other of Mr William Digges for \u00a3304.15s.3d. These payments were in part for a valuable purchase I had just made of abt 2000 Acres of Land adjoining this Seat. There are more payments yet to make, and possibly I may have occasion to draw upon you for a further Sum; tho. not more I am well perswaded than you have effects to answer Yet if at any time a prospect of advantage shoud lead me beyond this a little I hope their will be no danger of my Bills returning. I mention this rather for a matter of Information (in case of such an Event) than as a thing I ever expect to happen\u2014for my own aversion to running in Debt will always secure me against a Step of this Nature, unless a manifest advantage is likely to be the result of it.\nSince writing the foregoing I have added to my Landed purchase, and shall have occasion in a few days to draw upon you to the amount of about \u00a3250 payable to Robt Brent save a Bill of about \u00a340 which will be passd in favour of Mr Clifton\u2014I am Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-10-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0260", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Richard Washington, 10 August 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Washington, Richard\nDear Sir\nMount Vernon 10th August 1760\nColo. Fairfax\u2019s departure for England in a Ship for London affords me the best oppertunity imaginable to acknowledge the Receipt of your favours of the 22 Novr 12th Decr & 26 March which are all the Letters I have receivd from you since those taken notice of in mine of the 20th of Septr last.\nI must confess that my disappointment in the Sales of my Tobo pr Couzens was a very sensible one, having seen no Accts of Tobaccos by that Ship (till then) under \u00a312 pr Hhd, & few, very few indeed that did not avarige 14 & from that to 15 & 16 pounds pr Hhd: mine being all Sweetscented and neatly managd left me no room to suspect coming in at the Tale of the Market\u2014The discouraging Sales I have generally got for all Tobos Shipd of my own growth has inducd me to dispose of my last years Crop in the Country, the price being good and certain. but this may not always happen, and while I can Ship without loss I shall always be glad to have it in my power of consigning you a part. I dare say your Account Currt transmitted in Decr last is very right, altho. I shoud have understood it better had you credited me for \u00a350 Insurd on my Tobaco pr the Integrety and made me debtor for the Premio &ca\u2014there is another Article of Interest short \u00a312 which I shoud be glad to have explaind;\nif it is for Interest on the money you have lain in Advance for me I am extreamely willing to allow it, thinking it just and never intending to put you to the least Inconvenience on my Account\u2014I hope before this Letter can have reachd you, that you have recoverd my loss of Goods retaken in Captn Down\u2019s.\nThe French are so well Drubd, and seem so much humbld in America that I apprehend our Generals will find it no difficult matter to reduce Canada to our Obedience this Summer, but what may be Montgomery\u2019s Fate in the Cherokee Country I wont so readily determine\u2014It seems he has made a prosperous beginning having penetrated into the Heart of their Country, and is now advancing his Troops in high health and Spirits to the relief of Fort Loudoun\u2014But let him be wary\u2014he has a crafty Subtil Enemy to deal with that may give him most trouble when he least expects it. We are in pain here for the King of Prussia\u2014and wish Hanover safe\u2014these being Events in which we appear to be much Interested.\nMy endulging myself in a trip to England depends upon so many contingencies (which in all probability never may happen) that I dare not even think of the Gratification, than which nothing is more ardently desird\u2014but Mrs Washington and I both woud think ourselves very happy in the oppertunity of shewing you the Virginia Hospitality, which is the most agreable entertainment we can give, or a Stranger expect to find in an Infant Woody Country, such as ours is. I am Dear Sir Yr Most Obedient Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0261", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert McKenzie, 12 August 1760\nFrom: McKenzie, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nDear Sir\nCamp at Venango [Pa.] Augt 12th 1760\nThough I have as small a Title as any Person whatever to the least Share of your Esteem, yet, by often observing with what Pleasure you seize all Opportunities of using your good Offices for the Assistance of others, I dare to address you and to sollicit your Interest in an Affair of the greatest Importance to me, which from your Benevolence alone I hope to obtain.