[ {"source_document": "", "creation_year": 1753, "culture": " English\n", "content": "Produced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer and the Online\nfile was produced from images generously made available\nby The Internet Archive)\n THE\n THEORY AND PRACTICE\n OF\n BREWING.\n BY MICHAEL COMBRUNE, BREWER.\n ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED WITH PERMISSION OF THE MASTER, WARDENS,\n AND COURT OF ASSISTANTS OF THE WORSHIPFUL\n COMPANY OF BREWERS.\n A NEW EDITION.\n CORRECTED AND GREATLY ENLARGED BY THE AUTHOR.\n _LONDON_:\n PRINTED FOR VERNOR AND HOOD, LONGMAN AND REES, CUTRELL\n AND MARTIN, AND J. WALKER,\n _By J. Wright, St. John\u2019s Square, Clerkenwell_.\nTO\nDOCTOR PETER SHAW,\n_PHYSICIAN TO HIS MAJESTY_,\nFELLOW OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF LONDON,\nAND OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY.\nSIR,\nThe brewing of malt liquors has hitherto been conducted by such vague\ntraditional maxims, that an attempt to establish its practice on truer\nand more fixed principles must, like every new essay, be attended with\ndifficulties.\nYour works, Sir, will be lasting monuments, not only of your great\nabilities, but also of your zeal for the improvement of the arts,\nmanufactures, and commerce of your country. You will therefore permit\nme to place under your patronage this treatise, which, if it can boast\nno other merit, has that of having been undertaken and finished by your\nadvice and counsel.\nSome favor, I hope, will be shewn for this distant endeavour to imitate\nthe laudable example you have set, and whatever be the success, I shall\never glory in the opportunity it has given me of professing myself\npublicly,\n Sir,\n Your most obedient,\n And most obliged humble Servant,\n MICHAEL COMBRUNE.\n _Hampstead, Middlesex,\nTHE\nCONTENTS.\n PART I.\n Explanation of technical terms, 1\n SECTION I.\n SECTION II.\n SECTION III.\n SECTION IV.\n SECTION. V.\n Of Menstruums or Dissolvents, 34\n SECTION VI.\n SECTION VII.\n Of the Vine, its fruits, and juices, 50\n SECTION VIII.\n SECTION IX.\n SECTION X.\n SECTION XI.\n SECTION XII.\n Of the different Properties of Malt, and of the number\n SECTION XIII.\n Observations on defective Malts, 131\n PART II.\n SECTION I.\n Of the heat of the Air, as it relates to the practical\n SECTION II.\n SECTION III.\n SECTION IV.\n Of the nature and properties of Hops, 201\n SECTION V.\n Of the lengths necessary to form malt liquors of the\n SECTION VI.\n Method of calculating the height in the Copper at\n SECTION VII.\n SECTION VIII.\n Of the quantity of Water wasted; and of the application\n of the preceding rules to two different processes\n SECTION IX.\n Of the division of the Water for the respective\n Worts and Mashes, and of the heat adequate to\n SECTION X.\n An enquiry into the volume of Malt, in order to reduce\n SECTION XI.\n Of the proportion of cold Water to be added to\n that which is on the point of boiling, in order\n to obtain the desired heat in the extract, 271\n SECTION XII.\n SECTION XIII.\n Of the incidents, which cause the heat of the extract\n to vary from the calculation, the allowances\n they require, and the means to obviate\n SECTION XIV.\n Of the disposition of the Worts when turned out of\n the Copper, the thickness they should be laid at\n in the Backs to cool, and the heat they should\n retain for fermentation, under the several\n SECTION XV.\n Of Yeast, its nature and contents, and of the manner\n and quantities in which it is to be added to\n SECTION XVI.\n Of practical fermentation, and the management of\n the several sorts of Malt liquors, to the period\n at which they are to be cleansed, or put into\n SECTION XVII.\n Of the signs generally directing the processes of\n Brewing, and their comparison with the foregoing\n SECTION XVIII.\n An enquiry, into what may be, at all times, a proper\n stock of Beer, and the management of it in the\n SECTION XIX.\n Of Precipitation, and other remedies, applicable to\n the diseases incident to Beers, 334\n SECTION XX.\nTHE PREFACE.\n_The difference that appears in the several processes of brewing,\nthough executed with the same materials, by the same persons, and\nto the same intent, is generally acknowledged. The uneasiness this\nmust occasion to those who are charged with the directive part of\nthe business, cannot be small: and the more desirous they are of\nwell executing the duty incumbent on them, the greater is their\ndisappointment, when frustrated in their hopes. To remove this\nuncertainty, no method seems preferable to that of experiments, as it\nis by this means alone, any art whatever can be established upon a\nsolid foundation: but these require caution, perseverance, and expence;\nthey must be multiplied and varied both for the same and for different\npurposes. The operations of nature elude superficial enquiries, where\nwe have few or no principles for our guides, many experiments are\nmade, which tend only to confound or deceive. Effects seen, without a\nsufficient knowledge of their causes, often are neglected, or viewed\nin an improper light, seldom faithfully reported, and, for want of\ndistinguishing the several circumstances that attend them, many times\nbecome the support of old prejudices, or the foundation of new ones._\n_Whoever is attentive to the practical part of brewing, will soon be\nconvinced that heat, or fire, is the principal agent therein, as this\nelement, used in a greater or less degree, or differently applied, is\nthe occasion of the greatest part of the variety we perceive. It is but\na few years since the thermometer has been found to be an instrument\nsufficiently accurate for any purposes where the measure of heat is\nrequired. And, as it is the only one with which we are enabled to\nexamine the processes of brewing, and to account for the difference\nin the effects, a theory of the art, founded on practice, must be of\nlater date than the discovery of the instrument that guides us to the\nprinciples._\n_So long since as the year 1741, I began this research, and never\nneglected any opportunity to consult the artists of the trade, or to\ntry such experiments as I conceived might be conducive to the purpose.\nIt is needless, perhaps shameful, to mention their number, or to speak\nof the many disappointments I met with in this pursuit. Error admits\nof numberless combinations. Truth alone is simple, and confirmed by\ncontinuity. At last, flattering myself with having collected the true\ntheory, assisted and encouraged by men of abilities, I thought it fit\nthe public should judge whether I had succeeded in my endeavours; and\nin 1758 the Essay on Brewing was submitted to them, either for their\napprobation, or that the errors therein might be pointed out. I have\nhad no reason to repent of my temerity, though perhaps the novelty,\nmore than the merit of this performance, engaged the attention, I may\nadd the favor and advice of some good judges. They have allowed my\nprinciples to be at least plausible, and their agreement with practice\nhas since repeatedly convinced me they were not far from truth._\n_The Essay just mentioned, revised and corrected, naturally forms\nthe first part or theory of the present treatise. The second part is\nentirely practical. After giving a short idea of the whole process, I\nresume its different branches in as many chapters, and endeavour in\nsuch manner to guide the practitioner, that he may, in every part, at\nall times, and under a variety of circumstances, know what he is to do,\nand seldom, if ever, to be disappointed in his object._\n_From the investigation of so extensive a business, some benefit, it\nis hoped, must accrue to the public; from the process of brewing being\ncarried on in a just and uniform manner, our malt liquors, probably,\nwill in time better deserve the name of wine._\n_Boerhaave, Shaw, Macquer, _and most of the great masters in chymistry\nare far from limiting that name to the liquors produced from the juice\nof the grape: they extend it to all fermented vegetable juices, which,\non distillation, yield an ardent spirit, and look on the strength\nand faculty wine has to cherish nature, and preserve itself, to be\nin proportion to the quantity it possesses of this liquid, generally\ntermed spirit of wine. This, when thoroughly pure and dephlegmated,\nis one and the same, whatever different vegetable it is produced\nfrom. Barley wines possess the same spiritous principle, which is the\npreservative part of the most valuable foreign wines, with a power of\nbeing brewed superior or inferior to them in quality, and the other\nconstituent parts of beer, beside this ardent spirit, will not, I\nbelieve, be esteemed less wholesome than those which make up the whole\nof grape wine._\n_The reasons why Great Britain hath not hitherto furnished foreign\nnations with this part of her product, but more especially her seamen,\nare obvious. Our mariners, when at home, do not dislike beer, either\nas to their palates, or its effects on their constitution; but when\nabroad, spiritous liquors, or new wines, often the product of an\nenemy\u2019s country, are substituted in lieu thereof. The disuse of beers,\non these occasions, has been owing to the uncertainty of the principles\non which they were brewed; the maintaining them sound in long voyages\nand in hot climates, could not sufficiently be depended upon; and\nit has been supposed they could not be procured at so easy a rate\nas wines, brandies, or rums, purchased abroad. The first of these\nobjections, the author hopes, by this work, to remove; and, were all\nthe duties to be allowed on what would be brewed for this purpose, our\nseamen might be furnished with beer stronger than Spanish wine, and at\na less expence, the mean price of malt and hops being taken for seven\nyears. It is true that, in times of peace, the seamen in his Majesty\u2019s\nservice are not very numerous, but the number of those then employed\nby merchants is considerable. I should not have presumed to mention\nthis, but on account of the encouragement given to the exportation of\ncorn, and to many manufactures of British growth or British labor. It\nis computed that, in England and Wales, are brewed three millions five\nhundred thousand quarters of malt yearly, for which purpose upwards of\none hundred and fifty thousand weight of hops are used. The improvement\nof the brewery might become a means of increasing the consumption of\nthe growth of our country, viz. of barley, to more than one hundred\nthousand quarters, and of hops to between fourteen and fifteen thousand\nweight annually._\n_Whether this be an object deserving the attention of the legislative\npower, or of the landed interest, and what might be the proper means\nto put it successfully in practice, are considerations which do not\nbelong to this place; it being sufficient here to point out, how\nuniversally beneficial it is to establish the art of brewing on true\nand invariable principles._\n_This being the first attempt, that has been made, to reduce this\nart to rules and principles, the Author hopes he has a just claim\nto the indulgence of the public, for any errors he unwillingly may\nhave adopted; far from believing that there is no room left for\nfuture improvements, he recommends it to those, who, blessed with\nsuperior talents and more leisure than himself, may be inclined\nto try their skill in the same field, to watch closely the steps\nof_ NATURE; _after the strictest enquiry made, it will be\nfound, the success of brewing beers and ales wholly depends on a true\nimitation of the wines she forms._\n_This second edition, it may be observed, in many respects, differs\nconsiderably from the first. I have endeavoured to convert to use every\nadvice, every opinion I received, and having put these to the test of\nfarther practice, flatter myself it will be found improved._\nA COPY OF DOCTOR SHAW\u2019S LETTER.\nON PERUSING THE ESSAY BEFORE MENTIONED.\nDEAR SIR,\n_I HAVE, with pleasure and improvement, read over your manuscript; and\nshould be glad to see some other trades as justly reduced to rules\nas you have done that of brewing: which would not only be making\na right application of philosophical knowledge, but, at the same\ntime, accommodate human life, in many respects, wherein it is still\ndeficient. Perhaps your example may excite some able men, to give us\ntheir respective trades, in the form of so many arts. For my own part,\nhaving long wished to see some attempts of this kind, for the good\nof society in general, I cannot but be particularly pleased with the\nnature, design, and execution of your essay, and am,_\n _Dear Sir,\n Your obliged Friend,\n And humble Servant,\n PETER SHAW._\n Pall-Mall, July 20,\nAN\nEXPLANATION\nOF THE\nTECHNICAL TERMS.\nThe intent of every brewer, when he forms his drink, is to extract\nthe fermentable parts of the malt, in the most perfect manner; to add\nhops, in such proportion as experience teaches him will preserve and\nameliorate the beer; and to employ just so much yeast as is sufficient\nto obtain a complete fermentation.\nPerhaps it may be said, these particulars are already sufficiently\nunderstood, and that it would be a much more useful work to publish\nremedies for the imperfections, or diseases, beer is naturally or\naccidentally subject to, and which at present are deemed incurable. But\nif the designs just now mentioned be executed according to the rules\nof chymistry, such imperfections and such diseases not existing, the\nremedies will not be wanted; for beer brewed upon true principles,\nis, neither naturally nor accidentally, subject to many disorders\noften perceived in it. Hence it is evident, that some knowledge of\nchymistry is absolutely necessary to complete the brewer, as, without\nthe informations acquired from that science, he must be unqualified to\nlay down rules for his practice, and to secure to himself the favor\nof the public; for which purpose, and to make this treatise useful to\nthose concerned in the practical part of brewing, it has been thought\nadviseable to avoid, as much as possible, the technical terms of art,\nto prefix an explanation of those that necessarily occur, and, in as\nshort a manner as possible, to trace the properties of fire, air,\nwater, and earth, as far as they relate to the subject.\nACIDS are all those things which taste sour, as vinegar, juice\nof lemons, spirit of nitre, spirit of salt, the oil and spirit of\nvitriol, &c. and are put in a violent agitation, by being mixed with\ncertain earths, or the ashes of vegetables. An acid enters, more or\nless, into the composition of all plants, and is produced by, or rather\nis the last effect of, fermentation. Mixed in a due proportion with an\nalkali, it constitutes a neutral salt, that is, a salt wherein neither\nthe acid nor alkali prevail. Acids are frequently termed acid salts,\nthough generally they appear under a fluid form.\nALKALIES, or alkaline salts, are of a nature directly contrary\nto the acids, and generally manifest themselves by effervescing\ntherewith: they have an urinous taste, and are produced from the ashes\nof vegetables, and by several other means. They, as well as testaceous\nand calcarious substances, are frequently made use of by coopers, to\nabsorb the acid parts of stale beer, by them called _softning_.\nAIR is a thin elastic fluid, surrounding the globe of the earth; it is\nabsolutely necessary to the preservation both of animal and vegetable\nlife, and for the exciting and carrying on fermentation.\nALCOHOL is the pure spirit of wine, generally supposed to be without\nthe least particle of water or phlegm.\nANIMALS are organized bodies, endued with sensation and life. Minerals\nare said to grow and increase, plants to grow and live, but animals\nonly to have sensation.\u2014Animal substances cannot ferment so as to\nproduce by themselves a vinous liquor; but there may be cases wherein\nsome of their parts rather help than retard the act of fermentation.[1]\nATMOSPHERE is that vast collection of air, with which the earth is\nsurrounded to a considerable height.\nATTRACTION is an indefinite term, applicable to all actions whereby\nbodies tend towards one another, whether by virtue of their weight,\nmagnetism, electricity, or any other power. It is not, therefore,\nthe cause determining some bodies to approach one another, that is\nexpressed by the word _attraction_, but the effect itself. The space,\nthrough which this power extends, is called the _sphere of attraction_.\nBLACKING is a technical term used by coopers, to denote sugar\nthat is calcined, until it obtains the colour that occasions the name.\nBREWING is the operation of preparing beers and ales from malt.\nBOILING may thus be accounted for. The minute particles of fuel being\nby fire detached from each other, and becoming themselves fire, pass\nthrough the pores of the vessel, and mix with the fluid. These,\nbeing perpetually in an active state, communicate their motion to the\nwater: hence arises, at first, a small intestine motion, and from a\ncontinued action in the first cause, the effect is increased, and the\nmotion of the liquor continually accelerated; by degrees, it becomes\nsensibly agitated, but the particles of the fire, acting chiefly on\nthe particles that compose the lowest surface of the water, give them\nan impulse upwards, by rendering them specifically lighter, so as\nto determine them to ascend, according to the laws of equilibrium.\nHence there is a constant flux of water from the bottom to the top\nof the vessel, and reciprocally from the top to the bottom. This\nappears to be the reason why water is hot at the top sooner than at\nthe bottom, and why an equal heat cannot be distributed through the\nwhole. The thermometer therefore can be of little service, to determine\nimmediately the degree of heat, especially in large vessels, on which\naccount it is better for brewers to heat a certain quantity just to\nthe act of boiling, and to temper it, by adding a sufficient quantity\nof cold water. Boiling water is incapable of receiving any increase of\nheat, though acted on by ever so great a fire, unless the atmosphere\nbecomes heavier, or the vapours of the water be confined. It occasions\nthe mercury to rise, according to Farenheit\u2019s scale, to 212 degrees.\nCHARR. A body is said to be charred when, by fire, its volatile or most\nactive parts are drove out; its coarse oils, by the same means, placed\nchiefly on the external parts; and so deprived of color as to be quite\nblack.\nCLEANSING is the act of removing the beer from the ton, where\nit was first fermented, into the casks.\nCLOUDY is an epithet joined to such beers, which, from the\nviolent heat given to the water that brewed them, are loaded with more\noils than can be attenuated by fermentation, and incorporated with\nthe water; from whence a muddy and grey oil is seen floating on the\nsurface of the liquor, though the body is often transparent; this oil\nis frequently extracted in such quantity as to exceed the power of any\nknown menstruum.\nCOHESION is that action by which the particles of the same body adhere\ntogether, as if they were but one.\nCOLD is a relative term in opposition to heat. Its greatest degree is\nnot known, and it is supposed that the colder a body is, the less is\nthe agitation of its internal parts.\nCOLOUR; a greater or less degree of heat causes different colours in\nmost bodies, and from a due observation of the colour of malt, we may\ndetermine what degree of heat it has been impressed with.\nDENSITY expresses the closeness, compactness, or near approach of the\nparts of a body to one another: the more a body weighs in proportion\nto its bulk, the greater is its density. Gold is the densest body in\nnature, because there is none known of the same bulk, which weighs so\nmuch.\nEARTH is that fossil matter or element, whereof our globe partly\nconsists.\nEBULLITION is the boiling or bubbling of water, or any other liquor,\nwhen the fire has forced itself a passage through it. Brewers suppose\nwater to be just beginning to boil, when they perceive a small portion\nof it forced from the bottom upwards in a right line, so as to disturb\nthe surface: when the liquor is in this state, they call it _through_,\nor upon the point of ebullition. The vulgar notion that the water is\nhotter at this time than when it boils, is without any foundation.\nEFFERVESCENCE is a sudden agitation, arising in certain bodies upon\nmixing them together; this agitation most commonly generates heat.\nELASTICITY, or springiness, is that property of bodies, by which they\nrestore themselves to their former figure, after any pressure or\ndistension.\nEXPANSION is the swelling or increase of the bulk of bodies from heat,\nor any other cause.\nEXTRACT consists of the parts of a body separated from the rest, by\ncold or hot water.\nFERMENTATION is a sensible internal motion of the particles of\na mixture: by the continuance of this motion, the particles are\ngradually removed from their former situation, and, after some visible\nseparation, joined together again in a different order and arrangement,\nso as to constitute a new compound. No liquors are capable of\ninebriating, except those that have been fermented.\nFIXED BODIES are those, which, consisting of grosser parts, cohering by\na strong attraction, and by that means less susceptible of agitation,\ncan neither be separated nor raised, without a strong heat, or perhaps\nnot without fermentation.\nFIRE is only known by its properties, of which the chief are to\npenetrate and dilate all solid and fluid bodies.\nFREEZING POINT is the degree of cold, at which water begins to be\nformed into ice, which, according to Farenheit\u2019s scale, is expressed by\nFOXED is a technical term, used by brewers, to indicate beers in a\nputrid state.\nGUMS are concreted vegetable juices, which transude through the bark\nof certain trees, and harden upon the surface; they easily dissolve in\nwater, and by that means distinguish themselves from balsams or resins.\nHERMETICALLY SEALED is a particular method of stopping the mouth of\nvessels, so close that the most subtil spirit cannot fly out, which is\ndone by heating the neck of the bottles, till it is just ready to melt,\nand then with hot pinchers twisting it close together.\nHOMOGENEOUS is an appellation given to such parts or subjects, which\nare similar or of the same nature and properties.\nISINGLASS is a preparation from a fish called huso, somewhat bigger\nthan the sturgeon; a solution of which in stale beer is used, to fine\nor precipitate other beers: it is imported from Russia by the Dutch,\nand from them to us.\nLIGHT consists of particles of matter inconceivably small, capable of\nexciting in us the sensation of colours, by being reflected from every\npoint of the surface of luminous bodies; but, notwithstanding they are\nso exceeding small, Sir Isaac Newton found means to divide a single\nray into seven distinct parts, viz. red, orange, yellow, green, blue,\nindigo, and violet.\nMALT, in general, is any sort of grain, first germinated, and then\ndried, so as to prevent any future vegetation: that generally used, is\nmade of barley, which experience has found to be the fittest for the\npurpose of brewing.\nMEDIUM is that space, through which a body in motion passes: air is\nthe medium through which the bodies near the earth move; water is the\nmedium wherein fish live; glass affords a medium or a free passage\nto light.\u2014This term is also made use of, to express the mean of two\nnumbers, and sometimes the middle between several quantities.\nMUSTS are the unfermented juices of grapes, or of any other vegetable\nsubstances.\nMENSTRUUM is any fluid, which is capable of interposing its parts\nbetween those of other bodies, and in this manner either dissolves them\nperfectly, or extracts some part of them.\nOIL is an unctuous, inflammable substance, drawn from several animal\nand vegetable substances.\nPRECIPITATION. Isinglass dissolved becomes a glutinous and heavy body;\nthis put into malt liquors intended to be fined, carries down, by its\nweight, all those swimming particles, which prevent its transparency;\nand this act is called fining, or precipitation.\nREPULSION; \u201cDoctor Knight defines it to be that cause which makes\nbodies mutually endeavour to recede from each other, with different\nforces at different times.\u201d In this case they are placed beyond the\nsphere of each other\u2019s attraction or cohesion, and mutually fly from\neach other.\nRESINS, or balsams, are the oils of vegetables inspissated and combined\nwith a proportion of the acid salts; as well as they mix with any\nspirituous liquor, as little are they soluble in water; but they become\nso, either by the intervention of gums or soaps, or by the attenuating\nvirtue of fermentation.\nSALTS are substances sharp and pungent, which readily dissolve in\nwater, and from thence, by evaporation, crystallise and appear in a\nsolid form. They easily unite together, and form different compounds.\nThus salts, composed of acids and alkalies, partake of both, and are\ncalled neutral.\nSETT: a grist of malt is by brewers said to be sett, when, instead\nof separating for extraction, it runs in clods, increases in heat,\nand coagulates. This accident is owing to the over quantity of fire\nin the water, applied to any of the extractions. The air included in\nthe grist, which is a principal agent in resolving the malt, being\nthereby expelled, the mass remains inert, and its parts, adhering too\nclosely together, are with difficulty separated. Though an immediate\napplication of more cold water to the grist is the only remedy, yet, as\nthe cohesion is speedy and strong, it seldom takes effect.\u2014New malts,\nwhich have not yet lost the heat they received from the kiln, are most\napt to lead the brewer into this error, and generally in the first part\nof the process.\nSUGAR, or saccharine salts, are properly those that come from the sugar\ncanes; many plants, fruits and grains give sweet juices reducible\nto the same form; they are supposed to be acids smoothed over with\noils; all vegetable sweets are capable of fermenting spontaneously\nwhen crude; if boiled, they require an addition of yeast to make them\nperform that act. Malt, or its extracts, have all the properties of\nsaccharine salts.\nSULPHUR. Though by sulphur is commonly understood the mineral\nsubstance called brimstone, yet in chymistry it is frequently used\nto signify in general any oily substance, inflammable by fire, and,\nwithout some saline addition, indissoluble in water.\nSOAP OR SAPONACEOUS JUICES. Common soap is made of oil mixed with\nalkaline salts: this mixture causes a froth on being agitated in water.\nThe oils of vegetables are, in some degree, mixed with their salts;\nand according to the nature of these salts, appear either resinous\nor saponaceous, that is, soluble or indissoluble in water.\u2014 Sugar\nis a kind of soap, rendering oil miscible with water; and therefore\nall bodies, from which saccharine salts are extracted, may be termed\nsaponaceous.\nVEGETABLE is a term applied to plants, considered as capable of growth,\nhaving vessels and parts for this purpose, but generally supposed to be\nwithout sensation.\nVINEGAR is an acid penetrating liquor, prepared from wine, beer, cyder,\nor a must, which has been fermented as far as it was capable.\nVITRIOL is, in general, a metalline substance combined with the\nstrongest acid salt known. This acid, being separated from the metal,\ndiffers in nothing from that which is extracted from alum or brimstone.\nIt is improperly called spirit of vitriol, when diluted with water,\nand, with as little propriety, oil, when free from it.\nVOLATILE BODIES are those, which, either from their smallness or\ntheir form, do not cohere very strongly together, and being most\nsusceptible of those agitations, which keep liquors in a fluid state,\nare most easily separated and rarified into vapour, with a gentle heat,\nand on the contrary condensed and brought down with cold.\nWINE is a brisk, agreeable, spirituous, fluid cordial, formed from\nfermented vegetable bodies. In this sense beers and ales may be called,\nand really are, barley wines.\nWORTS are the unfermented extracts of malt.\nYEAST is both the flowers and lees of a fermented wort, the former of\nthese being elastic air enveloped in a subject less strong and less\nconsistent than the latter.\n_PRINCIPLES OF THE THEORY OF BREWING._\nSECTION I.\n_OF FIRE._\nThough fire is the chief cause and principle of almost every change\nin bodies, and though persons untaught in chymistry imagine they\nunderstand its nature, yet, certain it is, few subjects are so\nincomprehensible, or elude so much our nicest research. The senses are\nvery inadequate judges of it; the eye may be deceived, and suppose no\nfire in a bar of iron, because it does not appear red, though at the\nsame time it may contain enough to generate pain: the touch is equally\nunfaithful, for a body, containing numberless particles of heat, will\nto us feel cold, if it is much more so than ourselves.\nThe great and fundamental difference among philosophers, in respect\nto the nature of fire, is, whether it be originally such, formed by\nthe Creator himself, at the beginning of things; or whether it be\nmechanically producible in bodies, by inducing some alteration in the\nparticles thereof. It is certain that heat may be generated in a body,\nby attrition; but whether it existed there before, or was caused\nimmediately by the motion, is a matter of no great import to the art of\nbrewing; for the effects, with which we are alone concerned, are the\nsame.\nFire expands all bodies, both solid and fluid. If an iron rod just\ncapable of passing through a ring of the same metal, is heated red-hot,\nit will be increased in length, and so much swelled as not to be\nable to pass through the ring, as before:[2] if a fluid is put into\na bellied glass, with a long slender neck, and properly marked, the\nfluid, by being heated, will manifestly rise to a considerable height.\nThe expansion of fluids, by heat, is different in different fluids;\nwith some exceptions, it may be said to be in proportion to their\ndensity. Pure rain water, gradually heated to ebullition, is expanded\none 26th part of its bulk,[3] so that 27 gallons of boiling water,\nwill, when cold, measure no more than 26, and 27 gallons of boiling\nwort will not yield so much, because worts contain many oily particles,\nwhich, though less dense than water, have the property of being more\nexpansible: hence we see the reason why a copper, containing a given\nnumber of barrels of wort, when cold, is not capable to hold the same\nof beer, when boiling.\nBodies are weakened or loosened in their texture by fire: the hardest,\nby an increased degree of heat, will liquify and run; and vegetables\nare resolved and separated by it into their constituent parts. It must\nbe owned vegetables seem at first, on being exposed to the fire, to\nbecome rigid or stiff; but this is owing to the evaporation of the\naqueous particles, which prevented a closer adhesion of the solid\nmatter. It is only in this manner fire strengthens some bodies which\nbefore were weak.\nThat the texture of bodies should be loosened by fire, seems a\nconsequence of expansion; for a body cannot be expanded but by its\nparticles receding farther from one another; and if these be not able\nto regain the situation they had when cold, the body will remain looser\nin its texture than before it suffered the action of fire. This is the\ncase of barley when malted.\nFire may be conveyed through most bodies, as air, water, ashes, sand,\n&c. The effect seems to be different according to the different\nconveyances. A difference appears between boiling and roasting, yet\nthey answer the same purpose, that of preserving the subject; and\nthis, in proportion to the degree of heat it has suffered. A similar\nvariety appears, even to our taste, from the different conveyance of\nfire to malt: for acids having a great tendency to unite with water,\nif this element does not naturally contain any itself, is the reason\nwhy a great heat is conveyed through water, and applied to extract the\nvirtues of pale malt; the water gaining from the grain some of these\nsalts, or possessing them itself, the effect of this great aqueous heat\nis not to imprint on the palate a nauseous burnt taste, as is the case\nof great heats, when conveyed through air to the same grain. The salts\nthe water has obtained, or perhaps had, being sheathed by the oils it\ndraws from the malt, rather become saccharine, which cannot be the case\nwhen oils are acted upon by a strong heat, entirely void of any such\nproperty; but malt, the more it is dried, the longer is it capable of\nmaintaining itself in a sound state, and the liquor brewed with it\nwill, in proportion to its dryness, keep the longer sound, the hotter\nthe water is, applied to malt, provided its heat doth not exceed the\nhighest extracted degree, the more durable and sound will the extract\nbe.\nThe last consideration of fire or heat, relative to brewing, is the\nknowledge of its different degrees, and how to regulate them. Till\nof late, chymists and all others, were much to seek in this respect;\nthey distinguished more or less fire in a very vague and indeterminate\nmanner, as the first, second, third, and fourth degree of heat,\nmeaning no precise heat, or heat measured by any standard; but, by\nthe invention of the thermometer, we are enabled to regulate our\nfires with the utmost precision. Thermometers are formed on different\nscales; and therefore, when any degree of heat is mentioned, in order\nto avoid confusion, the scale made use of should be indicated. I have\nconstantly employed Fahrenheit\u2019s, as it is the most perfect, and the\nmost generally received. According to this instrument,[4] by the author\nof it, an artificial cold was made so as the mercury stood at 72\ndivisions below the first frost. The gentlemen of the French Academy,\nin the winter of the year 1736, observed, at Torneao, Latitude 65\u00b0\n51\u00b4, the natural cold to be 33 degrees below 0: these are proofs there\nare colds much more intense than the first frost, or 32 degrees, where\nwater first begins to harden into ice; from 32 to 90 degrees are the\nlimits of vegetation, according to the different plants that receive\nthose or the intermediate heats. The 40th degree is marked by Boerhaave\nas the first fermentable heat, and the 80th as the last: 47 degrees I\nhave found to be generally the medium heat of London, throughout the\nyear, in the shade; 98 degrees is said to be that of our bodies when\nin health, as from 105 to 112 are its degrees when in a fever. Hay\nstacked with too much moisture, when turned quite black, in the heart\nof the rick, indicated a heat of 165 degrees. At 175 the purest and\nhighest-rectified spirits of wine boil, and at this degree I have\nfound well-grown malts to charr, at 212 degrees water boils, at 600\nquicksilver and oil of vitriol. Gold, silver, iron, and most other\nmetals in fusion exceed this heat; greater still than any known is\nthe fire in the focus of the burning lens of Tschirnhausen, or of the\nconcave mirror made by Villette; they are said to volatilise metals and\nvitrify bricks. Thus far experiments have reached; but how much more,\nor how much less, the power of this element extends, will probably be\nforever hid from mankind.\nSECTION II.\n_OF AIR._\nNone of the operations, either of nature or art, can be carried on\nwithout the action or assistance of air. It is a principal agent in\nfermentation; and therefore brewers ought to be well acquainted with\nits principal properties and powers.\nBy air we mean a fluid, scarcely perceptible to our senses, and\ndiscovering itself only by the resistance it makes to bodies. We find\nit every where incumbent on the surface of the globe, rising to a\nconsiderable height, and commonly known by the name of atmosphere. The\nweight of air is to that of water as 1 to 850, and its gravitating\nforce equal to that of a column of water of 33 feet high; so that an\narea of one foot square receives, from air, a pressure equal to 2080\npounds weight.\nElasticity is a property belonging only to this element, and this\nquality varies in proportion to the compressing weights. We scarcely\nfind this element, (any more than the others) in a pure state; one\nthousandth part of common air, says Boerhaave, consists of aqueous,\nspiritous, oily, saline, and other particles scattered through\nit.\u2014These are not, or but little, compressible, and in general prevent\nfermentation: consequently, where the air is purest, fermentation is\nbest carried on. The same author suspects, that the ultimate particles\nof air cohere together, so as not easily to insinuate themselves into\nthe smallest pores, either of solids or fluids. Hence, those acquainted\nwith brewing, easily account, why very hot water, which forces strong\nand pinguious particles from malt, forms at the same time extracts\nunfavourable for fermentation, as oils are an obstruction to the free\nentrance of air; and, from an analogous reason, extracts which are much\nless impressed with fire, in them fermentation is so much accelerated,\nthat the whole soon becomes sour.\nAir, like other bodies, is expanded and rarified by heat, and exerts\nits elasticity in proportion to the number of degrees of fire it has\nreceived; the hotter therefore the season is, the more active and\nviolent will the fermentation be.\nAir abounds with water, and is perpetually penetrating and insinuating\nitself into every thing capable of receiving it. Its weight, or\ngravitating force, must necessarily produce numberless effects. The\nwater contained in the air is rendered more active by its motion;\nhence the saline, gummous, and saponaceous particles it meets with\nare loosened in their texture, and, in some degree, dissolved. As\nprinciples similar to these are the chief constituent parts of malt,\nthe reason is obvious why such, which are old, or have lain a proper\ntime exposed to the influence of the air, dissolve more readily, or,\nin other words, yield a more copious extract than others.\nAll bodies in a passive state, remaining a sufficient time in the same\nplace, become of the same degree of heat with the air itself. On this\naccount the water, lying in the backs used by brewers, is nearly of\nthe same degree of heat as the thermometer shews the open air in the\nshade to be. When this instrument indicates a cold below the freezing\npoint, or 32 degrees, if the water does not then become ice, the reason\nis, because it has not been exposed long enough to be thoroughly\naffected by such a cold. For water does not immediately assume the\nsame degree of temperature with the air, principally on account of its\ndensity, also from its being pumped out of deep and hot wells, from\nits being kept in motion, and from many other incidents. Under these\ncircumstances, no great error can arise to estimate its heat equal to\n35 degrees.\nAir is not easily expelled from bodies, either solid or fluid. Water\nrequires two hours boiling to be discharged of the greatest part of its\nair. That it may be thus expelled by heat appears from hence; water, if\nboiled the space abovementioned, instead of having any air bubbles when\nit is froze, as ice commonly has, becomes a solid mass like crystal.\nWorts or musts, as they contain great quantities of salts and oils,\nrequire a greater degree of heat to make them boil: consequently more\nair is expelled from boiling worts, than from boiling water in the same\ntime; and as air doth not instantaneously re-enter those bodies,[5]\nwhen cold, they would never ferment of themselves. Were it not for the\nsubstitute of yeast, to supply the deficiency of air lost by boiling,\nthey would fox or putrify, for want of that internal elastic air, which\nis absolutely necessary to fermentation.\nAs air joined to water contributes so powerfully to render that fluid\nmore active, that water which has endured fire the least time, provided\nit be hot enough, will make the strongest extracts.\nThough there is air in every fluid, it differs in quantity in different\nfluids; so that no rule can be laid down for the quantity of air, which\nworts should contain.\u2014Probably the quantity, sufficient to saturate one\nsort, will not be an adequate proportion for another.\nAir in this manner encompasses, is in contact with, confines, and\ncompresses all bodies. It insinuates itself into their penetrable\npassages, exerts all its power either on solids, or fluids, and finding\nin bodies some elements to which it has a tendency, unites with them.\nBy its weight and perpetual motion, it strongly agitates those parts\nof the bodies in which it is contained, rubs, and intermixes them\nintimately together. By disuniting some, and joining others, it\nproduces very singular effects, not easily accomplished by any other\nmeans.\u2014That this element has such surprising powers, is evident from\nthe following experiment. \u201cFermentable parts duly prepared and disposed\nin the vacuum of Mr. Boyle\u2019s air-pump will not ferment, though acted\nupon by a proper heat; but, discharging their air, remain unchanged.\u201d\nSECTION III.\n_OF WATER._\nAs water is perpetually an object of our senses, and made use of for\nmost of the purposes of life, it might be imagined the nature of this\nelement was perfectly understood: but they who have enquired into it\nwith the greatest care, find it very difficult to form a just idea of\nit. One reason of this difficulty is, water is not easily separated\nfrom other bodies, or other bodies from water. Hartshorn, after having\nbeen long dried, resists a file more than iron; yet, on distillation,\nyields much water. I have already observed, that air is intimately\nmixed with, and possibly never entirely separated from it, but in a\n_vacuum_; how is it possible then ever to obtain water perfectly pure?\nIn its most perfect state, we understand it to be a liquor very fluid,\ninodorous, insipid, pellucid, and colourless, which, in a certain\ndegree of cold, freezes into a brittle, hard, glassy ice.\nLightness is reckoned a perfection in water, that which weighs less\nbeing in general the purest. Hence the great difficulty of determining\nthe standard weight it should have. Fountain, river, or well waters,\nby their admixture with saline, earthy, sulphureous, and vitriolic\nsubstances, are rendered much heavier than in their natural state; on\nthe other hand, an increase of heat, or an addition of air, by varying\nthe expansion, diminishes the weight of water. A pint of rain-water,\nsupposed to be the purest, is said to weigh 15 ounces, 1 drachm, and 50\ngrains, but, for the reasons just now mentioned, this must differ in\nproportion as the seasons of the year do from each other.\nAnother property of water, which it has in common with other liquors,\nis its fluidity, which is so great, that a very small degree of heat,\nabove the freezing point, makes it evaporate. Experiments to ascertain\nthe proportion steamed away of the quantity of water used in brewing,\nis an object worthy of the artist\u2019s curiosity; but the purer the water\nis, the more readily it evaporates. Sea-water, which is supposed to\ncontain one fortieth part of salt, more forcibly resists the power of\nfire, and wastes much less, than that which is pure.\nThe ultimate particles of this element, Boerhaave believed to be\nmuch less than those of air, as water passes through the pores and\ninterstices of wood, which never transmit the least elastic air; nor is\nthere, says he, any known fluid, (fire excepted, which forces itself\nthrough every subject) whose parts are more penetrating than those of\nwater. Yet as water is not an universal dissolver, there are vessels\nwhich will contain it, though they will let pass even the thick syrup\nof sugar, for sugar makes its way by dissolving the tenacious and oily\nsubstance of the wood, which water cannot do.\nWater, when fully saturated by fire, is said to boil, and by the\nimpulse of that element, comes under a strong ebullition. Just before\nthis violent agitation takes place, I have already observed, it\noccupies one seventy-sixth more space than when cold: so the brewer\nwho would be exact, when he intends to reduce his liquor to a certain\ndegree of heat, must allow for this expansion, abating therefrom the\nquantity of steam exhaled.\nAs water, by boiling, may be said to be filled or saturated with fire,\nso may it be with any other substance capable of being dissolved\ntherein; but, though it will dissolve only a given quantity of any\nparticular substance, it may, at the same time, take in a certain\nproportion of some other. Four ounces of pure rain water will melt\nbut one ounce of common salt, and after taking this as the utmost of\nits quantity, it will still receive two scruples of another kind of\nsalt, viz. nitre. In like manner the strongest extract of malt is\ncapable of receiving the properties belonging to hops: but in a limited\nproportion. This appears from the thin bitter pelicle, that often\nswims on the surface of the first wort of brown beers, which commonly\nare overcharged with hops, by putting the whole quantity of them at\nfirst therein; the wort not being capable of suspending all that the\nheat dissolves, it no sooner cools but these parts rise on the top.\nThis may serve as a hint to prevent this error, by suffering the first\nwort to have no more hops boiled therein than it can sustain: but as\nthis incident must vary, in proportion to the heat of the extracts and\nquantity of water used, some few experiments are necessary to indicate\nthe due proportion for the several sorts of drink. This however should\nalways be extended to the utmost, for the first wort, which, from its\nnature and constituent parts, stands most in need of the preservative\nquality the hops impart.\nWater acts very differently, as a menstruum, according to the quantity\nof fire it contains: consequently its heat is a point of the utmost\nimportance with regard to brewing, and should be properly varied\naccording to the dryness and nature of the malt, according as it is\napplied either in the first or last mashes, and in proportion also to\nthe time the beer is intended to be kept. These ends, we hope to shew,\nare to be obtained to a degree of numerical certitude.\nNutrition cannot be carried on without water, though likely water\nitself is not the matter of nourishment, but only the vehicle.\nWater is as necessary to fermentation as heat or air. The farmer,\nwho stacks his hay or corn before it is sufficiently dried, soon\nexperiences the terrible effects of too much moisture, or water,\nresiding therein: all vegetables therefore intended to be long kept,\nought to be well dried. The brewer should carefully avoid purchasing\nhops that are slack bagged, or kept in a moist place, or malt that has\nbeen sprinkled with water soon after it was taken from the kiln. By\nmeans of the moisture, an internal agitation is raised in the corn,\nwhich agitation, though soon stopped, for want of a sufficient quantity\nof air, yet, the heat thereby generated remaining, every adventitious\nseed, fallen from the air, and resting on the corn, begins to grow,\nand forms a moss, which dies, and leaves a putrid musty taste behind,\nalways prevailing, more or less, in beer made from such grain.\nThat water is by no means an universal solvent, as some people have\nbelieved, has been already observed. It certainly does not act as such\non metals, gems, stones, and many other substances: it is not in itself\ncapable of dissolving oils, but is miscible with highly rectified\nspirits of wine, or alchohol, which is the purest vegetable oil in\nnature. All saponaceous bodies, whether artificial or natural, fixed\nor volatile, readily melt therein; and as many parts of the malt are\ndissoluble in it, they must either be, or become by heat, of the nature\nof soap, that is, equally miscible with oils and water.\nWhen a saponaceous substance is dissolved in water, it lathers,\nfroths, and bears a head; hence, in extracts of malt, we find these\nsigns in the underback. Weak and slack liquors, which contain the\nsalts of the malt without a sufficient quantity of the oils, yield no\nfroth. Somewhat like this happens, when the water for the extract is\nover-heated, for then as more oils are extracted than are sufficient to\nbalance the salts, the extract comes down as before, with little or no\nfroth or head. This sameness of appearance, from two causes directly\nopposite to each other, has many times misled the artist, and shews the\nnecessity there is to employ means less liable to error.\nThis might be a proper place to observe the difference between rain,\nspring, river, and pond waters; but as the art of brewing is very\nlittle affected by the difference of waters, if they be equally soft,\nbut rather depends on the due regulation of heat; and as soft waters\nare found in most places, and become more alike, when heated to the\ndegree necessary to form extracts from malt; it is evident, that any\nsort of beer or ale may be brewed with equal success, where malt and\nhops can be procured proper for the respective purposes. If hitherto\nprejudice and interest have appropriated to some places a reputation\nfor particular sort of drinks, it has arose from hence; the principles\nof the art being totally unknown, the event depended on experience\nonly, and lucky combinations were more frequent where the greatest\npractice was. Thus, for want of knowing the true reason of the\ndifferent properties observed in the several drinks, the cause of their\nexcellencies or defects was ignorantly attributed to the water made use\nof, and the inhabitants of particular places soon found an advantage,\nin availing themselves of this local reputation. But just and true\nprinciples, followed by as just a practice, must render the art more\nuniversal, and add dignity to the profession, by establishing the merit\nof our barley wines on knowledge, not on opinion void of judgment. To\nplace this truth in a fuller light, and to communicate to the brewer\nthe readiest means to examine any waters he may have occasion to use,\nI have extracted from Doctor Lucas\u2019s Essay on Waters, the experiments\nhe made on the Thames, New River, and Hampstead company\u2019s waters, but\nwithout closely adhering to the accuracy this gentleman prescribed to\nhimself; such exactness much better suiting a man of his abilities: for\nthe purposes of brewing it is not of absolute necessity.\n_Experiments on the Thames, New River, and Hampstead Waters, which in\ngeneral are in use in the Cities of London and Westminster.