\nMy Relations in Europe have procured recommendatory Letters from Ld Barrington, Ld Elibanks & Colo. Douglass, to General Amherst in my Behalf & have engaged Colo. Robertson & Capt. Abercrombie, his first Aid de Camp to present them, and to back them with all their Influence. They have desired me to send a Memorial to the Genl, which I have accordingly done, & to apply to you for a Testimony of my Behaviour, while under your Command. This is the Favour wch I have to request; and if my Conduct has ever merited your Approbation, I hope you will do me the Justice to declare it to Genl Amherst, or in any other Manner, wch you think will be equally conducive to my Interest.\nAs soon as I can get Genl Monctons Liberty I shall repair to the Head Quarters of the Army; & lest such a Step should hurt me in Virginia, I have wrote very fully to the Governor on the Subject, desiring to know what I may expect in the Colonys Service at the Reduction of the Regt; if Nothing, I have begged the Honour of a Letter from him to Genl Amherst, & by a Memorial to his Council have sollicited the same Favor from them. In every Thing I have acted agreeable to the Advice of my Friends, and though my Expectations are far from being pleasing, I am under a Necessity either to disoblige them, or to accept of whatever their Interest may procure for me.\nI am with Major Stewart, erecting a Post at this Place, which is to be a Block House, defended by a Ditch & covered Way\u2014Colo. Bouquet with 250 Pensilvs. is doing the same at Presqu\u2019Isle\nThe Indians are very passive, and except four Men killed and taken the other Day at the Lake, we have not met with the least Disturbance from them this Campaign.\nI should be glad to hear from you as soon as possible, under Cover to Major Gates; and shall esteem it a singular Favor to be ranked among the Number of Dear Sir, your Friends & very humble Servants\nRobert Mackenzie", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "08-27-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0262", "content": "Title: To George Washington from George Mason, 27 August 1760\nFrom: Mason, George\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nGunston Hall 27th Augt 1760.\nInclosed You have my Survey of G. Brent\u2019s Pattent: when I came to look over my papers, I found I had sent the platt to Mr Geo: Brent some years ago, & the only one I had left was a rough platt of that & the adjacent Lands on both Sides the Creek; from part of which what I send You is copyed; but as the original was so much worn out that it cou\u2019d not be copyed wth\nany Truth, I thought it best to send You my Field-notes; not having Time to make a correct platt of the whole pattent, as my Family was very much indisposed, three of my Children being very ill; which was the Occasion of detaining Your Messenger all Night. Mrs Mason presents her Comps. to Mrs Washington & Yourself, as does Dear Sir Yr most obdt Sert\nG. Mason\nP.S. Two of my Negroes took up one of yours last Saturday that was run away, I happened to be from Home at the time, or wou\u2019d have sent a person Home with him. My overseer tells Me he sent him by Joseph Stevens.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0263", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, September 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[September 1760]\nContra\nSeptr 3\u2014\nBy Joseph Ransom in part\nBy Gerrard Bowling Inspecting Tobo\nBy Cards 2/6\u2014Exps. at Colemans 7/\nBy Israel Thompson for 29 Bushls hair\nBy Joshua Baker Dressing Hats\nBy Captn Hardin Add[itiona]l Publick Levies\nBy Patrick Rice for Warr[an]t recd before\nBy Mr Fieldg Lewis on Acct Iron Work Scheme\nBy Money gave my Negroe fellow Joe\nBy Christopher Hardwick\nBy Ferriages at Keyes\u2019s 1/3\u2014Exps. at Leesburg 4/9\nBy Expences at Colemans in full 6/2\nBy Colo. Colvill for 15 Barrels of Corn\nBy Mr Robt Adam\u2019s Acct\nBy Hosea Bazill in full of all Accts\nBy Expences at Alexandria 2/6\u2014By Jno. Alton 20/\nBy Doctr Hunter Bleeding Mrs Washington\nBy Miss Dent on Acct of Patcy Custis\nBy Do Do on Acct Mrs Washington\nBy Jno. Jones\u2014for 6 Days working at my Mill\nBy Jno. Askew money lent", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-15-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0264", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 15 September 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Capel & Osgood Hanbury\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Capel & Osgood Hanbury, 15 Sept. 1760. On 3 April 1761 GW wrote to Capel & Osgood Hanbury: \u201cYour favour of the 15th Septr . . . now lyes before me.