\n _Subjects |_Thames, at |_Inferences |_New River._ |_Hampstead._\n |insoluble | |insoluble |discharges air,\n |matter in one | |matter in one |lets some light\n |Quantity of | |Quantity of |Quantity of\n Twenty drops |Produced--a |A small |Produced a |Produced, 1st\n syrup of |sea-green. |quantity of |paler green. |a sea-green;\n Infusion of |A pink color |A calcarious |A paler pink; |A pink bloom;\n campechy wood |heighten to |earth dis- |but heightens |upon standing\n to a dark |crimson. |solved in a |as Thames. |heightens; after\n 1 grain of |A pink bloom |Confirms the |The same as |A very beautiful\n cochinelle, |heightens to |preceding |the Thames |crimson;\n in powder. |crimson; fades|experiment. |water. |heightens upon\n Alcaline lye, |Slight milky |Charged with |Less milky, |Of alkaline lye\n 5 drops. |cloud; becomes|terrine parts,|with less |used ten drops.\n |milky all |dissolved by |sediment. |--Worked no\n |over; a light |means of an | |sensible change\n |sediment of |acid; at high | |in this water.\n Solution of |A pearl- |Confirms the |Less milky; no|Mixes smoothly,\n Soap. |colored |former |coagulation. |and causes a\n A diluted acid|No perceptible|Shews an |No sensible |Upon standing\n of vitriol. |change. |alkaly not |change. |shews some air\n Mercury |No change; |The quantity |The same |The same\n sublimate |upon standing,|of alkaly in- |appearance as |appearance, but\n dissolved in |a mother of |considerable. |Thames; rather|rather slighter\n pure water, |pearl colored | |slighter |than any of the\n 10 drops. |pellicle | |precipitation.|other two.\n A solution of |Pale clouds at|Shews some |The same as |Upon dropping,\n mercury in the|every drop; |absorbent |Thames, but |no change\n acid of nitre.|1st white and |earth, by |slighter. |appears; upon\n |milky, then |means of an | |standing grows\n |four drops |suspended in | |a pale yellow,\n A solution of |A bright milky|Confirms the |The same as |The same as\n lead in |cloud, which, |preceding |Thames, but in|New River.\n distilled |growing more |observation. |a lower |\n A solution of |Caused a |Shews some |The same |Pale bluish\n silver in the |pearled |portion of |effects, but |white clouds;\n acid of nitre,|milkiness; |sea-salt, of |slighter; the |the\n 4 drops. |upon standing |which the |precipitate of|precipitate,\n |subsided a |Thames has |a pale violet |a bluish slate\n |violet purple |more at high |color. |color, thinly\nAll these waters appear to be sufficiently pure for the common uses of\nlife; the difference between them is very trivial, if any: those of\nHampstead approach nearest to the simple state this element is to be\nwished for. Although it cannot be said to have an immediate relation to\nthis work, yet it may not, perhaps, be disagreeable or useless here to\nadd the quantities of water the cities of London and Westminster, and\nthe adjacent buildings, are daily supplied with.\n From the New River Company 57897 Tons per Day.\nSECTION IV.\n_OF EARTH._\nRegularity requires some notice should be taken of this element.\nThe great writer on chymistry, so often mentioned, defines it to be\na simple, hard, friable, fossil body, fixed in the fire, but not\nmelting in it, nor dissoluble in water, air, alcohol, or oil. These\nare the characters of pure earth, which, no more than any of the other\nelements, comes within our reach, free from admixture. Though it is\none of the component parts of all vegetables, yet as, designedly, it\nis never made use of in brewing, except sometimes for the purpose of\nprecipitation; it is unnecessary to say any thing more upon it: whoever\ndesires to be farther informed concerning its properties may consult\nall, or any of the authors before mentioned.\nSECTION V.\n_OF MENSTRUUMS OR DISSOLVENTS._\nBy menstruums is understood a body which, in a fluid or subtilised\nstate, is capable of interposing its small parts betwixt the small\nparts of other bodies. This act so obviously relates to the art of\nbrewing, especially where the extracting of the malt and the boiling of\nthe hops are concerned, that it should not be passed unheeded by.\nThe doctrine of menstruums, as laid down by Boerhaave, seems most\nintelligible and applicable to our purpose. He says, the solutions of\nbodies in general are the effect only of attraction and repulsion,\nbetween the particles of the menstruums and those of the body\ndissolved, the whole action depending on the relation between these\ntwo; of consequence, there cannot be any body, natural or artificial,\nwhich, without distinction, will dissolve all bodies whatsoever; nor is\nthe cause assignable why certain menstruums dissolve certain bodies:\nthe effects of alcaline, acid, neutral, fixed, or volatile salts, any\nmore than those of oils, water, alcohol, fire, or air, are not to\nbe accounted for by any general rule, that universally holds true;\nnor even, in many cases, doth the dissolution of a body depend on\nthe purity or simplicity of the menstruum: the nearest path then to\nsuccess, is cautiously to apply every menstruum we know of to the body\nwhose solvent we want to discover.\nThe elements of fire and air greatly promote the action and effect\nof menstruums, and in this light they are admitted as such. Water\ndissolves most salts, all the natural sapos of plants, and the ripe\njuices of fruits; for in these, the oils, salts, and spirit of the\nvegetables, are accurately mixed and concreted together, and malts,\nhaving the same constituent parts with them, this element becomes a\nproper menstruum to extract this grain: though malts, by being dried\nwith heats which greatly exceed what is necessary to bring barley to a\nstate of maturity, do, from hence, require greater, though determinate\nheats, yet inferior to that at which water boils; but such heats\nmust be applied in proportion to their dryness, to extract their\nnecessary parts. Even earths, by the intervention of acids, dissolve\nin water; but having treated of the four elements already, as far as\nwe conceived was requisite for the art of brewing, we shall, in this\nchapter, confine ourselves to oils and salts, and view these acting as\nmenstruums only.\nTo the definition already given of oils, it may be necessary to add,\nin general, they contain some water, and a volatile acid salt; that\nthey receive different appellations, and have different properties\nin proportion to their respective spissitudes. Oils from vegetables\nare obtained by expression, infusion, and distillation; in either of\nwhich methods, a too great heat is to be avoided, as this gives them\na prejudicial rancidness, and where water does not interpose, alters\ntheir color until thereby they are turned black.\nIn general oils unite with themselves, but, excepting alcohol, not with\nwater, unless when combined with salts, for salts attract water, and so\nthey do oils: hence arises many elegant preparations both natural and\nartificial, from which wines are formed.\nThe power of oils in dissolving bodies is in a proportion to their\nheat, and being capable, when pure, of receiving a quantity of fire\nequal to 600 degrees, it is not surprising this liquid should mix with\ngums and with resinous bodies; but the color of these, and of every\nsubject when thrown into boiling oils, changes in proportion to the\nimpression made on them by heat, either to a yellow, a red, or a black.\nOils which are inspissated, or thickened by heat, are termed balsams.\nDo not the oils of malt, from the heat they have undergone, resemble\nthese? and from the circumstance of their having endured a heat\nsuperior to that necessary for putrefaction, may they not be suspected\nto possess a volatile alcaline salt? Beyond doubt, the extracts from\nmalt (though they boil at a heat of 218 degrees only) yet do they, in\ngreat measure, dissolve hops, which are gum resinous.\nSalt may well be denominated a menstruum, as it is easily diluted\nwith water; fixed alcaline salts we have already seen appear to be the\nproduce of fire alone.\u2014Such are never distinguished in the composition\nof vegetables in their natural state; though a volatile alcalious\nsalt (the effect of heat equal or superior to that necessary for\nputrefaction) is found in many, and especially in such as are putrified.\nThe power of a fixed alcali as a solvent is great, applied (says\nBoerhaave) to animal, vegetable, or fossil concretions, so far as they\nare oils, balsams, gummy, resinous, or of gummy resinous nature, and\ntherefore concreted from oily substances: these, this salt intimately\nopens, attenuates, and resolves: disposing them to be perfectly\nmiscible with water: oils of alcohol leaving however the impression of\ntaste naturally belonging to this salt.\nVegetable acid salt dissolves animal, vegetable, fossil, and metalline\nsubstances, except mercury, silver, and gold. In most terrestrial\nvegetables this salt is evident; ripe mealy corn has the least\nindication of it, yet extracts therefrom, when fermented, and sometimes\nbefore they are fermented, discover sensibly their acidity. Sea-plants\nin general have not their roots inserted in the earth at the bottom\nof the sea, and these in distillation yield an oily volatile alcali;\nbut more subtil than the native acids of vegetables, are the vinous\nacids produced by fermentation; they dissolve equally most matters\nput into them, and render the whole homogene. Into a must or wort,\nwhen under this act, by means of an el\u00e6osaccharum, might be introduced\nthe choicest flavors, and the aromatics of the Indies be applied to\nheighten the taste and flavor of our barley wines. The laws of England\nat present subsisting are indeed opposite to any improvement of this\nsort, from the apprehensions of abuse: but where elegance alone is\nintended, undoubtedly the merit of our beers and ales might thereby be\nincreased. As such, this is a part of chymical knowledge well worth the\nenquiry and attention of the brewer.\nNeutral salts have already been mentioned; these are very various,\nand very different when acting as menstruums. Resins and gum-resins\nare generally said to be most effectually dissolved by alcohol; but\nBoerhaave informs us, that sal-amoniac (a very salutary subject and\na neutral salt) if boiled with gums, resins, or the gum-resins of\nvegetables, intimately resolves, and disposes them to be conveniently\nmixed in aqueous and fermenting spiritous menstruums. Of this class of\nsalts thus much is sufficient. This observation perhaps is of too much\nconsequence to escape the notice of the artist.\nSECTION VI.\n_OF THE THERMOMETER._\nThis instrument is designed for measuring the increase or decrease of\nheat. By doing it numerically, it fixes in our minds the quantity of\nfire, which any subject, at any time, is impregnated with. If different\nbodies are brought together, though each possesses a different degree\nof heat, it teaches us to discover what degree of heat they will\narrive at when thoroughly mixed, supposing effervescence to produce no\nalteration in the mixture.\nThe inventor of this admirable instrument is not certainly known,\nthough the merit of the discovery has been ascribed to several great\nmen, of different nations, in order to do them and their countries\nhonor. It came to us from Italy, about the beginning of the sixteenth\ncentury. The first inventors were far from bringing this instrument\nto its present degree of perfection. As it was not then hermetically\nsealed, the contained fluid was, at the same time, influenced by\nthe weight of the air, and by the expansion of heat. The academy of\nFlorence added this improvement to their thermometers, which soon made\nthem more generally received; but, as the highest degree of heat of\nthe instrument, constructed by the Florentine gentlemen, was fixed\nby the action of the strongest rays of the sun in their country, this\nvague determination, varying in almost every place, and the want of a\nfixed universal scale, rendered all the observations made with such\nthermometers of little use to us.\nBoyle, Halley, Newton, and several other great men, thought this\ninstrument highly worthy of their attention. They endeavoured to fix\ntwo invariable points to reckon from, and, by means of these, to\nestablish a proper division. Monsieur des Amontons is said to have\nfirst made use of the degree of boiling water, for graduating his\nmercurial thermometers. Fahrenheit, indeed, found the pressure of the\nair, in its greatest latitude, would cause a variation of six degrees\nin that point; he therefore concluded, a thermometer made at the time\nwhen the air is in its middle state, might be sufficiently exact for\nalmost every purpose. Long before the heat of boiling water was settled\nas a permanent degree, many means were proposed to determine another.\nThe degree of temperature in a deep cave or cellar, where no external\nair could reach, was imagined by many a proper one; but what that\ndegree truly was, and whether it was fixed and universal, was found too\ndifficult to be determined. At last the freezing point of water was\nthought of, and though some doubts arose, with Dr. Halley and others,\nwhether water constantly froze at the same degree of cold, Dr. Martine\nhas since, by several experiments, proved this to be beyond all doubt,\nand this degree is now received for as fixed a point as that of boiling\nwater.\nThese two degrees being thus determined, the next business was the\ndivision of the intermediate space on some scale, that could be\ngenerally received. Though there seemed to be no difficulty in this,\nphilosophers of different countries have not been uniform in their\ndeterminations, and that which is used in the thermometer at present\nthe most common, and, in other respects, the most perfect, is far from\nbeing the simplest.\nThe liquid wherewith thermometers were to be filled, became the object\nof another enquiry. Sir Isaac Newton employed, for this purpose,\nlinseed oil; but this, being an unctuous body, is apt to adhere to the\nsides of the glass, and, when suddenly affected by cold, for want of\nthe parts which thus stick to the sides, does not shew the true degree.\nTinged water was employed by others; but this freezing, when\nFahrenheit\u2019s thermometer points 32 degrees, and boiling, when it rises\nto 212, was, from thence, incapable of denoting any more intense cold\nor heat.\nSpirit of wine, which endures much cold without stagnating, was next\nmade use of; but this liquor, being susceptible of no greater degree\nof heat than that which, in Fahrenheit\u2019s scale, is expressed by 175,\ncould be of no service where boiling water was concerned.\nAt last the properest fluid, to answer every purpose, was found to be\nmercury. This had never been known to freeze[6]; and not to boil under\na heat of 600 degrees, and is free from every inconveniency attending\nother liquors.\nAs the instrument is entirely founded on this principle, that heat or\nfire expands all bodies, as cold condenses them, there was a necessity\nof employing a fluid easy to be dilated. A quantity of it is seated in\none part in the bulb. This being expanded by heat, is pushed forward\ninto a fine tube, or capillary cylinder, so small, that the motion\nof the fluid in it is speedy and perceptible. Some thermometers have\nbeen constructed with their reservoir composed of a larger cylinder;\nbut in general, at present, they are made globular. The smaller the\nbulb is, the sooner it is heated through, and the finer the tube, the\ngreater will be the length of it, and the more distinct the degrees.\nIt is scarcely possible that any glass cylinder, so very small, should\nbe perfectly regular; the quicksilver, during the expansion, passing\nthrough some parts of the tube wider than others, the degrees will be\nshorter in the first case, and longer in the latter. If the divisions,\ntherefore, are made equal between the boiling and freezing points, a\nthermometer, whose cylinder is irregular, cannot be true. To rectify\nthis inconveniency, the ingenious Mr. Bird, of London, puts into the\ntube about the length of an inch of mercury; and measuring, with a\npair of compasses, the true extent of this body of quicksilver in one\nplace, he moves it from one end to the other, carefully observing where\nit increases or diminishes in length, thereby ascertaining the parts,\nand how much the degrees are to be varied. By this contrivance, his\nthermometers are perfectly accurate, and exceed all that were ever made\nbefore.\nI shall not trouble my reader with numerous calculations that have been\nmade, to express the quantity of particles of the liquor contained\nin the bulb, in order to determine how much it is dilated. This, Dr.\nMartine seems to think a more curious than useful enquiry. It is\nsufficient, for our purpose, to know how the best thermometers ought to\nbe constructed: they who have leisure and inclination, may be agreeably\nentertained by the author last cited.\nBy observing the rise of the mercury in the thermometer, during any\ngiven time, as, for instance, during the time of the day, we ascertain\nthe degree and value of the heat of every part of the day, from whence\nmay be fixed the medium of the whole time, or any part thereof. By\nrepeated experiments, it appears, the medium heat of most days is\nusually indicated at eight o\u2019clock in the morning, if the instrument is\nplaced in the shade, in a northern situation, and out of the reach of\nany accidental heat.\nThough water is not so readily affected as air by heat and cold, yet,\nas all bodies long exposed in the same place, become of the same degree\nof heat with the air itself, no great error can arise from estimating\nwater, in general, to be of the same heat as the air, at eight o\u2019clock\nin the morning, in the shade.\nThe thermometer teaches us that the heat of boiling water is equal to\n212 degrees, and by calculation we may know what quantity of cold water\nis necessary to bring it to any degree we choose; so, notwithstanding\nthe instrument cannot be used in large vessels, where the water is\nheating, yet, by the power of numbers, the heat may be ascertained with\nthe greatest accuracy. The rule is this: multiply 212, the heat of\nboiling water, by the number of barrels of water thus heated, (suppose\n22) and the number of barrels of cold water to be added to the former,\n(suppose 10,) by the heat of the air at eight o\u2019clock, (suppose 50,)\nadd these two products together, and divide by the sum of the barrels;\nthe quotient shews the degree of heat of the water mixed together.\n 212 heat of boiling water.\n 22 barrels to be made to boil.\n sum 32) 5164(161\u2153 degrees will be the heat of the water\n of barrels 32 when mixed together.\nThe calculation may be extended to three or more bodies, provided\nthey be brought to the same denomination. Suppose 32 barrels of water\nto be used where there is a grist of 20 quarters of malt, if these\n20 quarters of malt are of a volume or bulk equal to 11 barrels of\nwater, and the malt, by having lain exposed to the air, is of the same\ndegree of heat with the air, in order to know the heat of the mash, the\ncalculation must be thus continued.\n 161\u2153 heat of water 50 degrees of heat of malt\n 32 barrels of water 11 barrels, volume of malt\n 43 ) 5713 (132 degrees, which will be the heat of\nWe shall meet hereafter with some incidents, which occasion a\ndifference in the calculations made for the purpose of brewing, but of\nthese particular mention will be made in the practical part.\nThe thermometer, by shewing the different degrees of heat of each part\nof the year, informs us, at the same time, how necessary it is the\nproportions of boiling water to cold should be varied to effect an\nuniform intent; also that the heat of the extracts of small beer should\ndiffer proportionably as the heats of the seasons do: it assists us to\nfix the quantity of hops necessary to be used at different times; how\nmuch yeast is requisite, in each term of the year, to carry on a due\nfermentation; and what variation is to be made in the length of time\nthat worts ought to boil. Indeed, without this knowledge, beers, though\nbrewed in their due season, cannot be regularly fermented, and whenever\nthey prove good, so often may it be said fortune was on the brewer\u2019s\nside.\nBeers are deposited in cellars, to prevent their being affected by\nthe variations of heat and cold in the external air. By means of the\nthermometer, may be determined the heat of these cellars, the temper\nthe liquor is kept in, and whether it will sooner or later come forward.\nThe brewing season, and the reason why such season is fittest for\nbrewing, can only be discovered by this instrument. It points out\nlikewise our chance for success, when necessity obliges us to brew in\nthe summer months.\nAs all vegetable fermentation is carried on in heats, between two\nsettled points, we are, by this instrument, taught to put our worts\ntogether at such a temperature, as they shall neither be evaporated by\ntoo great a heat, nor retarded by too much cold.\nIf curiosity should lead us so far, we might likewise determine, by it,\nthe particular strength of each wort, or of every mash; for if water\nboils at 212 degrees, oil at 600, and worts be a composition of water,\noil and salt; the more the heat of a boiling wort exceeds that of\nboiling water, the more oils and salts must it contain, or the stronger\nis the wort.\nA given quantity of hops, boiled in a given quantity of water, must\nhave a similar effect, consequently the intrinsic value of this\nvegetable may, in the same manner, be ascertained.\nThe more the malts are dried, the more do they alter in color, from a\nwhite to a light yellow, next to an amber, farther on to a brown, until\nthe color becomes speckled with black; in which state we frequently see\nit. If more fire or heat is continued, the grain will at last charr,\nand become intirely black. By observing the degrees of heat necessary\nto induce these alterations, we may, by the mere inspection of the\nmalt, know with what degree of fire it has been dried; and fixing upon\nsuch which best suits our purpose, direct, with the greatest accuracy,\nnot only the heat of the first mash, but the mean heat the whole\nbrewing should be impressed with to answer our intent, circumstances of\nthe greatest consequence to the right management of the process.\nIf I had not already said enough to convince the brewer of the utility\nof this instrument, how curious he ought to be in the choice, and how\nwell acquainted with the use of it, I should add the heat gained by the\neffervescing of malt, is to be determined by it alone; the quantity of\nheat lost by mashing, by the water in its passage from the copper to\nthe mash ton, and by the extract coming down into the underback, these\ncan be found by no other method; and, above all, that there is no other\nmeans to know with certainty the heat of every extract.\nI know very well good beers were sometimes, perhaps often, made before\nthe thermometer was known, and still is, by many who are entirely\nignorant of it; but this, if not wholly the effect of chance, cannot\nbe said to be very distant from it. They who carry on this process,\nunassisted by principles and the use of the thermometer, must admit\nthey are frequently unsuccessful, whereas did they carefully and\nwith knowledge apply this instrument, they certainly would not be\ndisappointed.\u2014It is equally true, the brewing art, for a long space\nof time, has been governed by an ill-conveyed tradition alone; if\nlucky combinations have sometimes flattered the best practitioners,\nfaulty drinks have as often made them feel the want of certain and\nwell established rules. It is just as absurd for a brewer to refuse\nthe use of the thermometer, as it would be for an architect to reject\nthe informations of his plummet and rule, and to assert they were\nunserviceable because the first house, and probably many others, were\nbuilt without their assistance.\nSECTION VII.\nOF THE VINE, ITS FRUITS, AND JUICES.\nAfter these short accounts of the principles and instrument necessary\nto the right understanding of the brewing art, we should now draw near\nto the particular object of this treatise, but as the most successful\nmethod to investigate it, must be first to inspect the great and\nsimilar example nature has set before us, our time will not be lost by\nmaking this enquiry.\nAny fermented liquor, that, in distillation, yields an inflammable\nspirit miscible with water, may be called wine, whatever vegetable\nmatter it is produced from.\u2014As beer and ales contain a spirit exactly\nanswerable to this definition, brewing may justly be called the art\nof making wines from corn. Those, indeed, which are the produce of\nthe grape, have a particular claim to the name, either because they\nare the most ancient and the most universal, or that a great part of\ntheir previous preparation is owing to the care of nature itself. By\nobserving the agents she employs, and the circumstances under which\nshe acts, we shall find ourselves enabled to follow her steps, and to\nimitate her operations.\nMost grapes contain juices, which, when fermented, become in time as\nlight and pellucid as water, and are possessed of fine spiritous\nparts, sufficient to cherish, comfort, and even inebriate. But these\nproperties of vinosity are observed not to be equally perfect in the\nfruits of all vines; some of them are found less, others not at all\nproper for this purpose. It is therefore necessary to examine the\ncircumstances which attend the forming and ripening of those grapes,\nwhose juices produce the finest liquors of the kind.\nAll grapes, when they first bud forth, are austere and sour, therefore\nof a middle nature. And this can be no other than the effect of the\nautumnal remaining sap, mixed with the new raised vernal one, the\nconsequence of which mixture will be found greatly to merit our\ninquiry. As far as our senses can judge, at first, it appears that the\njuice, in this state, consists of somewhat more than an acid combined\nwith a tasteless water. When the fruit is ripe, it becomes full of\na rich, sweet, and highly flavoured juice. The color, consistency,\nand taste of which shew, that, by the power of heat, a considerable\nquantity of oil has been raised, and, sheathing the salts, is the\nreason of its saccharine taste and saccharine properties.\nIn England, grapes are probably produced under the least heat they can\nbe raised by. They discover themselves in their first shape, about\nJune, when the medium heat of the twenty-four hour\u2019s shade is 57,60.\nThis, with what more should be added for the effect of the sun\u2019s\nbeams, are the degrees of heat which first introduce the juices into\nthis fruit.\nThe highest degrees of heat, in the countries where grapes come to\nperfect maturity, have been observed to be, in various parts of\nItaly, Spain, and Greece 100, and at Montpelier 88, in the shade; to\nwhich, according to Dr. Lining\u2019s observations, 20 degrees must be\nadded for the effect of the sun\u2019s beams. The greatest heat in Italy\nwill then amount to 120 degrees, and in the south of France to 108.\nThese approach nearly to the strongest heats observed in the hottest\nclimates, which, in Astracan, Syria, Senegal, and Carolina, were from\n124 to 126 degrees.\nThose countries, where the heat is greatest, in general produce the\nrichest fruits, that is, the most impregnated with sweet, thick and\noily juices. We are told, among the Tockay wine-hills, there is one\nwhich, directly fronting the south, and being the most exposed to\nthe sun, yields the sweetest and richest grapes. It is called the\n_sugar-hill_, and the delicious wines extracted from this particular\nspot, are all deposited in the cellars of the imperial family. Those\ngrapes, some in the Canaries, some in other places, being suffered to\nremain the longest on the tree, with their stems half cut through, by\nthis means procure their juices to be highly concentrated, and produce\nthat species of sweet, oily, balmy wines, which, from this operation,\nare called _sack_, a derivation of the French word _sec_ or _dry_.\nIn all distillations of unfermented vegetables, water and acid salts\nrise first. A more considerable degree of fire is required for the\nelevation of oils, and a still greater one for the lixivial salts,\nwhich render those oils miscible with water.\nA plant, exposed to a very gentle heat, at first yields a water which\ncontains the perfect smell of the vegetable blended with a subtile\noil; if more heat be added, an heavier oil will come over: from some a\nvolatile alkali, from others a phlegm will rise, which gradually grows\nacid; and, last of all, with the farther assistance of fire, the black,\nthick, empyreumatic sulphur. Nature, in a less degree, may be said\nto place a like series of events before our eyes, in the forming and\nmaturating of grapes, and it is by imitating what she does, that the\ninhabitants of different countries may improve the advantages of their\nsoil and of their air.\nIn order to illustrate the doctrine, that grapes are endued with\nvarious properties, in proportion to the heat of the air they have been\nexposed to, let us remember what Boerhaave has observed, that, in very\nhot weather, the oleous corpuscles of the earth are carried up into the\nair, and, descending again, cause the showers and dews in summer to be\nvery different from the pure snow of winter. The first are acrid, and\ndisposed to froth, the last is transparent and insipid. Hence summer\nrain, or rain falling in hot seasons, is always fruitful, whereas in\ncold weather it is scarcely so at all. In winter the air abounds with\nacid parts, neither smoothed by oils nor rarified by heat: cold is\nthe condensing power, as heat is the opener of nature. In summer, the\nair, dilating itself, penetrates every where, and gives to the rain\na disposition to froth, occasioned by the admixture of oleous and\na\u00ebrial particles. Thus the acid salts, either previously existing, or\nby the vernal heat introduced into the grapes, and necessary to their\npreservation, are neutralized by coming in contact with the juices\nthe foregoing autumn produced; after which a hotter sun, covering or\nblending these juices with oils, changes the whole into a saccharine\nform. In proportion as these acids are more or less sharp, and\ncounterbalanced by a greater or lesser quantity of oils, the juices\nof grapes approach more or less to the state of perfection, which\nfermentation requires.\nThere are many places, as Jamaica, Barbadoes, &c. in which experience\nshews the vine cannot be cultivated to advantage. By comparing the heat\nof these places with those in Italy and Montpelier, it appears this\ndefect is not owing to excessive heats, but to their constancy and\nuniformity; the temperature of the air of these countries seldom being\nso low as the degree necessary for the first production of the fruit.\nWhenever the cultivation of the vine is attempted in these parts of\nthe West Indies, the grapes, on their first appearance, are shaded and\nskreened from the beams of the sun, which, in their infancy, they are\nnot able to bear.\nHence we learn, though nature employs both the autumnal and vernal\nseasons, yet there are lesser heats with which she prepares the first\njuice of grapes, a stronger power of the sun she requires to form the\nfruit, and a greater than either to ripen it. We have investigated the\nlowest degrees of heat, in which grapes are produced, and nearly the\nhighest they ever receive to ripen them. Let us call the first the\n_germinating_ degrees, and the last those of _maturation_. If nearly\n58 be the lowest of the one, and 126 the highest of the other, and\nif a certain power of acids is necessary for the germination of the\ngrapes, which must be counterbalanced by an equal power of oils raised\nby the heat of the sun for their maturation, then the medium of these\ntwo numbers, or 92, maybe said to be a degree at which this fruit\ncannot possibly be produced, and inferior to that by which it should\nbe maturated. At Panama the lowest degree of heat in the shade is 72,\nto which 20 being added, for the sun\u2019s beams, the sum will be 92, and\nconsequently no grapes can grow there, except the vines be placed in\nthe shade.\nIf we recollect that we can scarcely make wine, which will preserve\nitself, of grapes produced in England, we shall be induced to think,\nthat the reason of this defect is the want of the high degrees of heat.\nOur sun seldom raises the thermometer to 100 degrees, and that but for\na short continuance. Our medium heat is far inferior to 92, and hence\nwe see, at several distant terms in summer, new germinated grapes, but\nseldom any perfectly ripe. These observations, the use of which, in\nbrewing, we will endeavour to apply, likewise point out to us, what\npart of our plantations are fit to produce this fruit, and to what\ndegree of perfection.\nA research made for each constituent part forming grapes, as well as\nthe proportion they bear to one another, at first sight, appears to\nbe an eligible method to discover the nature of wines; but in every\nvegetable their parts are mixed and interwoven, and every degree of\nheat, acting on them, finds these so blended, as to render their\ndivision too imperfect for such enquiry to be made with sufficient\naccuracy, to deduce therefrom the rules of an art. In the producing,\nripening, and fermenting the juice of the grapes, as well as in forming\nbeers and ales, the element of fire so superlatively influences\nand governs every progressive act, as to occasion some remarkable\ndifference in their appearance: from, hence, then, we may expect the\ninformation we want, and be enabled to discover the laws by which\nNature forms her wines.\nWhen the constituent parts of a subject are to be estimated by heat\nalone, the number of degrees comprehended between the first heat\nwhich formed it, and the last which brought it to a perfect state,\nmust express the whole of its constituent parts. Complete finished\nsubstances, must have been benefited by the whole latitude of degrees\napplicable thereto; and in proportion as part of the whole latitude is\nwanting, will their nature be different, and themselves less perfect.\nThis variety is remarkable in the fruit we are now treating of. A\ncountry endued with the lowest germinating, and with the highest\nmaturating degrees of heat for grapes, would produce them in the utmost\nperfection; that is, they would possess all the several properties they\ncould obtain from this circumstance; consequently such are capable of\nforming wines that would preserve themselves a very long time, and\nwould also become spontaneously fine. From the several heats we have\nobserved that this fruit is capable of enduring, it is reasonable to\nbelieve the greatest number of degrees of heat employed to form all\ntheir constituent parts, must be where, during the whole space of\nvegetation, the heat in the shade varies from 60 to 106 degrees, and\nconstitutes a difference of 46 degrees. So great a latitude, ordered by\nnature, most certainly denotes the general utility of the plant.\nThe climate of the southern part of France approaches nearest to this;\nbut Spanish wines are richer; their grapes are formed by a warmer sun;\ntheir vernal and maturating heats exceed those of France; but, at the\nsame time, their wines are more stubborn, and, to be made fine, require\nthe help of precipitation. This variety increases according to the heat\nof climates: thus we see wines which come from the coast of Africa,\nwhose richness and stubbornness are beyond the reach of any menstruum\nemployed to fine them. Let us endeavour to reduce this apparent\ninconstancy to rule, in order to assist our art.\u2014If the lowest heat\nwhich forms the grape, in the southern parts of France, be 60 degrees,\nand if 88 degrees, in the shade, be the mean of their maturating heat,\nthe difference between 60 and 88, or 28 degrees, is the number which\nincludes the constituent parts of grapes in this country, as these\ndegrees imply the whole space of their progress. If like juices were to\nbe imitated by art, as in our hot-houses, it is clear half the number\nof the degrees of heat which form the whole of the constituent parts,\nor 14, deducted from 74, the mean heat of their whole vegetation, would\ngive 60, for the first heat to be employed, and this to be raised, for\nmaturation, to 88, the greatest heat, nature in this case, permits, or\n14 degrees to be added to the same whole mean. To liken the wines of\nSpain, where the autumnal and vernal heats are greater than in France,\nthe heat forming the first juices must be more, as also the maturating\nheats; but with such practice, the number of constituent degrees would\nbe found to be fewer, and spontaneous brightness could no more be\nexpected, than it is found, in their wines.\nA strict enquiry after the heats first and last applied to grapes, is\nof such consequence to ascertain the principles by which malt liquor\nshould be formed, that, though grapes produced in England scarcely\nmake wines which can maintain themselves sound, yet, as the rule is\nuniversal, even from them we shall be able to establish not only its\ncertainty, but also the application of the number of the degrees found\nbetween the heats which germinate the fruit, and those which ripen them.\n From twelve years observation, we have found\n the mean heat in the shade, from the 1st of\n June, to the 15th, when grapes with us first Deg.\n Our greatest heat, under like circumstances,\n from the 15th to the 31st of July, to be 61.10\nIf, from their medium, 59.35, we subtract 1.75, half their difference,\nor half their constituent parts, we must have left 57.60 for the\ngerminating heat; and if to their medium, 59.35, we add 1.75, half the\nnumber of their constituent parts, we shall have 61.10, the highest\nmean heat, in the shade, at the time the richest juices of our grapes\nare formed. It is true, in July, nor even in the following months, when\nthe heat continues nearly alike, our grapes are not ripe, nor gathered;\nthe properties raised by our greatest sunshine, as yet have not reached\nthe fruit, and though the mean heat of the air in September and October\nis less, yet it is sufficient to place in the grapes the juices raised\nby the preceding hot sun, which concentrate and grow richer, by\nremaining on the plant, though, for want of a sufficient heat, they do\nnot reach that perfection obtained in warmer climates.\nThe want of grapes in many parts both of America and Africa, and the\nreason we gave for this, (See page 55,) warrants the truth of the\ndivision we have just now made, between the germinating and maturating\nheats; and if the effects caused by a hot sun do not immediately\nbenefit the fruit, by a parity of reason, after the grapes are\ngathered, the plant must possess, (and surely for some longer space, by\na continued heat, equal, and often superior, to the vernal sun,) juices\nwhich Nature is too frugal not usefully to apply; these juices, we\napprehend, assist in forming the embryo of the leaves which are fully\nto expand the ensuing year, and serve, by their oleaginous quality,\nto preserve these and the whole plant during the cold of the winter;\nwhich cold, at the same time that it contracts the pores of the vine,\ncondenses and thickens these richer juices, from whence few, if any of\nthem, are lost or expended by perspiration. The heat of the following\nspring renews their activity, when blending with those this season\nattracts, the leaves open, the flowers appear, and the fruit forms.\nThus far we conceive the act of germination extends, provided for and\nassisted both by the autumnal and vernal heats, and which, in point of\npower, are nearly equal and uniform.\nThe heat of the sun, during summer months, and if to this we add the\nmore constant heat at the roots of the vine, retained there by the\ndensity of the earth; these (though superior to the germinating heat)\nproduce a like uniformity for maturating the fruit: thus nature, in\norder to implant in wines an original even taste, and to facilitate\nthe fermentable act, amidst the great variety that appears to us in\nthe heat of the air, seems, upon the whole, to act by steady and equal\nmotions; or rather, perhaps, this is the best manner by which we can\nreduce to rule; the inconstancy of the atmosphere.\nI am sensible these facts had been represented in a more natural light,\nhad I observed the degrees of heat impressed on the vine in every\nseason of the year; the difference of the sun\u2019s heat, in every hour of\nthe day, a variety exceeding that in the shade; that between night and\nday; the aspect of the plant; the heat of the earth at its surface, as\nwell as at the roots of the vine; all these would have increased the\ncircumstances to a prodigious extent; which, though perhaps requisite\nto satisfy philosophic investigation, might, from their number and\nvariety, have been the means rather to induce us to error, than to\ndiscover the general rules by which nature acts.\nFrom the above-related process we are taught, that nature, in forming\nwines, is not confined to a certain fixed number of degrees, but\nadmits, for this act, of a considerable latitude, according to the\nextent of which the wines vary in taste and properties; and that she\naffects an equality of heat in each period of vegetation; from whence\nthe brewer is taught, if he form his malt-liquors with four mashes,\nas in the autumn and spring the vine is impressed with heats nearly\nuniform, so ought his two first mashes to be; the third, in imitation\nof the high heat of summer, should be much hotter, and the heat of his\nlast mash the same with this; and this general rule has been found\nuniversally true, for beers expected to preserve themselves sound a\nsufficient time; and admits but of a proportional variation, when fewer\nor more mashes are employed, as the degrees of heat denominating the\nconstituent parts of the grain, must be applied in proportion to the\nquantity of water used to each mash; but in malt liquors speedily to\nbe drank, or when we deviate greatly from the more perfect productions\nof nature, we are then compelled to swerve from her rules; a practice\nnever profitable, and which nothing but necessity can justify.\nThe nature of the soil proper for the vine, might, in another work,\nbe a very useful enquiry. It will be sufficient here, barely to hint\nat the effect, which lixivial soils produce in musts. The Portugueze,\nwhen they discovered the Island of Madeira in 1420, set fire to the\nforests, with which it was totally covered. It continued to burn for\nthe space of seven years, after which the land was found extremely\nfruitful, and yielding such wines, as, at present, we have from thence,\nthough in greater plenty. It is very difficult to fine these wines,\nand, though the climate of this island is more temperate than that of\nthe Canaries, the wines are obliged to be carried to the Indies and the\nwarmer parts of the globe, to be purged, shook, and attenuated, before\nthey can arrive to an equal degree of fineness with other wines; were\nthe Portugueze acquainted with what may be termed the artificial method\nof exciting periodical fermentation, much or the whole of this trouble\nmight be avoided. Hence we see, that soils impregnated with alkaline\nsalts will produce musts able to support themselves longer, and to\nresist acidity more, than other soils, under the same degree of heat.\nGrapes have the same constituent parts as other vegetables. The\ndifference between them, as to their tastes and properties, consists in\nthe parts being mixed in different proportions. This arises, either\nfrom their absorbent vessels more readily attracting some juices than\nothers, or from their preparing them otherwise, under different heats\nand in different soils.\nWe find, says Dr. Hales, by the chymical analysis of vegetables, that\ntheir substance is composed of sulphur, volatile salts, water, and\nearth, which principles are endued with mutual attracting powers. There\nenters likewise in the composition, a large portion of air, which has\na wonderful property of attracting in a fixed, or of repelling in\nan elastic state, with a power superior to vast compressing forces.\nIt is by the infinite combinations, actions, and reactions of these\nprinciples, that all the operations in animal and vegetable bodies are\neffected.\u2014Boerhaave, who is somewhat more particular with regard to the\nconstituent parts of vegetables, says, that they contain an oil mixed\nwith a salt in form of a sapo, and that a saponaceous juice arises from\nthe mixture of water with the former.\nThus we see, from the composition of grapes, that they have all the\nnecessary principles to form a most exquisite liquor, capable, by a\ngentle heat, to be greatly attenuated. They abound with elastic air,\nwater, oils, acid, and neutral salts, and even saponaceous juices.\u2014The\nair contained in the interstices of fluids is more in quantity than is\ncommonly apprehended. Sir Isaac Newton has proved that water has forty\ntimes more pores than solid parts; and the proportion, likely, is not\nvery different in vegetable juices. When the fruit is in its natural\nentire state, the viscidity of the juices, and their being enveloped by\nan outward skin, prevent the expansion of the inclosed air; it lies as\nit were inactive. In this forced state, it causes no visible motion,\nnor are the principles, thus confined, either subjected to any apparent\nimpressions of the external atmosphere, or so intimately blended as\nwhen they are expressed. A free communication of the external air, with\nthat contained in the interstices of the liquor, is required to form a\nperfect mixture. By what means this is effected, what alterations it\nproduces, or, in general, in what manner the juice of the grape becomes\nwines, must be the subject of our next inquiry.\nThe process of a perfect fermentation is undoubtedly the same (where\nthe due proportions of the constituent parts, forming the must,\nare exactly kept) whatever vegetable juices it is excited in. For\nthis reason, we will observe the progress of this act in beers and\nales, these being subjects we are more accustomed to, and where the\ncharacters appear more distinct, in order to apply what may be learned\nfrom thence to our chief object, the business of the brewer.\nSECTION VIII.\n_OF FERMENTATION IN GENERAL._\nVegetable fermentation is that act, by which oils and earth, naturally\ntenacious, by the interposition of salts and heats, are so much\nattenuated and divided, as to be made miscible with, and to be\nsuspended in, an homogeneous pellucid fluid; which, by a due proportion\nof the different principles, is preserved from precipitation and\nevaporation. According to Boerhaave, a less heat than forty degrees\nleaves the mass in an inert state, and the particles fall to the bottom\nin proportion to their gravity; a greater heat than eighty degrees\ndisperses them too much, and leaves the residuum a rancid, acrimonious,\nputrid mass.\nIt is certainly very difficult, if not impossible, to discover the\ntrue and adequate cause of fermentation. But, by tracing its several\nstages, circumstances, and effects, we may perhaps perceive the agents\nand means employed by nature to produce this singular change; a degree\nof knowledge, which, we hope, is sufficient to answer our practical\npurposes.\nThe must, when just pressed from the grapes, is a liquid, composed of\nneutral and lixivial salts, oils of different spissitude, water, earth,\nand elastic air. These, irregularly ranged, if I may be permitted the\nexpression, compose a chaos of wine. Soon after the liquor is settled,\na number of air bubbles arise, and at first adhere to the sides of the\ncontaining vessel; their magnitude increases as they augment in number,\nso that at last they cover the whole surface of the must.\nIt has been long suspected, and, if I mistake not, demonstrated, that\nan acid, of which all others are but so many different species, is\nuniversally dispersed through, and continually circulating in, the\nair; and that this is one of nature\u2019s principal agents, in maturating\nand resolving of bodies. Musts, like other bodies, being porous, the\ncirculating acids very powerfully introduce themselves therein by the\npressure of the atmosphere, in proportion as the pores are more or less\nexpanded by the heat they are exposed to. The particles of acids are\nsupposed by Newton to be endued with a great attractive force, in which\ntheir activity consists. By this force, they rush towards other bodies,\nput the fluid in motion, excite heat, and violently separate some\nparticles in such manner as to generate or expel air, and consequently\nbubbles.\nFrom hence it appears that, as soon as the acid particles of the air\nare admitted into the must, they act on the oils, and excite a motion\nsomewhat like the effervescence generated, when acids and oils come in\ncontact, though in a less degree. This motion is the cause of heat, by\nwhich the included elastic air, being rarefied, occasions the bubbles\nto ascend towards the surface.\u2014These, by the power of attraction, are\ndrawn to the sides of the vessel; at first they are small and few,\nbut increase, both in number and magnitude, as the effect of the air\ncontinues, till, at last, they spread over the whole surface. The\nfirst stage of vegetable fermentation shews itself to be a motion\nexcited by the acids floating in the air, acting on the oleous parts\nof the liquor, which motion gives an opportunity to the divided minute\nparts of air, dispersed throughout the whole, to collect themselves\nin masses: from hence they become capable to exert their elasticity,\nand to free themselves from the must. (See Arbuthnot on air p. 116.)\nIt may, perhaps, be proper to observe, that all musts, which ferment\nspontaneously, contain for this purpose a large portion of elastic air.\nBubbles still continue to rise after the must is entirely covered with\nthem; and a body of bladders is formed, called, by the brewers, the\n_head of the drink_; as the bubbles increase, the head rises in height,\nbut the oils of the must, being as yet of different spissitudes,\nthose which are least tenacious soon emit their air; others, somewhat\nstronger, being rarefied by the fermenting heat, rise on the surface\nhigher than the rest, while such aerial bubbles as are more dense,\ntake their place below them. From hence, and from the constituent\nparts of the drink not being as yet intimately mixed, the head takes\nan uneven and irregular shape, and appears like a beautiful piece of\nrock work. After this, it requires some time, and it is by degrees,\nthat the particles dispose themselves in their due order, to be\nfarther attenuated by the act of fermentation, which, when effected,\nthe saline, oily, and spiritous parts become perfectly miscible with\nthe water. The head of the liquor then is more level; heterogeneous\nbodies, as dirt, straw, corks, &c. assisted by bubbles of air adhering\nto them, are now buoyed on the surface, and should be skimmed off,\nlest, when the liquor becomes more light and spiritous, they should\nsubside. About this time, such parts of the must as are too course to\nbe absorbed in the wine (as they consist chiefly of pinguious oils,\nmixed with earth, though they strongly envelope much elastic air) from\ntheir weight, sink to the bottom, and form the lees. But the internal\nmotion increasing, the air bubbles grow larger; some, not formed of\nparts so strong as the others, which generally are the first, burst and\nstrengthen the rest; and thereby a heat is retained in the fermenting\nliquor, which carries the act on to a farther degree. The particles of\nthe must become more pungent and spiritous, because more fine and more\nactive; some of the most volatile ones fly off; hence, that subtle and\ndangerous vapor, called _gas_, which extinguishes flame and suffocates\nanimals. The wine, by these repeated acts, being greatly attenuated,\nis at last unable to support, on its surface, the weight of such a\nquantity of froth, rendered more dense by the repeated explosions of\nthe air bubbles. Now, lest the liquor should be fouled by the falling\nin of the froth, it is put in vessels having only a small aperture,\nwhere it continues to ferment, with a slower and less perceptible\nmotion, which gradually diminishing until it reaches the period when it\nneither attracts or repels air, it admits of its communication with it\nto be cut off; not that thereby, in a strict sense, the fermentation\ncan be said to be completely ended: the least heat is sufficient to\nrenew, or rather to continue the act, more especially if by any means\nthe atmosphere can gain any admittance, however small.\nThe alteration caused in the liquor, by the pressure of the external\nair, from the very first of its fermenting, not only occasions the\nparticles of the must to form themselves in their due order, but also,\nby the weight and action of that element, grinds and reduces them into\nsmaller parts. From hence they more intimately blend with each other,\nthe wine becomes of an equal and even taste, and if the constituent\nparts of the must be in a perfect proportion, it will continue to\nferment, until, these being disposed and ranged in right lines, a fine\nand pellucid fluid is produced.\nThat this operation subsists, even after the liquor becomes fine, is\nevident; for every fretting is a continuance of fermentation, though\noften almost imperceptible. Thus, the component parts of the liquor are\ncontinually reduced to a less volume, the oils become more attenuated,\nand less capable of retaining elastic air. As these frettings are often\nrepeated, it is impossible to determine, by any rule, the exact state\nin which wine should be, in order to be perfect for use. It would seem,\nhowever, that the more minutely the parts are reduced, the more their\npungency will appear, and the easier their passage be in the human\nframe. Both wines and beers, when new, possess more elastic air, than\nwhen meliorated by age; to be wholesome, they must be possessed of the\nwhole of the fermentable principles. For these reasons, beers and ales,\nwhen substituted for wines in common, and more especially when given\nto the sick, should always be brewed from entire malt: for the last\nextracts, possessing but the inferior virtues of the grain, have by so\nmuch less the power to become light, spiritous, and transparent.\nWines never totally remain inactive; fermentation in some degree\ncontinues, and in time the oils, by being greatly attenuated,\nvolatilise, fly off, and permit a readier admission of the external air\ninto the drink. In proportion as this circumstance takes place, the\nlatent acids of the liquor shew themselves, the wine becomes sour, and\nin this state is termed vinegar.\nIts last stage or termination is, when the remaining active principles,\nwhich the vinegar possessed, being evaporated in the air, a pellicle\nforms itself on the surface of the liquor, and dust and seeds,\nwhich always float in the atmosphere, depositing themselves thereon,\nstrengthen this film into a crust, on which grows moss, and many other\nsmall plants. These vegetables, together with the air, exhaust the\nwatery parts; after which no signs of fermentable principles remain\nbut, like the rest of created beings, all their virtues being lost,\nwhat is left is a substance resembling common earth.\nUpon the whole, then, it appears, that a liquor fit for fermentation\nmust be composed of water, acids smoothed over with oils, or saccharine\nsalts, and a certain portion of elastic air; the heat of the air\nthe liquor is fermented in, must be in proportion to the density\nof its oils; and lastly, that the pores are to be expanded by slow\ndegrees, lest the air, by being admitted too hastily, should cause an\neffervescence rather than a fermentation, and occasion the whole to\nbecome sour. Wines, therefore, fermented in countries where the autumn\nis hot, require their oils to be more pinguious, than where the season\nis cooler. For the same reason beers are best made, when the air is at\nforty degrees of heat, or below the first fermentable point, because\nthe brewer, in this case, can put his wort to work, at a heat of his\nown chusing, which will not be increased by that of the air; on the\ncontrary, when, by its internal motion, the heat becomes greater, it\nwill again be abated and regulated by the cold of the medium.\nThe pores of a wort are expanded in proportion to the heat it is\nimpressed with; on which account common small beer, brewed in summer,\nwhen the air and acids more easily insinuate themselves into the\nliquor, ought to be enriched with oils obtained by hotter extracts, to\nsheath these salts; and in winter the contrary method must be pursued.\nFrom this history of fermentation, we can, with propriety, account\nfor the many accidents and varieties that accompany this act; and a\ncomparative review of some of them may not be unnecessary.\nA cold air, closing the pores of the liquor, always retards, and\nsometimes stops, fermentation; heat, on the contrary, constantly\nforwards this act; but, if carried too high, immediately prevents it.\nA must, loaded with oils, will ferment with more difficulty than one\nwhich abounds with acids; it likewise is longer before it becomes\nperfectly fine; but, when once so, will be more lasting.\nIf the quantities of oil are increased, they will exceed the power both\nof the acids naturally contained in the must, and of those absorbed\nfrom the air in fermenting; the liquor will therefore require a longer\ntime before it becomes pellucid, unless assisted by precipitation: and\nthere may be cases where even precipitation cannot fine it.\nThese considerations naturally lead us to a general division of\nwines into three classes: First, of such as soon grow fine, and soon\nbecome acid, being the growth of cold countries. Secondly, of those\nwhich, by a due proportion of heat, both when the grapes germinate,\nand when they come to maturity, form a perfect must; and not only\npreserve themselves, but, in due time, (more especially when assisted\nby precipitation,) become transparent; and, thirdly, of such as, having\ntaken their first form under the highest degrees of _germination_, (as\nI termed them) are replete with oils, disappoint the cooper, and render\nthe application of menstruums useless, unless in such quantities as to\nchange the very nature of the wine.\nThis remarkable difference in wines appears chiefly to arise from the\nclimate; and it will confirm the observation before made, that, as\nwines are neither naturally nor uniformly perfect, they must be subject\nto many diseases.\nAll vegetable substances possess fermentable principles, though\nin a diversity of proportions; for those juices only, whose\nconstituent parts approach to the proportion necessary for the act of\nfermentation, can be made into wines. I would not, however, from what\nI have attributed to a difference of heat in different climates, be\nunderstood, as if I thought that vegetables are more or less acid, more\nor less sulphureous, or in general more or less fermentable, merely\nfrom the heat of the country they grow in. This, though likely one\nof the principal causes of their being so, is by no means the only\none; the form and constitution of the plant is another. In very hot\nclimates, we find acid fruits, such as limes, tamarinds, lemons, and\noranges; the proportions of fermentable principles in these fruits\nare such, as to render them incapable of making sound wines, though\ntheir juices may, in some degree, be susceptible of fermentation. In\ncountries greatly favored by the sun, some vines and other fruit trees\nthere are, which attract the acids from the air, and possibly from the\nearth, so greedily, that, when their juices are fermented, they soon\nbecome sour. On the contrary, in cold climates, we see warm aromatic\nvegetables grow, as hops, horse-raddish, camomile, wormwood, &c. whose\nprinciples cannot, without difficulty, and perhaps not perceptibly, be\nbrought to ferment. But these instances must be accounted the extremes\non each sides; for in cold, as well as in hot countries, fruits are\nproduced susceptible of a perfect natural fermentation: with us, for\nexample, apples; some species of which are endued with such austere and\naromatic qualities, that their expressed juices ferment spontaneously,\nuntil they become pellucid, and are capable of remaining in a sound\nstate many years. From hence it appears, that proper subjects, which\nwill naturally ferment, for making wines, may be found in almost every\nclimate. England, says Boerhaave, on this account, is remarkably\nhappy: her fruits are capable of producing a great variety of wines,\nequal in goodness to many imported, were not our tastes but too often\nsubservient, not to reason, but to custom and prejudice.\nA similar want of perfection to that observed in wines, may be noticed\nin our beers and ales, and it chiefly has its origin in the different\ndegrees of heat the malt has been impressed with, both in drying\nand extracting; where, in the processes of malting and brewing, a\nsufficient heat has not been maintained, the liquor undoubtedly must\nbecome acid; in proportion as the contrary is the case, or that the\nbeer is overcharged with hops, if this is in no great excess, it\nretains still a greater tendency to fermentation than to putrefaction,\nacids not being wanting, but only enveloped. In this case, time will\nget the better of the disease; like to the wines made from the growth\nof too hot a sun, these liquors, at a certain period, sicken, smell\nrancid, and have a disagreeable taste, but, by long standing, they\nbegin to fret, and, receiving more acids from the air, recover their\nformer health, and improve in taste.\nBut should the quantity of oils exceed this last proportion, in wines\nformed from corn, the must, instead of fermenting, would putrify, even\nthough, by some means, elastic air has been driven into them. In this\ncase, the over proportion of the oil, and its tenacity, prevents the\nentrance of the acids, the wort receives no enlivening principle from\nwithout, and the air, at first conveyed into it, is enveloped with oils\nso tenacious as to be incapable of action. Nothing so much accelerates\nputrefaction as heat, moisture, and a stagnating air; and all\nsubstances corrupt, sooner or later, in proportion to the inactivity of\nthe contained air, to the want of a proper vent, and to the closeness\nof their confinement. Besides these cases, beers and ales, as well as\nwines, sometimes are vapid and flat, without being sour; this does not\nso much arise from the imbibing the air of the atmosphere, as from\ntheir fermenting, generating and casting off too much air of their own.\nTo prevent this accident, they are best preserved in cool cellars,\nwhere their active invigorating principles are kept within due bounds,\nand not suffered to fly off. These facts ought to convince us of the\ntruth, deduced by Dr. Hales, from many experiments, that there is a\ngreat plenty of air incorporated in the substance of vegetables, which,\nby the action of fermentation, is roused into an elastic state, and is\nas instrumental to produce this act, as it is necessary to the life and\nbeing of animals.\nI should here close this short and imperfect account; but as, in the\nart of brewing, there is no part so difficult, and at the same time so\nimportant to be in some measure understood, as the cause and effects of\nfermentation; and as the examination of this act, in all the different\nlights in which it offers itself to our notice, can hardly be thought\nuninteresting, these few detached thoughts I hope will be allowed of.\nThe effect of the act of fermentation on liquors is, so to attenuate\nthe oils; as to cause them to become spiritous, and easily inflammable.\nWhen a wine is dispossessed of such oils, which is nearly the case\nin vinegar, far from possessing a heating or inebriating quality,\nit refreshes and becomes a remedy against intoxication. The term of\nfermentation ought, perhaps, only to be applied to that operation which\noccasions the expressed juices of vegetables to become wine: but as\nseveral acts have assumed the same name, it may not be improper here to\nnotice the difference between them.\nVegetation, one of them, is that operation of nature wherein more air\nis attracted than repelled. I believe all that has been said above,\nconcerning the juice of grapes, is a convincing proof thereof.\nFermentation is, where the communication of the external and internal\nair of a must is open, and in a perfect state; when the power of\nrepelling, is equal to that of attracting, air.\nPutrefaction is when, by the power of strong oils, or otherwise, the\ncommunication between the external and the internal air of the must is\ncut off, so that the liquor neither attracts the one nor repels the\nother, but, by an intestine motion, the united particles separate and\ntend to fly off.\nEffervescence is when, by the power of attraction, the particles of\nmatter so hastily rush into contact, as to generate a heat which expels\nthe enclosed air; and this more or less in proportion to the motion\nexcited.\nSECTION IX.\n_OF ARTIFICIAL FERMENTATION._\nBy what has been said, it appears, that, though fermentation is\nbrought on by uniform causes, and productive of similar effects, it is\nsubject to many varieties, both in respect to its circumstances and to\nits perfection. One difference is obvious, and seems to deserve our\nattention, as it furnishes a useful division between _natural_ and\n_artificial_ fermentation. The first rises spontaneously, and requires\nnothing to answer all the necessary purposes, but the perfection of the\njuices, and the advantage of a proper heat. The other, at first sight\nless perfect, wants the assistance of ferments, or substitutes, without\nwhich the act could, either not at all, or very imperfectly, be excited.\nThere are undoubtedly liquors, which, though they have of themselves a\ntendency to fermentation, and are naturally brought to it, yet, from\nsome defect in the proportions of their constituent parts, either do\nnot acquire a proper transparency, or cannot maintain themselves in a\nsound state for a sufficient time. These disadvantages, inbred with\nthem, can hardly ever be entirely removed; they gain very little,\nespecially the latter, from age, and therefore are really inferior\nto liquors, which require the assistance of substituted ferments,\nto become real wines. In some artificial fermentations, the ferments\nare so duly and properly supplied, and so intimately blended with\nthe liquor, that in the end they approach very near to, and even vie\nwith, the most perfect natural wines. Were I to enter into a more\nminute detail, it might be shewn, that wines, when transported from a\nhot climate to a cold one, are often hurt and checked in the progress\nof the repeated frettings they require; from whence they become or\nremain imperfect, unless racked off from their grosser lees, or\nprecipitated with strong menstruums; whereas beers may be so brewed, as\nto be adapted either to a hot or a cold region, not only without any\ndisadvantage, but with considerable improvements.\nHitherto I have considered grapes as a most pulpous fruit, sufficient\nto furnish the quantity of water necessary for extracting its other\nparts; but the natives of the countries where this fruit abounds, in\norder to preserve them, as near as possible in their primitive state,\nafter they are gathered, suspend them in barns, or place them in ovens,\nto dry. Thus, being in great measure divested of their aqueous parts,\nthese grapes remain almost inactive, and without juices sufficient to\nform wines.\nIn all bodies, the various proportions of their constituent parts\nproduce different effects; hence they remain more or less in a durable\nstate, and tend either to inaction, fermentation, or putrefaction.\nNow, by a judicious substitution of such parts as shall be wanting,\nthey are nearly, if not wholly, restored to their pristine nature,\nas may be proved by the observations and experiments communicated to\nthe public by Dr. Pringle. Thus grapes, though dried and exported\nfrom their natural climate to another, by the addition of water only,\nferment spontaneously, and form wines very near alike to such as\nthey would have produced before. It may, with confidence, be said,\nthat, when any considerable difference appears, it arises from the\ninjudicious manner in which the water is administered, from the fruit\nnot being duly macerated, or from want of such heat being conveyed\nto the water and fruit, as the juices would have had, if they had\nbeen expressed out of the grapes when just gathered; often from the\nwhimsical mixture of other bodies therewith, and perhaps too from the\nquantity of brandy, which is always put to wines abroad, to prevent\ntheir fretting on board a ship. Upon the whole, though, from what\njust now has been observed, some small difference must take place, it\nrather proves than contradicts the fact, that, a due quantity of water\nbeing applied to dry raisins, an extract may be formed, which will\nbe impregnated with all the necessary constituent parts the grapes\nhad in them when ripe upon the vine, consequently will spontaneously\nferment, and make a vinous liquor. Water then, in this case, becomes a\nsubstitute, and the liquors produced in this manner may be accounted\nof the first class of artificial wines.\nVegetables, in their original state, are divisible into the pulpous and\nfarinaceous kinds, both possessing the same constituent parts, though\nin different proportions. If from the farinaceous such parts be taken\naway as they superabound in, and others be added, of which they are\ndefective, these vegetables may, by such means, be brought to resemble,\nin the proportion of their parts, more especially in their musts,\nthe natural wines I have before been treating of: and these being\nuniversally acknowledged to be the standard of wines, the nearer any\nfermented liquor approaches thereto, by its lightness, transparency,\nand taste, the greater must its perfection be.\nTo enquire which of the pulpous or which of the farinaceous kinds of\nvegetables are fittest for the purpose of wine-making, would here be\nan unnecessary digression. Experience, the best guide, hath, on the\none side, given the preference to the fruit of the vine, and on the\nother to barley. To make a vinous liquor from barley, having all the\nproperties of that produced from the grape, is a task, which can only\nbe compassed by rendering the wort of these, similar to the must of the\nother.\nAs malt liquors require the addition of other substitutes, besides\nwater, to, become perfect wines, they can only be ranked in the\n_second_ class of _artificial_ fermentation. These substitutes are\nproperly called _ferments_, and merit the brewer\u2019s closest attention.\nFerments, in general, such as yeast, flowers or lees of wine, honey,\nthe expressed juices of ripe fruits, are subjects more or less replete\nwith elastic air, and convey the same to musts, which stand in need\nthereof. Boerhaave has ranged these, and several others, in different\nclasses, according to their different powers, or rather in proportion\nto the quantity of air they contain for this purpose.\nThe juice of the grape, when fermented, forms more lees than the\nextracts of malt. May we not, from thence, infer that, in the fruit,\nthe elastic air is both more abundant, and contained in a greater\nnumber of stronger, though smaller, vesicles, than it is in the malt?\nThe barley, being first saturated with water, germinated only, and then\ndried with a heat far exceeding that which ripened it, or that which\nfermentation admits of, has its air in part driven out. The expulsion\nof air from the worts of beers and ales is still farther effected by\nthe long boiling they undergo. Hence the necessity of replacing the\nlost elastic air, in order that these extracts may become fermentable.\nThis is effected by means of the yeast, which, consisting of a\ncollection of small bubbles, filled with air, and ready to burst by a\nsufficient heat, becomes the ferment, which facilitates the change of\nthe wort into a vinous liquor.\nThe musts of malt generally produce two gallons of yeast from eight\nbushels of the grain, whereas, in the coldest fermentable weather,\nand for the speediest purpose, one gallon of yeast is sufficient to\nwork this quantity of malt. Much elastic air still remains in beer, or\nwine from corn, after the first part of the fermentation is over; for\nthe liquor, separated from the yeast above mentioned, is, at the time\nof this separation, neither flat, vapid, nor sour; but as yeast, the\nlees and flowers of malt liquors are of a weaker texture than those\nof grapes, all artificial fermentations should be carried on in the\ncoolest and slowest manner possible: and beers, but more especially\nsuch as are brewed from high-dried, brown malts, (the heat of whose\nextracts approaches much nearer to that which dried the grain, than is\nthe case in brewing pale malt) ought not to be racked from their lees,\nas it is frequently practised for natural wines, unless, on account\nof some defect, they are to be blended with fresh worts under a new\nfermentation.\nAs all ferments are liable to be tainted, great care ought to be\ntaken in the choice of them, every imperfection in the ferment being\nreadily communicated to the must. It would not, therefore, be an\nimproper question to be determined by physicians, whether, in a time\nof sickness, the use of those which have been made in infected places\nought to be permitted, and whether, at all times, a drink fermented in\na pure and wholesome air is not preferable to that which is made among\nfogs, smoke, and nauseous stenches.[7]\nWines from corn are distinguished by two appellations, viz., those of\nale and beer. As each of these liquors have suffered in character,\neither from prejudice or want of a sufficient enquiry, it may be proper\nto levy the objections made against their use, before we enquire into\nthe means of forming them. The most certain sign of the wholesomeness\nof wines is transparency and lightness; yet some, which are rich,\nmore especially ales, though perfectly fine, have been said to be\nviscid.\u2014Transparency appears indeed in many wines, before the oils\nare attenuated to their highest perfection, and some viscidity may\ntherefore be consistent with some degree of brightness. Where the\npower of the oils and the salts are equal, which is denoted by the\ntransparency of the liquor, viscidity can only arise from the want of\nage: this cannot be said to be a defect in, but only misapplication of\nthe liquor, by being used too soon.\nThat beers retain igneous or fiery particles, seems equally a mistake.\nMalt dried to keep, has undoubtedly its particles removed by fire, so\nfar as the cohesion of them is thereby destroyed, otherwise it would\nnot be in a fit state to preserve itself sound, or readily to be\nextracted. For this reason, when the grain comes in contact with the\nwater, which is to resolve it, an effervescent heat is generated, which\nadds to the extracting power, and should be looked on by the brewer as\nan auxiliary help; but it is impossible that the malt, or the must,\nshould ever inclose and confine the whole or part of fire employed to\nform them. Fire is of so subtile a nature, that its particles, when\ncontained in a body, continually tend to fly off, and mix with the\nsurrounding air; so that only an equal degree, with what is in the\natmosphere, can be continued in the grain, or any liquor whatever,\nafter it has been, for some time, exposed thereto.\u2014Brown beers, made\nfrom malt more dried than any other, from experience, are found to\nbe less heating than liquors brewed from pale malt; which probably\narises from hence, that brown beers contain a less quantity of elastic\nair than pale beers, as pale malt liquors contain less than wines,\nproduced from vegetables in their natural state: and as malt liquors\ncontain their elastic air in bubbles of a weaker consistence than those\nmade from the juices of the grape, the effect of beer, when taken in\nan over-abundant quantity, is neither of so long a continuance, nor\nso powerful as that of wine, supposing the quality and quantity of\neach to be equal. This may appear to some persons to be the effect of\nprejudice, yet it is but a justice due to the produce of my country,\nto add, that some physicians have given it as their opinion, that\nstrong drinks from malt are less pernicious than those produced from\ngrapes. As far as these gentlemen have, I hope I may advance, without\nbeing thought guilty of assuming too much, or countenancing debauch, by\npointing out the wines that occasion the fewest disorders.\nSECTION X.\n_OF THE NATURE OF BARLEY._\nBarley is a spicated, oblong, ventricose seed, pointed at each end,\nand marked with a longitudinal furrow. The essential constitution\nof the parts, in all plants, says Dr. Grew, is the same: thus this\nseed, like those which have lobes, is furnished with radical vessels,\nwhich, having a correspondence with the whole body of the corn, are\nalways ready, when moistened, to administer support to the plume of\nthe embryo, usually called the _acrospire_. These radical vessels,\nat first, receive their nourishment from a great number of glandules\ndispersed almost every where in the grain, whose pulpous parts strain\nand refine this food, so as to fit it to enter the capillary tubes; and\nsuch an abundant provision is made for the nourishment of the infant\nplant, that the same author says, these glandules take up more than\nnine tenths of the seed.\nBarley is sown about March, sooner or later, according to the season\nor soil that is to receive it, and generally housed from ten to twenty\nweeks after. Most plants, which so hastily perform the office of\nvegetation, are remarkable for having their vessels proportionably\nlarger; and that these may be thus formed, the seed must contain a\ngreater quantity of tenacious oils, in proportion to those seeds, whose\nvessels being smaller, require more time to perform their growth and\ncome to maturity. This grain, as may be observed, grows and ripens with\nthe lower degrees of natural heat; from whence, and from the largeness\nof the size of its absorbent vessels, it must receive a great portion\nof acid parts. It is said to be viscid, though, at the same time, a\ngreat cooler, water boiled with it being often drunk as such; and,\nhowever it be prepared, it never heats the body when unfermented.\nFrom these circumstances, of its being viscous and replete with acids,\nit would at first appear to be a most unfit vegetable, from which\nvinous liquors, to be long kept, should be made; and, indeed, the\nextracts from it, in its original state, are not only clammy, but soon\nbecome sour.\nWhen the grain is at full maturity, its constituent parts seem to be\ndifferently disposed than when in a state of vegetation. By germination\nalone all its principles are put in action; the fibrous parts possess\nthemselves of a great quantity of tenacious oils, leaving the glandules\nand finer vessels replete with water, salts, and the purest sulphur.\nIf, in this state, the corn is placed in such a situation, that, by\nheat, the acid and watery parts may be evaporated, the more such heat\nis suffered to affect it, the more dry, and less acid, will the corn\nbecome; its parts will be divided\u2014its viscidity removed; its taste\nbecomes saccharine, by the acids being sheathed or covered over with\noils; and these last be rendered more tenacious in proportion to\nthe greater quantity of heat they are made to endure. This process,\nregularly carried on, is termed _malting_, and will hereafter be\nexplained more at large.\nBut, before we enter thereon, it is necessary to consider the state\nof the grain as it comes from the field.\u2014When mowed, though, upon the\nwhole, it may be said to be ripe, yet every individual part, or every\ncorn, cannot be so. In some seasons, this inequality is so remarkable,\nas to be distinguished by the eye. The difference in the situation,\nthe soil, and the weather, the changes of the winds, the shelter some\nparts of the field have had from such winds, are sufficient to account\nfor this, and a much greater variety. When the greater part of the\ncorn is supposed to have come to maturity, it is cut and stacked; the\nripest parts having the least moisture, and the fewest acids, as the\ngreenest abound in both. In this state the unripe grains of the corn\ncommunicate, to such as are more dry, their moisture and acid parts,\nwhich, coming in contact with their oils, an agitation ensues, more or\nless gentle, in proportion to the power of the acids and water; and\nfrom hence is generated a heat, the degree whereof is with difficulty\ndetermined.\nWhen this sweating in the mow is kept within its proper limits, the\nwhole heap of the corn, after this internal emotion is over, becomes of\none equable dryness, and is not discoloured; but if the grain be put\ntogether too wet or too green, the effervescence occasioned thereby\nwill produce such a violent intestine heat, as to charr and blacken the\ngreatest part thereof, nay often make it burst into actual flame.\nThe effect which a moderate and gentle heat has on the corn, is that of\ndriving the oils towards the external parts of its vessels and skin:\nby this means, it becomes more capable to preserve itself against the\ninjuries of the weather. The more it is in this state, the backwarder\nwill it be to germinate, when used to this purpose; and if this act is\ncarried too far, or to somewhat like what we have just now mentioned,\nthe plume and root of the enclosed embryo must be scorched, the corn\nbecome inert, and incapable of vegetation. This effect is produced by a\nmotion sufficient to remove the particles of the grain from each other\nbeyond their sphere of attraction; and the heat, by which this motion\nis excited, has been found, in malted corn, to be at about 120 degrees.\nIt is likely, that vegetables, in general, are susceptible of a large\nlatitude in this respect, according to their different textures. The\ndegree of heat just now mentioned may, perhaps, be applicable to barley\nalone; the seeds of some grapes endure 126 degrees of heat, and may\nbe capable of being impressed with more, and yet vegetate. But, with\ncorn, if their oils have endured so great a heat, as thereby to be\ndiscolored, the seed can by no means be revived. The color of the grain\nproperly indicates the healthy state of the embryo, or future plant;\nbut this, more immediately, is the business of the farmer and maltster,\nthan that of the brewer.\nThus, though it may be disadvantageous to the maltster to steep grain\nwhich has not sweated in the mow, as, for want of this, it will not\nequally imbibe the water; so barley, that is over-heated, or _mow\nburnt_, cannot be fit for his purpose. It is, in fact, scarcely\npossible that any large quantity of barley, from the same stack,\nshould make equally perfect malt, as, on its being put together, the\nheat generated is always greatest in the centre of the rick, and\nconsiderably more there than in its exterior parts.\nSECTION XI.\n_OF MALTING._\nThis process is intended to furnish proper means, for setting the\nconstituent principles of the grain in motion: so that the oils, which\nbefore served to defend the several parts, may be enabled to take their\nproper stations.\u2014This is effected by steeping the barley in water,\nwhere it strongly attracts moisture, as all dry bodies do; but it\nrequires some time before the grain is fully saturated therewith.[8]\nTwo or three days, more or less, are necessary, in proportion to\nthe heat of the air; for vegetables receive the water only, by its\nstraining through the outward skin, and absorbent vessels, and their\npores are so very fine, that they require this element to be reduced\nalmost to a vapor, before it can gain admittance. Heat hath not only\nthe property of expanding these pores, but perhaps also that of adding\nto the water a power more effectually to insinuate itself.\nBy the water gaining admittance into the corn, a great quantity of\nair is expelled from it, as appears from the number of bubbles which\narise on its surface when in contact with the grain, though yet much\nremains therein. A judgment is formed that the corn is fully saturated,\nso as not to be able to imbibe any more water, from its turgidity and\npulpousness, which occasions it readily to give way to an iron rod\ndropped perpendicularly therein. At this time the water is let to\nrun, or drawn off, the grain taken out of the cistern, and laid in a\nregular heap, in height about two feet. We have before accounted why\nmoist vegetables, when stacked together, grow hot; so doth this heap\nof barley. The heat, assisted by the moisture, puts in motion the\nacids, oils, and elastic air remaining in the corn, and these not only\nmollify and soften the radical vessels, but, with united power, force\nthe juices from the glandular parts into the roots, which are thereby\ndisposed to expand themselves, and impowered to convey nourishment\nto the embryo enveloped in the body of the grain. The corn in this\nheap, or couch, is however not suffered to acquire so great a degree\nof heat, as to carry on germination too fast, by which not only the\nfiner but also the coarser oils would be raised and entangled together,\nand the malt when made become bitter and ill tasted; but before the\nacrospire is perceived to lengthen, the barley is dispersed in beds\non the floor of the malt house, and, from being at first spread thin,\ngradually, as it dries, and as the germination is thereby checked in\nits progress, it is thrown into larger bodies; so that, at the latter\npart of this operation, which generally employs two days, much of the\nmoisture is evaporated, its fibres are spread, and the acrospire near\ncoming through the outward skin of the barley. By these signs the\nmalster is satisfied that every part of the barley has been put in\nmotion and separated. It is of great consequence, in making of malt,\nthat the grain be dried by a very slow and gradual heat: for this\npurpose it is now thrown into a large heap, and there suffered to grow\nsensibly hot, as it will in about 20 or 30 hours: thus prepared for\ndrying, in this lively and active condition, it is spread on the kiln;\nwhere, meeting with a heat superior to that requisite for vegetation,\nits farther growth is stopped; though, in all probability, from the\ngentleness of the first fire it ought to be exposed to, none of the\nfiner vessels are, by this sudden change, rent or torn, but, by drying,\nonly the cohesion of its parts removed, rendered inactive, and put in a\npreservative state. Often, to a fault, the drying of a kiln of malt is\nperformed in 6 or 8 hours: it would be to the advantage of the grain\nthat more than double this time was employed for any intent whatever.\nIt may here be observed, that those oils, which in part form the roots,\nbeing with them pushed out from the body of the corn, and dried by\nheat, are lost to any future wort, not being soluble in water; which is\nlikewise true of those oils which are contained in the shoot or plume;\nso that the internal part of the malt has remaining in it a greater\nproportion of salts to the oils than before, consequently are less\nviscid, more saccharine, and easier to be extracted.\nIn this process, the acid parts of the grain, though they are the most\nponderous, yet being very attractive of water, become weaker, and, by\nthe continued heat of the kiln, are volatilized and evaporated with the\naqueous steam of the malt. Thus, by malting, the grain acquires new\nproperties, and these vary at the different stages of dryness; in the\nfirst it resembles the fruits ripened by a weaker sun, and in the last\nthose which are the growth of the hottest climates.\nWhen the whiteness of the barley has not been greatly changed by the\nheat it has been kept in, it is called pale malt, from its having\nretained its original color; but when the fire in the kiln has been\nmade more vehement, or kept up a longer time, it affects both the\noils and the salts of the grain, in proportion to the degree of the\nheat, and to the time it has been maintained, and thus occasions a\nconsiderable alteration in the color. Actual blackness seldom is,\nand ought never to be, suffered in malts; but in proportion to the\nintenseness of the fire they have been exposed to, the nearer do they\ncome to that tinge, and from the different brown they shew, receive\ntheir several denominations.\nThe condition the barley was gathered in, whether green or ripe, is\nalso clearly discernible when it is malted. If gathered green, it\nrather loses than gains in quantity; for the stock of oils in unripe\ncorn being small, the whole is spent in germination, from whence the\nmalt becomes of a smaller body, appears shrivelled, and is often\nunkindly, or hard. That, on the contrary, which hath come to full\nmaturity, increases by malting, and if properly carried through the\nprocess, appears plump, bright, clean, and, on being cracked, readily\nyields the fine mealy parts, so much desired by the brewer.\nThe malts, when dried to the pitch intended by the maker, are removed\nfrom the kiln into a heap. Their heat gradually diminishes, and, from\nthe known properties of fire, flies off, and disperses itself in the\nambient air, sooner or later, as the heap is more or less voluminous;\nperhaps too in some proportion to the weight of the malt, and as\nthe fire has caused it to be more or less tenacious. Nor can it be\nsupposed that any of its parts are capable of retaining the fire in\nsuch a manner as not to suffer it to get away. So subtile an element\ncannot be confined, much less be kept in a state of inactivity,\nand imperceptible to our senses. Bars of iron, or brass, even of a\nconsiderable size, when heated red hot, cool and lose their fire,\nthough their texture is undoubtedly much closer than that of malt or\nbarley. The experiments made by Dr. Martine, on the heating and cooling\nof several bodies, leave no room to doubt of this fact, which I should\nnot be so particular about, nor in some measure repeat, was it not to\nexplain the technical phrase used by brewers, when they say, _malts\nare full of fire, or want fire_. Hence a prejudice hath by some been\nconceived against drinks made from brown malts, though they have been\nmany months off the kiln, and have no more heat in them, either whole\nor ground, than the air they are kept in. The truth of the matter\nis, that, in proportion as malts are dried, their particles are more\nor less separated from one another, their cohesion is thereby broke,\nand, coming in contact with another body, such as water, strongly\nattract from it the uniting particles they want. The more violent this\nintestine motion is, the greater is the heat just then generated,\nthough not durable. An effect somewhat similar to what happens on malt\nbeing united with water, must occur on the grain being masticated;\nand the impression made on the palate most probably gave rise to the\ntechnical expression just taken notice of.\nThe minute circumstances of the process of malting will be more readily\nconceived from what will hereafter be said. The effects that fire\nwill have, at several degrees, on what, from having been barley, is\nnow become malt, are more particularly the concern of the brewer; and\nthat these differ, both as to the color and properties, is certain.\nA determinate degree of heat produces, on every body, a certain\nalteration, and hence, as the action of fire is stronger or weaker, the\neffect will not be the same as what it would have been in any other\ndegree.\nBarleys, at a medium, may be said to lose, by malting, one fourth part\nof their weight, including what is separated from them by the roots\nbeing skreened off: but this proportion varies, according as they are\nmore or less dried.\nAs the acrospire, and both the outward and inward skins of the grain\nare not dissoluble in water, the glandular or mealy substance is\ncertainly very inconsiderable in volume and weight: but as in this\nalone are contained the fermentable principles of the grain, it\ndeserves our utmost attention.\nWe have before seen, that wines, beers, and ales, after the first\nfermentation, are meliorated through age by the more refined and gentle\nagitations they undergo, and which often are not perceptible to our\nsenses. To secure this favorable effect, we must form worts capable of\nmaintaining themselves, for some time, in a sound state. This quality,\nhowever, if not originally in the malt, is not to be expected in the\nliquor. Some objections have been raised against this method of\narguing, and these aided by prejudices, often more powerful than the\nobjections themselves. It is therefore necessary, as malting may be\nesteemed the foundation of all our future success, to enquire after the\nbest and properest methods of succeeding in this process. Let us, for\nthis purpose, reassume the consideration of the grain, as it comes from\nthe mow, trace it to the kiln, and observe every change it undergoes\nby the action of the fire, from the time that it receives the first\ndegree of preservation, to that when it is utterly altered and nearly\ndestroyed.\nBarley in the mow, though there its utmost heat should not much exceed\n100 degrees, may be extracted or brewed without malting. This the\ndistiller\u2019s practice daily evinces; but then the extracts, made from\nthis unchanged corn, are immediately put in the still after the first\nfermentation, else they would not long remain in a sound state. Nor\nis this method practicable in summer time, as the extracts would turn\nsour, before they were sufficiently cooled to ferment. It is true,\nby this means, all the charge of the malt duty is saved; but our\nspirits thereby are greatly inferior to those of the French.\u2014Boerhaave\nrecommends the practice of that nation, which is to let the wines\nferment, subside, and be drawn off fine from the lees, before they are\ndistilled. Was this rule observed in England, distillation would be\nattempted only from malted grain, which, if properly extracted for\nthis purpose, the difference in the spirit would soon shew how useful\nand necessary it is to give wines (either from grapes or corn) time to\nbe softened, and to gain some degree of vinosity before they are used\nto this intent.\nBut might not barleys be dried without being germinated? Undoubtedly\nthey might; but as they abound with many acids and strong oils, they\nwould require a heat more intense than malt does, before they were\nsufficiently penetrated, and then the oleaginous parts would become so\ncompact, and so resinous, as nearly to acquire the consistence of a\nvarnish, scarcely to be mollified by the hottest water, and hardly ever\nto be entirely dissolved by that element.\nBarley then ungerminated, either in its natural state or when dried,\nis not fit for the purpose of making wines; but when, by germination,\nthe coarser oils are expelled, and the mealy parts of the grain become\nsaccharine, might not this suffice, and where is the necessity of the\ngrain being dried by fire? I shall not dwell on the impossibility of\nstopping germination at a proper period, without the assistance of\nfire, so that sufficient quantities of the grain, thus prepared, may\nalways be provided for the purposes of brewing; nor even insist upon\nthe difficulty of grinding such grain, as, in this case, it would\nbe spongy and tough. I think it sufficient to mention solely the\nunfitness of this imperfect malt, for the purpose it is to be applied\nto, that of forming beers and ales capable of preserving themselves\nfor some time. We should find so many acids blended with the water\nstill remaining in the grain, that, in the most favorable seasons for\nbrewing, they would often render all our endeavors abortive, and, in\nsummer time, make it impracticable to obtain from them sound extracts\nin any manner whatever.\nI have heard of a project of germinating grain, and drying it by the\nheat of the sun, in summer time, in order, by this means, to save the\nexpence of fuel. Though the hottest days in England may be thought\nsufficient for this act, as well as for making hay, yet, as barley\nand grass are not of equal densities, the effects would not be the\nsame. This, however, is not the only objection: as the corn, after a\nsufficient germination, should be made inactive, this very hot season,\nfavorable, in appearance, to one part of the process, would rather\nforward, than stop or retard, vegetation; for the barley, by this\nheat, would shoot and come forward so fast as to entangle too much the\nconstituent principles of the grain with one another, and drive the\ncoarser ill-tasted oils among the finer sweet mealy parts, which alone,\nin their utmost purity, are the subject required for such as would\nobtain good drinks.\nThere often appears in mankind a strange disposition to wish for\nthe gifts of Providence, in a different manner than they have been\nallotted to us. The various schemes I have just now mentioned, if I\nmistake not, have sprung from the desire of having beers and ales\nof the same appearance with white wines. But as they are naturally\nmore yellow or brown, when brewed from malts dried by heats equal or\nsuperior to that which constitutes them such, all such projects, by\nwhich we endeavour to force some subjects to be of a like color with\nothers, are but so many attempts against nature, and the prosecution\nof them must commonly be attended with disappointments. It is true,\nthat though the germinated grain be dried slack, yet; if they are\nspeedily used, and brewed in the most proper season, they may make a\ntolerable drink, which will preserve itself sound for some time: but\nthe proportion, which should be kept between the heat which dried the\nmalt, and that which is to extract it, cannot, in this case, be truly\nascertained; and, as the grain will be more replete with air, water,\nand acids, than it ought to be, the drink, even supposing the most\nfortunate success, and that it does not soon turn acid, will still be\nfrothy, and therefore greatly wanting in salubrity; for an excess in\nany of the fermentable principles must always be hurtful.\nBarley then, to be made fit for the purpose of brewing, must be malted;\nthat is, it must be made to sprout or germinate with degrees of heat\nnearly equal to those which the seed should be impressed with when\nsown in the ground; and it must be dried with a heat superior to\nthat of vegetation, and capable of checking it. How far germination\nshould be carried on, we have already seen; the law seems to be fixed\nuniversally, as to the extent of the acrospire: the degree of dryness\nadmits of a larger latitude, the limits of which shall be the subject\nof our next enquiry.\nMalt dried in so low a degree, as that the vegetative power is not\nentirely destroyed, on laying together in a heap, will generate a\nconsiderable degree of heat, germinate afresh, and send forth its\nplume or acrospire quite green. The ultimate parts of the nourishing\nprinciples are then within each other\u2019s power of acting, else this\nregermination could not take place; and such grain cannot be said\nto be malted, or in a preservative state. Bodies, whose particles\nare removed, by heat, beyond their sphere of attraction, can no more\ngerminate; but, coming in contact with other bodies, as malt with\nwater, they effervesce. The grain we are now speaking of first shews\nthis act of effervescence, when it has been thoroughly impressed with\na heat of 120 degrees, and a little before its color, from a white,\nbegins to incline to the yellow. Such are the malts, which are cured in\na manner to be able to maintain themselves sound, though in this state,\nand at this degree of dryness, they possess as much air, and as many\nacid and watery particles, as their present denomination can admit of.\nThis therefore may be termed the first or lowest degree of drying this\ngrain for malt.\nTo discover the last or greatest degree of heat it is capable of\nenduring, the circumstance to guide us to it, though equally true, is\nnot so near at hand as effervescence, which helped us to the first. We\nmust therefore have recourse to the observation of that heat, which\nwholly deprives the grain of its principal virtues. Dr. Shaw observes,\n_alcohol is one of the most essential parts of wine_; when absent, the\nwine loses its nature, and, when properly diffused, it is a certain\nremedy for most diseases incident to wines, and keeps them sound and\nfree from corruption; from whence was derived the method of preserving\nvegetable and animal substances.\u2014The same excellent author had before\nthis observed, that _no subjects but those of the vegetable kingdom\nare found to produce this preserving spirit_. Is alcohol, then, a new\nbody, created by fermentation and distillation; or did it originally,\nthough latently, reside in the vegetable? _I have for a good while been\nsatisfied, by experiments_, says Boerhaave, _that all other inflammable\nbodies are so only as they contain alcohol in them, or, at least,\nsomething that, on account of its fineness, is exceedingly like it; the\ngrosser parts thereof, that are left behind, after a separation of this\nsubtile one, being no longer combustible_.