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0265", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Charles Lawrence, 28 September 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Lawrence, Charles\nMr Lawrence\nVirginia 28th Septr 1760.\nFor two years past Messrs Cary and Company have sent me a suit of Cloaths of your making, that dont fit me so well as I coud wish\u2014this I attribute to some error in the measure that was sent.\nHaving now occasion for 4 pair Breeches as underneath (for which Mr Cary will pay you) I have sent another measure for them, taken according to directions of a Taylor here: please to cut them out exactly by it, and if any faults shoud appear I will endeavour to point them out in my next to you; be so good therefore to keep the Measure\u2014and send me directions how to measure for a Coat. You will please to take notice that the Inclosd measure is the exact size of the Thigh &ca because it was\ntaken over a thin, close pair of drawers & no allowance made. I am Sir Yr Very Hble Servt\nGo: Washington\n   1 pair Crimson Velvet Breeches\n   1 pair black knit silk Ditto\n   1 pair black Ditto\u2014worsted ditto\n   1 pair light colourd\u2014silk shag Ditto", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "09-28-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0266-0002", "content": "Title: Enclosure: Invoice to Robert Cary & Company, 28 September 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\n[Mount Vernon] 28th Septr 1760\nInvoice of Sundry Goods to be sent by Robert Cary Esqr. & Company for the use of George Washington\u2014Virginia.\n   1 pair Crimson Velvet Breeches\u20031 pair black knit silk Ditto\u20031 pair Black ditto worsted ditto\u20031 pair light colo[re]d silk Shag Ditto to be made by the Measure Inclosd to Charles Lawrence\u20032 pieces Irish Holland @ 6/\u20031 piece of Cambrick for Ruffles, or something else proper if Cambrick is not to be had\u20031 piece of Irish Linnen @ 2/\u20034 Yds fine book Muslin @ 10/\u20034 ditto fine white Gauze\u20031 piece of fine white Canting\u20031 piece of white Callico @ 40/\u20031 piece of Bird Eye diaper for Towel\u20032 pieces best Nankeen with buttons & Mohair to suit ditto\u20031 white persian quilted Petticoat\u20032 Satten Bonnets\n   2 pr dble Channel pump\u20034 pr strong Shoes\u20032 pr very neat Stichd & bound Pumps from Mr Didsbury\u200312 rolls best Shoe Blacking\u20031 pr Womans black Satten Shoes\u20031 pr ditto white Ditto\u20034 pr neat black everlasting ditto all to be made accordg to the Meas[ur]e Sent\u20032 pr Womans black Everlastg Ditto & 2 pr\nstrong leather ditto of large Sixes\u20036 pr Mens neat white Gloves\u20036 pr ditto of Norway Doe\u2014above the middle Size\u2014Stichd Tops\u20036 pr Womans white Kid Gloves\u20036 pr ditto Mitts\u20032 pr colourd Gloves\u20034 pr ditto Mitts\n   1 Groce Shirt Buttons\u20031 pair Tabby Stays according to the Meas[ur]e\u20036 Knots & Breast Knots\u20033 Egrets\u20032 fashionable Fans\u20034 pieces Diaper Tape\u2014fine\u20036 M Miniken Pins\u20036 M Short whites\u20036 M large Ditto\u20031 Comb trae, Combs & Powder Box\u20036 fine horn Combs, & Comb Brushes\u20032 Bottles westerns lowdried Scotch Snuff\n   1 dble bitted Bridle with two pair Reins\u20034 Circingles\u20036 Girths\u20033 Sadle Cloaths\u20036 Strong Snaffle Bridles\u20032 dozn Hempen Halters with flat Hea\u27e8d\u27e9\u20036 Coach Whip Thongs\u20032 Chair Whip Ditto\u20031 dozn Horse Collars\u20031 Set of strong Waggon Harness for 5 middle Sizd Horses\u2014N.B. they may be strong but not heavy\n   1 dozn Beer and Cyder Glasses\u20031\u00bd dozn Punch Ditto\u20032 dozn wine Glasses\u2014all of the newest Fash.\u2003\u00bd dozn glass Milk Pots\u20036 China Mugs two of a Sort\u20036 ditto potting Pots, 2 of a size\u2014none large\u20032 large Stone Churns, each to hold 10 Gals.