\nNow, as the same author has clearly proved[9] that fire, by burning\ncombustible bodies, as well as by distilling them, separates their\ndifferent inflammable principles, according to their various degrees of\nsubtilty, the alcohol residing in the barley, when exposed to such a\ndegree of heat as would cause it to boil, i. e. 175 degrees, must make\ngreat efforts to disengage itself from the grain. Is it not, therefore,\nnatural to conclude, that, in a body like malt, whose parts have been\nmade to recede from one another, (from whence it is porous, and easily\naffected by fire,) prepared for fermentation, or the making a vinous\nliquor, this event will probably happen at the same time when the body\nof the grain has been ultimately divided by fire, or that malt charrs?\nand if this is true, may not charring be termed the last degree of\ndryness, when, even somewhat before it takes place, the acid parts and\nfinest oils, which are necessary for forming a fermentable must, fly\noff, and cannot be recovered.\u2014Charring seems to be a crisis in solid\nbodies, somewhat analogous to ebullition in fluids; both being thereby\nperfectly saturated with fire, their volatile and spiritous parts\ntend to fly off. In charring, the subject being ultimately divided by\nfire, the constituent principles are set at liberty, and escape in\nthe atmosphere, in proportion to their several degrees of subtilty,\nand to the fire which urged them. In boiling they are equally divided,\nand incline to disperse; but, even the more volatile, being surrounded\nwith water, a medium much denser than themselves, they are caught up\ntherein, and, by the violent motion caused in boiling, entangled with\nit, and with other parts it contains, so as not to be extricated or\ndivided therefrom except by the act of fermentation. Now, as liquors\nboil with a greater or less fire in proportion to their tenacity and\ngravity, solid bodies may likewise be charred by various proportions\nof heat. The whole body of the barley, as its different parts are of\ndifferent texture, cannot, at the same instant, become black, nor,\nwhere any quantity of the grain is under similar circumstances, if not\nequally germinated, can the whole charr with the same degree.\nTo the several reflections, before made, I thought proper to add\nthe surer help of experience. I therefore made the following trial,\nwith all the care I was capable of. If the effects of it appear\nsatisfactory, by gaining two limited and distant degrees, we may\ndetermine and fix the properties of the intermediate spaces, in\nproportion to their expansion.\nIn an earthen pan, of about two feet diameter, and three inches deep,\nI put as much of the palest malt, unequally grown, as filled it on a\nlevel to the brim. This I placed over a little charcoal, lighted in a\nsmall stove, and kept continually stirring it from bottom to top.\nAt first it did not feel so damp as it did about half an hour after. In\nabout an hour more, it began to look of a bright orange color on the\noutside, and appeared more swelled than before. Every one is sensible\nthat a long-continued custom makes us sufficient judges of colors, and\nthis sense in a brewer is sufficiently exercised. Then I masticated\nsome of the grain, and found them to be nearly such as are termed brown\nmalts. On stirring, and making a heap of them, towards the middle, I\nplaced therein, at about half depth, the bulb of my thermometer; it\nrose to 140 degrees: the malt felt very damp, and had but little smell.\nAt 165 degrees, I examined it in the same manner as before, and could\nperceive no damp; the malt was very brown, and on being chewed, some\nfew black specks appeared.\nMany corns, nearest the bottom, were now become black, and burnt;\nI placed my thermometer nearly there, and it rose to 175 degrees:\nbut, as the particles of fire, ascending from the stove, act on the\nthermometer, in proportion to the distance of the situation it is\nplaced in, through the whole experiment an abatement of five degrees\nshould be allowed, as near as I could estimate.\u2014Putting, a little\nafter, my thermometer in the same position, where about half the corns\nwere black, it shewed 180 degrees. I now judged that the water was\nnearly evaporated, and observed the heap grew black apace.\nAgain, in the centre of the heap, raised in the middle of the pan,\nI found the thermometer at 180 degrees; the corn tasted burnt, the\nsurface appeared, about one half part a full brown, and the rest\nblack. On being masticated, still some white specks appeared, which\nI observed to proceed from those barley-corns which had not been\nthoroughly germinated, and whose parts cohering more closely together,\nthe fire, at this degree, had not penetrated. The thermometer was now\nmore various, as it was nearer to, or farther from, the bottom; and,\nin my opinion, all the true-made malt was charred, for their taste was\ninsipid, they were brittle, and their skins parting from the kernel.\nI, nevertheless, continued the experiment, and, at 190 degrees, still\nfound some white specks on chewing the grain; the acrospire always\nappearing of a deeper black, or brown, than the outward skin; the corn,\nat this juncture, fried at the bottom of the pan.\nI still increased the fire; and the thermometer, placed in the middle,\nbetween the bottom of the pan, and the upper edge of the corn, shewed\n210 degrees. The malt hissed, fried, and smoked abundantly. Though,\nduring the whole process, the grain had been kept stirring, yet, on\nexamination, the whole was not equally affected by the fire. A great\npart thereof was reduced to perfect cinders, easily crumbling to dust\nbetween the fingers, some of a very black hue, without gloss, some very\nblack, with oil shining on the outside. Upon the whole, two thirds of\nthe corn were perfectly black, and the rest of a deep brown, but more\nor less so, as the grains were hard, steely, or imperfectly germinated.\nThis was easily discovered by the length of the shoot: most of the\ngrains seemed to have lost their cohesion, and had a taste resembling\nthat of high-roasted coffee.\nIn the last stage of charring the malt, I placed over it a wine glass\ninverted, into which arose a pinguious oily matter, and tasted very\nsalt. It may, perhaps, not be unnecessary to say, that the length of\ntime this experiment took up, was four hours, and that the effect it\nhad, both on myself, and on the person who attended me, was such as\ngreatly resembled that of inebriation.\nThough, from this experiment, the degree of heat at which malt charrs,\nis not fixed with the utmost precision, yet we see that black specks\nappeared, when the thermometer was at 165 degrees; some of the corns\nwere entirely black at 175, others at 180. In proportion as fire\ncauses a deficiency of color, it must occasion a want of fermentable\nproperties, the whole of which are certainly dispersed, when the grain\nbecomes of an absolute black. Thus we may conclude, with an exactness\nsurely sufficient for the purposes of brewing, that true germinated\nmalts are charred in heats, at about 175 degrees: as these correspond\nto the heat at which pure alcohol, or the finest spirit of the grain\nitself, boils, it seems to require this heat, wholly to extricate\nitself from the more tenacious parts of the corn; which, when deprived\nof this etherial enlivening principle, remains inert, incapable of\nforming a fermentable must or wort, and indicates to us, that the\nconstituent parts of vegetables may be resolved by heats, equal to\nthose between the first degree which formed them, and the last, which\nultimately destroys their properties; though the extracts will possess\ndifferent qualities or virtues, according to the determinate heat which\nis applied.\nSECTION XII.\n_OF THE DIFFERENT PROPERTIES OF MALT_,\nAND OF THE NUMBER OF ITS FERMENTABLE PARTS.\nThe consequences resulting from the before-mentioned experiment have\nalready been hinted at. But it is necessary to trace them farther, and\nto shew how much they tend to the information and use of the brewer.\nGerminated barleys, so little dried, as that their particles remain\nwithin their sphere of attraction, are not in a preservative state, and\ntherefore cannot properly be termed malts.\nThe first degree of dryness, which constitutes them such, as we have\nseen before, is that which occasions them to cause some effervescence.\nThis cannot be effected, when they are dried with less than 120 degrees\nof heat; the highest that leaves them white. When urged by a fire of\n175 degrees, they are charred, black, and totally void of fermentable\nprinciples. Now this difference of heat, being 55 degrees, and\nproducing in the grain so great an alteration, as from white to black,\nthe different shades or colors, belonging to the intermediate degrees,\ncannot, with a little practice, be easily mistaken.\nWhite, we know, from Sir Isaac Newton\u2019s experiments, is a composition\nof all colors, as black is owing to the absence of them. These two\nterms indicate the extremes of the dryness of malt. The color, which\nthe medium heat impresses upon it, is brown, which, being compounded\nof yellow and red, the four tinges which shade malt differently, may\nbe said to be white, yellow, red and black. The following table,\nconstructed on these principles, will, on chewing the grain, readily\ninform the practitioner of the degree to which his malts have been\ndried. It is true some doubts have arisen, whether the increase of heat\nis by equal divisions (according to the scales marked on thermometers)\nor whether the degrees should not rather be in proportional parts: but\nif the effect of fire on bodies (as every experiment shews) is exactly\ncorresponding to the expansion it is the cause of, this undetermined\nquestion in no wise affects the brewery.\nA TABLE _of the different Degrees of the Dryness of Malt, with the\nChanges of Color occasioned by each Increase of the Degrees_.\n Degrees.\n 124 W. W. Yellow White turning to a light Yellow.\n 134 W. W. Y. Y. Red, High yellow.\n 157 Y. R. R. Black, Brown inclining to black.\n 162 Y. R. R. B. B. High brown, speckled with black.\n 167 R. R. B. B. Half brown, half black.\nN. B. The several letters against each degree, it is apprehended, will\nhelp in practice to fix the color.\nThe foregoing table not only enables us to judge of the dryness of\nthe malt by its color, but also, when a grist is composed of several\nsorts of malt, to foresee the effect of the whole when blended together\nby extraction. Some small error may possibly occur in judgments thus\nformed upon the report of our senses; but as malt occupies different\nvolumes, in proportion to its dryness, if, in the practice of brewing,\nupon mixing the water with the malt, the expected degree is observed,\nsuch parcel of malt may be said to have been judged of rightly, in\nregard to its dryness. So that the first trial either confirms or\ncorrects our opinion thereof.\nThough malt, dried to 120 degrees, is in a preservative state, yet is\nit the least so as malt: it then possesses the whole of its fermentable\nprinciples, which, if not impeded in the extraction, would be very\nspeedy and active: the duration of the worts to be formed from grain\nso low dried, must entirely depend on the power given to the water by\nheat, to draw from the malt, oils of such consistence as shall sheath\nand retard the hasty effects of the fermentable parts. By extraction,\nthen, malted grain, even so low dried as this, may, with very hot\nwaters, and with the farther assistance of hops, be made to produce\nbeers, which for years will be capable of maintaining themselves sound,\nor for a long time to resist the effects of the hottest climates. They\nmay also, by a less heat being given to the extracting water, and\nblended with less hops, form drinks, which shall be fit for use in\nso short a time as a week, and perhaps a term much shorter: hence we\nsee the degree of heat which dried the malt, and the degree of heat\ngiven to the water to extract it. The mean of these numbers (making an\nallowance for the quantity of hops used) is that which directs us to\nfix the properties and duration of the wort. In one sense, then, we\nmay consider malt, so low dried as this, as being such as would in the\nshortest time furnish us with a fermented liquor, and in another, such\nas would yield the most delicate and strongest drink. When malt charrs,\nand becomes black, its parts are ultimately divided; it has lost the\nprinciples fit to form a fermentable wort, and which it once possessed.\nThe degree of heat, prior to that which produces this effect, is the\nlast which still retains any part of the fermentable properties. In\nworts from malt thus highly impressed by fire, fermentation would\nproceed with so slow and reluctant a pace, that, in this case, they\nmight be said to be in the utmost state of preservation. No term\ncan be fixed for their duration. A liquor of this sort, brewed with\nthe greatest heat it would admit of, in the extracting water, might\nkeep many years, and become rather accommodated to the temperature\nof the place it was deposited in, than to its own constituent parts.\nExperience has shewn, that drinks, impressed by the drying and\nextracting heat, with a medium of 148 degrees, with a proper addition\nof hops, at the end of eighteen months, have been found sound, and in\na drinkable state; and at this degree we find the middling brown.\u2014From\nthese two extremes, and on these principles, the following table\nis formed, exhibiting the length of time drinks made from malt,\nimpressed with each respective degree of heat, properly brewed, in the\nmost favourable season, will require, before they come to their due\nperfection to be used.\nEqually as with hot extracting waters, low dried pale malt may be made\nto yield beers which will long continue in a sound state; so high\ndried malt, acted upon by cooler and low extracting water, may be made\nto furnish a wort soon fit for use, though less agreeable and more\ninelegant. It might here be asked, why, then, at any time, is malt\ndried with heats exceeding 120 degrees? In answer to this, it might\njustly be said, it would be very difficult for the malster exactly\nto hit this point of drying, without deviating from it either on the\none side or on the other; and suppose this difficulty removed, still\nhe could not be certain every individual grain was equally affected:\nif the drying was less than 120 degrees, the malt, by receiving the\nmoist impressions of the air, would regerminate, and be spoiled. Before\nthe use of hops, malt was high dried, as a means to keep the extracts\nsound. To eradicate an ancient custom or prejudice requires a long\ntime. This, and the conveniency of keeping malts, was the reason why,\nfor many years, it was in general dried to excess; an error which\nfor some time past has been losing ground, as no reason at present\nsubsists, why malts should exceed in color a light amber.\nA TABLE, _shewing the age beers will require, before being used, when\nbrewed from malts, which, in drying and extracting, have been impressd\nwith a medium heat corresponding to the following degrees_.\n Degrees. Shortest time Longest time Shortest time with the\n with 12 lb. with 12 lb. fewest quantity of\n of hops. of hops. hops possible.\nIt must be observed, that the foregoing table is constructed on the\nsupposition, that these different sorts of malt are brewed, fermented\nwith the utmost care, with waters heated to extract it, in proportion\nto the dryness of the grain, and to intent of time there set down,\nand with an adequate addition of hops; an ingredient which shall be\nconsidered in its proper place. What is meant by the water being heated\nto extract malt in proportion to the dryness of the grain, may merit\nsome explanation.\nGrapes, when ripe, carry with them the water they have received, both\nduring their growing state, and that of their maturity. This quantity\nis sufficient to form their musts with. To dried grapes or raisins,\nwater is added, to supply what they have lost; and for the same reason\nit is requisite in regard to malt: but as grapes stand in no need\nof artificial fire, to give to their fermentative principles a due\nproportion, so what they produce themselves, or cold water applied\nto them, when dry, is a sufficient menstruum. But barleys, wanting\nthe assistance of a great heat to bring their parts to the necessary\nproportion, require, when malt, a similar or rather a greater heat to\nresolve them: without which, experiment shews, the flour of the grain\nwould come away undissolved, and thus considerably impoverish the\ngrist.\u2014Should, on the other hand, too great a heat be applied, an equal\nloss would be sustained, from some of the finer parts being coagulated\nor blended with oils, tenacious beyond the power of fermentation to\nexhibit them. The proportioning therefore the heat of the water to the\ndryness of the malt, more especially to obtain from the grain the whole\nstrength it is capable of yielding, as well as to cause the drink to\npreserve itself sound its intended time, is of real necessity.\nWell-brewed drinks should not only preserve themselves sound their due\nspace, in order to be meliorated by time; they should likewise be fine\nand transparent.\u2014These circumstances prove the artist\u2019s skill and care,\nas well as the salubrity of the drink; and are the surest signs of a\nwell-formed must, and of a perfect fermentation. If then the rules for\nobtaining these ends can be deduced from the foregoing principles and\nexperiments, we may flatter ourselves with possessing a theory, which\nwill answer our expectations in practice.\nAccording to the laws of nature discovered by Sir Isaac Newton, the\nspaces between the parts of opaque bodies are filled with mediums of\ndifferent densities, and the discontinuity of parts, each in themselves\ntransparent, is the principal cause of their opacity. Salts in powder,\nor infused in an improper medium, will intercept the light; gums make\na muddy compound, when joined to spirits; and oils, unassisted by\nsalts, refuse to be incorporated with water. Musts, therefore, whose\nconstituent parts are not capable of being dissolved by water into one\nhomogeneous body, are not fit, either for a perfect fermentation, or a\npellucid drink.\nLength of time, which improves beers and wines, often rectifies our\nerrors in this respect; for the oils being, by various frettings,\nmore attenuated, and more intimately mixed, the liquor is frequently\nrestored, and becomes of itself pellucid. Yet I never found this to\nsucceed, where the error upon the whole of the dryness of the malt, and\nthe heat of the extracts, exceeded the medium by 10 degrees.\nArt has also, in some measure, concurred with nature to remedy this\ndefect. When beers or wines have been suffered to stand, till they are\nrather in an attracting than in a repelling state, that is, when their\nfermentations and frettings apparently stand still; then, if they do\nnot become spontaneously fine, they may be precipitated, by mixing with\nthem a more ponderous fluid. The floating particles, that occasioned\nthe foulness, are, by this means, made to subside to the bottom,\nand leave a limpid wine: but the power of dissolved isinglass, the\ningredient generally used for this purpose, seldom takes effect, when\nthe error exceeds the medium, as before, by more than 10 degrees.\nOther ingredients, indeed, have been used, which carry this power\nnear 10 degrees farther. It is not my province to determine, whether\nsuch be salutary: undoubtedly it would be better if there were no\noccasion for them. Beyond these limits, precipitation has no effect;\nthe liquor, which cannot be fined thereby, if attempted, by increasing\nthe quantity of the precipitants, will be overpowered by the menstruum,\nand injured in its taste. How frequent this last case of cloudiness is,\nwould answer no purpose in this place to enquire. The use of doubtful\ningredients, and such errors as have been mentioned, need no longer\nblemish the art, when a constant and happy practice, will be both the\neffect and the proof of a solid and experimental theory.\nBeers which become bright of themselves, or by time alone, as well as\nthose precipitated either by dissolved isinglass, or by more powerful\nmeans, each possess their respective properties in a certain latitude\nor number of degrees; and as these effects arise wholly from the\nheats employed in drying the malts, and in forming the extracts, the\nfollowing table will be of use to point out the limits, within which\neach drink may be obtained.\nA TABLE, _shewing the tendency beers have to become fine, when the\nmalt, in drying and extracting, has been impressed with heats, the\nmedium of which answers to the following degrees, supposed to be brewed\nand kept in the most eligible manner_.\n Deg.\n 119 White, } Immediately. } Latitude of\n 124 Inclining to yellow, } } musts which\n 129 Yellow, 2 Months. } spontaneously.\n 143 Light brown, 8 Months. } musts which\n 148 Brown, 10 Months. } fine by precipitation.\n 157 { Brown, inclining to } 14 Months. } Latitude of\n 162 { High brown speckled } 16 Months. } musts, so as\n 167 { Half brown half 18 Months. } of becoming\n 171 Coffee color, } 20 Months. } beer.\nThe difference between the heat for forming grapes, and the greatest\nheat which ripened them, affords to us the number of degrees answerable\nto their constituent parts: the investigation of barley, in like\nmanner, though less important to our purpose, yet may, with some\npropriety, be admitted.\nUpon examination it will be found, barley ears, and the new grain\nbegins to form (being still in possession of its flower) about the same\ntime with us as grapes do, in June; when we found the mean heat of the\nair in the shade to be 57.60 degrees.\nBarleys in general are mowed from August to September; so that, in\ntheir growth, they are benefited by the whole of our summer\u2019s heat, and\nfor like reasons as in page 59, we estimate this 61.10 degrees: 3.50\ndegrees then would be the number of their constituent parts, taken from\nthe degrees of heat in the shade, and which perhaps would be different\nif the actual sun-shine heat and what is reflected from the earth,\nwere accounted for. Barleys are annuals, unbenefited by the whole of\nthe autumn sun; but, after being mowed, they are stacked, retaining\nstill much of their straw, leaves, and outward skins. In these heaps\nthey heat, more or less, according to the condition in which they were\nhoused; and which heat may reach to 120 degrees or more, but in general\nis equal, or somewhat superior, to that of our bodies. The properties\nof the grain, by this means improved, ripen, and from hence are more\ncapable of preserving themselves. This might be a reason why a farther\nallowance should be made to the number of degrees denoting their\nconstituent parts: how much, by a very great number of observations,\nmade from the germination, ripening, to the stacking of the barley, in\nmany years, and in many cases, might probably be ascertained; but the\ndifficulty of doing this, and afterwards the impossibility of complying\nwith the information such enquiries would afford, and the little need\nthere is for it, as nature has allowed a considerable latitude for our\ndeviating from what may be styled perfection, without any sensible\ninjury: these circumstances render such enquiries unnecessary, if not\nfruitless.\nVegetables, but more particularly barley, from their first origin to\nsuch time as they might be ultimately separated by fire, may be divided\ninto different periods, according to the distinct properties belonging\nto each, (and each of these require again a more exact enquiry.)\nBarley is under the act of germination, so long as the acrospire or\nstem is within the outward skin of the parent corn; this excluded,\nit vegetates so long as it receives nourishment by the interposition\nof its roots. It may be said to be in a state of concentration, when\nreceiving but little or no support from the earth, yet it is acted upon\nby such heats as do not exceed what it might bear in the vegetative\nperiod; and in that of inaction, when, by the power of heat, it is\nplaced in a passive state. Now malt is barley germinated, and, by a\nquick transition, is impressed with heats superior to those admitted\nin vegetation, and such as places the corn in a state of inaction.\nIn the beginning of the process of malting, the more tenacious oils,\ntogether with some salts, are excluded from the body of the grain, to\nform the vessels requisite to forward the growth of the future plant.\nWhat remains in the parent grain (that choice food, at first necessary\nto the infant barley) are saccharine salts, alone applicable to the\nbrewer\u2019s purpose, and of the nature and quantity of which, he ought\nto be well acquainted. To retain these, and prevent a waste thereof,\nthe germinated corn is placed in such heat, as destroys the union\nbetween its parts, from whence it becomes inactive. When this intent is\nobtained by the least heat capable of effecting it, the malt retains\nboth its color, and the whole of its properties.\nVegetables, in no part of their growth, are ever affected by heats\nso great as to disperse their constituent parts; on the contrary,\nby natural heats, in general they are improved. The whole of their\nelements then, must be measured from the first degrees which form\nthem, to the last which procure their highest perfection; and in\nclimates where they are not benefited by the whole of such heat, their\nproperties must be accounted only so many degrees, as in such places\nare between the extremes of their germination and maturation. Alike\nwith malt, their whole number of constituent parts, denoted by degrees\nof heat, must be so many as are comprehended between that degree which\nleaves it in possession of the whole of their elements, and the first\nheat which excludes a part; for malt more dried than this, being less\nperfect, and losing some of its properties, fewer must remain.\nThe degree of heat which in malt divides the period of germination from\nthat of inaction, we have found to be 119; the grain then is perfectly\nwhite, and shews little if any sign of effervescence; the first change,\nfire occasions therein, is to impress it with a light yellow color;\nthis takes place at 129 degrees of heat, an alteration which can\nproceed from no other cause, but, in removing its original whiteness,\nto have expelled some of its primitive parts. The difference then\nbetween these two numbers of 10, specifies, in degrees of Fahrenheit\u2019s\nscale, the number of properties constituting barley, malt.\nIt must be confessed this is establishing a principle of the art of\nbrewing, upon the uncertain report of our senses, as perhaps our\nsight may deceive us in fixing this change of color exactly at 129\ndegrees; but we know white and black to be the two extremes of the\ndryness of malt, and that the middle color between them is brown,\nwhich being compounded of yellow and red, these four tinges, equally\ndivided, as we have done in the foregoing tables, will corroborate\nour fixing the teint of yellow at this degree. The table shewing the\ntendency beers have to become fine, was formed from experiments made\non brewings, whose governing medium heats were from 134 to 148, the\nproportion in point of time given by these, justifies the division\nbetween immediate pellucidity, at 119, and that taking place at two\nmonths, or 129 degrees. So from hence we may be satisfied, however an\nabsolute perfection cannot be depended upon, yet this being the most\nexact division our senses afford, it approaches so near to truth,\nthat if any mistake remains, it can be but trivial, compared to the\nlatitude of errors, fermentation and time correct. But this number,\n10 degrees, denoting the quantity of fermentable parts, must lessen\nin proportion as a continued, or a greater heat deprives the grain of\nmore properties. A speedy spontaneous pellucidity is the effect of\nthe whole fermentable parts; malt affected by heat, conveyed either\nthrough air or water, or through both, (so the medium of these exceeds\nnot 138 degrees,) if assisted by the acids gained to the drink by\nlong standing, such will obtain transparency. Beers, then, intended\nto be formed of themselves to become fine, in the calculations used\nto discover their elements, so many of the members of the constituent\nparts must be implied, as corresponds with the time the beer is\nintended to be kept; but when beers are made intentionally to require\nprecipitation to become fine, in such proportion as we purpose to\nimpress opacity on the drink, we must, in the calculations made to\ndiscover the temperature of the extracts, imply only so many of the\nconstituent parts, as correspond to the medium heat which will\noccasion this foulness. These few observations shew the necessity of\nestablishing this fundamental doctrine, the use of which will obviously\nappear in practice.\nThus does the success of this art depend on the instrument so often\nmentioned, which, by indicating the expansions caused by different\nheats, becomes a sure guide in our operations. I shall now close this\naccount, by comparing with the principles here laid down, the defects\nwhich we, but too often, meet in barley when malted.\nSECTION XIII.\n_OBSERVATIONS ON DEFECTIVE MALTS._\nIn the preceding enquiry, some of the defects of malt have been\noccasionally mentioned: but as a perfect knowledge of the grain,\nespecially when it has undergone this process, is a matter of no small\nconcern to the brewer, I shall now bring such defects into distinct\nview, both to compare them with the foregoing principles, and that the\nknowledge of them may be more at hand, on every occasion, when wanted.\nEvery different degree of heat acting on bodies causes a different\neffect: and this varies also, as such heat is more or less hastily\napplied. The growth of vegetables is in general submitted to these\nlaws: but yet I conceive there is some difference between germination\nand vegetation, which I beg leave to point out. The former seems to\nbe the act caused by heat and moisture, while the plume or acrospire\nis still enveloped within the teguments of the parent corn, and it is\nmost perfectly performed by the gentlest action, and consequently by\nthe least heat, that is capable of moving the different principles in\ntheir due order. Vegetation, again, is that act which takes place when\nthe plant issues forth, and, being rendered stronger by the impressions\nof the air, becomes capable of resisting its inclemencies, or the\nwarmth of the sun-shine. Germination is the only act necessary for\nmalting, the intention being solely to put in motion the principles\nof the grain, and not to rear up the embryo to a plant. Now, as this\nbegins in barley at the degree where the water first becomes fluid,\nor nearly so, the cold season, when the thermometer shews from about\n32 to 40 degrees, would seem the most proper for this purpose. How\nfar its latitude may with propriety be extended, experience alone can\ndetermine. Maltsters continue to work so long as they think the season\npermits, and leave off generally in May, when the heat of the water\nextends at a medium from 50 to 55 degrees. But the nearer they come\nto this medium, with the greater disadvantage must they malt: as, by\nsuch warmth, the vessels of the corn are much distended, the motion\nof the fluids violent, and the finer parts too apt to fly off. Thus\nthe coarser oils gaining admittance, the glandular parts become filled\nwith an impure and less delicate sulphur, which, instead of a sweet,\ninclines to a bitter, taste. This is so manifest, and so universally\nexperienced, that, in general, brewers carefully avoid purchasing what\nis termed _latter-made malts_.\nMalt, which has not had a sufficient time to shoot, so that its plume\nmay have reached to the extent of the inward skin of the barley,\nremains overburthened with too large a quantity of earth and oils,\nwhich otherwise would have been expended in the acrospire and radical\nvessels. All those parts of the corn which have not been separated, and\nput in motion by the act of germination, will, when laid on the kiln to\ndry, harden and glutinize: no greater part thereof will be soluble in\nwater, than so far as the stem or spire of the barley rises to, or very\nlittle farther, and as much as is wanting thereof will be lost to the\nstrength of the drink.\nWhen malt is suffered to grow too much, or until the spire is shot\nthrough the skin of the barley, which is not often the case, though all\nthat is left be malt, that is, containing salts dissoluble in water,\nyet as too large a portion of oils has been expended out of the grain,\nsuch malts cannot be fit to brew drinks for long keeping.\u2014There is,\nbesides, a real loss of the substance of the corn, occasioned by its\nbeing overgrown.\nMalt, the germination of which has reached and been stopped at the\nproper period, and has been duly worked upon the floors, if not\nsufficiently dried on the kiln, even though the fire be excited to a\nproper heat, retains many watery parts. The corn, when laid together,\nwill be apt to germinate afresh, perhaps to heat so as to take fire;\nshould not this extreme be the case, at least it must grow mouldy, and\ncommunicate an ill flavor to the drink.\nMalt, well grown, and worked as before, but over-dried, though with\na proper degree of heat, will become of so tenacious a nature, as to\nrequire a long time before it can admit of the outward impressions of\nthe air to relax or mellow it, that is, before it is fit to be brewed\nwith all the advantages it otherwise would have; and in proportion\nas it has black specks on being masticated, so much of its parts\nbeing charred is a diminution to the strength of the liquor, besides\nimpressing it with a burnt or nauseous taste.\nMalt, dried on a kiln not sufficiently heated, must require\nproportionably a longer time to receive the proper effect of the\nfire; the want of which will bring it into the same state as malt not\nthoroughly dried.\nIf too quick or fierce a fire be employed, instead of gently\nevaporating the watery parts of the corn, it torrifies the outward\nskin, divides it from the body of the grain, and so rarifies the\ninclosed air as to burst the vessels. Such is called _blown malt_, and,\nby the internal expansion, occupies a larger space than it ought. If\nthe fire be continued, it causes its constituent parts to harden to the\nconsistence of a varnish, or changes it into a brittle substance, from\nwhence the malt is said to be steely and glassy: it dissolves but in\na small proportion, is very troublesome and dangerous in brewing, and\nfrequently occasions a total want of extraction; by the brewery termed,\n_setting the grist_.\nMalt, just, or but lately, taken from the kiln, remains warm for\na considerable time. Until the heap becomes equally cool with the\nsurrounding air, it cannot be said to be mellow, or in a fit state\nto be brewed: its parts being harsh and brittle, the whole of its\nsubstance cannot be resolved, and the proper heat of the water, which\nshould be applied to it for that purpose, is therefore more difficult\nto be ascertained.\nThe practice of those maltsters, who sprinkle water on malt newly\nremoved from the kiln, to make it appear as having been made a long\nspace of time, or, as they say, to _plump_ it, is a deceit which cannot\ntoo much be exposed. By this practice, the circumstance of the heat,\nand harshness of the malt, is only externally, and in appearance,\nremoved, and the purchaser grossly imposed on. The grain, by being\nmoistened, occupies a greater volume, and, if not speedily used, soon\ngrows mouldy, heats, and is greatly damaged.\nThe direct contrary is the case of malt which has been made a long\ntime: the dampness of the air has relaxed it, and so much moisture\nhas insinuated itself into the grain, that some doubt must arise how\nmuch hotter the mash should, for this reason, be. Yet, supposing no\ndistemper, such as being mouldy, heated, or damaged by vermin, it is\nobserved, malt, under this circumstance, may more certainly be helped\nin brewing, than those just abovementioned.\nFrom what has been said, it appears how necessary it is to procure\nmalt which has been properly steeped, germinated to its true pitch,\nand dried by a gentle, moderate heat, so as the moisture of the corn\nbe duly evaporated, then cured by just so much fire as to enable it\nto preserve itself a due time, without being blown or burnt. How easy\nit is to regulate this process in the cistern, in the couch, on the\nfloors, and on the kiln, when the malster, intends no artifice to save\nhis excise, I need not say; but with what certainty and ease the whole\nmight be carried on by the help of the thermometer, I leave such to\ndetermine as are modest enough to think, that the art may be brought\nto more accurate rules than those of the bare report of our unassisted\nsenses. As such rules may easily be deduced from the principles here\nlaid down, I shall not be more particular in shewing their application,\nas not being my immediate purpose, nor my business as a brewer: nor\nhave I leisure, or the conveniency of a malt house, to make experiments\nof this sort; yet with truth it may be said, that such as would not\nbe disappointed in their brewing, must take care not to be deceived\nin their malt. This, however, being but too frequently the case, we\nshould constantly be on our guard against its defects, and know how to\ncorrect them. If it is treated in the same manner as if it was perfect,\nthe well-malted parts alone will be digested. If too slack dried, it\nmay be corrected by an addition of heat, if over-dried, or injured by\nfire, it may proportionably be helped. By applying the thermometer to\nthe extracts, more particularly to the first, the brewer thereby will\nbe informed, to a sufficient degree of exactness, of the defects he can\nmend, and hardly be ever at a loss for the properest means to work the\ngrain to the greatest advantage.\nAs far as we have proceeded in our enquiry, though some satisfaction\nmust arise from our being enabled to account for the greater part\nof the process of brewing, yet it may be observed, even with the\nassistance of the thermometer, as yet a geometrical exactness, in\nmany respects, has not been attained; but nature, when the interest\nand necessities of mankind are the object, apparently has supplied\nour wants, and rectified our defects. In this art, fermentation, when\nallowed to display itself, corrects all our errors to a considerable\nlatitude, though as yet, of this act, it may be said we scarcely\nconceive its cause, or properly discern its effects.\nPART II.\nTHE\nPRACTICE OF BREWING.\nBefore I enter upon the practical, and indeed most important, part of\nthis work, it will not be improper to give a distinct, though general,\nview of the different parts it is to consist of.\nTo extract from malt a liquor, which, by the help of fermentation, may\nacquire the properties of wine, is the general object of the brewer,\nand the rules of that art are the subject of these sheets.\nAn art truly very simple, if, according to vulgar opinion, it consisted\nin nothing else than applying warm-water to malt, mashing these\ntogether, multiplying the taps at discretion, boiling the extracts\nwith a few hops, suffering the worts to cool, adding yeast to make it\nferment, and trusting to time, cellars, and nostrums, for its taste,\nbrightness, and preservation!\nA few notes and observations, such as are too often found to be foisted\nunder the articles of beer and brewing, in some books of agriculture\nand others of cookery, might be sufficient, were the place and\nconstitution of the air always the same, the materials and vessels\nemployed entirely similar, and lastly, the malt drinks intended for the\nsame use and time; but, as every one of these particulars is liable\nto variations, and can be complied with, only by the application of\ndifferent determinate heats; was the artist to submit himself to loose,\nvague, and erroneous directions, like those above mentioned, they would\nonly serve to deceive him, and his case would be but little mended,\nif he trusted to indefinite signs, and insufficient maxims, in his\ndeviation from them.\nA more certain foundation has been laid down in the first part of this\ntreatise, and the principles there established will, I trust, in all\ncases, answer our ends, provided we make use of proper means to settle\ntheir application. The most elegible means to effect this, must be\nto follow, as near as possible, such plan, which the rational brewer\nwould, in every particular circumstance, sketch to himself, before he\nproceeded to business. His first attention ought to be directed not\nonly to the actual heat of the weather, but also to that which may be\nexpected in the season of the year he is in. The grinding of his malt\nmust be his next object, and as the difference of the drinks greatly\ndepends upon that of the extracts, he cannot but chuse to have distinct\nideas of what may be expected from the amount of the heat of them.\nHops, which are added as a preservative to the extracts form too\nimportant a part to be employed without a sufficient knowledge of their\npower. The strength of malt liquors depending principally on their\nquantity or lengths, it is necessary to ascertain the heights in the\ncopper, to answer what, on this account, is intended. The difference\nin boiling, for different drinks or seasons; the loss of water by\nevaporation; the proper division of the whole quantity of this element\nemployed, and, in proportion to such division, that of the heat to\nbe given in each part of the process; the means to ascertain these\ndegrees, by determining what quantity of cold water is to be added\nto that, which is at the point of ebullition, come afterwards under\nhis consideration. The manner and time of mashing, the many expected\nincidents which must produce some small variations between the actual\nand the calculated heat of his extracts, it will be incumbent upon\nhim to make a proper estimation and allowance for. To dispose of the\nworts in such forms and at such depths, as may render the influence\nof the ambient air the easiest and most efficacious, and then, by\nthe addition of yeast, to provide the drink with that internal and\nmost powerful agent it had lost in boiling, are the next requisites.\nFermentation, which follows, and which the brewer retards or forwards\naccording to his intentions, completes the whole process; after these\nnecessary precautions, to compare his operations with those of the\nmost approved practitioners in his art, and to find himself able to\naccount for those signs and established customs, which before were\nloosely described, authoritatively dictated, and never sufficiently\ndetermined or explained, must be to him an additional satisfaction. As\nprecipitation is requisite in certain cases, the common methods for\neffecting it should be known, and likewise the means practised among\ncoopers to correct the real or imagined errors of the brewer, in order\nto render the drink agreeable to the palate of the consumers, will\nnaturally lead him to consider what true taste is, and by employing\nthe means, by which it may safely be obtained and improved, he will\nhave done all in his power, to answer his customers expectation, and to\nsecure his success.\nThis arrangement, which appears the most simple, is that, which the\nreader will find observed in the following sections. The proper\nillustrations of tables and examples have not been omitted, and from\nthe complete plans for brewing, under two forms of the most dissimilar\nkind, it will be found the rules are adapted to all circumstances, and\napplicable to every purpose.\nI must here add somewhat in justification, for publishing what may be\nsaid to be the mysteries of an art, often too cautiously precluded\nfrom the sight and attention of the public; but every art and science\nwhatever have equally been laid open, and from such communication\nreceived greater improvements, and become more useful to mankind in\ngeneral, and the professors of them in particular. If attention is\ngiven to the rules and practice here laid down, it will be found that\nthe brewer, from the large quantities he manufactures, from repeated\nexperience, from the conveniency of his utensils, and more than all,\nfrom the interest he has to be well acquainted with his business,\nis most likely to be successful, in preference to any one else, and\ntherefore can have no reason to be displeased on being presented with\na theory and practice, which, far from being the sole right of the\nbrewery, the discovery of the principles were certainly the property of\nthe author and of his friends, whose names would do his work honor if\nmentioned. From the application of these principles, being convinced\nof their exactness and facility in practice, he offers his labor to a\ntrade he esteems, with no other view than the hope he entertains of\nbeing of some service to it and to the public.\nIf, notwithstanding repeated endeavours, some things, in this\ntreatise, should appear out of their places; others, in more than\none; if redundancies, chiefly occasioned by the natural temptation of\naccounting for particular appearances, have not always been avoided; if\ninaccuracies should now and then have escaped me, let it be remembered\n(by the good-natured it certainly will) that, in new and intricate\nsubjects, digressions and repetitions are in some measure allowable,\nthat an over-fulness is preferable to an affected and often obscure\nbrevity, and that the improvement of the art, rather than the talent of\nwriting, must be the brewer\u2019s merit, and was my only aim.\nSECTION I.\n_OF THE HEAT OF THE AIR_,\nAS IT RELATES TO THE PRACTICAL PART OF BREWING.\nIn and about the city of London, the most intense cold that has been\nobserved is 14 degrees, and the greatest heat has made the thermometer\nrise, in the shade, to 89. Within these limits are comprehended all the\nfermentable degrees, and consequently those necessary for carrying on\nthe process of brewing. If the lowest degree proper for fermentation\nbe 40, and the highest 80, the medium of these two would, at first\nsight, appear to be the fittest for this purpose; but the internal\nmotion, necessary to carry on fermentation, excites a heat superior to\nthe original state of the must by 10 degrees. Hence, if 60 degrees be\nthe highest eligible heat a fermenting must should arise to, 50 should\nbe the highest for a wort to be let down at, to begin this act; which\nheat can only be obtained, when that of the air is equal thereto, so\nthat it denotes the highest natural heat for beers and ales to be\nproperly fermented. With regard to the other extreme, or the lowest\nheat, however cold the air may be, as the worts, which form both beers\nand ales, gain, by boiling, a degree greatly superior to any allowed\nof in fermentation, it is constantly in the artist\u2019s power to adapt\nhis worts to a proper state. The brewing season, then, may justly be\nesteemed all that part of the year in which the medium heat of the day\nis at or below 50 degrees: this, in our climate, is from the beginning\nof October to the middle of May, or 32 weeks; the most elegible period\nof time for brewing all kinds of beers.\nBut, as many incidents often make it necessary to extend these limits,\nthe only time for venturing to comply therewith is, when the medium\nheat of the season is at 55 degrees; by which, six weeks more may be\nobtained. But, under these circumstances, the quantity of beer brewed\nshould be less, that the worts may cool more readily, by being thinner\nspread; and, to gain more time, the brewing is best carried on with\ntwo worts only: taking these precautions, and beginning early in the\nmorning, the first wort, by laying long enough in the coolers, will,\ntowards evening, be brought to a heat of 55 degrees. The night, in this\nseason of the year, being generally colder by 10 or 12 degrees than the\nmedium heat of the whole 24 hours, the second worts may be reduced to a\ncold of 43 degrees: the mean of 55 and 43, being 49 degrees, would be\nthe real heat of the worts in the ton; and with 10 degrees more, (the\nheat gained by fermentation,) still it would not reach 60 degrees, the\nhighest fermentable heat, beers intended to preserve themselves long\nshould arrive to; but so near would it be to this, and so little is\nthe uniformity of the heat of the air to be relied on, that necessity\nalone can justify the practice of brewing such drinks, when the heat\nof the air is so high as 55, consequently, where it exceeds this, it\nshould never be attempted.\nAs the extractions are made by heats far superior to any natural\nones, though the actual temperature of the air neither adds to,\nnor diminishes from, their strength, yet it is to be known for the\nfollowing reason. The proper heat given to the mash is by means of cold\nadded to boiling water; and cold water generally is of no other heat\nthan that of the air itself. Indeed, when the cold is so intense, as to\noccasion a frost, and to change water into ice, that which is then used\nfor brewing, being mostly drawn from deep wells, or places where frost\nnever, or but seldom, takes place, may be estimated at 35 degrees, and\nthis will be sufficiently exact.\nThe following table shews the temperature of the air for every season\nin the year, and confirms what I have just now said concerning the\nseason proper for brewing, and the actual heat of the water. It\nwas deduced from many years\u2019 observations, made with very accurate\ninstruments, at eight o\u2019clock in the morning, the time in which the\nheat is supposed to be the medium of that of the whole day.\nA table, _shewing the medium heat, for every Season of the year, in\nand about London, deduced from observations made from 1753 to 1765, at\neight o\u2019clock each morning_.\nTo ascertain the authority of this table, and to make it useful to\nseveral purposes, I have carried to decimals the mean numbers resulting\nfrom my observations.\u2014But such an exactness has been found, in the\npractice of brewing, to be more troublesome than necessary. I have\ntherefore constructed another table, similar to the former, but where\nthe fractions are omitted, and the whole numbers carried on from five\nto five. The heats of the latter end of October, and beginning of\nNovember, have here been set down rather higher than they really are;\nas, at this time of the year, the hops fit to brew with are old and\nweak, and I could not devise any means more easy to allow for their\nwant of strength.\nA TABLE, _shewing the medium heat of the air, in and about London, for\nevery season of the year, applicable to practice_.\n February 1 } August 1 }\nAs nothing is so inconstant as the heat of the air, we are not to\nbe surprised when it deviates from the progression specified in the\ntable. The flowing water used in the brewery, at the coldest seasons,\nwe have fixed at 35 degrees, and the highest heat in the air, to carry\non the process for beers brewed for long keeping, at 55 degrees. The\nlength proper to be drawn, or the quantity of beer to be made from each\nquarter of malt being fixed, the brewer, at any time, has it in his\npower to make calculations for brewings, supposing the mean heat of the\nair to be at 35, at 40, at 45, at 50 and even at any degree of heat\nwhatever, so as never to be unprovided for any season. Water, being a\nbody more dense than air, requires some time to receive the impressions\neither of heat or cold, for which reason the medium heat of the shade\nof the preceding day, will most conveniently govern this part of the\nprocess, unless some very extraordinary change should happen in the\natmosphere. This must make the business of the artist, in this respect,\nvery easy, as, in the course of his practice, he will have only to\ncorrect the little changes that occasional incidents give rise to; and\nthe calculations will answer all his purposes so long as the lengths of\nbeer to be brewed from the same quantity of malt remain unaltered, and\nwith very little variation and trouble, when the coppers employed, by\nbeing changed, are of different dimensions.\nThe best method to know the true heat of cold water, would be to\nkeep a very accurate and distinct thermometer, in the liquor back;\nbut as this, in every place, is not to be expected, and inaccuracies\nmust arise from a change in the air, to prevent their consequences in\npractice, we must have recourse to experience. This has taught us that\na difference of 8 degrees, between the actual heat of the water, and\nthat from which the brewing was computed, will produce, in the first\nextract, a difference of four degrees.\nMost brewers\u2019 coppers, though they vary in their dimensions, are\ngenerally made in proportions nearly uniform; the effect of one inch\nof cold water more or less, will therefore nearly answer alike, that\nis, it will alter the heat of the tap, by 4 degrees. But this will only\nhold good in such cases, where the water is in the same proportion to\nthe volume of the grist. In brewing brown beers, or porter, three worts\nare generally made; the extracts therefore must be of different lengths\nfrom what they are in beers brewed at two worts only. In this case, the\nquantity of water for the first wort, is less than it otherwise would\nbe; and what must be allowed for the first mash, to wet the malt, is so\nmuch as to occasion the second, or piece liquor, to be proportionably\nless also; as it is of great consequence, if the first tap doth not\nanswer to its proper degree, that the second should be brought to such\na heat, as to make up the medium of the first and second extracts,\nthe second, or piece liquor, by reason of its shortness, is more\nconveniently, and more exactly tempered in the little copper; and\none inch cooling in, is in this case found, both by calculation and\nexperience, to occasion a difference of one degree of heat only in the\nmash.\nOne of the principal attentions, in forming beers and ales of any sort\nwhatever, is that they may come to their most perfect state, at the\ntime they are intended to be used. Common small beer is required to be\nin order, from one to four weeks, and as it is impossible to prejudge\nthe accidental variations, as to heat and cold, that may happen in\nany one season of the year, it is rational to act up to what a long\nexperience has shown, is to be expected, and to mix such quantity of\ncold water with that, which is made to come to ebullition, as to bring\nthe extract to the degree fixed for each particular season, let the\nheat, at the time of brewing, vary therefrom, in any degree whatever.\nIn treating on the subject of air, in the former part of this work, I\nobserved the effect it had in penetrating the parts of the malt, or\nin the technical term used by brewers, in slacking it. As such is the\ncase, when the grain is entire and whole, it is more so when ground,\nand experience teaches us, that, when malt has been about 24 hours from\nthe mill, the dampness it has imbibed is equal to half an inch more\nof cold water added to that which is to be made to boil for the first\nliquor, and produces therefore a diminution of 4 degrees in the heat\nof the tap[11].\nAn effect, somewhat resembling this, is caused by the impression of\nthe air on the utensils of a brewhouse, which are not daily used;\nthe heat received from a foregoing process has expanded their pores,\nand rendered them more susceptible of cold and moisture. From this\ncircumstance, the heat of the first mash will be affected in a\nproportion equal to half an inch less cooling in, or in the space of 24\nhours, to 4 degrees of heat.\nThe time of the day, in which the first extract is made, becomes\nanother consideration; for as 8 o\u2019clock in the morning is the time\nof the medium heat in the whole 24 hours, the other hours will give\ndifferent degrees. When a first mash is made about 4 o\u2019clock in the\nmorning, the following table shews the difference between the heat at\n4 and 8; that of the other hours, in the like case, may be learned by\nobservation. It has been observed, that, in the cold months, from the\nsun\u2019s power being less, the heat of the day and night are more uniform,\nand also that the coldest part of the 24 hours is about half an hour,\nor an hour before sun-rising. I have judged it convenient to place, in\nthe same table, the several incidents affecting the first extract.\nINCIDENTS _occasioned by the air affecting the heat of the\nfirst extract, to be noticed more particularly, when small beer is\nbrewed, as the quantity of water is then greatest, and the mash more\nsusceptible of its impressions_.\n Morning at 4 o\u2019clock*\n January 0 Utensils, for want of being\n February 0 lose 4 degrees of heat,\n April 4 ground 24 hours, imbibes\n The difference between\n July 10 the actual heat of the\n August 8 expected is to be allowed\n September 6 8 degrees to one inch\n October 4 Malts, from having been\n November 2 become considerably\n * Colder by so many degrees than at\n eight o\u2019clock in the morning.\nBefore we quit this subject, it may not be improper to observe,\nthat, in the hottest season, and in the hottest part of the day, the\ndifference between the heat of the air in the shade, and that in the\nsun\u2019s beams in and about London, is nearly 16 degrees, and also that\ncellars or repositories for beers, are, in winter, generally hotter by\nten degrees, than the external air; and in summer, colder, by five.\nSECTION II.\n_OF GRINDING._\nMalt must be ground, in order to facilitate the action of the water on\nthe grain, which otherwise would be obstructed by the outward skins.\nEvery corn should be cut, but not reduced to a flour or meal, for, in\nthis state, the grist would not be easily penetrable. It is therefore\nsufficient that every grain be divided into two or three parts, nor is\nthere any necessity for varying this, for one sort of drink more than\nanother. In every brewing the intention of grinding is the same; and\nthe transparency of the liquor, mentioned by some on this occasion,\ndepends, by no means, on the cut of the corn.\nIt has been a question, whether the motion of the mill did not\ncommunicate some heat to the malt; should this be the case, it can be\nbut in a very small degree; and, what may arise from hence, will be\nlost by shooting the grain out of the sacks, or uncasing the grist\ninto the mash ton. Of late years it has been recommended, instead of\ngrinding the malt, to bruise it between two iron cylinders: if, by this\nmeans, some of the fine mealy parts are prevented from being lost in\nair, it must be very inconsiderable, and, perhaps, not equal to the\ndisadvantage of the water not coming in immediate contact with the\nflour of the grain. In brewing, not all, but only a certain portion of\nthe constituent parts of the malt are requisite; these, heated water\nalone is sufficient to procure, so that, upon the whole, the difference\nbetween bruising and grinding the grain can be of no great consequence.\nWe have before observed, malt, by being ground and exposed for some\ntime to the air, more readily imbibes moisture than when whole, and the\ndampness, thus absorbed, being in reality so much cold water, a grist,\nthat has been long ground, is capable of being impressed with hotter\nwaters than otherwise it would require. In country places, where the\nquantity brewed consists only of a few bushels of malt, and make so\nsmall a volume as to be incapable to maintain an uniform heat, where\nthe people are ignorant, that a certain degree is necessary to form\na proper extract with; and where, instead of this, boiling water is\nindifferently applied, the effects of these errors are in some measure\nprevented, by grinding the malts a considerable time, as a month or six\nweeks before the brewing, and by the excess of fire readily escaping\nfrom so small a quantity. This method, from the inconstant state of\nthe air, and from the impossibility of acting up to rule, must be very\nuncertain and fortuitous, so that few or no arguments are necessary\nto explode it. The truth is, the merit of country ales, so often\nmentioned, proceeds from the forbearing to use the drink, but when\nit is in the fittest state. Thus time not only corrects the errors of\nthe operators, but also gives them, in the eyes of the consumers, the\ncredit of an extraordinary knowledge and unmerited ability.\nSECTION III.\n_OF EXTRACTION._\nFire impressed on malt, either through air or water, it is true, has\nsimilar effects as to preservation, but the fact is not the same as\nto taste: the sweet, the burnt flavor, or the proportion of both, the\nmalt originally had, sensibly appear in the extracts; but water heated\nto excess will not, in extracting pale malt, communicate to the worts\nan empyreumatic taste; whether this proceeds from some acid parts,\nstill residing in the heated waters, which might help the attenuated\noils to tend towards a sweet, or from other reasons, is not easily\ndeterminable; certain it is, the foundation of taste in malt liquors is\nin the malt itself.\nThe basis of all wines is a sweet: this circumstance for brewing beers\nagreeable to the palate must always be attended to. Next to this, it\nis required that the liquor should possess all the strength, it can\nfittingly be made susceptible of. Pale malt, as it retains the whole\nvirtue of the grain, yields the strongest beers. The finest oils being\nfittest for fermentation, malt dried by fierce heats, in a great\nmeasure loses these, and what remains are not only coarser oils, less\nmiscible with water, but such as bring with them the impressed taste of\nfire.\nTo answer the purposes of taste, strength, and preservation, from what\nhas been said it appears, that the extracting water must be of a heat\nsuperior to that which dried the malt; no other rule appears to direct\nin this, than to make choice of malt of such dryness, the delicacy of\nwhich has not been removed by fire, and such as will, at the same time,\nadmit of a sufficient number of superior degrees of heat, to extract\nall its fermentable parts; that is (see page 124) malt whose dryness is\nnearly 19 degrees less than the mean of the drying and extracting heats\napplicable to the purpose intended.\nAs 119 degrees, the first heat forming pale malt, and at which it\npossesses the whole of its sweetness and virtues, may be said to be\nthe lowest degree of dryness in the grain to form keeping beers with,\nso 138 degrees, above which the native whiteness of the grain is so\nsubdued, as to remain but in a very small proportion, is the highest\ndried malt fit to be used for any purpose; from these premises the\nfollowing table is formed, to shew the degree of dryness of malt, where\ntaste and strength are equally consulted, to brew drinks capable of\nkeeping themselves sound a long time, at any medium required.\nThe proper choice of malt I thought necessary to point out, previous\nto entering more at large on the subject of extraction. This table,\nit must be observed, is in no wise directive for brewing common small\nbeer, soon to be expended, that liquor depending on many other\ncircumstances, of which notice will be taken immediately under that\nhead.\n A TABLE, _shewing the proper dryness of Malt, applicable\n to the mean of the drying and extracting heats under\n which keeping malt liquors should be formed_.\n Mean degrees of dryness of malt Color of malt expressed\n and heat of extracts. in degrees.\nThe subject to be resolved having been examined as to its dryness, we\nnow come to the immediate matter for which this section was intended.\nExtraction is a solution of part, or the whole, of a body, made by\nmeans of a menstruum. In brewing, it is chiefly the mealy substance\nof the grain that is required to be resolved; fire and water combined\nare sufficient to perform this act. Water properly is the receptacle\nof the parts dissolved, and fire the power, which conveys into it a\ngreater or less proportion of them.\nWhen all the parts necessary to form a vinous liquor are not employed,\nor when more than are required for this purpose are extracted, the\nliquors must vary in their constituent parts, and consequently be\ndifferent in their effects. This difference arises either from heat\nalone, or from the manner of applying it; and the properties of\nbeers and ales will admit of as many varieties as may be supposed in\nthe quantity of the heat, and in its application. But as the useful\ndifferences are alone necessary to the brewer, they may be reduced to\nthe four following modes of extraction.\nFirst, that which is most perfect, and for which malt is chose of\nsuch dryness, in which it with certainty possesses the whole of its\nconstituent parts, and the extracts are made with such heats, as to\ngive the beer an opportunity to be improved by time, and to become of\nitself fine and transparent.\nSecondly, that from which, in order to obtain every advantage of time,\nstrength, and flavor, such extracts are produced as cannot become\npellucid of themselves, but require precipitation.\nThirdly, that which is intended soon to become intense, where soundness\nand transparency are for some short time expected, but not always\nobtained, because brewed in every season of the year, and deprived of\nthe advantages which age and better managements procure to the first.\nFourthly, that where the advantages of strength and pellucidity are to\nbe procured in a very short space.\nThese four modes of resolving the grain, being the fundamental elements\non which almost every specie of drink is brewed, I must observe, the\ntwo first may be said to be an exact imitation of natural wines, in\nforming which, the principles we have laid down may fully be applied.\nThe third is the effect of necessity, by which we are deprived of that\ntime nature directs for properly producing fermented liquors, and\nwhere we are subjected to many disadvantageous circumstances; to guard\nagainst the consequences of which, we must rely, in some measure, upon\nopinion formed from observation alone; and the fourth may be said to be\nart too precipitately carried on. Before I treat of them separately, it\nis requisite to mention a few general rules applicable to all.\nIn the enquiry we made of the means which nature employs to form the\njuices of grapes, we found two remarkable circumstances: the first, a\nnecessary lesser heat for the production of the fruit, and the second,\na much greater for its maturation; the former useful to incline the\nmust to fermentation, the latter to raise therein such oils as should\nmaintain it for some time in a sound state. But in all wines, an\nevenness of taste is requisite to affect the palate with an elegant\nsensation; and it may be observed, the autumn and spring heats being\nnearly equal; so the first juices of grapes are formed by almost,\nuniform impressions; the summer heats, though stronger, act upon the\nsame principle; for though the grapes remain upon the vine some part\nof the autumn, perhaps in this space they gain little more than the\njuices prepared by the summer\u2019s sun: from whence the tastes of wine are\nmore simple than otherwise they would be. Thus are we directed, that\na first wort shall have the least share of heat of the whole brewing,\nand the last wort the greatest; intermediate worts; if any; must be\nproportioned to both, and if several mashes of extracts are made to\ncompose a wort, these must be equal as to their heat, being careful at\nthe same time to preserve to the process the medium heat which is to\ngovern the whole. By this means, we shall obtain our intended purpose;\nand place into the drink one and the same smooth taste.\nIn the table[12] shewing the different effects produced in the grain\nby the different degrees of heat, the numbers, with respect to beers,\nexpress, not only the mean of the degrees of dryness the malt had, with\nthose also of heat in the extracting liquors, but also is implied the\npower communicated by the hops, that is, it imparts to us, the idea of\nthe whole combination.\nAs malt liquors are made with different views, so must the principles\non which they are formed be varied. Beers intended long to be kept,\nrequire more heat in their extracts, in order to produce such oils, or\nso many in quantity from the grain, as shall retard and delay the quick\neffects of fermentation; and malt liquors, which are soon to be brought\ninto use, claim an opposite management. This is imitating nature,\nfor we have before observed[13], the hotter the autumnal, the vernal\nand maturating heats are, with more power do the wines resist the\nimpressions of time and the air; and we traced the rule which governed\nthis variety, by an enquiry into the number of degrees required to form\nthe juices of grapes, and applied their number to discover the first\nand last heats they were impressed with. In calculations to find out\nthe heat to be given to water properly to resolve the malt, the same\nmethod must be followed, it being equally necessary here to employ only\nsuch a proportion of the number of degrees which constitute the whole\nof the fermentable principles in malt that are needful to the purpose\nwe would answer. We have said malts continue in possession of all their\nconstituent parts from their first degree of dryness, 119 to 129. By\nage alone beers obtain spontaneous pellucidity, when urged in the whole\nof their process with a heat so great as 138 degrees, precipitation or\nart extends it to near 157 degrees, after which neither the acid parts\nfurnished by the air, nor art avails: an obstinate foulness is the\nresult; from whence it may be concluded, that at or beyond this heat,\nso great a part of the fermentable principles is dispersed, as what\nremains in the grain has not power sufficient to produce transparency.\nThe following table, founded on these principles, will hereafter be\nfound directive to fix the first and last heats to be given to the\nextracts of malt.\n A TABLE, _shewing the quantity of fermentable principles\n residing in malts at their several degrees of dryness,\n or, the number of constituent parts which form beers in\n proportion to their properties[14], specified in degrees,\n and to be used in calculations, made to ascertain the\n proper heats to be given to the first and last extracts\n of malt_.\n Mean degrees of heat Constituent\n affecting malt. parts.\nThough beers and ales are divided into strong and small, this division\nregards only the proportion of the vehicle, and not that of the\nconstituent parts. The same means, as to the heat of the extracts, must\nbe employed, to form small beers, capable of preserving themselves\nsound for some time, as are used to make strong drinks: for though a\nsmall liquor possesses more aqueous parts, the oils and salts of the\nmalt are only more diluted, not altered in their proportions, and this\ncauses but a very small difference in the duration of the liquor.\nIt now remains to apply these rules, deduced from the theory, to the\nseveral sorts of malt liquors, which answer to the four modes of\nextraction, just before laid down.\nThe first and most perfect is, when the malt is chosen of such\ndryness, and the extracts made with such heats, as give the beers an\nopportunity of being improved by time, and slow fermentations, to\nbecome spontaneously bright and transparent. Under this head, may be\ncomprehended all _pale keeping strong_, and all _pale keeping small_\nbeers.\nFrom its name, regard must be had to the color of the malt, and such\nonly used, as is dried the least, or by 119[15] degrees of heat.\nThe hops should likewise be pale, and their quantity used in proportion\nto the time the drink is intended to be kept; suppose, in this case, it\nis 10 months, 10lb. of fine hops, for every quarter of malt, will be\nrequired.\nThe highest degree of heat, or rather the medium of the highest dryness\nin malt, with the mean heat of the several extractions, to admit of\nspontaneous pellucidity, we have seen in the foregoing table (page 124)\nto be 138 degrees, and this medium is chosen, as it answers not only\nthe intent of long keeping, but of brightness also.\nFrom the medium degree of the malt\u2019s dryness, and of the heat of the\nextracts, to determine the heat of the first and the last extract, and\nthe value in degrees of the quantity of hops to be used, for brewing\npale strong and pale small beers, intended to be kept about ten months\nbefore they are used, and expected to become self-transparent.\n 119 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 138 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, heat of extracts, and\n value of hops.\n 3 Degrees, value of 10 lb. of hops.\n 135 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness and heat of extracts.\nFor the first liquor.\n 3-1/2 Half the number of the constituent degrees, answerable\n to 138 degrees, the mean heat of\n the whole process, to be subtracted[16].\n 131-1/2 Degrees governing the first extracts.\n 119 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 144 First rule to discover the heat of the first extract.\nFor the last liquor.\n 3-1/2 Half the number of the constituent degrees, to be\n 138-1/2 The degrees governing the last extract.\n 119 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 158 First rule to discover the heat of last mash.\nThe elements for forming pale strong and pale small beers, intended to\nbe kept, are therefore as follows:\n Malt\u2019s Value of Whole First Last\n dryness. hops. medium. heat. heat.\n the time the extract separates from the grist.\nThe proof of this is as follows:\n 144 Heat of the first extract.\n 158 Heat of last extract.\n 151 Mean heat of extracts.\n 119 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 135 Mean heat of Malt\u2019s dryness, and of heat of extracts.\n 3 Value of hops.\n 138 Whole mean given as above.\nIt is necessary to add 2 degrees to the heat of every mash, such being\nthe mean of 4 degrees, constantly lost in every extract, at the time\nthey are separated from the grist, and exposed to the impressions of\nthe air.\nThe second mode of extraction is, that, in which every advantage which\ncan be procured from the corn, from art, and from time is expected;\nthis produces such drinks, as cannot become spontaneously pellucid, but\nrequire the help of precipitation.\nThe improvement, which every fermented liquor gains by long standing,\nis very considerable; the parts of the grain, which give spirit to the\nwine, being, by repeated fermentations, constantly attenuated, not only\nbecome more light and pungent, but more wholesome. If, in order to give\nto beers more of the preservative quality, greater quantities of oils\nare extracted, in proportion to the salts, transparency cannot take\nplace; but, when the heat employed for this purpose does not exceed\ncertain limits, this defect may easily be remedied, and the drink be\nfined by precipitation; as time enables it to take up part of the very\noils, which at first prevented its transparency, it will, by long\nstanding, and by precipitation, become both brighter and stronger.\nWhere the demand for a liquor is constant and considerable, but the\nquantity required not absolutely certain, it ought to be brewed in such\nmanner that time may increase its merit, and precipitation render it\nalmost immediately ready for use. These circumstances distinguish this\nclass of extraction, and justify the preference given to _porter_ or\n_brown_ beer, which comes under the mode we are now treating of.\nThough transparency in beers is a sure sign of the salts and oils being\nin an exact proportion, it is in no wise a proof of the justness of\ntaste: for strong salts acting on strong oils may produce pellucidity,\nbut the delicacy and pungency of taste, depend on the finer oils and\nthe choicest salts being wholly preserved, these best admitting of\nfermentation, and most perfectly becoming miscible with the liquor,\nthe more volatile oils and salts of the grain if excluded, by the malt\nbeing too high dried, the consequence in the beer must be, an heavy and\nrancid taste. The less dried the malts are, which are brewed for beers\nto be long kept, the hotter are the extracts required to be, but this\ngreater heat being communicated to the grain through water, an element\neight hundred times more dense than air, the finer parts of the corn,\nthough acted upon by an heat which in air would disperse them, by this\nmeans are retained.\nIt appears, by the table (page 124) that drinks brewed from malts,\naffected by heats, whose medium is 148 degrees, and with twelve pounds\nof hops to every quarter of malt, require from 6 to 12 months with\nprecipitation to become bright; this is the age generally appointed for\nbrown beers to be drank at, and by the table, page 133, we find the\nproper malts where the medium heat of the whole process is 148 degrees,\nmust be such as have been dried with 130 degrees to form this liquor,\nwhose color as yet is expected to be full or brown, without being\ndeprived of more valuable qualifications.\nIn the drink before examined, the number of degrees which constitute\nthe properties of malt, affected by a mean heat of 138 or 7 degrees,\nwere employed, they being intended to become, in time, spontaneously\nbright; but, as this quality in the present case is required only\nwith the assistance of precipitation, the number 5, in the table,\nshewing the constituent parts remaining in the grain at every degree\nof dryness, (page 168) as this corresponds to the medium 148, is\nundoubtedly that which must answer our purpose, both as to the nature\nand to the time this liquor is in general made use of. These conditions\nbeing premised, the proper degrees of the first and last extract for\nporter will be found by the same rules as were used before.\n 130 Degrees, malt\u2019s dryness.\n 148 Degrees, whole medium intended.\n 4 Degrees, value of hops, fractions omitted.\n 144 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness and heat of extracts.\n For the first extract.\n 144 As before.\n 2-1/2 Half the number of the constituent degrees to be deducted.\n 141-1/2 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, and of the heat of the\n first extract.\n 130 Malt\u2019s Dryness.\n 153 Rule to discover the first heat.\n For the last extract.\n 144 As before.\n 2-1/2 Half the number of the constituent degrees to be\n 146-1/2 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, and of the heat of the\n last extract.\n 130 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 163 Rule to discover the last heat.\nThe elements for brewing brown strong beers, with two degrees added to\nthe first and last extracts, for what is lost at their parting from the\nmalt, independent of its farther division into the respective mashes.\n Malt\u2019s Value of Medium heat of the First Last\n dryness. hops. extracts, malt\u2019s heat. heat. heat.\nBrown beers, brewed with malt so low dried as 130 degrees, twenty years\nsince, would have appeared very extraordinary, and most likely, at that\ntime, when a heaviness and blackness in the drink formed its principal\nmerit, would have been a sufficient reason to condemn the practice; but\nstrength and elegance being now more attended to, have justified the\nbrewer, in making porter, to employ malt of such degree of dryness, as\nhe shall think will best answer these purposes.\nAs high liquors used to extract low dried malt will form a must capable\nto preserve itself equally a long time, as an adequate liquor used to\nhigh dried malt doth; and the first of these methods having greatly the\nadvantage of the other in point of taste, as 130 degrees of dryness\nin malt is one, from its change of color, where part of its finer\nprinciples may be supposed to be evaporated. It may not be amiss to\nenquire if there be not reasons why malt, less affected by fire, should\nbe used for manufacturing this commodity.\nThe medium of the malt\u2019s dryness, and of the heat of the extracts,\ntogether with the value of the hops which are to make porter, is 148\ndegrees. This, because precipitation has been found convenient and\nnecessary for this drink, yet, when at the proper age, it has undergone\nthis last operation, it is supposed to shew itself in its best form;\nbright, well-tasted, and strong; that is, in such state as drink\nshould be, which becomes spontaneously transparent, and is capable of\npreserving itself a long time, if from\n The value of the oils yielded by the hops\n (See page 180) is deducted, 4 degrees.\nAnd by table (page 162) we find a must under the mean of 144 degrees\nshould be formed with malt dried to 125 degrees, with this circumstance\nthe elements of brewing porter will be as follows.\n 125 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 148 Degrees, whole medium intended.\n 4 Value of hops.\n 144 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, and heat of extracts.\n For the first extract.\n 144 As before.\n 2-1/2 Half the number of constituent parts, to be deducted.\n 141-1/2 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, and of the heat of the\n first extract.\n 125 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 158 Rule to discover the first heat.\n For the last extract.\n 144 As before.\n 2-1/2 Half the number of constituent parts, to be added.\n 146-1/2 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, and of the heat of the last\n 125 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 168 Rule to discover the last heat.\nElements for brewing porter with malt dried to 125 degrees, and two\ndegrees added to the first and to the last extracts, for what heat is\nlost at their parting from the malt, but this, independent of a farther\nallotment of this heat to the respective mashes.\n Malt\u2019s Value Medium of the heat of First Last\n dryness. of hops. the extracts, malt\u2019s mash. mash.\nWhether any attempt to improve this liquor, by using malt of less\ndryness than 125 degrees, may ever be put in practice, is very\nuncertain; porter, if brewed with malts so low as 119 degrees, probably\nwould succeed; for, in this case, the last mash, according to the\nforegoing rules, would be at the 174th degree, at which the spirit of\nthe grain could not be dispersed, and probably the result would be, a\nmore delicate, more strong, and more vinous liquor.\nIt may be observed, that 4 degrees are charged for the quantity of hops\nused; as this number corresponds to the quantity proper to form beer of\nthis denomination. A greater or a less proportion of hops is sometimes\nallowed to this drink, on account of its better, or inferior quality,\nof the necessity there may be to render it fit for use in a shorter\ntime than that which is commonly allowed\u2014from nine to twelve months,\nand, lastly, of old, stale, or otherwise defective drinks, blended,\nwith new guiles. In these cases, which cannot be too rare, the errors\nshould be corrected only by the addition of hops, and no alteration\nbe made, either in the dryness of the malts, or in the heat of the\nextracts.\nThe third mode of extraction is that which intends spontaneous\ntransparency, but not a durable liquor. Under this head is comprehended\n_common small beer_, soon to be drank.\nCommon small beer is supposed to be ready for use, in winter, from two\nto six weeks, and in the heat of summer, from one week to three. Its\nstrength is regulated by the different prices of malt and of hops; its\nchief intent is to quench thirst, and its most essential properties\nare, that in the winter it should be fine, and in the summer sound.\nThis liquor is chiefly used in and about great trading cities, such as\nLondon, where, for want of a sufficient quantity of cellar room, drinks\ncannot be stowed, which, by long and slow fermentations, would come to\na greater degree of perfection. The duration of this kind of liquor\nbeing short, and there being a necessity of brewing it in every season\nof the year, dividing it into very small quantities, easily affected in\nits conveyance by the external heat: generally neglected, and placed in\nrepositories influenced by every change of air, the incidents attending\nit, and the methods for carrying on the process must be more uncertain,\nvarious, and complicated, than those of any other liquor made from\nmalt.\nThe incidents attending this specie of malt liquor are so many, so\nshort of existence, so contrary to one another, and often so different\nfrom what should be expected in the different periods of the year,\nthat an attempt to guard, in a just proportion, against every one of\nthem, and against what _may_ happen, and oftentimes does not, must be\nfruitless. After many endeavours of this sort, which terminated in a\ndoubtful success, we have found it most eligible to form these drinks\nin proportion to the principal circumstances constantly attending them,\nand the result was more fortunate, as, in general, the drink was able\nto maintain itself against that variety of temperature it met with in\nthe places allotted to it.\nIn proportion as it is brewed, in a hot or in a cold season, we must\nemploy every means, either to repel or to attract the acids circulating\nin the air; for this purpose, the degree of dryness in the malt,\nthe quantity of hops, the heat of the extracts, and the degree of\ntemperature the wort is suffered to ferment with, must vary as such\nseasons do. The success, in brewing common small beer, greatly depends\non its fermentation being retarded or accelerated, in proportion to the\nheat of the air, and expansion being the principal effect of heat, was\na wort of this sort suffered, in winter, to be so cold as 40 degrees,\nthe air would, with difficulty, if at all, penetrate the must, or put\nit in action. This slow fermentation would not permit the beer to be\nready at the time required.\u2014For these reasons, brewers let down their\nworts, in that season, at 60 degrees, whereas, in summer, the air of\nthe night is made use of to get them as cold as possible, by which\nmeans a part of them may be 12 degrees colder than the medium of the\nheat of the day, and the whole of the worts nearly 5 degrees, in the\nspace of 24 hours.\nThe choice of the malt, as to its dryness and color, for brewing this\nliquor, should be varied in proportion to the several seasons, but\ncustom requires it should be kept nearly to an uniform color. For this\nreason, when the air is so cold as the lowest fermentable degree, a\ngreater dryness than 119 degrees is required; but the dryness of malt\nforming only one part of the process, the proper medium directing the\nwhole must be brought to its true degree, by the heat given to the\nextracts. In the height of summer, malt dried to 130 degrees seems\nto be the best, as it unites the properties of speedy readiness,\npreservation, and transparency, and these several characters are, at\nthat time, requisite in this liquor.\nTo come as near as possible to the inclination of the consumers, or to\nmaintain as near as may be an uniform color, if in the hottest season\nmalt dried to 130 is best for this purpose, the mean between this and\n119, the first degree that constitutes malt, must answer nearest every\nintent, when the heat of the air is at 40 degrees. Upon this footing,\nthe following table will, from the proportion of these two extremes,\nshew the color of the grain for every season of the year.\n Heat in the Malt\u2019s Value of hops\n air. dryness. in degrees.\nIf common small beer was immediately to be used after being brewed and\nfermented, and it was free from the incidents, most of which we have\njust now enumerated, no hops would be required, and the medium degree\nof the whole process would be that of the lowest dried malt, 119, to\nbe employed when the heat of the air was at its first fermentable\ndegree, or 40, as, with adequate malts, this would make the liquor that\nwould be ready in the least space, and, at the same time, yield its\nconstituent parts; but if small beer was intended to be kept some short\ntime, brewed without hops, and not liable to any accidents, and the\nprocess to be carried through, in a heat of air equal to the highest\nfermentable degree, or 80, in this case the governing medium for the\nwhole process must be the utmost heat the grain is able to endure,\nwhere malt charrs, or 175 degrees. As malt liquors are principally\naffected by heat, we will first proportion the medium heat, directive\nof each process, for every fermentable degree, without any regard had\nto any incident whatever,\n Fermentable Mean heats to govern\n degrees. the processes.\nNow the principal heats affecting common small beer, with regard to\nits duration, are the degree of heat under which the beer is at first\nfermented, that of the air when brewed, and when conveyed from place to\nplace, and that of the cellar where it is deposited; let us, in regard\nto these heats, take the mean of the circumstances this drink is liable\nto, at the time when the air is at the first fermentable degree, and\nat the time when the season is hottest (taking for this the medium\nheat of the whole 24 hours.) Having these two extremes, and making a\nfit allowance for the hops employed, we shall be able, from the above\ntable, to fix the medium heat that should govern the several processes\nfor making common small beer in every season of the year.\n I observed, in page 183, that when the heat of the air is\n 40 degrees, brewers set the worts of common small beer\n to be fermented, at a heat of 60; add to this 10 degrees\n more heat, excited by the fermentable action, makes 70\u00b0\n The heat of the air we fixed for the first extreme,\n was the first fermentable heat, 40\n In page 156, we said cellars in winter were generally\n ten degrees hotter than the air, but we\n observed, those employed for this use, were the\n worst of the kind, subjected to exterior impressions,\n or perhaps other defects, for which reason\n Divided by the number of circumstances 3 ) 156\nis the mean of the principal incidents affecting small beer in this\nseason, and, by the foregoing table, this degree indicates a medium to\ngovern the whole process 136, to which must be added, for preservative\neffect bestowed by the hops used, 1 degree more, which makes it at this\nheat in the air 137 degrees.\nWhen the mean heat of the whole 24 hours is 60 degrees, (see page 150)\nif, as in page 183, by the advantage of the evening and night to cool\nthe wort, an abatement of 5 degrees is obtained, the whole of the heat\nis 55 degrees, add to this only 8 degrees more, because at this time\nthe beer is divided, and put in casks long before the first fermentable\nact is compleated, and their real heat will be\n The medium heat of the air in the hottest\n In page 156 we say, the heat of the cellars in\n summer time is generally 5 degrees colder than\n the exterior air, but these being the worst of\n the kind, may certainly be thought somewhat\n more exposed, though not so much affected in\n summer as in winter, when there are fewer culinary\n fires, for this reason we fix their heat at 56\n Divided by the number of observations 3 ) 179\nis the mean of these incidents affecting the small beer at this season,\nand by the foregoing table it indicates a medium heat to govern the\nwhole process 146 degrees, to which, if two degrees more be added, for\nthe effect of the hops, (as experience teaches us six pounds of hops in\nsummer scarcely are so powerful as three pounds in winter) it will give\nus for the mean of the heats drying the malt, those impressed in the\nextracts, together with the allowance made for the hops 148 degrees.\nSpontaneous pellucidity is always expected in this drink, although the\ntime allotted to gain this in general is much too short; to forward\nthis intent as far as possible, without hazarding the soundness of the\ndrink, in the computations to determine the heats of the first and last\nextracts, the whole number of constituent parts of malt or 10 degrees\nare employed.\nHaving premised these rules, the heats for the first and last extracts\nare to be found by like operations before made use of, an example of\nwhich we shall state; and knowing the mean heats required for two\ndistinct distant processes, in proportion to these I shall form a\ntable, for brewing this drink in every season of the year.\nWhen the air is at 40, the degree of dryness fixed for malts to be\nused for common small beer is 124, the quantity of hops three pounds\nper quarter, the medium of their dryness and the heat of the extracts,\ntogether with the value of the hops added thereto, is 137 degrees.\n 137 Medium intended.\n 1 Value of hops.\n 136 Mean of Malt\u2019s dryness, and heat of extracts.\nFor the first extract.\n 136 As before.\n 5 Half the number of the whole constituent degrees,\n to be deducted. (See p. 168.)\n 124 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 138 Rule to discover the first heat.\n 131 As above.\n For the last extract.\n 136 As before.\n 5 Half the number of the whole constituent degrees,\n 124 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 158 Rule to discover the last heat.\n 141 As above.\nThe proof.\n 138 Heat of the first extract.\n 158 Heat of the last extract.\n 148 Mean heat of extracts.\n 124 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 136 Mean of Malt\u2019s dryness and heat of extracts.\n 1 Value of hops.\n 137 Medium intended, as above.\nThe elements for forming common small beer, when the heat of the air\nis at 40 degrees, independent of the proper division of this heat,\nadequate to each Mash.\n Malt\u2019s Value of Whole First Last\n dryness. hops. medium. heat. heat.\nThe medium of the heat lost in the mash ton, amounting to two degrees,\nis added to the heat of the first and last mash, in the following\ntable.\nA TABLE _of the elements for forming common small beer, at every degree\nof heat in the air, with the allowance of two degrees of heat, in the\nfirst and last extractions_.\n Heat Malt\u2019s Value of Medium heat First Last\n of air. dryness. hops. of the heat. heat.\nFrom due observation of this table, it appears, how necessary it is for\nbrewers to be acquainted, not only with the daily temperature of the\nair, but also with the medium heat of such spaces of time, wherein a\ndrink like this is expected to preserve itself. This I have estimated\nfor every 14 days; (page 150) but as the event may not always exactly\ncorrespond with our expectations, an absolute perfection in this drink,\nas to its transparency and soundness, is not to be expected. It greatly\ndepends on the care and attention given to it, and on the temperature\nand quiescent state of the cellars it is placed in. The first of these\ncircumstances is often neglected, and the other hardly ever obtained,\nas the places, where common small beer is kept, are generally the\nworst of the kind.\nIn keeping beers, every circumstance is assistant to form them so\nas to obtain elegance in taste, strength, and pellucidity, either\nspontaneously or by precipitation, but in common small beer; from the\nshortness of its duration; and from the many complicated incidents\nthat occur; only the medium of the effect of these can be attended to;\nwhich governing medium, in general, differs so much from those which\nform more exact fermentable proportions, that in these extracts, there\ncannot be expected that near resemblance to natural wines, which, under\nmore favorable management, it is capable of.\nThe fourth mode of extraction is that, which, by conveying a heat,\nequal to what is practised for keeping pale strong, and keeping pale\nsmall beers, to the liquors commonly known by the names of _pale\nale_, _amber_, or _twopenny_, the softest and richest taste malt can\npossibly yield, and which makes them resemble wines formed from grapes\nripened by the hottest sun, though by artfully exciting periodical\nfermentations, they are, in a very short time, made to become\ntransparent.\nAs wines have, in general, been named from the town or city, in the\nneighbourhood of which the grapes, from which they are made, are found\ngrowing, this has, though with less reason, been the case, with our\nnumerous class of soft beers and ales. These topical denominations can\nindeed constitute no real, at least no considerable difference, since\nthe birth-place of any drink is the least of all distinctions, where\nthe method of practice, the materials employed, and the heat of the\nclimate, are nearly the same.\nAles are not required to keep a long time; so the hops bestowed on\nthem, though they should always be of the finest color, and best\nquality, are proportionably fewer in the winter than in the summer. The\nreason is, that the consumption made of this liquor in cold weather, is\ngenerally for purl[17], whereas, in summer, as it is longer on draught,\nit requires a more preservative quality.\nThe properties of this liquor are, that it should be pale; its strength\nand taste principally depend on the malt, and its transparency should\nbe the effect of fermentation, accelerated by every means, which will\nnot be hurtful to it. Malt capable of yielding the strongest extracts,\nis such whose dryness does not exceed 120 degrees; and 138 we have seen\nto be the highest mean of the extracts, and of the dryness of the malt\nto admit of pellucidity, without precipitation; the hops used, being\nonly so many as are necessary to resist the heat of the seasons the ale\nis brewed in, may in general be estimated in value, one degree; from\nthese premises, the elements for brewing this drink, will be found by\nthe same rules as before, where 10 degrees are supposed to be equal to\nthe whole of the constituent parts, and the whole of these are employed\nto accelerate its coming to perfection.\n 120 Degrees of malt\u2019s dryness.\n 138 Degrees, whole medium intended.\n 1 Value of hops.\n 137 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, and heat of extracts.\nFor the first extract.\n 137 As before.\n 5 Half the number of the whole constituent degrees to be deducted.\n 132 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness, and of the heat of first extract.\n 120 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 144 Rule to discover the first heat.\n 132 As above.\nFor the last extract.\n 137 As before.\n 5 Half the number of the whole constituent degrees to be added.\n 142 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness and of the heat of last extract.\n 120 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 164 Rule to discover the last heat of last extract.\n 142 As above.\nThe elements for brewing pale ale or amber, with the allowance of 2\ndegrees for the heats lost in the extracts.\n Malt\u2019s Value of Medium of Heat of Heat of\n dryness. hops. the whole. first mash. last mash.\nThe time this liquor is intended to be kept, should entirely be\ngoverned by the quantity of hops used therein; for this ale being\nrequired to become spontaneously fine, the medium of the whole, or 138\ndegrees, cannot be exceeded. In and about London, and in some counties\nin England, these ales, by periodical fermentations, are made to become\nfine, sooner than naturally they would do, and often, in a shorter\ntime than one week. The means of doing this, by beating the yeast\ninto the drink, as it is termed, has by some been greatly blamed, and\nthought to be an ill practice. An opinion that the yeast dissolved\nin the drink, and thereby made it unwholesome, prevailed; and some\nbrewers, erroneously led by this, and yet willing that their commodity\nshould appear of equal strength with such as had undergone repeated\nfermentations, have been induced to add ingredients to their worts,\nif not of the most destructive nature, at least very unwholesome. The\nplain truth is, that, by returning the elastic air in the fermenting\nale, the effects of long keeping are greatly imitated, though with less\nadvantage as to flavor and to strength; but as this case relates to\nfermentation, we shall have hereafter an opportunity of explaining it\nmore at large.\nIt is under this class, that the famous _Burton ale_ may be ranked,\nand, if I do not mistake, it will be found, that its qualities and\nintrinsic value will be the same, when judiciously brewed in London,\nor elsewhere, from whence it may be exported at much cheaper rates to\nRussia and other parts, than when it is increased in price by a long\nand chargeable land-carriage.\nWhen drinks are made so strong as these generally are, only two\nmashes can take place, by which the whole virtue of the malt not\nbeing expended, small beer is made after these ales. The purest and\nmost essential parts of the grain being extracted, it is not to be\nexpected, from an impoverished grist, that beers can be made to\npossess all their necessary constituent parts, or to keep so long, as\nwhere fresh malt is used; but the sort of small beer, which answers\nbest to the brewer, and is most salubrious for the consumer, must\nbe, by the addition of fresh hops, to form the remaining strength\ninto keeping small beer, the greater quantity of hops necessary to be\nallowed, beside those boiled in the ale, is 2-1/4 pounds for every\nbarrel intended to be made. As much more water must be employed, for\nthis small beer, besides its length, as will steam away in two hours\nboiling, and 1/8 of a barrel per quarter of malt, for waste. The heat\nregulating the extract of small, will be found by the following rule.\n 138 Medium heat intended for keeping small beer.\n 2 Value of hops.\n 136 Mean of malt\u2019s dryness and heat of extract.\n 120 Malt\u2019s dryness.\n 152[18]Heat of the mash for keeping small after amber,\n one mash, and one wort.\n 136 As above.