\u20036 dozn earthen Milk Pans\u20031 dozn strong Mugs different sizes\u2003\u00bd dozn ditto Pipkins\u20142 of them to hold a galn each 2 a Pottle & 2 a quart\u20031 dozn Stone Chamber Pots\u20031 dozn ditto wash Basons \u200312 white Stone Butter plates\n   \u00bd Rheam common writing Paper\u20032 quire large Dutch Paper & some pastboard\u20036 papers Ink powder\u20031 Box Wafers\u20031 Jar best Raisons\u20031 large Stone pot of Currts\u2003\u00bd Bushels Almonds in the Shell\u2003\u00bd lb. Nuts 4 Oz. Mace\u2003the same qty of Cloves & Cinnamon & 5 lb. Comfits different sorts\u20036 lb. Ginger\u20033 lb. Allspice\u20031 dozn bottles flower of Mustard\n   6 House Brooms\u20036 Hearth Brushes\u20031 piece black Ribbon for hair\u20032 Cloaths flaskets\u20031 large Tea Kettle\u20031 pr Backgammon Tables\u2014large 2 fine hair Sifters\u20031 dozn Course Hair Ditto\u200325 Salt Petre\u20032 dozn Packs playing Cards\u2003A Tin Candle Box with a Lock to it\u20032 dozn strong course pewter Spoons\u20031 dozn horn Ditto\u20031 dozn brass Thimbles sorted\u20031 dozn Tin Sheets to bake Bread upon\u20031 dozn Tin Dish Covers sizd\u20031 pr neat dble bellows for dining Room\u20036 pieces of Beggars Tape\n1 Forty fathom Sein\u2014well Rigd\u2014not to be above 8 Feet deep\u2014to have spare twine and 150 fathom of Rope to haul her\n   by\u200350 fathom of Line for Leading strings to be a size smaller than Bed Cords\u200350 fathom of Garden Line\n   A Very neat Pocket Book\u20147 Inches long & 4\u00bd wide with several Vellom, or other Leaves that will bear writing thereupon with a Pencil, & rubbing out again\u2014to have a Pencil therein, & a Pocket or two for Papers\u2014to be inclosd and fastned by a Silver Catch\u20032 Nett Silver Pencil Cases, & spare Pencils for Ditto\u20032 dozn Common Pencils\u2003\u00bd dozn Mens fine worsted Hose large & long\n   50 lb. large Bristol Drop Shott\u200350 lb. bird Shott\u200370 lb. Small Mould Shott\u20031 Rundlet red paint Ground in Oyl\u20034 pair Stilliards midling large\u20034 large watering Pots\u20031 Wier Sieve for cleaning wheat\u20031 Iron Ditto for cleaning Indn Corn\u2003The case (which is now sent) to be filld with Pickles\u2014among which let there be 3 bottles of French Olives\u2014and none of other sorts One Cheese of 50 lb.\u20031 handsome glass Lanthorne for Passage\u2014wt. Lamps & 10 Gals. Oyl for Do\u20032 pair hand Mill Stones 6 Blank Books for Accts from a very small to a midling size\u2014N.B. not to be Ruld\n   1 Mahagony Case with 16 Square Bottles in it, each bottle holding a Gallon; and the case to stand upon a frame supported by 4 Legs from the foot of which to the Top of the case let be 2 feet 4 Inches \u2003N.B. let the Bottles be very Strong\nOrder 25 Sacks of Salt from Liverpool\n50 lb. White Bisquet\nHartlibs Legacy of Husbandry\u2014also a new System of Agriculture done by various hands, but collected chiefly from the Papers of Mr Hale\n2 Bushels of Hop clover Seed An Assortment of Garden Seeds N.B. let these and the Clover Seed be fresh and good\u2014and put into the Cabbin, or dont send any\n   3 dozn bottles Stouton\u2019s Bitters\u20034 Oz. Nitre a Dulcis\u20031 lb. Orange Peale\u20031 Quart Orange flower Water\u20034 Oz. Elixor of Vitriol\u20034 Oz. Spirits Sal Armoniac\u20034 Oz. Hartshorn\u20034 Oz. Salvolatile\u20034 Oz. Tincture of Myrrh\u2003 4 Oz. Jallop\u20034 Oz. Ipecacuana\u20034 Oz. Diascordium\u20034 Oz. Syrrup of Poppies\u20034 Oz. Conserve of Roses\u20034 Oz. Contra Irva\u20032 Oz. Matthews Pills\u20031 lb. Bark prepard\u20034 Oz. Tincture of Castor\u20034 Oz. Spirit of Vitriol\u2014all in dble Flint Bottles\n1 Hhd best Porter\u2014or the same quantity of Porter in Bottles\nif the Ship Sails time enough to be here before the Weather gets too warm\n   1 Dozn Grindstones\u2003\u00bd dozn Grass Scyths\u20032 Briar Scyths\u20032 dozn large & strong Padlocks\u20036 Stock locks\u2014all to have difft Keys\u20032 dozn handsaw files\u20032 dozn x cutsaw Ditto\u20031 dozn whipsaw Ditto\u20031 dozn pair HL Hinges\u2003\u00bd dozn drawing Knives\u20032 dozn box Gimblets\u20032 Whipsaws\u2014of the best kind\u2003\u00bd groce of course, cheap, sheathd Knives for cutting Tobo\u200310 M 4d. Nails\u20035 M 6d. Ditto\u200320 M 8d. Ditto\u200325 M 10d. Ditto\u20031000 half Crown Ditto\n   600 Ells Oznabrigs\u2003350 Yards Cotton\u20034 dozn pair Mens plaid Hose\u20034 dozn pair Womens Ditto\u20032 dozn pair Boys & Girls Ditto\u20036 lb. brown thread\u20032 lb. whited brown Ditto\u20034 Oz. 12d ditto\u20034 Oz. 2/ ditto\u20036 Loaves of dble & 6 of Single Refind Sugar\nA Light handy Circumferenter for Surveying Lands\u2014the Dial plate to be large and well graduated\u2014the Sights to let down by Hinges (and not to slip of as is common) a spare needle in case of accidents\u2014A Load Stone Set\u2014and a Chain to be strong & well fixd\u2014Platting Instruments, nor nothing but what is here specified, is wanting\n   4 Oz. Gutte vite\u20031 pint of Daffes Elixor\u20034 Oz. Squires Elixor\u20032 Wig, or Hair Bags\u200310 yds light Shag course & strong for Negroe waiting Men\u2019s Breech\u27e8es\u27e9\u2003100 W. white Paint\u2014cheap sort\u20031 large brass or Iron Lock for an Outer Door\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0267", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, October 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[October 1760]\nCash\nOctr 2\u2014\nTo Cash of Mr Robt Brent in Excha. for Bills\nTo Cards at Sundry times\nTo Cash of Mr Joseph Valentine\nContra\nOctr 2\u2014\nBy two Bushels of Oats 3/6\u2014Gave Servants 7/6\nBy Ferriage & Ferrymen at Fredericksburg\nBy Expences at Caroline Court House\nBy Ditto at Hubbards 27/10. \u2003Ferriages &ca at Danzies 12/\nBy the Govrs Servants 10/. \u2003Breakfast 1/3\u2014Candles 1/3\nBy Cards 30/. \u2003Coach hire 1/3. Cards 10/. \u2003By Barber 2/6\nBy Play Tickets at Sundry times\nBy Supper &ca 2/6. \u2003By Coach 1/3. By Liquor 10/\nBy Mr Jno. Hood for a Lot in Edinburg\nBy mendg Harness 1/3. \u2003By Mr Mercers Servts 1/3\nBy The Attorney Genl\u2014fee in Massons Suit\nBy Mrs Washington 28/6. \u2003By Chesnuts 1/6\nBy Colo. Harrisons Servts 2/6. \u2003By Cards Sundries 75/\nBy Colo. W: Randolphs Servts 5/", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0268", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Stewart, 2 October 1760\nFrom: Stewart, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nMy Dear Sir\nCamp At Venango [Pa.] 2d October 1760\nSince my last long Letter from this place I recd Intelligence from the neighbouring Indians that they discover\u2019d where a large Body of the Enemy had just pass\u2019d about 28 Miles above us and seem\u2019d to bend their course this way, a Delaware spoke to\nsome of their Savages who told him they were off a large Party design\u2019d for this place, I at 2 oClock this morning Detach\u2019d an officer & 20 alert Virgs. with some six nation & Delaware Indians to Reconnoitre the different Paths & Passes leading towards where the Enemy were seen & to Scour our Environs, they are just return\u2019d without making any other Discovery than where a few Indians lay on the top of an adjacent eminance which overlooks our Camp nor can I conceive the Enemy to be now in condition to undertake any thing serious or send out more than a few Scalping Parties, however we have got into a tolerable Posture of Defence against Musketry and ready for them come as soon as they will some of their Scalpers have been frequently about us at different Times but as yet have not been able to get the least advantage, tho. the nature of this Service obliges me to have small Parties sometimes Detach\u2019d a considerable distance from Camp nor have we sustaind the smallest Loss except that of our Engineer poor DuPlesis who on the 2d Ulto Detach\u2019d to reconnoitre French Creek he & the few that went with him have not been hear\u2019d off for upwards of 3 weeks his Loss is more sensibly felt as the construction of works cannot be carried with such propriety as they would have been under the direction of so able an Engineer, nor is it now in my power to have the pleasure of presenting You with Planns of our different Posts nor the Draft of this River which I promis\u2019d in my last.\nYou will undoubted receive the accots of the Success of His Majestys Arms (under the Orders of The Generals Amherst & Murray and the great probability there is in their succeeding in Enterprizes still more Glorious which must terminate in the totall Reduction of the French Territories in this part of the Globe) In a speedier Channel than I from this remote Post could convey them I will not therefore trouble You with a less perfect repetition of them.