\nAll the hops after these two brewings, as those added for the keeping\nsmall beer have been boiled but in one wort, are in value, for the next\nguile of beer, equal to 1/10 of fresh hops.\nWe should now put an end to this section, but, as other drinks are\nbrewed besides those here particularly treated of, we shall just\nmention them, to shew how their different processes are reducible to\nthe rules just laid down.\n_Brown_ ale is a liquor, whose length is generally two barrels from\none quarter of malt, and which is not intended for preservation. It\nis heavy, thick, foggy, and therefore justly grown in disuse. The\nhops used in this, differ in proportion to the heats of the season it\nis brewed in, but are generally nearly half the quantity of what is\nemployed, at the same times, for common small beer. The system it ought\nto be brewed upon is not different from that of this last liquor; the\nmedium of the malt\u2019s dryness, and heat of the extracts, are the same\nfor each degree of heat in the air, and it requires the same management\nwhen under fermentation. But though common pale small beer and brown\nale are so much alike in their theory, yet, from the difference of the\ndryness of the malt, which, for brown ale, is constantly so high as\n130 degrees, the practice will appear greatly different. Small beer\nis made after this ale, by the same rules as that made after pale ale\nor amber; the malt must, in that case, be valued according to its\noriginal dryness, and the medium governing the process be the same as\nfor small beer, and as if no extract had been taken from the grain. No\nsmall beer brewed after ales can ever be equal in goodness to such as\nare brewed from entire grists; but that which is made after brown ale,\nfrom the grain being so highly dried, and nearly exhausted, is neither\nnourishing or fit to quench thirst.\n_Brown stout_ is brewed with brown malt, as amber is with pale;\nthe system for brewing these liquors is the same, allowing for the\ndifference in the dryness of the malt. The overstrength of this drink\nhas been the reason of its being discontinued, especially since porter\nor brown beer has been brought to a greater perfection.\u2014That which\nis brewed with an intent of being long kept, should be hopped in\nproportion to the time proposed, or the climate it is to be conveyed to.\n_Old hock_ requires the same proportion of hops as are used in keeping\npale strong, or keeping pale small beer; but more or less, according\nto the time it is intended to be kept before it becomes fit for use.\nThe length is about two barrels, from a quarter of the palest and best\nmalt. As spontaneous pellucidity is required, its whole medium must not\nexceed 138 degrees, for the drying and extracting heat. The management\nof it, when fermenting, is under the same rules with keeping small\nbeer, or those which are allowed a due time to become of themselves\npellucid.\n_Dorchester beers_, both strong and small, range under the same\nhead. They are brewed from barleys well germinated, but not dried to\nthe denomination of malt. The rule of the whole 138 degrees for the\ngoverning medium, must, even with this grain, be observed to form these\ndrinks; but, from the slackness of the malt, and the quantities of\nsalt and wheaten flour mixed with the liquor, when under fermentation,\nproceed its peculiar taste, its mantling, and its frothy property.\nSECTION IV.\n_OF THE NATURE AND PROPERTIES OF HOPS._\nThe constituent parts of malt, like those of all vegetable sweets,\nare so inclined to fermentation, that, when once put in motion, it\nis difficult to retard their progress, retain their preservative\nqualities, and prevent their becoming acid. Among the many means put\nin practice, to check this forwardness of the malt, none promised\nso much success as blending with the extracts, the juices of such\nvegetables as, of themselves, are not easily brought to fermentation.\nHops were selected for this purpose, and experience has confirmed their\nwholesomeness and efficacy.\nHops are an aromatic, grateful bitter, endued with an austere and\nastringent quality, and guarded by a strong resinous oil. The aromatic\nparts are volatile, and disengage themselves from the plant with a\nsmall heat. To preserve them, in the processes of brewing, the hops\nshould be put into the copper as soon as possible, and be thoroughly\nwetted with the first extract, while the heat of the wort is at the\nleast, and the fire under the copper has little or no effect thereon.\nWhoever will be at the trouble to see this performed, by the means of\nrakes, or otherwise, will be made sensible, that flavor is retained,\nwhich, when the wort comes to boil, is otherwise constantly dissipated\nin the air.\nThe bitter is of a middle nature, or semivolatile: it requires more\nfire to extract it, than the aromatic part, but not so much as the\naustere or astringent. Hence it is plain, that the principal virtues\nof this plant are best obtained by decoction, the austere parts not\nexhibiting themselves, but when urged by so violent and long continued\nboiling, as is seldom, or never practised in the brewery. It would be\ngreatly satisfactory to fix, from experiments, the degrees of heat,\nthat first disperse the aromatic, next the bitter, and lastly the\naustere parts; as it is likely, by this means, a more easy and certain\nmethod of judging of the true value and condition of hops, than any yet\nknown, might be discovered.\nThis vegetable is so far from being, by itself, capable of a regular\nand perfect fermentation, that, on the contrary, its resinous parts\nretard the aptness which malt has to this act. Hops, from hence, keep\nbarley-wines sound a longer space of time, and, by repeated and slow\nfrettings, give an opportunity to the particles of the liquor to be\nmore separated and comminuted. Fermented liquors acquire, by this\nmeans, a greater pungency, even though it was admitted they received\nno additional strength from this mixture, the direct contrary of which\nmight easily be made to appear. Hops, then, are not only the occasion\nof an improvement of taste, but an increase of strength.\nDr. Grew seems to think the bitter of the hops may be increased by a\ngreater degree of dryness; but, perhaps, this is only one of the means\nof their retaining longer this quality, which undoubtedly decreases\nthrough age, in a proportion, as near as can be guessed, of from 10 to\n15 per cent. yearly.\nThe varieties of the soils in which hops are planted, may have some\nshare in the inequality we perceive in them. They seem to be much\nbenefited by the sea air. Whoever will try similar processes with\nthe[19] Worcestershire and Kentish hops, will soon perceive the\ndifference, and the general opinion strengthens this assertion, as the\ncounty of Kent alone produces nearly half the quantity of hops used in\nthis kingdom.\nThe sooner and the tighter hops are strained, after having been bagged,\nthe better will they preserve themselves. The opinion that they\nincrease in weight, if not strained until after Christmas, may be\ntrue, but will not recommend the practice; the hops imbibe the moisture\nof the winter air, which, when the weather grows drier, is lost again,\ntogether with some of the more spiritous parts. Nor is this the\ngreatest damage occasioned by this delay, as hops, by being kept slack\nbagged in a damp season, too often become mouldy.\nHops may be divided into ordinary and strong, and into old and new. The\ndenomination of old is first given to them, one year after they have\nbeen bagged. New ordinary hops, when of equal dryness, are supposed to\nbe nearly alike in quality, with old strong ones.\nThe different teints, with which hops are affected from the fire of the\nkiln, afford in brewing the best rule for adapting their color to that\nof the malt; in general the finest hops are the least, but the most\ncarefully, dried.\nTo extract the resinous parts of the hops, it is necessary they should\nbe boiled. The method of disposing them is generally to put the whole\nquantity, in the first wort, which, being always made with waters less\nhot than the succeeding extracts, possesses the greatest share of\nacids, and is in want of the largest proportion of resins and bitters\nto defend it. The virtue of the hops is not entirely lost by once\nboiling, there remains still enough to bitter and preserve the second\nwort. But where the first wort is short of itself, and a large quantity\nof hops are required for the whole, it is needless and wasteful to put\nmore in at once than it can absorb, the overplus of which appears by\na thin bitter pellicle floating on the wort when laid to cool in the\nbacks. No particular rules can be given to avoid this inconveniency, as\nthe nature and quantity of the worts on one side, and the strength of\nthe hops on the other, must occasion a difference in the management,\neasily determinable by experience.\nWhen waters, not sufficiently hot, have been used, the wort, for\nwant of the proper quantity of oils, readily admits of the external\nimpressions of the air, and is easily excited to a strong and\ntumultuous fermentation, which disperses the bitter particles, and\ndiminishes the effects of the hops. The virtue of this plant is\ntherefore retained in the drinks, in proportion to the heat of the\nextracts, and the slowness of the fermentation.\nBut beers being a composition of malt, hops, and water, united by heat,\nand the properties of this combination being judged of by the medium\nof the whole number of degrees of fire made use of in the process,\nas we brought the virtues of malt to this denomination, it is also\nessential to reduce those of hops. After many tedious calculations and\nexperiments, made with this view, and unnecessary here to mention, we\nwere obliged to have recourse to a more simple and probable hypothesis,\nand confirm the truth thereof by repeated experiments, the relation of\nwhich, as it becomes here necessary, will shew the necessity we were\nunder to take a general view of the whole process before we attempted\nto ascertain this point.\nIn the table shewing the mean heat of the air applicable to practice,\nthe greatest cold is 35 degrees, and in this season we observed, (page\n156) the repositories of beers were more warm than this by 10 degrees,\nwhich makes the greatest cold of cellars to be 45 degrees; in the\nsame table the highest heat is 60, when cellars are 5 degrees colder\nthan the external airs, the utmost difference then in the temperature\nof cellars is 10 degrees, and this takes place in 6 months, so that\nthe whole variety of heat beers deposited for keeping undergo in one\ntwelvemonth is 20 degrees.\nThere is no specie of beer, in brewing of which it is requisite the\nartist should be more attentive to alter his process in proportion to\nthe change of heat in the air, than common small beer, which, though\nbrewed in every season, is constantly expected to be in an uniform\norder for use. In the preceding section, in the table directing this\nvariety, we find a difference of five degrees of heat in the air,\nrequires an alteration in medium heat of the whole process of 3\ndegrees, and as it is from the mean heat of the dryness of the malt,\nof the heat of the extracts, and of the value of hops in degrees, that\nwe are to discover the quantity of fire to be given to the extracts,\nthis can be done only by deducting from such medium so much as it is\naffected by the properties of the hops. Just before we have seen, that\nthe whole of the variety of heat beers deposited in cellars to keep\ntwelve months undergo, amounts to 20 degrees, these, in a proportion\nof 5 to 3, would be 12, without being scrupulously exact. Hops, with\nregard to their proportion in the whole process, must be admitted to be\none third part thereof, and, in this case, of the proportion, 12, now\nfound, only 4 degrees would be what they contribute towards preserving\nthe drink 12 months: the quantity of hops necessary to maintain beers\nin a sound state this space of time, we have found to be twelve pounds;\nthis quantity then is equal to 4 degrees of the medium heat of the\nwhole process. On these grounds we repeatedly tried the experiment in\na variety of brewings made for different purposes, and never found any\ninconveniencies from the estimating hops in such like proportion.\nHops should be used in proportion to the time the liquors are intended\nto be kept, and to the heat of the air in which they are fermented.\nThe quantity requisite to preserve beers twelve months, experience has\nshewn to be[20]twelve pounds, of a good quality, joined to one quarter\nof malt, and when the heat of the air is at 40 degrees, three pounds\nto every quarter has been found sufficient to preserve drinks from\nfour to six weeks, as six pounds are to keep them the same term when\nthe thermometer is so high as 60 degrees. From these facts, founded on\ninformations obtained from long practice, we shall hereafter ascertain\nthe proper quantities to be used in all cases.\nHaving premised these observations, sufficiently accurate for the\ngovernment of this art, the construction as well as utility of the\nfollowing tables will be obvious.\n A TABLE _of the value of the hops, expressed in degrees,\n to be added to the medium of the dryness of the malt, and\n of the heat of the extracts_.\n Hops. New or strong. Pale, low dried,\n A TABLE _of the quantity of hops requisite for every\n quarter of Malt brewed for porter, supposed to be fit for\n use from eight to twelve months_.\n Old ordinary hops started over old beer, 14 per Qr.\n Strong good old hops, when started over old\n New strong hops, when started over old beer, 12\n New ordinary hops started over old beer, 12-1/2\nN.B. The quantity of old beer to be blended with new is here supposed\nnever to exceed one eighth part of the whole.\n A TABLE _of the quantity of hops requisite for common\n small beer, for each quarter of malt, in every season_.\n Heat in the air. New hops. Old hops.\nThe medium heat of the hottest days in England, in the shade,\nseldom, at any time, exceeds 60 degrees, but I continued the table\nproportionably, as what is here set down is from repeated experiments,\nand from thence it appears, at the lowest fermentable degree of heat,\nthree pounds of hops are required for each quarter of malt; at the\nhighest, nine pounds of hops should be allowed for the same quantity;\nthis, in some measure, determines the effect of a greater activity in\nfermentation.\n A TABLE _of the quantity of hops necessary to each\n quarter of malt, in brewing amber or two-penny_.\n Heat in the air. New hops. Old hops.\nAmber is a liquor which, by repeated periodical fermentations, is\nso attenuated, as to be soon fit for use, and, by its strength, is\nsupposed to resist the impressions of the air longer than common small\nbeer, especially in winter; for this reason, it wants fewer hops than\nthat drink does, and in the summer both require equal quantities, on\naccount of the fermentation of amber being carried to a greater degree.\nThe hops once boiled in amber, but used afterwards for small beer, may\nbe estimated equal to one fourth of their original quality.\nWhen twelve shilling small beer is made after amber, the quality of\nthe hops used should at least be equal in value to the quantity of\nten pounds fresh hops to every five barrels of beer, when brewed from\nentire grists of malt for this purpose.\n A TABLE _of the quantity of hops necessary for each\n quarter of malt, in brewing Burton ale_.\nThis liquor requires fewer hops than such ales as are more diluted by\nwater: as it is always brewed in the winter, the quantities here set\ndown are for the number of months it is supposed to be kept, before it\nis drank or bottled.\n Months. lb. oz.\nThough common amber, keeping amber, and Burton ales require the same\ndegree of heat to govern the whole of their processes, yet some small\ndifference will be found in the heats of their extracts, on account of\nthe different quantity of hops used.\nBesides the use of hops for keeping the musts of malt, they may also,\nwith great propriety, be employed both to strengthen and preserve sound\nthe extracts. One or two pounds, in a net suspended in the water the\nmash is to be formed with, are sufficient for this purpose.\nThough the purchasing the materials, used in manufacture, does not\nimmediately relate to its practical part, yet as, in this case, it is\nof great importance to the brewer to know what stock it is prudent for\nhim to keep, of an ingredient equally necessary and variable in its\nvalue, I hope the attempt of a calculation on this subject, will easily\nbe pardoned.\nThe amount of the duty upon hops, for sixteen years, from 1748 to\n1765, was \u00a3.1,171,227, which sum, estimating the duty at 21_s._ per\nbag, gives 1,115,454 bags, used in that time. At the beginning and\nexpiration of this interval, hops sold at such high prices, as no\nconsiderable stock can be supposed to have remained in hand, viz. from\n\u00a3.8 to \u00a3.10 per hundred. If, therefore, to the aforesaid quantity of\n1,115,454 bags, which may be supposed to have served for the whole\nconsumption during this period, we add what may have escaped paying\nduty[21], the annual consumption of hops may be estimated at 70,000\nbags, including what is exported to Ireland or elsewhere. From these\npremises, the following table was constructed, which, though not\ncapable of absolute certainty, may be of some service to the brewers,\nin informing them of the quantities, that probably remain in hand at\nany time, and the stock which prudence will suggest to them to lay in.\n A TABLE, _shewing the medium price Hops should bear, in\n proportion to the growth, and determining the quantity to\n be purchased, in proportion to the stock in hand_.\n Prices of hops Stock of new and Quantity of\n at a medium[22], old hops in the hops equal to\n per cwt. whole kingdom, as many weeks\n after the harvest. consumption.\nThis chapter should not be dismissed without reminding the brewery, of\nthe gross imposition they submit to in purchasing hops. The tare which\njustice requires to be allowed in the sale of all packed merchandize,\nby the hop-factors is refused, who exact payment for the bagging, at\nthe same price as for the commodity itself. If the consumption of hops,\nin England, is yearly 172,268 cwt. and these be packed one half in\nbags and the other half in pockets, taking the mean price of hops to\nbe 3l. 14s. per cwt. in this case the consumers are defrauded at least\nof 39,834l. per annum; that, on a just regulation of this matter, the\ncommodity itself would rise in price, there is not the least foundation\nfor. The present practice of monopolizing hops, by much too frequent,\nis a farther reason to induce the brewery to exert the influence they\nought to have with superior power, to obtain a right so justly due to\nthem.\nSECTION V.\n_OF THE LENGTHS NECESSARY TO FORM MALT-LIQUORS OF THE SEVERAL\nDENOMINATIONS._\nBy length, in the brewery, is understood the quantity of drink made\nfrom one quarter of malt. Beers and ales differ in this respect; and\nthe particular strength allowed to every sort of drink, varies also\nsomewhat, according to the prices of the materials. This increase or\nabatement is, however, never such as to make the profits certain or\nuniform; for the value of the grain being sometimes double of what it\nis at other times, a proportionable diminution in strength, can by no\nmeans take place.\nIt might be expected to find here tables determining the differences\nin strength and quality of each drink, in proportion to their prices,\nand the expences of the brewer. But this, for many reasons, would be\ninconvenient, and in some respects impracticable. He, who chuses to be\nat this trouble, ought not only to take into the account, the prices\nof malt and hops, but the hazards in the manufacturing them, those\nof leakage, of bad cellars, and of careless management, the frequent\nreturns, attended with many losses, the wearing out of utensils, and\nespecially of casks, which last article, engrosses at least one\nfifth of the brewer\u2019s capital, the charges of servants, horses, and\ncarriages, for the delivery of the drinks, the duties paid immediately\nto the government, without any security for the reimbursement, the\nlarge stock and credit necessary to carry on this trade, and many\nother incidents, hardly to be estimated with a sufficient accuracy,\nand never alike to every brewer. In general it appears, when malt and\nhops are sold at mean prices, the value of what is employed of these,\nis equal to the charge attending the manufacture, or of about half the\nvalue of the drinks. Hence this conclusion, sensibly felt by every\nhonest trader, that, from change of circumstances, the reputation of\nthe profits has outlived the reality of them, and that a trade, perhaps\nthe most useful to the landed interest, to the government, and to the\npublic, of any, seems distinguished from all, by greater hazards, and\nless encouragement.\nBut, in a treatise like this, where only the rules upon which true\nbrewing is founded, are laid down, I would avoid any thing that\nmight, though undesignedly, give handle to invidious reflections, and\nill-timed controversies. I therefore content myself with setting down\nthe latitudes of the lengths which should be made for drinks of every\ndenomination.\n _Lengths of beers, according to the excise gauges,\n observed within the bills of mortality, or the Winchester\n measure._\n Lengths of common small beer. }\n Lengths of keeping small beer. }\n Lengths of amber, or pale ale. } from one quarter\n Lengths of brown strong, or porter. }\n Lengths of Burton ale. }\nSECTION VI.\n_METHOD OF CALCULATING THE HEIGHT IN THE COPPER AT WHICH WORTS ARE TO\nGO OUT._\nThe expected quantities, or lengths of beer and ale, can only be found\nby determining at what height in the copper the worts must be when\nturned out.\nBrewers have several methods of expressing to what part they would have\nthe worts reduced by boiling. _Brass_, is the technical appellation\nfor the upper rim of the copper; it is a fixed point, from which the\nestimation generally takes place, either by inches, or by the nails,\nwhich rivet the parts of the copper together. These last are not very\nequal, either in the breadth of their heads, or their distances from\neach other. Inches then, though not specified on the copper, but\ndetermined by the application of a gauge, on which they are marked,\nclaim the preference. The necessity of coppers being gauged, and the\ncontents of what they contain on every inch, both above and below\nbrass, must appear in a stronger light, the nearer we bring the art to\nexactness. The following tables will shew the most useful manner in\nwhich I conceive this gauging should be specified.\n_Gauges of Coppers._\n Great Copper, set up Nov. 30, | Little Copper, set up Aug. 3,\nBy the foregoing table, it is seen that my great copper holds nearly\nnine barrels of water to brass, and as the difference of the volume\nbetween boiling worts, of most denominations, and cold water, is\nnearly as 7 to 9, the quantity it will yield of boiling worts will\nbe but seven barrels. The diameter of this copper, just above brass,\nis sixty-eight inches, at a medium, and at that mean it holds twelve\ngallons seven pints of cold water, or nearly eleven gallons of boiling\nworts, upon an inch.\nHops macerated, by being twice boiled, take up for every six pound\nweight a volume, in the copper, equal to four gallons and a half of\nwater, or a _pin_.\nIn a copper, the gauges of which have just been set down, it is\nrequired to know what number of inches a length of twenty-four barrels\nmust go out at, with fifteen pounds of hops, the guile of beer to be\nbrewed at two worts.\n 14 Barrels, for two full brass,\n 34 Numbers of gallons to a barrel accounted\n boiling wort ---- Equal to gallons 4-1/2\n 33 Inches above brass, the two worts\nWhen three worts are boiled, the amount of three full brasses must be\ndeducted from the length; and as the hops go into the copper three\ntimes, they become more macerated, and take up much less room. The\nproportion is then nearly thirteen or fourteen pounds of hops for each\nfour gallons and a half.\nThus in coppers, which have never been tried or used, we are able,\nby the gauges alone, to determine our lengths; but, as their\ncircumferences are not always exact, and the worts are of very\ndifferent strengths, we should never neglect such trials as may bring\nus nearer to accuracy and truth.\nSECTION VII.\n_OF BOILING._\nIt has been a question, whether boiling is necessary to a wort; but\nas hops are of a resinous quality, the whole of their virtues are not\nyielded by extraction; decoction or boiling is as needful as the plant\nitself, and is, together with extraction and fermentation, productive\nof that uniformity of taste in the compound, which constitutes good\nbeer.\nWorts are composed of oils, salts, water, and perhaps some small\nportion of earth, from both the malt and hops. Oils are capable of\nreceiving a degree of heat much superior to salts, and these again\nsurpass, in this respect, the power of water. Before a wort can be\nsupposed to have received the whole of the fire it can admit of, such a\ndegree of heat must arise, as will be in a proportion to the quantity\nof the oils, the salts, and the water. When this happens, the wort\nmay be said to be intimately mixed, and to have but one taste. The\nfire, made fiercer, would not increase the heat, or more exactly blend\ntogether the constituent parts; this purpose once obtained, the boiling\nof the wort is completed.\nIt follows from thence, that some worts will boil sooner than others,\nreceive their heat in a less time, and be saturated with less fire;\nbut, as it is impossible, and, indeed, unnecessary, to estimate exactly\nthe quantities of oils, salts, and water contained in each different\nwort, it is out of our power previously to fix, for any one, the\ndegree of heat it is capable of. This renders the thermometer in this\ncase useless, and obliges us to depend entirely on experiment, and to\nobserve the signs which accompany the act of ebullition.\nFire, as before has been mentioned, when acting upon bodies, endeavours\nto make its way through them in right lines. A wort set to boil, makes\na resistance to the effort of fire, in proportion to the different\nparts it is composed of. The watery particles are, it is imagined, the\nfirst, which are saturated with fire, and becoming lighter in this\nmanner, endeavour to rise above the whole. The salts are next, and last\nof all the oils. From this struggle proceeds the noise heard when the\nwort first boils, which proves how violently it is agitated, before the\ndifferent principles are blended one with another. While this vehement\nebullition lasts, we may be sure that the wort is not intimately mixed,\nbut when the fire has penetrated and united the different parts, the\nnoise abates, the wort boils smoother, the steam, instead of clouding\npromiscuously as it did at first round the top of the copper, rises\nmore upright, in consequence of the fire passing freely in direct lines\nthrough the drink, and when the fierceness of it drives any part of\nthe drink from the body of the wort, the part so separated ascends\nperpendicularly. Such are the signs by which we may be satisfied\nthe first wort, or the strongest part of the extracts, has been so\naffected by the fire, as to become nearly of one taste. If, at this\ntime, it is turned out of the copper, it appears pellucid, and forms no\nconsiderable sediment.\nThe proper time for the boiling of a wort hitherto has been determined,\nwithout any regard to these circumstances; hence the variety of\nopinions on this subject; greater, perhaps, than on any other part\nof the process. While some brewers would confine boiling to so short\na space as five minutes, there are others who believe two hours\nabsolutely requisite. The first allege, that the strength of the\nwort is lost by long boiling; but this argument will not hold good\nagainst the experiment of boiling a wort in a still, and examining\nthe collected steam, which appears little else than mere water. Those\nwho continue boiling the first wort a long time, do it in order to\nbe satisfied that the fire has had its due effect, and that the hops\nhave yielded the whole of their virtue. They judge of this by the\nwort curdling, and depositing flakes like snow. If a quantity of this\nsediment is collected, it will be found to the taste both sweet and\nbitter, and if boiled again in water, the decoction, when cold, will\nferment, and yield a vinous liquor. These flakes, therefore, contain\npart of the strength of the wort; they consist of the first and\nchoicest principles of the malt and hops, and, by their subsiding,\nbecome of little or no use.\nIt appears, from these circumstances, that boiling a first wort too\nshort or too long a time, is equally detrimental, that different\nworts require different times, and these times can only be fixed by\nobservation.\nThe first wort having received, by the assistance of the fire, a\nsufficient proportion of bitter from the hops, is separated therefrom.\nThe hops, being deprived of part of their virtues, are, on the other\nhand, enriched with some of the glutinous particles of the malt. They\nare afterwards, a second, and sometimes a third time, boiled with the\nfollowing extractions, and thereby divested not only of what they had\nthus obtained, but also of the remaining part of their preservative\nqualities. The thinness and fluidity of these last worts render them\nextremely proper for this purpose. Their heat is never so intense\nas that of the first, when boiling; for, as they consist of fewer\noils, they are incapable of receiving so great a degree of heat. This\ndeficiency can only be made up by doubling or tripling the space of\ntime the first wort boiled, so that what is wanted in the intenseness\nof heat, may be supplied from its continuance.\nThe following table is constructed from observations made according to\nthe foregoing rules.\n A TABLE _shewing the time each wort requires to boil for\n the several sorts of beer, in every season_.\n Vertical heading--\n D: Degrees of heat in the air.\n [D] hours hours hours. | hours hours hours. | hours | hours | hours | hours\nIt may, perhaps, be objected, that, by a long boiling of the last\nworts, the rough and austere parts of the hops may be extracted, and\ngive a disagreeable taste to the liquor; but it should be observed,\nthis only happens, either in beers to be long kept, or in such as are\nbrewed in very hot weather. In the first case the roughness wears off\nby age, and grows into strength, and in the last, it is a check to the\nproneness musts have in such seasons to ferment.\nOne observation more is necessary under this head; most coppers,\nespecially such as are made in London, and set by proper workmen, waste\nor steam away, by boiling, about three or four inches of the contained\nliquor, in each hour. The quantity wasted being found on trial, and\nknowing how much water the copper holds upon an inch, what is steamed\naway by boiling in each brewing, may easily be estimated.\nSECTION VIII.\n _Of the Quantity of Water wasted; and of the Application\n of the preceding Rules to two different processes of\n Brewing._\nWaste water, in brewing, is that part which, though employed in the\nprocess, yet does not remain in the beers or ales when made. Under\nthis head is comprehended the water steamed away in the boiling of the\nworts; that which is lost by heating for the extracts; that which the\nutensils imbibe when dry; that which necessarily remains in the pumps\nand underback; and more than all, the water which is retained in the\ngrist. The fixing to a minute exactness how much is thus expended, is\nboth impossible and unnecessary. Every one of the articles just now\nmentioned varies in proportion to the grist, to the lengths made, to\nthe construction and order of the utensils, and to the time employed in\nmaking the beer. To these different causes of the steam being lessened\nor increased, might be added every change in the atmosphere. However,\nas, upon the whole, the quantity of water lost varies from no reason so\nmuch, as from the age and dryness of the malt, experience is, in this\ncase, our sole and surest guide. I have, in the following table, placed\nunder every mode of brewing, how much I have found necessary to allow\nfor these several wastes and evaporations.\n_Brown strong and pale strong beers._\n For old malts allow 1 5 per quarter.\n Keeping small and common small beers.\n For either new or old malt allow 2 4 per quarter.\n Amber or pale ales.\n For either new or old malt allow 1 5 per quarter.\n Keeping small or common small after amber.\nIt is now time to begin the account of two brewings, which admit of the\ngreatest variety, both in themselves, and in the season of the year.\nThe same processes will be carried on, in the sequel of this work,\nuntil they be completed.[27]\nOn the tenth of July a brewing for common small beer is to be made\nwith 6 quarters of malt.\n By page 150 the medium heat of the air at }\n By page 184 the malt to be used for this }\n purpose should be in dryness at } 130 degrees.\nBy page 210 the proper quantity of new hops is 6 pounds per quarter.\nThe length, according to the excise gauge without the bills of\nmortality, may be rated at 5 barrels 1/8 per quarter, or from the whole\ngrist at 30 barrels 3/4. See page 219.\nBy page 222, the inches required in the copper, to bring out this\nlength, at 2 worts, will be, for coppers as gauged page 221, 56 inches\nin the 2 worts above brass.\nThe state of this part of the brewing is, therefore, six quarters of\nmalt dried to 130 degrees, 36 pounds of hops for 30 barrels 3/4 to go\nout at 56 inches above brass.\n 30-3/4 Length\n { Boiling by page 228\n 5-1/4 { 2 wort 3 hours or 9 inches.\n 15 waste water page 231\n 51 barrels; whole quantity of water to be used.\nAnd by page 191 we find the heat of the first extract to be 154\ndegrees, and the heat of the last 174 degrees.\nThe other brewing, of which I purpose to lay down the process in this\ntreatise, is one for brown beer or porter of 11 quarters of malt, to be\nbrewed on the 20th of February.\n By page 150 the medium heat of the air at }\n By page 174 the malt for this purpose }\nBy page 209 the quantity of hops is 12 pounds per quarter. The length\nI would fix for this liquor, according to the excise gauge without the\nbills of mortality, is 2 barrels and 4 pins from a quarter, or from the\nwhole grist 27 barrels 1/2. See page 219.\nBy page 222, the inches required, in a copper, such as I have specified\npage 221, to bring out this length at 3 worts, are 31 above brass.\nThe state of this brewing, so far as we have considered it, is\ntherefore 11 quarters malt dried to 130 degrees, 132 pounds of hops for\n27 barrels 1/2 to go out at 31 inches above brass.\n 27-1/2 barrels the length,\n { boiling by page 228.\n { 1 wort 1 hour or 4 inches.\n { 2 wort 2 hours or 6 inches.\n 8-1/4 { 3 wort 4 hours or 12 inches.\n 18 waste water page 231 old\n ------ malt 1-5/8 per quarter.\n 54 barrels, whole quantity of water to be used.\nAnd by page 177 we find the heat of the first extract to be 155\ndegrees, and the heat of the last extract 165.\nSECTION IX.\n _Of the Division of the Water for the respective Worts\n and Mashes, and of the Heat adequate to each of these._\nThat the whole quantity of water, as well as that of heat required,\nought not, in any brewing, at once to be applied to the grist, is\nobvious, both from reason, and from the example of nature, who, in\nforming the juice of the grape, divides the process, and increasing\nsuccessively both the moisture and the heat, gives time to each degree\nto have its complete effect. A division of the water and heat to form\nmalt liquors is equally necessary, but previous to this division the\nfollowing general rules may be laid down.\nThe grist, if possible, is at no time to be left with less water than\nwhat will cover the malt, to put all its parts in action. In the first\nmashes for strong beer, an allowance is to be made for nearly as much\nwater as the grist will imbibe; and, lastly, the whole quantity of\nwater used in brewing should be divided, in a proportion analogous to\nthat of the degrees of heat.\nProcesses for brewing are carried on either with one copper or with\ntwo. Though the first of these methods is almost out of use, it may be\nnecessary to give an example or two of the division of the water used\nin this case, the doing which will point out the absurdity of this\npractice.\nIn brewing with one copper, scarcely more than three mashes can be\nmade; otherwise the time taken up in boiling the worts, and preparing\nthe subsequent waters for extraction, would be so long, as to cause the\ngrist to lose great part of its heat, and, in warm weather, perhaps, to\nbecome sour. The whole water required might naturally be divided into\nthree equal parts, was it not for the quantity at first imbibed by the\ngrist; but as, in this way of brewing, the best management is to make\nthe first wort of one mash, and the second wort of the other two, it\nwill be found necessary to allow, for the first extracting water, four\nparts out of seven of the whole quantity required, and to divide the\nremainder equally for the other two mashes. Thus, if the whole quantity\nof water required was fifty-one barrels, the lengths of the extracting\nwaters would be as follow:\n 1 Liquor 2 Liquor 3 Liquor.\nThe water imbibed and retained by the malt is allowed for in this\ncomputation, which will be found just to every purpose, for small beer\nbrewed in one copper only.\nBut in strong beers and ales, with three mashes, whether brewed at\none, two, or three worts, the case will be somewhat different, as\ncare should always be taken to reserve for every mash a sufficient\nquantity of water to apply to the grist. For this reason, no greater\nproportion ought to be used in the first mash than that of three parts\nout of seven, as the volume of the malt is in a greater proportion to\nthe quantity of water than in the preceding case. If, therefore, the\nwhole quantity of water used was thirty-five barrels, the length of the\nliquors would be:\n 1 Liquor 2 Liquor 3 Liquor.\nEmploying only one copper, must from hence appear, and is allowed to\nbe, bad management; for, in some part or other of the process, however\nwell contrived, the business must stand still, and consequently the\nextracts be injured, by the air continually affecting them. The best\nand most usual practice, and that which here will be set in example, is\nto brew with two coppers. Other rules consequently are necessary to be\nobserved, and I shall be more particular in the explanation of them.\nTo preserve order, and to convey our ideas in the clearest manner, we\nshall make use of the four modes of brewing we mentioned, in the fourth\nsection.\nThe first of these, which implies keeping pale strong and keeping\npale small beers to become spontaneously fine, are best brewed with\ntwo worts and four mashes, to allow for what is imbibed by the grist,\nand what is steamed away during the first part of the process, four\nsevenths of the whole of the water employed, and consequently a like\nproportion of the number of the degrees which constitute the difference\nbetween the first and last heats of the whole brewing, are required for\nthe first wort, and the remainder to the last or second. The proportion\nas to the water is permanent, but having now only a division of heat in\na progressive state, for the temperature to be given to the extracts,\nto put in practice the principles laid down in pages 64, 65; the first\nwort, however, composed of several mashes, must be of one uniform\nheat, though less than that of the second, whose extracts, though more\npowerful, must, notwithstanding, be of equal heat among themselves.\nAccording to the rules laid down in section 8, the whole quantity of\nwater requisite for a guile of keeping pale strong, or keeping pale\nsmall beer, is fifty-one barrels. In page 171, we found, including the\nheat lost at the time the extract separates from the grist, the first\nheat to form this process to be 144 degrees, and the last 158 degrees;\nthe quantity of water, and the difference between these two degrees,\nare required to be divided in such proportions as are best applicable\nto the purpose we intend.\n Water 51 Barrels, multiplied by\n Divided by 7) 204\n Gives 29 Barrels for the first Wort, and\n Leaves 22 Barrels for the second Wort.\nThe twenty-nine barrels, equally divided between the two first mashes,\nis fourteen barrels and a half for each; and the twenty-two barrels,\nequally divided between the two last mashes, is eleven barrels for each.\n The last heat for pale keeping beers is 160 degrees.\n This, as above, multiplied by 4\nthe proportion to be allotted to the first wort, and 6 degrees, the\nremainder, to the last, in a regular progressive state; the elements\nfor this brewing would stand as under.\n Malt\u2019s Value of Whole First Second Third Fourth\n dryness. hops. medium. mash. mash. mash. mash.\nBut more exactly, to imitate the fermented liquors formed by nature,\nour first wort, answering to the germinating part of her process must\nbe of one uniform heat in the extracts, as must likewise our second\nwort: (See page 165) the mean, then, of the progressive heats of the\nfirst wort will be that which must be applied both to the first and\nsecond mashes, and the mean of the progressive heats of the second\nwort, that which must direct the third and fourth mashes; from whence\nare deduced\n_Elements for forming keeping pale strong and keeping pale small beers._\n Malt\u2019s Value of Whole First Second Third Fourth\n dryness. hops. medium. mash. mash. mash. mash.\nThat this method of applying the heats to the mashes corresponds to the\nmedium heat which is to govern the whole process, the circumstances\nrequired in page 165, the following operation will prove.\n 29 Barrels, the first wort.\n Heated to 150\n 22 Barrels, the second wort.\n quantity 4350\n Barrels 51 )7837( 153 The mean heat of the 4 mashes.\n 51 2 Deducted for the heat lost at the\n ---- 135 Mean heat of Malt\u2019s dryness and of the extracts.\n 138 Mean heat of the whole process.\nAdmitting of the necessary variations in the medium heats which are to\ngovern processes for different purposes, and of those in the number\nof degrees forming the constituent parts of the must, in proportion as\nthe drinks are to be formed, either to become spontaneously fine, or\nmade so by precipitation, or intended for a longer or shorter duration.\nThis rule will be found universally true, when beers are brewed with\ntwo worts: but when, for the benefit of the drink, or on account of\nthe smallness of the utensils, as is often the case, when the second\nmode of extraction is put in practice, we are obliged to carry on\nthe process with three worts, these proportions must necessarily\nbe altered, and the following have, in this case, been found most\nadvantageous.\nThe first and second wort ought to have two thirds of the water; the\nfirst wort two thirds of this quantity, the second the remainder of\nthis, and the third wort one third part of the whole.\nPorter or brown beer is the sort of drink, in which this division is\nmost commonly observed. Let the whole quantity of water to be used be\nthat of the brewing, of which the elements have been laid down, (page\n233) or 54 barrels.\n 24 Barrels of water for the first wort.\n 12 Barrels for the second wort.\n 18 Barrels for the third wort.\n The last degree\n for this drink is,\n with malt dried\n to 130 degrees, 165 Degrees.\n The first, as per\n Their difference 10 Degrees.\nFive degrees to be proportioned in the first wort, and these deducted\nfrom 7 degrees, the number allowed for the first and second wort,\nthere remains two degrees for the second wort; and seven degrees\ndeducted from ten, the whole difference, leaves three degrees, to be\nproportioned in the third and last wort.\nA grist of eleven quarters of malt is too large, to admit of the water\nallowed for the first wort to be equally divided between the first and\nsecond mash; therefore, rather than use the whole 24 barrels in one\nmash, a sufficient quantity only must be applied to the first mash,\nboth to work it, and to get as much of the extract to come down, as\nwill save the bottom of the copper it is to be pumped into. By this\nmanagement, there will be enough left to form the second extract with,\nor what by the brewers is termed the piece liquor. The exact quantity\nof water the first mash should have, might be referred to the following\nsection, but the order we have laid down, will excuse our anticipating\nthereon.\nIt has been found, and will hereafter be proved, that a volume of\neleven quarters of malt, dried to 130 degrees, is equal to 6,32 barrels\nof liquid measure, that malt in general requires twice its volume of\nwater to wet it, and this quantity of water is retained after every tap\nis spent.\n 6,32 Barrels, volume of the 11 quarters of malt.\n 12,64 Barrels of water imbibed by the grist,\n which, deducted from\n 24,00 Whole quantity of water allowed for\n Remains 3) 11,36 Extract, which will be yielded from\n the first and second mash.\n 3,78 Length of the first piece, which is\n sufficient to save the copper.\n 12,64 Quantity imbibed as above.\n 16,42 Quantity of water for the first mash.\n 7,58 Quantity of water for the second mash.\nThe elements of this brewing, as we have them (page 178) placed in\na progressive state, will be as under, where the quantity of water\nallowed for the first wort is divided into two mashes, according to\nthe circumstances just now taken notice of, where the second wort is\nformed by one entire mash, and the water allotted for the third wort is\nseparated equally into two parts, for the two last mashes, and when the\nten degrees of heat, the difference between the first and last heats\nemployed, are as near as possible proportioned to the lengths of the\nworts.\n Malt\u2019s Value Whole First Second Third Fourth Fifth\n dryness. of hops. medium. mash. mash. mash. mash. mash.\nBut, for the reasons alleged in page 236, they admit of the following\nvariation.\n_Elements for brewing brown beer or porter._\nMalt\u2019s Value Whole First Second Third Fourth Fifth dryness. of hops.\nmedium. mash. mash. mash. mash. mash.\nAnd, if proved as before, the same correspondence will be found with\nthe medium governing heat.\nThe third mode of extraction is intended for a drink which is soon\nto be ready for use, in which, in the coldest season of the year,\ntransparency is expected, and, in the hottest months, soundness:\nto procure these intents, we have already shewn (page 191) it was\nnecessary to vary the medium heats governing these several processes,\nin proportion as the seasons of the year differed as to heat and cold.\nOur present business is a proper division of the whole quantity of\nwater necessary for brewing, into the respective worts and mashes,\nand to apply to each, the adequate degree of heat: one single example\nwill suffice for the operation, and the whole variety this drink is\nsubjected to, will be expressed in the table subjoined.\nThe general practice to brew common small beer, and which is best,\nis to form it with two worts and four mashes, and, in this case,\nas was before practised for keeping pale beers, in order to allow\nfor the water at first absorbed by the grist; four sevenths of the\nwhole quantity is required for the first wort, and the remainder for\nthe second wort, dividing these quantities again into equal parts,\nfor their respective mashes. As a speedy spontaneous pellucidity is\nexpected in every season of the year, and as every means for producing\nthis without affecting the soundness of the drink, must be put in\npractice, the whole number of constituent parts are not only applied,\nbut likewise the progressive heats suffered to take place: for here,\nthrough necessity, we are compelled to forsake the rules nature\npointed out, (as in pages 64, 65); the reasons why are obvious; this\ndrink receives no benefit by the slow progress nature recommends, and\ntherefore very little by the impressions of time.\nIn page 232, we found the whole quantity of water to be used for the\nbrewing there specified, fifty-one barrels, and in page 191, we find\nwhen the heat of the air is at 60, the first heat is 154, the last 174\ndegrees.\n Water 51 Barrels, multiplied by\n Divided by 7) 204\n Gives 29 for the first Wort, and this deducted\n Leaves 22 for the second Wort.\nThe twenty-nine barrels, divided into the first and second mashes, will\nbe fourteen barrels and a half for each; and the twenty-two barrels,\nequally divided between the third and fourth mashes, is eleven barrels\neach.\n The last heat for this brewing of common small beer\n Leaves (to avoid fractions) nearly 12 degrees,\nto be proportioned in the first wort, and 8 degrees, the remainder\nof the 20, to the second wort, in a regular progressive state: the\nelements for this brewing are:\n Malt\u2019s Value of Whole First Second Third Fourth\n dryness. hops. medium. mash. mash. mash. mash.\nThe quantity of water used for brewing small beer is in proportion to\nthe largeness of the grist, and the price of the grain; this admitting\nof almost an endless variety, it is needless to pursue it: but the\ndryness of the malt, the value of the hops, the medium governing the\nprocesses, and the heat of the extracts being fixed, and constant\ndegrees of heat in proportion to that of the air, I have constructed\nthe following table, which will be found useful to the practitioner in\nevery season of the year.\n Heat of Malt\u2019s Value of Whole First Second Third Fourth\n air. dryness. hops. medium. mash. mash. mash. mash.\nThe last business of this section is to divide the quantity of water\nrequisite to brew pale ales or amber, and to apply to such divisions\ntheir necessary degrees of heat. This liquor is rather an effort\nof art, than an exact imitation of nature, as in it the greatest\ntransparency, joined to the greatest strength, is expected in a very\nshort time. To obtain these ends, the whole number of the constituent\nproperties of malt and two mashes only are employed. In the first, in\norder to favor its pellucidity, the lowest adequate extracting degree\nmust be used; and in the second, to cause the malt to yield the whole\nof its necessary parts, the highest fitting heat must be applied; the\nwhole of the process is, nevertheless, subjected to the governing\nmedium heat of 138 degrees, the highest which admits of voluntary\nbrightness. But where a drink is formed with two mashes only, and\nboiled off in one entire wort, to keep the due proportion between the\nquantity of water used, and the heat required in the extracts, and\nat the same time to allot the proper quantity for what is imbibed by\nthe grist, the most convenient division found, will be three-fifths\nof the whole quantity of water to be applied to the first mash, and\nthe remaining two-fifths to the other. I know to this, custom may be\nobjected, that the first mash for amber should be a stiff one, in\norder the better to retain the heat; but this, in the division here\nproposed, may equally be obtained by a proper allowance made in the\nattemperating of the water, without affecting the proportion of the\nheats required, as otherwise must be the case.