\nWe are here extremely impatient to hear something of our Virginia Expedition our last accots from that Quarter was in a Letter I recd from Colo. Byrd Dated at Campbell\u2019s Augt 10th\u2014I cannot imagine he will proceed after he is inform\u2019d that Fort Loudoun the principal Object of his Destination is Surrender\u27e8d\u27e9 to the Savages, and I would fain hope that War will now attract some part of the Ministry\u2019s attention and that such measures will be concerted as that our ulterior Operations against\nthem will end in their extirpation, than which nothing could more effectually promote Our General Interest with the Indians and give them the most tremendous opinion of our Prowess All the Savage Nations would then be convinc\u2019d beyond doubt how carefully they ought to cultivate our Freindship and how much our just resentment was to be dread this Measure would undeniably cost an immensity of Bloud and Treasure but the happy and permanent Good that would certainly result from it would amply repay all.\nIn the different Letters I had the pleasure to write You from Pittsburgh & this place I inform\u2019d You how happy we are under the Orders of so consummate an Officer & so fine a Gentleman as our General appears to be and the genteel Politeness of His Behaviour particular marks of which and indeed of real kindness he has been Pleas\u2019d to Honr me with of which unlook\u2019d for lucky incident I avail\u2019d myself to procure a continuation of both my Commissions notwithstanding that Colo. Bouquet in the name of the Corps warmly sollicited for my being Order\u2019d to Join the Battalion but as I hitherto have been no Favourite of Fortune\u2019s I did not think it prudent to trust to any of Her superficial smiles and therefore I have applied for Liberty to sell and if I cannot be indulg\u2019d therein to Resign being determin\u2019d to attach myself solely to our own Regt and rely upon the Generosity of the Colony which I have so long had the Honr to Serve for a future Subsistence, tho\u2019 I with great regret observe that my Interest there declines, this declension is evinc\u2019d by an Order Mr Boyd tells me the Governr has given for my returning my Major\u2019s Pay for last Campaign when I did the intire Duty of that Office with such assiduity and punctuality as to give perfect Satisfaction to the Colo. of the Regt and all my Superiors in the Line, this unexpected Stroke astonish me the more as it is most certain that Major Lewis drew Pay as Majr from the Date of his Major\u2019s Commission tho\u2019 Major Stobo was in fact Major of the Regt and that as Maj. Lewis was till his Imprisonment to Majr Stobo what I was to Majr Lewis during his detention with the Enemy, consequently if Major Ls had then a right to Majrs Pay the same reasons entitled me to it from the Date of my Majority till Major Lewis rejoin\u2019d the Regt which was all I did or desir\u2019d to but another recent Instance in my favour\u2019s places this (if possible) in still a stronger & more\nstriking view vizt Lt Colo. Peachy drew Pay as Majr from the Date of his Major\u2019s Commission in our Regt till the Day of his Promotion in the Fronteer Battn tho\u2019 he never did the least Duty nor even Join\u2019d our Regt as Majr but notwithstanding the combin\u2019d force of these (I hope) coercive Arguments I recd the Orders of the Commander in Cheif of the Colony Troops for it\u2014I would by no means desire You to ask a Favour from Govr Fauquier because I know how disagreeable it would be to You but if I have a right to that Pay and that I have I imagine is obvious by the above State of the affair It cannot be deem\u2019d a favour to procure Justice or to rectify a mistake to which I ascribe this Order therefore I doubt but your good offices will be us\u2019d in obtaining a Countermand to it\u2014When I applied for the Majority I endeavour\u2019d to represent the hardship of Major Peachy\u2019s having got it and told the Governor that Rank was what I cheifly regarded but that I should do the sole of that fatigueing Duty without Pay when there was two Precedents so clearly in my favour for drawing it I never imagin\u2019d would admit of the least hesitation.\nI am extremely uneasy at your long and uncommon silence I have not been favour\u2019d with a Scrape from you since the Date of the Letter you wrote me from Bulskin the Day after parting\u2014I am certain that either your Letters have miscarried or which is infinitely worse the want of Health prevents your writing, how happy it would make me to be assured that You and your Family are well for God\u2019s sake releive me from my vast uneasie apprehensions on this Head.\nI cannot even guess at where I shall be order\u2019d to this Winter I beg you will be so good as to present my Respectfull Complemts in the warmest and most obliging Terms to Your Lady & the Children, and beleive me unalterably to be With the most sincere & perfect Esteem & Regard My Dear Colonel Your Most Affectionate & Most Obliged hble Servt\nRobert Stewart\nAll the Officers of this little Camp offer their best Respects particularly McNeill & McKenzie pray excuse inaccuracys &Ca being hurried.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "10-08-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0269", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert Cary & Company, 8 October 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Robert Cary & Company\nGentn\nWilliamsburg 8th Octr 1760.\nThis serves to cover a certificate of the Tobo I shipd you in the Cary, which I hope will answer the end of a Bill of Lading. I am told it will do instead of Recording the Bill, and as it is less expensive and soonest come at, I embrace the method.\nSince my last I have passd a set of Bills in favour of Mr George Brent (instead of Robt Brent) for Two hundred pounds Sterling which please to pay and place to acct of Gentn Yr Most Obedt Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0272", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, November 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[November 1760]\nCash\nNovr 4\u2014\nTo Mr Wm Hunter for a horse sold him\nTo The Speaker on Acct of Colo. Thos Moores Bond\nTo Interest of Francis Fosters Bond\nTo Doctr Craik Shoeing his Horse\nContra\nBy Tea 1/. \u2003By Subscripn Wmsburg Purse 20/\nBy Do for Colo. Fairfax 10/. Weatherbornes Acct 16/9\u00bd\nBy Barbers Acct \u00a31.13. \u2003paid for Toys 4/1\u00bd\nBy Expens. at Danzies 14/9. Do at Todds 27/6 Hub[bar]ds\u20149/6\nBy Ditto at Julians 45/7\u00bd. \u2003By a Launcit 1/.\nBy Mr Chs Yates\u2019s Acct \u00a313.11.2\u00bd\u2014By H. Wallaces 6/\nBy Ferriages & Ferry[ma]n 11/3. \u2003By my Mothr \u00a315\u2014Gave Servts 1/\nBy Exps. at Dumfries 20/. \u2003paid for Books for J.C. & M:C. 5/\nBy Exps. at Colchester 2/6. \u2003By Gilbert Simpson\u2019s Acct\nBy Doctr Hunters Acct 58/\nBy Cash paid for 10 Bushels of Oysters\nBy Mrs Washington to buy Turkeys 40/.\nBy Do for Expences 33/6", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-05-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0273", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Farell & Jones, 5 November 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Farell & Jones\nGentlemen\nWilliamsburg 5th November 1760.\nPlease to Credit my Acct for the Inclosd Draft on you and oblige Yr Most Hble Servt\nGo: Washington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "11-20-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0278", "content": "Title: From George Washington to Robert McKenzie, 20 November 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: McKenzie, Robert\nDear Sir,\nMount Vernon Novr 20th 1760\nHad your Letter of the 17th of August come to my hands before the 18th Instt I shoud not have given you the trouble of perusing my answer to it at this late Season. I am sorry you shoud think it necessary to introduce a request that is founded upon Reason and equity with an Apology, to me\u2014had you claimd that as a Right, which you seem rather to ask as a favour I shoud have thought myself wanting in that justice which is the distinguishing Characterestick of an Honest Man to have withheld it from you.\nBut how to answer your purposes and at the same time avoid the Imputation of Impertinence, I am I must confess, a little more at a loss to determine. That Genl Amherst may have heard of such a Person as I am, is probable; And this I dare venture to say is the ultimate knowledge he has of me; how then shoud I appear to him in an Epistalory way and to set down and write a Certificate of your behaviour carries an Air of formality that seems more adapted to the Soldiery than Officers. I must there fore beg the favour of you to make what use you please of this Letter.