\nFrom 8 quarters of malt to make 13 barrels of fine ale.\n 26 Whole water employed, multiplied by\n Divided by 5) 78\n Gives 16 Barrels for the first mash, and leaves\n 10 Barrels for the second mash,\nthe lowest heat being required in the first extract, and the highest in\nthe last, according to page 194; for the 16 barrels it will be 144, and\nfor the 10 barrels it will contain 164 degrees.\nBut as the heat of the air occasions a difference in the quantities of\nhops to be used, and as from hence the extracts are somewhat varied: it\nhas been judged convenient to add the following table:\n A TABLE _of the elements for forming pale ale or amber,\n at every degree of heat in the air, with the allowance of\n two degrees of heat, in the first and last extractions_.\n Heat of Malt\u2019s Value of Medium heat of the extracts, First Last\n air. dryness. hops. and of malt\u2019s dryness. heat. heat.\nIn summer time, it is sometimes thought better to brew this drink with\nmalts more dried; for conveniency sake, I here insert two examples.\n Heat of Malt\u2019s Value of Whole Heat of Heat of\n air. dryness. hops. Medium. first mash. last mash.\nFor the management of small beer made after amber, see page 197.\nThus having shewn how to ascertain the quantities of the malt, the\nhops, the water, and the heat to be used, and to proportion them to\neach other, as the good or bad properties of beers arise from the\nextracts, and fire is the governing agent, we must now seek the\nmeans to administer the right portion of heat, and so to temper the\nwater that is to form the extracts, as not to be disappointed of our\nintentions. In the calculations made for this purpose, not only the\nwater in the copper, but the value and effect of the grist, as to heat\nand cold, must be considered.\nSECTION X.\n_An enquiry into the Volume of Malt, in order to reduce the Grist to\nliquid Measure._\nThe gallon, by which malt is measured, though less, is nearly of the\nsame capacity with that, which is used for beer or water. The quarter\nof malt, contains 64 gallons of this measure, and the barrel, within\nthe bills of mortality, according to the gauges used by the excise,\ncontains 36 gallons, but without the bills, 34; though the first\nquantity is the measure for sale throughout the kingdom. Hence it would\nappear, that proportioning the grain to the barrel of water would be\nno difficult undertaking. This however is so far from being the case,\nthat, after having made use of several calculations to help us to the\ntrue proportions, we shall find, they want the corroborating proofs of\nactual experience, to be entirely depended upon.\nThe ultimate parts of water are so very small, as to make this, as well\nas all other liquids, appear to the eye one continued uniform body,\nwithout any interstices. This cannot be said of malt laying together\neither whole or ground; there are numbers of vacancies between the\ncorns, when whole, and between the particles when ground, but for\nour present purpose the volume occupied by any quantity of malt is\nproperly no more, than the space which would be occupied by every\nindividual corn, either whole or cut asunder, were they as closely\njoined together as water.\nTo determine, with precision, the quantity of cold water to be added\nto that, which is brought to the boiling point, (an act by the brewers\ncalled _cooling in_) it is necessary to know, what proportion a quarter\nof malt bears to the measure of a barrel of water. Several operations\nwill be found requisite to come to this knowledge; viz. to take several\ngauges of different brewings, more especially in the first part of the\nprocess; to be well acquainted with the degree of dryness of the malt\nused, the heat of the first extract, and the quantity of liquor the\nmash tun holds upon every inch; to find out what degrees of expansion\nare produced by the different degrees of heat in the first mash, how\nmuch less water the mash tun holds upon an inch when hot, than it does\nwhen cold, what quantity of water is lost by evaporation, and in what\nproportion at the several terms of the process. In order to put this in\npractice, the gauges of the following brewings were taken.\n5 quarters of malt dried to 125 degrees.\n The quantity of water used for the first }\n The malt and water gauged together in }\n the mash tun just before the tap was } 25, 00 inches.\n Allowance for the space under the false }\n bottom boards of the mash tun, as near } 0, 66 inches.\n The goods gauged in the mash tun, after }\n the first tap was spent } 15, 41 inches.\n First piece gauged in the copper 8 0 2\n The water employed for the second mash }\n The grist gauged with this water just }\n before the tap was set } 30, 62 inches.\n And just after the tap was spent 15, 63 inches.\n The first wort consisting of these two }\n pieces gauged in the copper } 21 2 0\n The water used for the third mash was 8 3 6\n Just before the tap was set the grist }\n with this gauged in the mash tun } 24, 60 inches\n And just after the tap was spent 15, 20 inches.\n The water used for the fourth mash was 8 3 6\n The mash gauged just before the tap }\n And just after the tap was spent } 15, 16 inches.\nThe heat of the first extract was 136 degrees, to which adding two\ndegrees, for what is lost by the tap spending, the true heat of the\nmash is 138 degrees.\nThe first extract, before it is blended with hops, may be estimated to\nbe nearly as strong as a first wort of common small beer. This, when\nunder a strong ebullition, raised the thermometer to 216 degrees, and\nseven barrels of such a wort, when boiling, occupied an equal space\nwith nine barrels of cold water, at the mean temperature of 60 degrees.\nNow, if the degrees of expansion follow the proportion of those of\nheat, the following table, constructed upon this supposition, will shew\nhow many barrels of cold water would be necessary to occupy the same\nspace with seven barrels of wort of different heats.\n Degrees of heat. Barrels of cold water. Barrels of wort.\nThe quantity of water evaporated in a brewing, when not in immediate\ncontact with fire, is more considerable than it is generally\napprehended to be; after repeated trials, I have found that what was\nlost in this manner amounted nearly to one fifth.\nNow since the heat of the first tap was 138 degrees, and my mash tun\nholds 20,25 gallons upon an inch, the following proportion may be\ndeduced from the preceding table.\nand this is the true quantity contained in one inch, at a heat of 138\ndegrees.\nThe quantity of water used for the first mash, was 12B. 2F. 3G. or 428\ngallons, of which one fifth is supposed to be steamed away, when the\nfirst liquor is gone through the whole process of the extraction: but\nas the gauges of the malt and water together are taken before the tap\nis set, in the beginning of the process, the whole evaporation ought\nnot to be deduced, and one sixth seems to be a sufficient allowance on\nthis account. We may therefore suppose 357 gallons to be in the mash\ntun at the time of gauging, which number being divided by 17,71, will\nshew how many inches are taken up by the water at that heat.\n The mash gauged just before the tap was\n Allowed for the space under false bottoms, 0,66\n Deduct the inches taken up by the water, 20,15\n Remainder for the five quarters of malt, 5,51 Inches.\nor 1,10 inch for one quarter. This number being multiplied by 17,71,\nthe quantity of gallons contained upon one inch at this heat, will give\n19,48 gallons for the volume of one quarter of this malt. There now\nremains nothing but to bring a barrel of water of 34 gallons, under\nlike circumstances, as to expansion and evaporation, with these 19,48\ngallons, with this difference only, that as the proportion required\nis, at the time the water and malt first come in contact, and not\nafter the mash has been worked, a less allowance for steaming will be\nsufficient, and may well be fixed at one seventh.\n Gauge within the bills of Gauge without the bills of\nThe barrel of water reduced; and as 19,48 gallons, under the same\ncircumstances, were found equal to one quarter of malt, the following\ndivision will shew the proportion, between them.\nThus, in malt dried to 125 degrees, the quantity of 1,70 quarters is\nrequired to make a volume equal to 34 gallons, or a barrel of water,\naccording to the excise gauging without the bills of mortality; and\nthe quantity of 1,81 quarters is required to make a volume equal to 36\ngallons, or a barrel of water, according to the excise gauging within\nthe bills of mortality.\nThe more the malt has been dried, the larger the interstices are\nbetween its parts; the quantity of water it admits will consequently be\ngreater than what is absorbed by such as is less dry. More of this last\nmalt will be necessary to make a volume, equal to that of the barrel of\nwater; and every different degree of dryness must cause a variety in\nthis respect. It will therefore be proper to repeat the operation with\na high-dried grist.\nGauges of a brewing of eight quarters of malt dried to 140 degrees.\n The water used for the first mash, 11 2 4\n Malt and water gauged together in the } 26,25 Inches.\n mash, just before the tap was set, }\n Allowed for the space under the false bottom } 0,66 Inches.\n Goods gauged in the mash tun after the } 22,36 Inches\n First piece gauged in the copper, 5 0 0\n The water for the second mash was 11 2 4\n The mash gauged just before the tap was set, 35,70 Inches.\n Just after the tap was spent, 22,19 Inches.\n The wort made of these two pieces }\n The water used for the third mash was 8 3 6\n The mash gauged just before the tap was set } 31,10 Inches.\n And just after the tap was spent, 21,77 Inches.\n The water used for the fourth mash was 8 3 6\n The mash gauged just before the tap was set } 30,50 Inches.\n And just after the tap was spent 21,60 Inches.\nThe heat of the first extract was 142 degrees. Now, by the table of\nexpansions (page 256).\n Quantity of water in the first mash, 11 2 4\n Deduction for the evaporation at this\nof the water for the first mash, which must be divided by the real\nquantity of water contained upon an inch in the mash tun.\n The mash gauged just before the tap\n Allowed for the space under the false\n Inches taken up by the water of the\n Space occupied by these 8\n Space occupied by one quarter 1,02\n water equal in volume to one quarter of this malt.\n Excise gauge without the bills of mortality.\n 39,10 Expansion of the barrel of water,\n out of which 1/7th, 5,58, is to be deducted for\n Remains, 33,52 for the barrel of water reduced,\n which the quarter of malt, or 17,95, is to be compared to.\nExcise gauge within the bills of mortality.\n ----- 592 1/7th to be deducted for evaporation.\n 17,95)33,5200(1,86 Quantity of malt dried to 140 degrees\n 1795 equal to one barrel of water.\n 17,95)35,3700(1,97 Quantity of malt dried to 140 degrees,\n 1795 equal to one barrel of\n ------ water, according to the excise\n 17420 gauge within the bills of mortality.\nHaving found the volume of malt at two distant terms of dryness, we\nmight divide the intermediate degrees in the same manner as we have\ndone before, could the certainty of these calculations be entirely\ndepended upon; but as some allowances have been made without immediate\nproof, how near soever truth the result thereof may from experiments\nappear, it may be proper to point out what is wanting to make our\nsuppositions satisfactory.\nSome part of the calculation depends on the quantity evaporated; this,\nin the same space of time, may be more or less, as the fire under the\nwater is brisk or slow, or as the weight of the atmosphere differs.\nThe gauges are taken at the time the malt and water are in contact,\nand more or less water may be imbibed in proportion, both of the\ndryness and age of the malt; water as a fluid, malt as a porous solid\nbody, must differ in their expansion, but in what proportion is to me\nunknown; effervescence may be another cause of want of exactness; the\ndifferent cut the malt has had in the mill, its being or not being\ntruly prepared, and lastly the difference as to time, of the mashing or\nstanding of the grist, prevent our relying wholly upon the calculation.\nIt is, however, not improbable that some of these incidents correct\none another. Since 1,70 quarter of malt dried to 125 degrees are equal\nto one barrel of water, and 1,86 quarter of malt dried to 140 have\nthe same volume, the difference being but 16 parts out of 100, the\nwhole of the error cannot be very great, and one quarter six bushels\nof malt may, at a medium, be estimated of the same volume with one\nbarrel of water. But, as experience is the surest guide, I have, from\na very great number of different brewings, collected the following\nproportions, and repeatedly found them to be true. I have added, in the\ntable, the weight malt ought to have, at every degree of dryness.\n A TABLE _shewing the quantity of malt of every degree of\n dryness, equal to the volume of one barrel of water, and\n of the mean weight of one quarter in proportion to its\n dryness_.\n Excise gauge Excise gauge\n Degree of without the bills. within the bills. Weight in\n dryness. Volume of grain. Volume of grain. pounds.\nWith a table thus constructed, it is very easy to reduce every grist\nto its proper volume of water. Suppose those of the brewings we have\nalready mentioned; that of the small beer consists of 6 quarters of\nmalt dried to 130 degrees, the proportion of which in the table is as\n Quarter of malt. Barrel of water. Malt. Water.\nThese six quarters of malt occupy therefore an equal volume with 3,42\nbarrels of water. A brown beer grist of 11 quarters dried to 130\ndegrees; the proportion of this in the table is as 1,74 to 1.\n Malt. Water. Malt. Water.\nThe volume of these 11 quarters of malt is therefore the same with\nthat of 6,32 barrels of water, and the whole being brought to one\ndenomination, we are enabled to find the heat of the first mash; but\nthe effervescence occasioned by the union of the malt and water must\nprevent this calculation being strictly true, the consideration of\nwhich shall take place hereafter.\nThe circumstances are different in the other mashes: the waters used\nfor these, meet a grist already saturated, and the volume is increased\nbeyond the quantity found for dry malt. The quantity to be allowed for\nthis increase cannot be determined by our former calculations, and new\ntrials are to be made, in order to fix upon the true proportion.\nGauging is undoubtedly the most certain method of proceeding in\nthese researches; but even this becomes less sure, on account of the\nexpansion, evaporation, effervescence, and other incidents already\nmentioned.--Our errors however cannot be very considerable, when\nwe deduce our conclusions from numerous and sufficiently varied\nexperiments.\nThe volume of the grist of pale malt was found, after the parting of\nthe first extract, to be 15,41 inches, though the space occupied by\nthe malt, when dry, was only 5,51 inches: and the volume of the brown\ngrist, at the same period, was 22,36 inches, though the dry malt filled\nonly a space of 8,21 inches. The proportion in both these cases, and\nin all those which I have tried, answers nearly to one third, so that\nthe volume of the grist, in the second and all subsequent mashes, may\nbe estimated at three times the bulk of the malt when dry, and this\nis sufficiently accurate for the operations of brewing, in which, for\nconveniency sake, the application of whole numbers should be effected.\nAs it is found, by the gauges, that the goods, after the several taps\nare spent, remain sensibly of the same volume, or at least very little\ndiminished; may we not conclude, the parts absorbed by the water, in\nwhich the virtue of the grain and the strength of the beer consist,\nare contained in an amazing small compass? It is indeed true that hot\nwaters and repeated mashes do swell somewhat the hulls and skins of the\nmalt, but no allowance made for this increase will be sufficient, to\nremove the cause of our surprise.\nSECTION XI.\n _Of the Proportion of cold Water to be added to that\n which is on the point of Boiling, in Order to obtain the\n desired heat in the Extract._\nThe degree of heat, which causes water to boil is determined, by\nFarenheit\u2019s scale, to 212. It is in our power to give to any part\nof the extracting water this degree of heat; and by adding to it a\nsufficient proportion of water of an equal heat with that of the air,\nand blending these two quantities with the grist, to bring the whole\nto the required temperature. The rules for obtaining this end are\nextremely simple, and cannot be unknown to those, who are skilled in\narithmetical operations. But as our view is to render this part of our\nwork generally useful, we think it will be proper briefly to lay down\nthese rules, and to illustrate them by the examples of our two brewings.\n_Rule to ascertain the heat of the first Mash._\nLet _a_ express the degree of boiling water, _b_ the actual heat of the\nair, _c_ the required degree for the extract, _m_ the whole quantity\nof water to be used, _n_ the volume of the malt; _x_, that part of the\nwater, which is to be made to boil, will be determined by the following\nequation.\nThe quantity of water used, added (+) to the volume of the grist.\nTheir sum (_z_) multiplied (\u00d7) by the heat required, less (-) the heat\nof the air.\nThis produce divided (\u00f7) by the heat of boiling water (212) less (-)\nthe heat of the air will quote how much is to be made to boil or\nbrought through (212) that is how high the copper is to be charged,\nthe remainder of the length of the whole liquor for this mash, is the\nquantity to be cooled in.\nThe first example is that of a brewing of small beer, when the heat\nof the air is at 60, (see page 232.) The volume of the 6 quarters of\nmalt was estimated at 3,42 barrels, (see page 268;) the first liquor is\n14-1/2 barrels, (see page 247) and the heat required for the first mash\n154 degrees, (see page 247.)\n_First Mash._\n _m_ = 14,50 Barrels of water\n _n_ = 3,42 Volume of grist\n _b_ heat of the\n 1248 considered in this calculation.\nThe next example of a brewing is that of a grist of eleven quarters\nof malt for porter or brown beer; the medium heat of the air is forty\ndegrees, the volume of the grist, 6,32 barrels, (see page 268) the\nfirst liquor to mash with sixteen barrels, (see page 245) and the\nheat expected in the mash, one hundred and fifty-seven and a half[29]\ndegrees. (See page 245).\n_First Mash of brown strong beer._\nIwill give one proof of the certainty of this rule, by setting down the\nstate of this first mash from it.\n A. 3218,16 Number of degrees of heat in 14,66 barrels\n of boiling water.\n 16,00 Barrels of water to first mash.\n 15,18 Barrels made to boil.\n ,82 Barrel to cool in.\n 40 Heat of cold water.\n B. 32,80 Number of degrees of heat in 1,34 barrels of\n 15,18 Boiling water.\n 6,32 Volume of grist.\n C. 22,32 Barrels, volume of the whole mash.\n 6,32 Barrels, volume of the 11 quarters of\n 252,80 Number of degrees of heat in the\n C. 22,32 ) 350376 (157 degrees of heat required in the\nSo long as the mixture consists only of two quantities of different\nheat, as is always the case of the first mash, the preceding solution\ntakes place. But in the second and other mashes, where three bodies are\nconcerned, each of different heat, viz. the boiling water, the cold\nwater, and the mash, are to be mixed, and brought to a determinate\ndegree, the rule must be different; yet, like the former, it is the\nsame with what is used in similar cases of allaying, when different\nmetals are to be melted down into a compound of a certain standard, or\ndifferent ingredients of different value to be blended, in order to\nmake a mixture of a determinate price. What the different density of\nthe metals, or the different value of the ingredients are, in these\ncases, the different degrees of heat of the boiling water, the grist,\nand the air, are in this.\n_Rule to ascertain the heat of the second mash, and of the subsequent\nones._\nLet the same letters stand for the things they signified before, and\n_d_ express the actual heat of the grist, then will\nor in plain terms, the heat required less (-) the heat of the air,\nmultiplied (\u00d7) by the quantity of water used.\nThe heat required less (-) the heat of the goods, multiplied (\u00d7) by the\nvolume of the goods.\nTheir sum (z) divided (\u00f7) by the heat of boiling water, (212) less (-)\nthe heat of the air.\nWill quote the quantity to be made to boil, or to be brought through\n(212) the remainder part of the whole liquor for the mash is\nconsequently the quantity to be cooled in.\nWe may now collect the circumstances of the two brewings, and find the\nquantity of boiling water, required for their second and subsequent\nmashes, exclusively of the incidents which will hereafter be mentioned.\nThe first mash for the six quarters of small beer, had 154 degrees of\nheat, but this and every mash loses, in the time the extract is parting\nfrom it, 4 degrees, which reduces the heat to 150 degrees. The volume\nof this grist, in its dry state, was 3,42 barrels, but now, by being\nexpanded, and having imbibed much water, it occupies three times that\nspace, or 10,26 barrels; the air is supposed to continue in the same\nstate of 60 degrees of heat. The length and heat to be given to the\nthree remaining mashes, are as follows. (See page 247.)\n_Second Mash for Small Beer._\n _c_ = 166 Heat required in the mash.\n _c_ = 166 Heat required in the mash.\n _a_ - _b_ = 152)170116(11,19 Barrels of water to be made to\n 152 boil out of the quantity allotted\n_Third Mash._\n 170 Heat of mash. 170 Heat of 3rd mash.\n 1100 Barrels of water 1026 Volume of grist.\n 152)129208(8,50 Barrels to be made to boil out of the\n 1216 quantity of water allowed for the\n_Fourth Mash._\n 174 Heat of 4th mash. 174 Heat of 4th mash.\n 11,00 Barrels of water 1026 Volume of goods.\n 152)133608(879 Barrels to be made to boil out of the\n 1216 quantity of water allowed for the\nThe liquors of this brewing of common small beer, when the mean heat\nof the air is 60 degrees, must therefore be ordered in the following\nmanner (the incidents hereafter to be noticed, excepted.)\nThe heat of the first mash for the 11 quarters of brown beer, was 157\ndegrees, (see page 245) and after the parting of the extract from it,\n153; the volume of the grist, in its dry state, was valued at 6,32\nbarrels of water, (see page 268) but, for the reasons before mentioned,\nit now occupies three times that space, or 18,96 barrels. The air is\nsupposed to continue at 40 degrees, and the length and heat to be given\nto the different mashes, were determined as follows: (see page 245.)\n_Second Mash of Porter, or brown strong._\n 172)103880(6,03 Barrels of water to be made to boil for\n_Third Mash._\n 212 Heat of boiling water.\n 172)161568(9,45 Barrels of water to be made to boil for\n_Fourth Mash._\n 172)122976(7,14 Barrels of water to be made to boil for\n_Fifth Mash._\n 9,00 Barrels of water. 5\n 172)123980(7,20 Barrels of water to be made to boil for\nThe liquors of this brewing of brown beer must therefore be ordered in\nthe following manner:\nWhat in the brewery is generally called cooling in, must be settled for\nthis brewing according to the number of barrels of cold water specified\nas above, the incidents hereafter to be noticed excepted.\nEach of these calculations may be proved in the same manner as was done\nbefore. This method of discovering the proportion of water to be cooled\nin, deserves, on account of its plainness and utility, to be preferred\nto any other, which depend only upon the uncertain determination of our\nsenses.\nSECTION XII.\n_OF MASHING._\nOf late years, great progress has been made towards perfecting the\nconstruction and disposition of brew-house utensils, which seem to\nadmit of very little farther improvement. The great copper, in which\nthe waters for two of the extracts receive their temperature, is built\nvery near the mash tun, so that the liquid may readily be conveyed to\nthe ground malt, without losing any considerable heat. A cock is placed\nat the bottom of the copper, which being opened, lets the water have\nits course, through a trunk, to the real bottom of the mash tun. It\nsoon fills the vacant space, forces itself a passage through many holes\nmade in a false bottom, which supports the grist, and, as the water\nincreases in quantity, it buoys up the whole body of the corn.\nIn order to blend together the water and the malt, rakes are first\nemployed. By their horizontal motion, less violent than that of\nmashing, the finest parts of the flower are wetted, and prevented from\nbeing scattered about, or lost in the air.\nBut as a more intimate penetration and mixture are necessary, oars\nare afterwards made use of. They move nearly perpendicularly, and by\ntheir beating, or mashing, the grains of the malt are bruised, and a\nthorough imbibition of the water procured.\nThe time employed in this operation cannot be settled with an absolute\nprecision. It ought to be continued, till the malt is sufficiently\nincorporated with the water, but not so long as till the heat necessary\nto the grist be lessened. As bodies cool more or less speedily, in\nproportion to their volume, and the cohesion of their parts, a mash\nwhich has but little water, commonly called a _stiff mash_, requires a\nlonger mashing to be sufficiently divided, and, from its tenacity, is\nless liable to lose its heat. This accounts for the general rule, that\nthe first mash ought always to be the longest.\nAfter mashing, the malt and water are suffered to stand together\nunmoved, generally for a space of time equal to that they were mashed\nin. Was the extract drawn from the grain as soon as the mashing\nis over, many of the particles of the malt would be brought away\nundissolved, and the liquor be turbid, though not rich. But, by leaving\nit some time in contact with the grain, without any external motion,\nmany advantages are gained. The different parts of the extract acquire\nan uniform heat, the heaviest and most terrestrial subside, the pores\nbeing opened, by heat, imbibe more readily the water, and give way\nto the attenuation and dissolution of the oils. When the tap comes\nto be set, or the extract to be drawn from the grist, as the bottom\nof the mash is become more compact, the liquor is a longer time in\nits passage through it, is in a manner strained, and consequently\nextracts more strength from the malt, and becomes more homogeneous and\ntransparent.\nSuch are the reasons why the grist should not only be mashed pretty\nlong, but likewise be suffered to rest an equal time. It is the\npractice of most brewers, and experience shews it is best, to rake the\nfirst mash half an hour, to mash it one hour more, and to suffer it to\nstand one hour and a half. The next extract is commonly mashed three\nquarters of an hour, and stands the same space of time; the third, and\nall that follow, are allowed one half hour each, both for mashing and\nstanding.\nThe heat of the grist being in this manner equally spread, and the\ninfusion, having received all the strength from the malt, which such\na heat could give it, after every mashing and standing, is let out of\nthe tun. This, undoubtedly, is the fittest time to observe whether our\nexpectations have been answered. The thermometer is the only instrument\nproper for this purpose, and ought to be placed, or held, where the tap\nis set, adjoining to the mouth of the underback cock. The observation\nis best made, when the extract has run nearly half; and as, by it,\nwe are to judge with what success the process is carried on, it is\nnecessary to examine every incident, which may cause a deviation from\nthe calculated heat.\nSECTION XIII.\n _Of the Incidents, which cause the Heat of the Extract to\n vary from the Calculation, the allowances they require,\n and the means to obviate their effects._\nBy incidents, I understand such causes as effect either the malt,\nthe water, or the mash, during the time the brewing is carrying on,\nso as to occasion their heat to differ from what is determined by\ncalculation. As these might frequently be a reason of disappointment,\nan inquiry into their number and effects will not only furnish means to\nprevent and rectify the errors they occasion, but also serve to confirm\nthis practice.\nIn our researches on the volume of malt, some notice was taken of the\nincrease of bodies by heat, and the loss occasioned by evaporation.\nWater, when on the point of ebullition, occupies the largest space it\nis susceptible of; but contracting again, when cold water is added to\nit, the true volume of both, when mixed together, remains uncertain,\nand may cause a difference between the calculated and real degree\nof heat. This cause, however, producing an effect opposite to, and\nbalanced in part by evaporation, becomes so inconsiderable, as hardly\nto deserve any farther consideration.\nWater, just on the point of ebullition, may be esteemed heated to\n212 degrees. Though, by the continuation of the fire, or by any other\ncause[30], the heat never goes beyond this, yet was cold water added to\nthat, which violently boils, the degree expected from the mixture would\nbe exceeded; for the cold water absorbing the superfluous quantity of\nfire, which otherwise flies off, becomes hot itself, and frustrates the\nintent. The time, therefore, of adding the cold water to the hot is\nimmediately before the ebullition begins, or when it is just ended; and\nin proportion as we deviate from this practice, the heat in the extract\nwill differ from the calculated degree.\nThe water, for every mash, should, as near as possible, be got ready\nto boil, and be cooled in just before it is to be used. A liquor,\nwhich remains a long time after the ebullition is over, and the fire\nhas been damped up, loses part of its heat, if cold water is applied\nto it, the effect cannot be the same as it would have been at first.\nOn the contrary, if the liquor is got ready too soon, and cold water\nimmediately added to it, in order to gain the proper degree of\ntemperature, by leaving the mixture long together, though the fire is\nstopped up, more heat than necessary will be received from the copper\nand brickwork, especially if the utensils are large. In both cases, the\ndegree in the extract will not answer the intent.\nThe effect of effervescence next deserves our consideration, but\nthis takes place only when the water first comes in contact with the\nmalt. Germinated grains must, to become malt, be dried so, that their\nparticles are made to recede from one another, thus deprived of the\nparts, to which their union was due, when they come in contact with\nother bodies, (as water) they strongly attract the unitive particles\nthey want, and excite an intestine motion, which generates heat. This\nmotion and this heat are more active in proportion as the grain has\nmore strongly been impressed by fire, and the extracting water is\nhotter.\nA large quantity of liquor applied to the grist is less heated than a\nsmall one, by the power of effervescence. The least quantity of water,\nnecessary to shew that power, must be just so much as the malt requires\nto be saturated, which we have seen to be double the volume of the\ngrain. When more water than this is applied to the grist, the real\neffervescing heat is by so much lessened, being dispersed in more than\na sufficient space.\nA table shewing the heat of effervescence for every degree of dryness\nin the malt, can only be formed from observations. To apply this table\nto practice, and to find out, for any quantity of water used in the\nfirst mash, the degrees of heat produced by effervescence, three times\nthe volume of the grist must be multiplied by the number expressing\nthe effervescing heat for malt of such a degree of dryness, and this\nproduce be divided by the real volume of the whole mash.\n A TABLE _shewing the heat occasioned by the effervescing\n of malt, for its several degrees of dryness_.\n Dryness Heat of\n of malt. effervescence.\nMalt dried only to 119 degrees, raises no effervescence, and the\nstrongest is generated by malt dried to 176 degrees; the heat produced\nby this amounts to 40 degrees, but the number of effervescing degrees,\nin this or any other case, are reached but from success attending\nour endeavours, ultimately to penetrate the malt by heated water, or\nnot until the grist is perfectly saturated, which, in point of time,\ngenerally takes up the whole space of the first mashing and standing;\nthe air, therefore, cannot cause any diminution of heat, an incident\nwhich affects considerably every subsequent mash.\nThe little copper being more distant from the mash tun than the other,\nthe water there prepared, in its passage to the goods, loses some part\nof its heat. And in proportion to the quantity of water used, to the\nnumber of the extracts that have been made, and according as the mashes\nhave more or less consistency, in the same time do they part with more\nor less of their heat. Observations made separately upon strong and\nsmall beer, have shewn the proportions of this loss to be as follows:\n_For strong beer._\n_For small beer._\nA grist not perfectly malted, or one which contains many hard corns,\ndisappoints the expectation of the computed degree, as the volume\ncannot be such as was estimated from an equal dryness of true\ngerminated grain. It has been observed, that, in perfect malt, the\nshoot is very near pressing through the exterior skin. By so much as\nit is deficient in this particular, must it be accounted only as dried\nbarley, or hard corn. I know no better way of judging what proportion\nof the corn is hard to what is malted, than by putting some in water,\nthe grains not sufficiently grown will sink to the bottom. Were this to\nbe done in a glass cylinder, the proportion between the hard and malted\ncorn might be found with exactness.--The unmalted parts being estimated\nwith regard to their volume, as barley, a quarter of them will be to\nthe barrel of water as 1,56 to 1[31]. Supposing, therefore, that, in\nthe brown beer grist, before mentioned, the proportion of hard corns is\nof two quarters out of eleven, to discover the true volume of such a\ngrist, the following rule may be used.\n 9 quarters of true malt 1,56 volume of\n 3,12 volume of 2 quarters of hard corn\n numb. 11) 18,78 (1,70 true volume of one quarter of this\n malt to one barrel of water, and consequently the eleven\n quarters will fill a space equal to that of 6,47 barrels.\nBy means of this rule, we may find what increase of heat any proportion\nof hard corns will occasion, as will be seen in the following table.\n Proportions of hard corns 1/4 1/6 1/8 1/16 1/32 of the grist\n Greater heat of the mash 4\u00b0 3 2 1 1/2 degrees.\nBut the brewing of such malt ought to be avoided as much as possible,\nas the hard parts afford no strength to the extract.\nIf a grist is not well and thoroughly mashed, the heat not being\nuniformly distributed in the different parts of the extract, the liquor\nof the thermometer, when placed in the running stream of the tap, will\nfluctuate, and, at different times, shew different degrees of heat. In\nthis case, the best way is to take the mean of several observations,\nand to estimate that to be the true heat of the mash.\nIf the gauges of the coppers are not exactly taken, a variation must be\nexpected.\nThough the small and hourly variations in the state of the atmosphere\nhave but little influence upon our numbers, a difference will be\nobserved in any considerable and sudden changes either of the heat\nor of the weight of the air. Our instruments, and in particular the\nthermometer, are supposed to be well constructed and graduated. If the\nwater cooled in with is more or less hot than estimated, or if the time\nof mashing or standing is either more or less than was allowed for, the\ncomputation must be found to vary from the event.\nWhile the malt is new, if the fire it has received from the kiln has\nnot sufficiently spent itself, this additional heat is not easily\naccounted for. This is likewise the case, when malt is laid against the\nhot brickwork of coppers; and, on the contrary, a loss of dryness may\nbe occasioned, if the store rooms are damp.\nThe artist should be attentive to all these incidents; the not pointing\nthem out might appear neglectful; enumerating more would exceed the\nbounds of use.\nSmall grists brewed in large utensils lose their heats more readily, by\nlaying thin, and greatly exposed to the air; and, on the contrary, a\nless allowance, for the loss of heat, is required in large grists, and\nto which the utensils are in proportion.\nThis really is the only difference between brewings carried on in\nlarge public brewhouses, and those made in small private places, in\nother respects constructed upon the same plan, and with an equal care.\nPrejudice has propagated an idea, that where the grists are large, and\nthe utensils in proportion, stronger extracts could be forced from the\nmalt, in proportion to the quantity, and that more delicate beers could\nbe made in smaller vessels less frequently used. These assertions, from\nwhat has been said, will, I hope, need no farther enquiry: the degrees\nof heat for the extracts are fixed for every intent, and it cannot be\nadvantageous, by any means, to deviate from them. Brewings will most\nprobably succeed in all places, where the grist is not so large as to\nexceed the bounds of man\u2019s labour, and not so small as to prevent the\nheat from being uniformly maintained. The disadvantages are great on\nall sides, when a due proportion is not observed between the utensils\nand the works carried on.\nIt will now be proper to continue the delineation of our two brewings,\nand to put all the circumstances relating to them under one point of\nview.\n A brewing for porter or brown strong beer, computed\n for 40 degrees of heat in the air.\n 11 quarters of malt, dried to 130 degrees, 132 pounds of\n hops for 27 barrels 1/2, to go out at 3 worts, 31 Inches\n above brass.\n 6,32 Volume of grist 6 effervescing degrees.\n 7 Effervescence, per inches 1/4 less cooling\n 22,32) 132,72 (6 degrees of heat gained in the first mash\n 13392 by effervescence.\n Barrels of\n Quantity\n cooled in by\n Boiling\n calculation;\n for incidents,}[33]Less 2 inches 1/4. more 2 in. more 3 in. more 2 in.\nA brewing for common small beer, computed for 60 degrees of heat in the\nair.\n6 quarters of malt dried to 130 degrees; 36 pounds of hops;\n30 barrels 3/4 to go out 56 inches above brass.\n of grist 3,42\n 7 effervescing degree 1\u00b0 for hard corns\n 17,92) 71,82 (4 degrees of heat from the first\n 7168 gained in the mash cooling in.\n ----- by effervescence.\n Whole quantity\n of water\n Quantity to\n be cooled in,\n Boiling water\n charged,\n inches; less 2; more 2; more 4; more 5.\nThese computations, perhaps, will appear more troublesome than they\nreally are; but, besides the facility which exercise always gives\nfor operations of this kind, the satisfaction of proceeding upon\nknown principles, will, I hope, encourage the practitioner to prefer\ncertitude to doubt. One advantage must greatly recommend it, and at\nthe same time secure the uniformity of our malt liquors; tables for\neach sort and season may be made beforehand, and will serve as often as\nthe circumstances are the same. The trouble of the computations will\nby that means be saved, and by collecting together different brewings\nof the same kind, the artist will, at any time, have it in his power\nto see what effect the least deviation from his rules had upon his\noperations, and to what degree of precision he may hope to arrive.\nThat nothing may be wanting in this work, to facilitate the\nintelligence thereof, I shall insert the method of keeping the account\nof actual brewings, made according to the computations I have here\nsuccessively traced down. The first column contains the charges of\nthe coppers, and the numbers computed; the next, the brewings made\nfrom these numbers, with their dates, and the degrees of heat found\nby observation; the variations occasioned by unforeseen incidents are\nsupposed to be allowed for, at cooling in, by the artist, upon the\nprinciple, that each inch of cooling in answers to four degrees of\nheat. Noting in this manner the elements of every brewing we make, when\nthe drink comes into a fit state for use, we are enabled to compare\nour practice with the principles which directed it; by this means,\nexperiments constantly before our eyes will be the most certain and\nbest foundation for improvement.\n_Small Beer. Heat of air 60 Degrees. 6 quarters of Malt, 36lb. of Hops,\nfor 30 Barrels 3/4, to go out 56 Inches above Brass._\n 8 inches 1/2 above brass, cool }|\n_Porter. Heat of the Air 40 Degrees. 11 quarters of Malt, 132lb. of\nHops for 27 Barrels 1/2, to go out at 3 Worts, 31 Inches above Brass._\nSECTION XIV.\n _Of the disposition of the Worts when turned out of\n the Copper, the thickness they should be laid at in\n the Backs to cool, and the heat they should retain for\n fermentation, under the several circumstances._\nWhen a process of brewing is regularly carried on with two coppers, the\nworts come in course to boil, as the extracts which formed them are\nproduced. It would be tedious and unnecessary to describe the minutest\nparts of the practice; which, in some small degree, varies as brewing\noffices are differently constructed, or the utensils are differently\narranged. Without the assistance of a brewhouse, it is perhaps\nimpossible to convey to the imagination the entire application of the\nrules before laid down, but with one, I hope they need little, if any,\nfarther explanation.\nThe worts, when boiled, are musts possessing an intended proportion of\nall the fermentable principles, except air; this was expelled by fire,\nand until their too great heat is removed, cannot be administered to\nthem.\nIn musts, which spontaneously ferment, the external air excites in\ntheir oils an agitation, which, heating and opening the pores of the\nliquor, expands and puts in action the internal air they possess.\nThe case is not exactly the same with regard to those musts which\nrequire ferments. The air wanted in boiled worts must be supplied by\nthe means of yeast. Was the heat of the wort such, as to occasion the\nimmediate bursting of all the air bubbles contained in the yeast,\nan effervescence rather than a fermentation would ensue. Now a heat\nsuperior to 80 degrees has this effect, and is therefore one of the\nboundaries in artificial fermentation; 40 degrees of heat, for want of\nbeing sufficient to free the air inclosed in the yeast bubbles, and to\nexcite their action, is the other. Within these limits, must the wort\nbe cooled to; and the precise degree, which varies according to the\ndifferent circumstances they are in, and to the intent they are to be\napplied to, is, together with the means of procuring this heat, the\npurport of this section.\nWorts, when in the copper, boil at a heat somewhat superior to that of\n212 degrees; the more this is exceeded, the stronger the liquor is. The\ninstant the wort is suffered to go out of the copper, it loses more\nheat than in any other equal space of time after it has been exposed to\nthe air. In the course of the natural day, or in 24 hours, the heat of\nthe air varies sometimes, (especially in summer) as much as 20 degrees.\nIf the wort, after having reached the lowest heat in this interval,\nwas suffered to remain in the coolers, till the return of a greater in\nthe air, it would be influenced by this increase, expand, and be put\nin action; and, should there be at this time any elastic air in any\npart of the coolers, which sometimes happens, either from the sediment\nof former worts, from the backs not being clean swept, or from the\nwood being old and spungy, the wort supposed to be left to cool, will,\nby receiving the additional heat from the air, and blending with the\nincidental elastic air adhering to the coolers, bring on, in a lower\ndegree, the act of fermentation; an accident by the artist called the\n_backs being set_.\nFor this reason, a wort should never be suffered to lay so long as to\nbe exposed to the hazard of this injury, which generally may happen\nin somewhat more than twelve hours. Thus are we directed to spread\nor lay our worts so thin in the backs, as they may come to their due\ntemperature within this space; in summer it is sufficient if the backs\nbe covered; in winter a depth of two inches may oftentimes be allowed\nwith safety.\nFrom the inclination of the coolers or backs to the place, where the\nworts run off, from their largeness, or from the wind and air warping\nthem, a wort seldom, perhaps never, lays every where at an equal\ndepth, and cannot therefore become uniformly cold in the same space\nof time. This renders the use of the thermometer difficult, though\nnot impracticable. To supply the want of this instrument with some\ndegree of certainty, the hand intended to feel the worts, is brought\nto the heat of the body, by placing it in the bosom, until it has\nfully received it. Then dipping the fingers into the liquor, we judge,\nby the sensation it occasions, whether it is come to a proper degree\nof coolness to be fermented. As the external parts of our bodies are\ngenerally of about 90 degrees of heat, some degree of cold must be\nfelt, before the worts are ready for the purpose of fermentation. But\nthat degree varies for different drinks, and in different seasons. I\nwill endeavour to point out the rules to form a judgment for the heat\nof small beer worts. A greater precision, both for that and for other\ndrinks, will be found in the following table.\nIn July and August, no other rule can be given, than that the worts\nbe got as cold as possible. The same rule holds good in June and\nSeptember, except the season is unnaturally cold. In May and October,\nworts should be let down nearly thirty degrees colder than the hand; in\nApril, November, and March, the worts should be about twenty degrees\ncolder than the hand, and only ten in January, February and December.\nIt may perhaps be thought that the heats here specified are great, but\nworts cool as they run from the backs to the working tuns, they are\nalso affected by the coldness of the tuns themselves, and perhaps these\ncircumstances are not so trivial, but that an allowance should be made\nfor them. In general, the heat of no must should exceed 60 degrees,\nbecause fermentation increases this or any other degree, in proportion\nto that, under which this particular part of the process begins. To\nrender the thermometer more useful, and to suit it to our conveniency,\nwe have before supposed every first mash for common small beer to be\nmade at four o\u2019clock in the morning: in this case, and where the worts\nare not laid to cool at more than one inch in depth, the following\ntable may be said to be a measure of time, the first and last worts for\nthis drink should be let down at.\nA TABLE, _shewing nearly the times the first and last worts of common\nsmall beers should be let down in the working tuns, supposing the first\nmash of the brewing to be made at four o\u2019clock in the morning, and no\nuncommon change happens in the heat of the air_.\n Vertical headings--\n A: Heat of the air at 8 o\u2019clock in the morning.\n B: Hours in the afternoon, same day as brewing began.\n C: Hours in the afternoon.\n D: Hours of the next morning.\nSmall beer worts being nearly alike in consistency, the necessary\nvariations from this table must be less frequent. It is true, some\ndifference may happen from the exposition of a brewhouse, or from\nother circumstances, admitting more or less freely the intercourse of\nthe air, and be such as might alter, upon the whole, the times set\ndown in the preceding page. Brown beer worts, which are more thick and\nglutinous, and especially amber worts, which are stronger still, will\nrequire other and longer terms to come to their due temperature, to be\nfermented at; but when once observed and noted, according to various\ndegrees of heat in the air, at 8 o\u2019clock each morning, the conveniency\nof these observations must be such, in this business, which requires\nlong watchings and attendance, that no arguments are necessary to\nrecommend what is rather indulgence than industry.\n A TABLE _shewing the degrees of heat worts should be at,\n to be let down from the coolers into the working tuns,\n according to the several degrees of heat in the air_.\n Heat of the air. Common small. All-keeping beers. Amber or ales.\n 55 } In these cases, when the medium heat of the air\n 60 } is greater than that which the worts should ferment\n at, the cold of the night must be made use of, to\n bring them as near as possible to their temperature. It\n has been observed, that the coldest part of the natural\n day is about one hour before sun rising.\n The consequences of worts being set to ferment at, in\n an undue heat, are the following. In strong beers, or\n such as are intended for long keeping, if the worts be\n too cold, a longer time is required for their fermentation,\n and the drinks grow fine with more difficulty; if, on the\n contrary, they are too hot, acidity, and a waste of some\n of the spiritous parts must ensue. Either of these disadvantages\n appears more conspicuous in common small\n beer, as, in winter, this drink is seldom kept a sufficient\n time to correct the defect, and in summer, from being\n too hot, it becomes putrid, or, in the terms of the brewery,\n is hereby _foxed_.\nSECTION XV.\n _Of Yeast, its nature, and contents, and of the manner and\n quantities in which it is to be added to the worts._\nMusts, or worts, though ever so rich, when unfermented, yield no\nspirit by distillation, nor inebriate, if drank in any quantity. The\noils, as yet not sufficiently attenuated for this purpose, become so\nonly by fermentation. Air is absolutely necessary for this process,\nin the course of which, some of the aerial parts mixing with, and\nbeing enveloped by, oils greatly thinned, are enclosed in vesicles not\nsufficiently strong to resist the force of elasticity, or prevent a\nbursting and explosion. In the progress of the act, the air joins with\noils both coarser, and charged with earthy particles, a coat is formed\ncapable of resisting its expansion, and if the bubbles cannot come to\na volume sufficient to be floated in and upon the liquor, they sink to\nthe bottom, and take the appellation of _lees of wine_.