\nFor Sir, with not more pleasure than truth, I can declare to you, and to the World that while I had the Honour of Commanding the Regiment, your conduct both as an Officer and\nGentleman were unexceptionable; and in every Instance, so far as I was capable of discerning such, as to have merited applause from better judges. Since my time Colo. Byrd has been witness to your Behaviour and his Letter Recommendatory must I am perswaded do you more Service than my sanguine endeavours can. Altho. he, nor no other Person, is more sensible of your worth nor more Inclind to contribute their best Offices towards the Completion of your wishes than", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-01-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0279", "content": "Title: Cash Accounts, December 1760\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: \n[December 1760]\nContra\nDecr 10\u2014\nBy George Taylor\u2019s Balle pr Acct 20/\u2014Club at Hughs\u2019s 1/\nBy hire of a Boat to go to Mr Rozer\u2019s 10/. Club at Masons 1/6\nBy Colo. Carlyle\u2019s Servts given 10/\nBy Mr Muirs Acct for 2000\u201410d.\u2003Nails\nBy Jno. Carney for a horse \u00a310\nBy Saml Johnston for 15 head of Sheep a 6/6\nBy Ditto for a horse had of Jos[ep]h Gardner\nBy Gilbt Simpson for 42 Barrels of Corn a 7/6\nDitto for 1 stack of Tops & 3 of Blades\nBy  Lovett. a New Englandman\u2014Maryld viz. C[urrenc]y\n         For 100 wt of dryed Cod\n         \u00bd Barrl Pickled Do\n         4 flag bottom\u2019d Chairs @ 3/\nBy Wm Leake for puttg a Chimy to School Ho. & plg Ditto\nBy Valentine Crawford for a Waggon & 1 Horse &ca\nBy Patrick Grace for Thrashing\nBy 2 Sows big of Pig @ 10/\nBy Joseph Ransom in full for Working at my Mill\nBy Cash lent Jno. Askew\nBy Richd Ryder (in gold) for 7,200 Shingles\nBy Alexandria Lottery Tickets\nBy gave a Beggar\nBy Money lost or pd & not charged", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-02-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0280", "content": "Title: From George Washington to George William Fairfax, 2 December 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Fairfax, George William\nLetter not found: to George William Fairfax, 2 Dec. 1760. On 30 Oct. 1761 Fairfax wrote to GW: \u201cYour favors of the 2d of Decr . . . and first of Augt came very safe to hand.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-12-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0281", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Cary & Co., 12 December 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Robert Cary & Co., 12 Dec. 1760. On 3 April 1761 GW wrote to Robert Cary & Co.: \u201cYours of the 12th Decr . . . is come to hand.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "12-26-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-06-02-0282", "content": "Title: To George Washington from Robert Cary & Co., 26 December 1760 [letter not found]\nFrom: Robert Cary & Company\nTo: Washington, George\nLetter not found: from Robert Cary & Co., 26 Dec. 1760. On 3 April 1761 GW wrote to Robert Cary & Co.: \u201cYours of the . . . 26th\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760},
{"created_timestamp": "01-14-1760", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-19-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Jefferson/01-01-02-0001", "content": "Title: From Thomas Jefferson to John Harvie, 14 January 1760\nFrom: Jefferson, Thomas\nTo: Harvie, John\n                    I was at Colo. Peter Randolph\u2019s about a Fortnight ago, and my Schooling falling into Discourse, he said he thought it would be to my Advantage to go to the College, and was desirous I should go, as indeed I am myself for several Reasons. In the first place as long as I stay at the Mountain the Loss of one fourth of my Time is inevitable, by Company\u2019s coming here and detaining me from School. And likewise my Absence will in a great Measure put a Stop to so much Company, and by that Means lessen the Expences of the Estate in House-Keeping. And on the other Hand by going to the College I shall get a more universal Acquaintance, which may hereafter be serviceable to me; and I suppose I can pursue my Studies in the Greek and Latin as well there as here, and likewise learn something of the Mathematics. I shall be glad of your opinion and remain, Sir yr most humble servant", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1760}
]