\nBetween these two extremes, there is another case, when the bubbles are\nsufficiently strong to hold the air, but not weighty enough to sink.\nAfter floating in, they emerge, and are buoyed upon the surface of the\nliquor, and there remaining entire, are termed the _flowers of wine_.\nBoth lees and flowers are, therefore, vesicles formed out of the\nmust, filled with elastic air, and, either separately, or when mixed\ntogether, they obtain the general denomination of _yeast_.\nWe have often mentioned the power of fire, in driving the air out of\nworts. Yeast, fraught with the principle now wanted for fermentation,\nis, therefore, the properest subject to be added to the must; but\nits texture is various, in proportion to the different heats of the\nextracts it was formed from. Keeping drinks, extracted with hotter\nwaters, yield yeast, the oils of which have a greater spissitude. It\nis consequently slower, more certain, and most fit to promote a cool\nand gentle fermentation. That, on the contrary, which is produced from\nsmall beer, being weak, and acting at once, is apt to excite a motion\nlike that of effervescence; such yeast ought, therefore, not to be\nused, but when there is no possibility to obtain the other.\nThe longer wines or beers are under the first act of fermentation, the\ngreater variety will be found in the texture of the bubbles, which\ncompose their flower and lees. Wines made out of grapes, in general,\nrequire a time somewhat longer than the worts of malt, before this\nfirst period is at an end; and we have seen, that in them fermentation\nfirst brings forth air bubbles, whose constituent parts are most\ntender, and afterwards some that are of a stronger texture. As malt\nliquors require a less time to ferment, their bubbles are more similar:\non this account, the whole quantity of yeast necessary to a wort\nshould not be applied at once, lest the air bladders, bursting nearly\nin the same time, should prevent that gradual action, which seems to be\nthe aim of nature in all her operations.\nKeeping beers, formed from low dried malts, occasion the greatest\nvariety of heat in the extracts, and from hence these musts form\nyeast, whose bubbles differ most in magnitude and strength. A drink,\nthen, properly made from pale malt, nearly resembles natural wines,\nespecially when they are so brewed as to require precipitation to\nbecome transparent.\n_Cleansing_ is dividing the drink into several casks; this checks the\nmotion occasioned by fermentation, and consequently retards it. To\nprevent this from being too sensibly felt, some yeast should be put\nto the drink, before it is removed into the casks. As the constituent\nparts, in strong beers, are more tenacious than in small, and require\na greater motion to entertain the fermentation, the drinks, before\nthey be thus divided, should, besides the addition of the yeast, be\nwell roused with a scoop, or by some other means, for one hour. This\nnot only blends all the parts together, but attenuates and heats the\nliquor, and makes it more ready to begin to ferment again, when in the\ncasks. One sixth part of the whole of the yeast used is generally\nreserved for this purpose; and the remainder is equally divided as the\nworts are let down. It must be observed, that this stirring, though as\nnecessary to small, as to strong drinks, is only to be continued for a\nspace of time proportioned to their strength.\nWe have before seen, when a grist of malt is entirely extracted to\nform common small beer, soon to be expended, one gallon of yeast to\neight bushels of grain affords a sufficient supply of air to perfect\nthe fermentation. This takes place when the heat of the air is at 40\ndegrees, but, at the highest fermentable degree, experience shews,\nthat half that quantity is as much as is necessary. For some ales,\nthe whole virtue of the malt is not extracted, and what remains is\nappropriated to the making of small beer: the quantity of yeast used\nfor these drinks must be only in proportion to the strength extracted.\nFrom these premises, the following tables have been formed, exhibiting\nthe quantity of yeast proper for the several sorts of drinks, at the\ndifferent heats of the air.\n A TABLE _shewing the quantities of yeast\n necessary for common small beer in every\n season_.\n Heat of Pints of yeast to one\n the air. quarter of malt.\n 40 8 } The whole quantity of yeast to be\n 70 5 } The first wort to have one half of the\n 80 4 } The second wort to have the remainder.\n A TABLE _shewing the quantities of yeast necessary for\n all keeping drinks, both brown and pale, small and\n strong_.\n Heat of Pints of yeast to\n the worts[37]. one quarter of malt.\n A TABLE _shewing the quantities of yeast necessary for\n amber and all sorts of ales, after which small beer is\n made_.\n Heat Pints of yeast\n of the air. to one quarter of malt.\nThis table is founded on the supposition that, the virtue or strength\nextracted from one quarter of malt for amber, is equal to 5/6 of the\nwhole. In every heat of the air, the quantity of yeast to be used\nfor common small beer made after ale, must be one fifth part of the\nquantity which the ale required, the additional strength obtained from\nreboiling the hops, requiring further proportion; if, for keeping small\nbeer, nearly in the proportion of six pints of yeast to five barrels of\nbeer, this will be found to correspond with the rule delivered in the\nforegoing table.\nSECTION XVI.\n _Of practical Fermentation, and the management of the\n several sorts of Malt Liquors, to the period, at which\n they are to be cleansed or put into the Casks._\nThe laws of fermentation are universal and uniform; and when it\nproceeds regularly, its different periods are known by the different\nappearances of the fermenting liquor. As a particular appellation is\ngiven to each of these, it may not be unnecessary here to describe them.\n1. The first sign of a wort fermenting is a fine white line, composed\nof very small air bubbles, attached to the sides of the tun; the wort\nis then said to _have taken yeast_.\n2. When these air bubbles are extended over the whole surface of the\nmust, it is said to be _creamed over_.\n3. Bubbles continuing to rise, a thin crust is formed; but as the\nfermentation advances rather faster near the sides of the tun, than in\nthe middle, this crust is continually repelled; from which arises the\ndenomination of _the wort parting from the tun side_.\n4. When the surface becomes uneven, as if it were rock work, this stage\nof fermentation, which has no particular use, is distinguished by its\n_height_.\n5. When the head becomes lighter, more open, more uniform, and of a\ngreater depth, being round or higher in the middle, than in any other\npart, and seeming to have a tendency still to rise, the liquor is\ndenominated to be of _so many inches, head not fit to cleanse_.\n6. This head having risen to its greatest height, begins to sink, to\nbecome hollow in the middle, and, at the same time, more solid, the\ncolours changing to a stronger yellow or brown; the wort is then said\nto be _fit to cleanse_.\nAfter this, no farther distinctions are made; if the fermentation is\nsuffered to proceed in the tun, the head continues to sink, and the\nliquor is often injured.\nAs the denominations and tastes of liquors brewed from malt are\nnumerous, it is impossible to specify each separate one; we shall\ntherefore only particularize such sorts of drinks, as were taken notice\nof in the section of extraction, they being most in use; but, from what\nwill be said concerning them, the method of managing any other malt\nliquor may easily be deduced.\nSpontaneous pellucidity arises from a due proportion of the oils to\nthe salts, in the worts, but the advantage of long keeping depends\nnot only on the quantity of oils and hops the musts possess, but also\non the fermentation being carried on in a slow and cool manner. All\ndrinks, intended long to be kept, are therefore best formed in cold\nweather, and made to receive their yeast at such temperature, as is\nset forth in the table. The yeast is to be divided in proportion to the\nquantities of wort let down, until the whole, being mixed together,\nreceives its allotted portion, except so much as is to be put in\njust before cleansing. Under these circumstances, drinks, which are\nbrewed for keeping, are suffered to go through the first process of\nfermentation, till they are so attenuated, that the liquor becomes\nlight, and the head, or the yeast, laying on the surface of the beer,\nbegins to sink. When, or somewhat before, this head has fallen to\nnearly half the greatest height it reached to, a remarkable vinous\nsmell is perceived, and the liquor, at this term, is to be put into\ncasks, being first well roused with the remaining part of the yeast, in\nthe manner mentioned in the preceding section.\nBy the description given of the origin of yeast, it appears that it is\nformed rather of the coarser oils of the worts. If the cleansing is not\ndone when the head is sunk down to half the greatest height it rose to,\nby falling lower, some part of these coarser oils return into the beer,\nthen under fermentation, and gives it a flat, greasy taste, technically\ntermed _yeast bitten_. When, on the contrary, beers or ales are removed\ntoo soon from the first tumultuous fermentation, for want of having\nbeen sufficiently attenuated, and from not having deposited their lees,\nnor thrown up in flowers their coarser oils, they are less vinous, than\notherwise they would have been, appear heavy, aley, and are said _not\nto have their body sufficiently opened_.\nThe fermentation of common small beer is, through necessity, carried\non so hastily, that it is hardly possible to wait for the signs, which\ndirect the cleansing of other beers. This drink being generally brewed\nand fermented within twenty four hours, its state, with regard to\nfermentation, is best judged of, by the quantity of its froth or head\nat the time of cleansing, which, in proportion to the heat of the air,\nmay be determined by the following table.\n A TABLE _shewing the depth of head, which common small\n beer should have to be properly cleansed, in every season\n of the year_.\n Heat Head on the beer\n of the air. in the tun.\n 25 Degrees 6 inches.\nAs it is chiefly by the action of the air that wines are formed, if we\ncontrive to shift this powerful agent on the surface of a must under\nfermentation, and to convey it more forcibly and hastily into the\nwort, its efficacy will be renewed, the fermentation accelerated, the\nliquor quickly become transparent, and soon be brought to the state of\nmaturity age might slowly make it arrive at.\nAmber, or pale ales, require the hottest extracts pellucidity admits of\nto be made strong, and at the same time soft and smooth to the palate;\nbut, as ales do not admit of any large quantity of hops, which would\nalter their nature, there is a necessity to perform hastily the act\nof fermentation, and to carry it on to a higher degree than is common\nin other malt drinks. The method of exciting and conducting repeated\nfermentations, with success, is perhaps not only the most difficult,\nbut the most curious, part of the process, I shall therefore conclude,\nwith an account of it, what I have to say with regard to the practice\nof fermentation.\nThe amber wort being let down, at its proper degree of heat, into the\nfermenting tun, out of the whole quantity of yeast allowed for this\ndrink, in the table, page 317, one seventh part must be kept to be used\nas hereafter shall be mentioned. Suppose the heat of the air is at 40\ndegrees, and eight quarters of malt have been brewed for this purpose;\nthe whole of the yeast required is seven gallons, from which one is to\nbe reserved.[39] Of the six remaining gallons, one half, or three, are\nto be put to the wort oh its first coming down, when the whole must be\nwell roused, or mixed, thoroughly to disperse the enlivening principle\nthe yeast conveys, hereby to prevent putrefaction, or foxing in any\npart, and of the last three gallons, about three quarts must be added\nto the drink, every twelve hours, until it ferments to the highest\npitch of the period mentioned in article 5, page 319. This successive\nputting in of yeast is called[40]_feeding the drink_; before and\nabout the time the head is got to this height, all the dirt or foul\nyeast, that rises on the surface, must be carefully skimmed off; it\nis easily distinguished from the pure white froth, by its color, and\nby the sinking of the head occasioned by its weight. Length of time\nmight attenuate some of these coarser oils, in a less artificial\nfermentation, but as this help is not to be waited for, and every\nobstacle to pellucidity must be removed, the brewer\u2019s attention to this\npoint cannot be too great.--The head of the drink having reached its\nutmost height, the reserved gallon of yeast is to be used, in order to\ngive to the ale a sufficient power to bear the repeated fermentations\nit is to undergo, by being beat in, every two hours, with a jett or\nscoope, for one quarter of an hour, so that the head on the drink is\neach time to be reduced to the least height it is capable of. This\nstriking in being continued, the drink will periodically require it,\nand be damaged if it be neglected. After it has undergone more or less\nof these fermentations, in proportion to the heats of the worts and\nof the air, the brewer is carefully to observe, when the head ceases\nto rise to its accustomed height, and then to examine the drink, by\nhaving the jett filled with it at the bottom, and brought through\nthe whole body to the top, a small part of which being poured in a\nhandgatherer, he will see whether the lees form themselves in large\nwhite flakes, and readily subside, and be informed, by the taste,\nwhether the sweet of the wort is gone off, and the ale become vinous.\nIf these two circumstances concur, the drink is to be beat in with\nthe jett as before, but not roused as porter or other beers are; for\nthe lees, which in this drink are in greater quantity, would, by this\nmanagement, so intimately be mixed with it, as with difficulty to\nseparate themselves again, if at all. It is then time to cleanse it;\nbut the casks, at all times, more especially in summer, must be well\nfilled up with clean drink, that is, part of the very drink, which was\ncleansed, avoiding that produced in the stillings, as this, for want\nof standing a sufficient time, is always yeasty, and the yeast, being\ngreatly attenuated by the working of the drink, easily dissolves in the\nale, and renders it foul and ill-tasted.\nAs the right forming of amber ales is looked upon to be the highest\npitch of the art of pale beer brewing, I have dwelt longer on this\narticle than otherwise it might seem necessary, to shew the connexion\nthere is between every sort of malt liquors: but it should be observed,\nthe same method of fermenting it, is to be practised both winter and\nsummer, varying only the quantities of yeast in proportion to the\nseason; for where, in winter time, this drink is fed with three quarts\nof yeast every twelve hours, half a gallon will answer the same intent\nin summer. Upon the whole, the process is contrived to accelerate\nfermentation, yet, the more coolly and gently it is performed, the\nbetter will the ales be. I have before hinted, if Madeira wines were\nfermented in this manner, they would sooner become fit for use, more\nespecially as they need no ferment to excite them. However, this method\nof forming drink to be soon fit for use, has, either through interest\nor prejudice, been taxed with being unwholesome, but upon what grounds,\nI must confess I could never yet discover, as no reason of any moment\nhas ever been alledged for this assertion.\nSECTION XVII.\n _Of the signs generally directing the processes of\n Brewing, and their comparison with the forgoing Theory\n and Practice._\nWe have now brought our barley wines into the casks, and this on\nprinciples, it is thought, agreeable and consonant to each other. As\nthe charge of novelty may be alledged, to invalidate what has been\noffered, it is but just to pay so much regard to a long, and, upon the\nwhole, successful practice, as to recite, if not all, at least the\nprincipal maxims and signs in brewing, which hitherto have guided the\nartist. By comparing these with the present method, they will not only\nillustrate each other, but perhaps cause both to be better understood;\nand though, with respect to the art itself, this may be thought rather\na curious than an instructive part, yet we may learn, from hence, that\nsuch practice, which long experience has proved to be right, will\nalways correspond with true theory.\n1. _When a white flour settles, either in the underback or copperback,\nwhich sometimes is the case of a first extract, it is a sure sign such\nan extract has not been made sufficiently hot, or, in technical terms,\nthat_ the liquor has been taken too slack.\nMalt, when dried, has its oils made tenacious, in proportion to the\npower of heat it has been affected with; the grain, though ground, if\nthe water for the extraction is not at least as hot as what occasioned\nthis tenaciousness, must remain in great measure undissolved in the\nfirst extract, and deposit itself as just now was mentioned.\n2. _The first extract should always have some froth or head in the\nunderback._\nThe oils and salts of the malt, being duly mixed, form a saponaceous\nbody, the character of which is that, on being shook, it bears a froth\non its surface.\n3. _The head or froth in the underback appearing red, blue, purple, or\nfiery, shews the liquors to have been taken too hot._\nThe hotter the water is, when applied to the malt, the more must\nthe extract abound with oils, and consequently be more capable to\nreflect colors in a strong manner. But how precarious this method of\nestimating the quality of an extract is, in comparison to that which\nthe thermometer affords, will appear from the following observation\nof Sir Isaac Newton: \u201cSaponaceous bubbles will, for a while, appear\ntinged with a variety of colors, which are agitated by the external\nair, and those bubbles continue until such time as, growing excessive\nthin, by the water trickling down their sides, and being no longer able\nto retain the enclosed air, they burst.\u201d Now as these bubbles vary in\ntheir density, in proportion to their duration, the colors they reflect\nmust continually change, and therefore it is not possible to form an\naccurate judgment of the condition and saponaceousness of the extracts,\nby the appearance of their froth.\n4. _When the grist feels slippery, it generally is a sign that the\nliquors have been taken too high._\nThis appearance proceeds from an over quantity of oil being extracted,\nand is the effect of too much heat.\n5. _Beer ought always to work kind, out of the cask, when cleansed, but\nthe froth, in summer time, will be somewhat more open than in winter._\nThe higher and hotter the extracting water is, the more oils doth\nit force into the must; when a wort is full charged with oils, the\nfermentation is neither so strong nor so speedy, and consequently the\nfroth, especially the first, is thin, open, and weak. This improves as\nthe liquor is more attenuated, and heat, which expands all bodies, must\nrarify the yeasty vesicles, the principal part of which is elastic air;\nbut this open head, even in summer time, improves to one more kind, as\nthe first, the most active period of fermentation, draws nearer to its\nconclusion.\nHowever vague and indeterminate these signs are, it would not be\nimpossible to bring them to some degree of precision; but, upon the\nwhole, this method would increase our difficulties, and yet, as to\ncertitude, be inferior to the rules we have endeavoured to establish,\nwe think it unnecessary to pursue any farther a research most likely\nneither entertaining nor useful.\nSECTION XVIII.\n _An enquiry into what may be, at all times, a proper\n stock of Beer, and the management of it in the cellars._\nThe business of a brewer is not confined to the mere manufacture of his\ncommodity; his concerns, as a trader, deserve no less regard, and, in a\ntreatise like this, should not be entirely omitted.\nAs it is a fault not to have a sufficient stock of beers it the\ncellars, to serve the customers, it is one also to have more than is\nneedful. By the first of these errors, the beers would be generally\nnew and ill disposed for precipitation; by the other, quantities of\nstale beer must remain, which, becoming hard, will at last turn stale,\nand be unfit for use, unless blended with new brewed beers, to their\ndetriment. These faults, if continued, may in time affect a whole\ntrade, and ought therefore carefully to be avoided. For these reasons,\nthe whole quantity to be moved, or expected to be supplied from the\nbrewer\u2019s store cellars, during the space of one twelvemonth, should be\ncalculated, as near as possible; half this quantity ought to be the\nstock kept up from November to May inclusive, and nearly one third part\nthereof be remaining in September. From hence a table may be formed, by\nwhich it will be easy, at one view, to know the quantity that should\nbe maintained at every season of the year, and to avoid almost every\ninconveniency, which otherwise must arise. Suppose, for example, the\nnumber of casks expected to be moved in a year, to be 320 butts, and\n248 puncheons, the store cellars ought to be supplied, as to time and\nquantity, in the following proportion.\nAfter beers have been started in the cellars, the casks should be\nwell and carefully stopped down, as soon as the repelling force of\nfermentation is so much lessened, as not to be able to oppose this\ndesign. Otherwise the elastic air, which is the vivifying principle of\nthe drink, being lost, it would become vapid, and flat; and if left a\nlong time in this condition, perhaps grow sour.\nIt has already been observed, that cellars, in winter, are more hot\nthan the exterior air by 10 degrees, and more cold in summer by 5\ndegrees. But besides this general difference, repositories of beer\nvary surprisingly in their temperature; from the nature of the soil in\nwhich they are built, from their exposition to the sun, or from other\nincidental causes. As heat is a very powerful agent in accelerating\nfermentation, it is by no means surprising, not only that some cellars\ndo ripen drinks much sooner than others, but also that a difference\nis often perceived in the same cellar. The persons entrusted with the\nchoice of beers, with which the customers are to be served, should\nnot be satisfied to send out their guiles in the progressive order\nin which they were brewed, but ought, on every occasion, to note any\nalteration that happens in the drink, as this is doing justice both to\nthe commodity, and to the consumer, who has a constant right to expect\nhis beer in due order.\nSection XIX.\n _Of Precipitation, and other remedies, applicable to the\n diseases incident to Beers._\nNo accident can be so detrimental as leaky or stinking casks, which\nlose or spoil the whole or part of the contained drink. The necessity\nof having, on these occasions, a remedy at hand, was undoubtedly the\nreason, why coopers were first introduced in store cellars. Constant\npractice might have qualified their palates so as to make them\ncompetent judges of the tastes of wines and beers, and to enable them\nto know which were the fittest for immediate use. The preparing or\nforcing them for this service, was a matter, which the profit gained\nthereby made them ready enough to undertake. Chymists, whom they\nconsulted on this occasion, gave them some informations, from whence\nthe coopers became the possessors of a few nostrums, the effects of\nwhich they were supposed to have experienced. But, ignorant of the\ncauses of most, if not all the defects they undertake to remedy, and\nunacquainted with the constituent parts of beers, it is not to be\nexpected that their success should be constant and uniform. The brewer,\nearnest to do his duty, and to excel, ought to keep a particular\naccount of every brewing; by this means he best can tell how he formed\nthe drink, and ought consequently, in any disorder, to be prepared to\ndirect the properest remedy.\nThe intent of this treatise has been to discover the means by which\nerrors may be avoided. Chymical applications are intended to remedy\nthose errors, which may be occasioned either by carelessness or\naccident. The wholesomeness or propriety of the applications, which\nwill be indicated, must be left to the judgment of my readers; it is\nmost likely that there is sufficient room for improvement, and we might\nexpect it from those, whose profession it is to study every thing, that\nmay be conducive to the safety of mankind.\nWhatever vegetables wines are produced from, whenever they deviate from\nthe respective perfection, a well-conducted fermentation might have\nmade them arrive at, they may be said to be distempered. Foulness, or\nwant of transparency, is not the least evil, but, according to its\ndegree, it obtains various appellations, and requires different helps.\nFrom what has been said, nothing can be more plain, than that it is\nalways in our power to form beers and ales, which will be bright. Yet\nporter or brown beer is constantly so brewed as to need precipitation:\nthe reasons for this management have before been offered. Were we to\nwait till the liquor became transparent by age, a more real disorder\nwould ensue, that of acidity. Precipitation is then serviceable,\nespecially when beers are to be removed from one cellar to another,\na short space of time before they are to be used. By being shook,\nand the lees mixed with the liquor, a strong acid taste is conveyed\ntherein, and the power of subsiding, which is wanted, renders the\nforcing them, in that case, of absolute necessity. In beers brewed\nwith liquors sufficiently heated, no flatness is occasioned thereby;\nas the case is, under like circumstances, with liquors produced by low\nextracts, from grain not sufficiently dried. The degree of foulness in\nporter should however be limited; its bounds ought not to exceed the\npower of one gallon of dissolved isinglass, to a butt. Isinglass is\ndissolved in stale beer, and strained through a sieve, so as to be of\nthe consistence of a jelly. The beer is set in motion with a stick,\nwhich reaches one third part down the cask, before and after this\njelly is put in; and a few hours should be sufficient to obtain the\ndesired effect. We have before observed, that this quantity of jelly\nof isinglass is equal to a medium of 10 degrees dryness in the malt,\nand heat of the extracts. When the opacity exceeds this, the liquor is\ntermed _stubborn_; the same quantity of dissolved isinglass repeated,\nis often sufficient, if not, six ounces of the oil of vitriol are\nmixed with it. An effervescence is, by this addition, produced; the\noils of the drink become more attenuated, and the weight added to the\nprecipitating matter, is a means to render it more efficacious. Instead\nof the oil of vitriol, six or eight ounces of the concrete of vitriol,\npounded and mixed with the isinglass, are sometimes used with success.\nA foulness in beer beyond that which is called _stubborn_, gives to\nthe drink the denomination of _grey beer_. This arises from the oils\nwhich float upon the surface, and which the liquor has not been able\nto absorb. In this case, the same methods as before mentioned are\nrepeated; the quantity of dissolved isinglass is often increased to\nthree gallons, that of vitriol to more than 12 ounces, and sometimes a\nsmall quantity of _aqua fortis_ is added to these ingredients.\nThe next stage of opacity is _cloudiness_; when the cooper confesses\nthat the distemper exceeds the power of his menstruums, and that\nhis attempts extend no farther than to hide the evil, tournsol and\ncochineal, were they not so expensive, might in this case be used with\nsuccess; but what is less known, and would greatly answer the intent\nof hiding the dusky colour of the drink, is madder;--about three\nor four ounces of this is the proper quantity for a butt of beer.\nCalcined treacle, by the coopers called blacking, from its acidity,\nis of some small service, for, by coloring the drink, it somewhat\nlessens the grey hue thereon; a quart is generally used in a butt;\nand, to prevent the defect in the beer being noticed by the consumer,\nthe practice is to put thereon what is called _a good cauliflowered\nhead_. This might be done by using as much pounded salt of steel as\nwill lay upon a shilling; but the difference in price between this\nsalt and copperas makes the last generally to be preferred. The strong\nfroth on the top of the pot, and that which foams about it, together\nwith somewhat of a yellow cast, are often mistaken for the signs of a\nsuperior merit and strength, though, in fact, they are those of deceit.\nA little reflection that the natural froth of beer cannot be yellow,\nnor continue a long time, especially if the liquor has some age,\nwould soon cure mankind of this prejudice. Cloudy beers, under these\ncircumstances, though not cured, are generally consumed.\nBeers become _sick_, from their having so large a portion of oils, as\nto prevent the free admission of the external air into them. The want\nof this enlivening element makes them appear flat, though not vapid.\nSuch beers should not, if possible, be brought immediately into use,\nas age alone would effect their cure. But when this cannot be complied\nwith, every means that will put the beer upon the fret, or under a new\nfermentation, must be of service. By pitching a butt head over head,\nthe lees of the beer, which contain a large proportion of air, being\nmixed again with the drink, help to bring on this action, and to remove\nthe _sickness_.\nBurnt hartshorn shavings, to the quantity of two-penny-worth, put into\na butt, are often of use.\nBalls made with eight ounces of the finest flower, and kneaded with\ntreacle, convey likewise air to the drink, and promote its briskness.\nBeers, by long standing, often acquire so powerful an acid, as to\nbecome disagreeable. The means of correcting this defect is by\nalkaline, or testaceous substances, and in general by all those\nwhich have the property of absorbing acids. To a butt of beer in\nthis condition, from four to eight ounces of calcined powder of\noyster-shells may be put, or from six to eight ounces of salt of\nwormwood. Sometimes a penny-worth or two of whiting is used, and often\ntwenty or thirty stones of unslacked lime; these are better put in\nseparately, than mixed with the isinglass.\nFrom two to six pounds of treacle used to one butt of beer, has a very\npowerful effect, not only to give a sweet fulness in the mouth, but\nto remove the acidity of the drink. Treacle is the refused sweet of\nthe sugar baker, part of the large quantities of lime used in refining\nsugars, undoubtedly enter in its composition, and is the occasion of\nits softening beers.\nIn proportion as beers are more or less forward, from two to four\nounces of salt of wormwood and salt of tartar, together with one ounce\nof pounded ginger, are successfully employed. All these substances\nabsorb acids, but they leave a flatness in the liquor, which in some\nmeasure is removed by the use of ginger.\nSometimes, in summer, when beer is wanted for use, we find it on the\nfret; as it is then in a repelling state, it does not give way to the\nfinings, so as to precipitate. For this, about two ounces of cream of\ntartar are mixed with the isinglass, and if not sufficient, four ounces\nof oil of vitriol are added to the finings next used, in order to quiet\nthe drink.\nSome coopers attempt to extend their art so far as to add strength to\nmalt liquors; but let it be remembered, that the principal constituent\nparts of beer should be malt and hops. When strength is given to\nthe liquor by any other means, its nature is altered, and then it\nis not beer we drink. Treacle in large quantities, the berries of\nthe _Cocculus Indicus_, the grains of paradise, or the Indian ginger\npounded fine, and mixed with a precipitating substance, are said to\nproduce this extraordinary strength. It would be well if the attempts\nmade to render beers strong by other means than by hops and malt, were\nto be imputed to none but coopers; Cocculus Indicus, and such like\ningredients, have been known to be boiled in worts, by brewers who were\nmore ambitious to excel the rest of the trade, than to do justice to\nthe consumers. Were it not that pointing out vice is often the means\nto forward the practice of it, I could add to this infamous catalogue,\nmore ingredients, it were to be wished practitioners never knew either\nthe name or nature of, for fining, softening, and strengthening.\nFormerly brown beers were required to be of a very dark brown,\ninclinable to black. As this color could not be procured by malt\nproperly dried, the juice of elder berries was frequently mixed with\nthe isinglass. This juice afterwards gave way to calcined sugar; both\nare needless, as time and knowledge remove our prejudices, when the\nmalt and hops have been properly chosen; and applied to their intended\npurpose.\nSuch are the remedies chiefly made use of for brown beers. Drinks\nformed from pale malts are always supposed to become spontaneously\nfine, and when they are so, by being bottled, they are saved from\nany farther hazard. As it is impossible for any fermented liquor to\nbe absolutely at rest, the reason of beers being preserved by this\nmethod, is, thereby they are deprived of a communication with the air,\nand, without risk, gain all the advantages which age, by slow degrees,\nprocures, and which art can never imitate. Were we as curious in our\nales and beers as we are in the liquors we import, did we give to\nthe produce of our own country the same care and attendance which we\nbestow on foreign wines, we might enjoy them in a perfection at present\nscarcely known, and perhaps cause foreigners to give to our beers a\npreference to their own growth.\nSECTION XX.\n_OF TASTE[41]._\nDoctor Grew, who has treated of this matter, divides taste into simple\nand compound; he mentions the different species of the first, and\ncalculates the various combinations of the latter, the number of which\nexceeds what at first might be expected. Without entering into this\ndetail, I think that the different tastes residing in the barleys, or\nformed by their being malted, and brewed with hops, may be reduced to\nthe following; the acid, which is a simple taste; the sweet, which is\nan acid smoothed with oils; the aromatic, which is the compound of a\nspiritous acid, and a volatile sulphur; the bitter, which, according\nto our author, is produced by an oil well impregnated either with an\nalkaline or an acid salt, shackled with earth; the austere, which is\nboth astringent and bitter; and, lastly, the nauseous and rank, which\nis, at least in part, sometimes found in beers, which have either been\ngreatly affected by fire, or, by long age, have lost their volatile\nsulphurs; and have nothing left but the thicker and coarser oils,\nresembling the empyreumatic dregs of distilled liquors not carefully\ndrawn.\nThe number of circumstances on which the taste of fermented liquors\ndepends, are so various, that perhaps there never were any two\nbrewings, or any two vintages, which produced drinks exactly similar.\nBut as, in this case, as well as in many others, the varieties may be\nreduced under some general classes; the better to distinguish them, let\nus enquire which taste belongs to different malt liquors, according to\nthe several circumstances in which they are brewed.\nIn beers and ales, the acid prevails in proportion as the malt has\nbeen less dried, and heat was wanting in the extracting water. The\nsweet will be the effect of a balance preserved between the acids and\nthe oils. When, by the means of hotter waters, oils more tenacious\nare extracted from the grain, whereby the more volatile sulphur is\nretained, the taste becomes higher in relish, or aromatic. If the heat\nis still increased, the acids, and the most volatile oils, will in\npart be dissipated, and in part be so enveloped with stronger oils,\nas the bitter of the hops appears more distinct. A greater degree of\nfire will impress the liquor with an austere, rough, or harsh taste;\nand a heat beyond this so affects the oils of the grain, as to cause\nthe extracts to be nauseous to the palate. Besides these, there may\nbe other causes which produce some variation in taste; as a superior\ndryness in the hops; an irregularity in the ordering of the heat of the\nextracts; too great an impetuosity or slowness in the fermentation; the\ndifference of seasons in which the drink is kept; but as these causes\naffect the liquor, in a low degree, in comparison to the drying and\nextracting heats of the grain, an enquiry into their consequences is\nnot absolutely material.\nBeers or ales, formed of pale malt, in which a greater portion of acids\nis contained, with less tenacious oils, are not only more proper to\nallay thirst, but in general more aromatic than brown drinks. The oils\nof these last, being, by the effect of fire, rendered more compact,\nand more tenacious of the terrestrial parts raised with them, are\nattended with something of an austere and rank taste. This seems to\nbe the reason why brown beers require more time, after they have been\nfermented, to come to their perfection. The air, by degrees, softens\nand attenuates their oils, and, by causing the heterogeneous particles\nto subside, makes them at last, unless charring heats have been used,\npleasing to the palate, whereas they were before austere, rank, and\nperhaps nauseous.\nBy means of the thermometer, we have endeavoured to fix the different\ncolors of malt, the duration of the principal sorts of drink, and\nthe tendency each has to become transparent. The same instrument\ncannot probably have the same use, when applied to distinguish the\ndifferent tastes, as these depend on a variety of causes not easy to be\nascertained. Yet something of this nature may be attempted, upon the\nfollowing principles.\nAs the chief circumstance which produces a variety of tastes in malt\nliquors, is fire or heat acting on the malt and hops, and the effect of\nthe air, put in motion by the same element, the table here subjoined\nmay point out what tastes are in general occasioned by the combination\nof these two causes.\n A TABLE _determining the tastes of Malt Liquors_.\n Heat of Dryness and Predominant\n the air. extracting heat. tastes.\nThe first column of the table shews the fermentable degrees reversed,\nas the hotter the season is, the more fermented drinks tend to acidity,\nthe direct contrary of which is the consequence of an increase in the\nheat, malt or hops are dried or extracted with.\nThe assistance of this table, though small, ought perhaps not to\nbe entirely slighted, as it seems at least to shew that the useful\nis seldom separated from the elegant, and that a medium between\nextremes is most agreeable both to the operations of nature, and the\nconstitution of our organs.\nThe impressions of tastes are less in proportion as the drinks are\nweak. The strongest wine yields the most acid vinegar. Time wears away\nthis acidity much sooner, than it doth the nauseousness occasioned\nby vehement heats. This circumstance shews how necessary it is, in\nthe beginning of the process of brewing, to avoid extracts which are\ntoo weak, as from hence, in its conclusion, such would be required\nwhose great heat would render the drink rank and disagreeable.\nThat proportion between the salts and the oils, which constitutes\nsoundness and pellucidity, is most pleasing to the taste, and seems\nto be the utmost perfection of the art. As the sun never occasions a\nheat capable of charring the fruits of the vine, we never meet with\nwines endued with a taste resembling the empyreumatic, which we have\nhere represented. This error, being inexcusable in any liquor, ought\ncarefully to be guarded against, and, from what has here been said, we\nshould learn this important truth, that nature is the best guide, and\nthat, by imitating, as near as possible, her operations, we shall never\nbe disappointed in our ends.\nAPPENDIX.\nThough this work has already been carried to a great length, I\nhope those of my readers, who may have done me the honor to go\nattentively through the whole of it, will pardon me the addition of\na few incidental thoughts and queries. The chain of arts is so well\nconnected, that researches originally intended for the illustration of\nany one of them, can hardly fail of throwing some light upon others.\n1. The seed of plants cannot be put in a fitter place, for perfect\nvegetation, than when buried under ground, at a depth sufficient to\ndefend the young shoots from the vicissitudes of heat and cold, and the\ndisadvantage of too much moisture. The manuring of the earth, and the\nsteeping the seed into solutions of salts, have been found, in some\ncases, to increase the strength of the grain, to correct its original\ndefects, and to prevent the noxious impressions of a vicious ground.\nPlants are made to germinate in water alone, and this experiment so\nsuccessfully carried on every winter, in warm apartments, may still be\nimproved by dissolving salts in the water.--Could the barley used for\nmalting be put in the ground, its growth would be more natural, and\nits oils becoming more miscible with water, by the saline nourishment\nderived from the earth, might yield more vinous, more strong, and\nmore lasting liquors. But as this method is impracticable, would it\nbe impossible to increase the efficacy of that which is used? Consult\nHome on agriculture: might not either nitre or salt petre be added to\nthe water, with which the grain is moistened? are they not used with\nsuccess to manure land? Are not solutions of them in water employed by\nthe farmer to steep his sowing seed? I barely mention these as some of\nthe substances, that might be employed in the malting of barley, and am\nfar from thinking there are none other. Perhaps different salts should\nbe used, according to the nature of the soil, from which the corn was\nproduced; but a variety of experiments seems to be required, in order\nto discover how far art might in this case imitate and improve nature.\n2. A small quantity of malt, at all times, but especially when brewed\nin large vessels, parts too readily with the heat which extraction\nrequires; and, on the contrary, if the quantity of malt be very great,\nthe heat may not be uniformly spread. A forward beer inclinable to\nacidity is often the result of too short a grist; a thick, stubborn,\nand rank liquor many times is produced from too large a one. Every\nadvantage may be had in brewing, properly, five or six quarters of\nmalt; it is difficult to succeed if the number exceeds fifty.\n3. The strong pungent volatile spirit, which exhales from a must, when\nunder full fermentation, has been supposed to be a loss, which might\nbe prevented; and accordingly attempts have been made to retain these\nflying impetuous particles, by stopping the communication between the\natmosphere and the fermenting drink. That there is a dispersion of\nspirits is beyond doubt, and that these exhaling vapors consist of the\nfinest oils, which the heat forces out of the must, is equally certain.\nBut this loss seems to be abundantly repaid by the stronger oils,\nwhich the same degree of heat attenuates and substitutes, in a larger\nquantity, to the former. The last oils could never come under the form\nof a vinous liquor, but by a power, which sooner or later dissipates\nsome of the first. Pale ales or amber not only lay, for many days,\nexposed to the open air, but suffer, by the periodical renewal of the\naction of the air, every two or four hours, a much more considerable\nloss of spirits, than when fermentation is carried on uniformly. Yet\nexperience shews, that so many oils are, by this method, attenuated,\nthat the strength acquired greatly surpasses that which is lost.\n4. The practice of fermenting _by compression_, recommended to\ndistillers, seems, on this account, less useful, than might be\nconcluded from theory alone; the intent of the distiller, as well as of\nthe brewer, is to extract the greatest quantity of spiritous oils. It\nis impossible to ferment a must _in vacuo_; air is absolutely necessary\nto carry on this operation, even a superabundant quantity of oils\nadmitted into the must, by obstructing the free admission of the air,\nimpedes fermentation, prevents the wine from reaching pellucidity, and\nsometimes is the occasion of its becoming putrid.\n5. When the purest spirit is intended to be drawn from the grain,\nthe fermented wash ought to be suffered to settle, till it becomes\ntransparent. The dispatch, with which the distillery is generally\ncarried on, often prevents this useful circumstance taking place,\nand occasions a want of vinosity in the liquor. In many cases, the\nextraordinary charges of extracting the grist from malted corn, in\nthe manner, which has been directed for drinks intended a short space\nto be kept, and of suffering the fermented wash to be meliorated by\ntime, until it becomes vinous and spontaneously transparent, might be\nabundantly repaid. Yet, if hurry must be a part of the distiller\u2019s\nbusiness, he should at least make such extractions as admit of the\nspeediest fermentation and the readiest pellucidity. He cannot expect\ncorn spirits to equal the brandies of France, unless his worts are\nsimilar to the wines distilled in that kingdom, where those used for\nthis purpose are weak, fine, and tending to acidity.[42] He would\ntherefore secure to himself the greatest probability of success, if\nhe employed only malted corn in his grist, this of the best kind, well\ngerminated to form a saccharine basis, slack dried, and resolved,\nwith weak extracts, to preserve into the must a proper proportion of\nvinosity. If he intended this wash to be formed into a pure spirit, it\nshould be allowed time to become transparent; he might regulate his\nextracts by such heats as have been fixed for common small beer, brewed\nwhen the heat of the air is at the lowest fermentable degree, though\nperhaps heats less than these, when dispatch is required, might better\nanswer his purpose, especially as the length used in the distillery\nis nearly the same with that which brewers use for the liquor here\nreferred to. With hot waters to attempt to force from the grain more\nstrength or more oils, than such as will form a clean tasteless spirit,\nis, in the distillery, a real loss and a fundamental error. By too\nstrong heats, more oils are forced into the must than can be converted\nin spirits; and fermentation being, by this over charge, in some\nmeasure, clogged and impeded, a less yield is made, and the liquor\nobtained of a rank and often empyreumatic taste.\n6. Why are the brandies of Spain inferior to those prepared in France?\nThe wines of the last country are the growth of a weaker sun; they\ncontain no more oils than can be assimilated by fermentation, and form\na clean, dry, nutty spirit. The Spanish wines abounding with more\noleaginous than acid parts, this over proportion becomes not only\nuseless, but hurtful in the still, and produces the rankness observed\nin Spanish brandies. The cleanness of the spirit arises, in great\nmeasure, from the weakness of the must, and its vinosity from a less\nproportion of oils to the salts. This seems to be the reason why the\nmost grateful spirits are produced from wines unable to bear the sea,\nor to be long kept.\n7. The native spirits of vegetables, says Boerhaave, are separated by\nheats between 94 degrees, and 212. To obtain the whole of these, the\nfire must be gradually increased; for a superior heat dissipates the\nspirits raised by an inferior one. Such parts as might be obtained\nby 100 degrees, are lost if the heat applied be much greater. It is\ntrue, the parts of vegetables immersed in water, cannot so easily be\ndissipated as if they were in open air, yet, by the rarefaction of the\nliquid, a proportional evaporation, however small, must ensue, or the\noils raised by a greater heat may so effectually envelope the finer\nones, as to make them hardly perceptible either to our smell or taste.\nThus, though heated water is able to extract all the virtues residing\nin the vegetables, the different application of the fire will alter not\nonly their proportions, but their properties also, when we consider\nthat pure spirit of wine boils at so low a heat as 175 degrees. If the\nabove principles be true, that surely must be the cleanest spirit which\nis brought over in the slowest and coolest manner; and it is more than\nprobable, if the rules here laid down be put in practice, the grain of\nEngland will be found to yield spirits that may vie with the brandies\nof France, be more pure than those of the Indies, and excel those of\nHolland.\n8. The vinegar maker is equally concerned with the distiller in the\nbrewing process. Vinegar is produced in the last stage of fermentation,\nwhen a gross, tartareous, unctous matter, consisting of the coarser\noils extracted either from the grain or the grapes, generally falls\nto the bottom of the liquor, and no longer prevents its acidity, or\naffects its flavor. Though the best vinegar proceeds either from the\nstrongest wines or beers, this strength consists in the quantity of\nfermentable principles, and not in that of mere oleaginous parts. By\nproperly adapting the extracting waters, this hurtful impediment may be\nremoved, and the vinegar from malt liquors become as neat and as strong\nas that which is made from wine.\n9. As the acid taste of vinegar is the effect of a continued\nfermentation, many people have thought it immaterial how speedily the\nfirst parts of the operation were carried on. But violent fermentations\nnot only dissipate some of the fine oils, which should be retained in\nthe vinegar, but also cause the must to tend towards putrefaction.\nBoerhaave, after he has directed a frequent transvasion of the liquor,\nobserves that, whenever the weather or the workhouse is very hot, it\nis often necessary to fill the half emptied vessels every twelve hours,\nnot only to procure a supply of acids from the air, but also to cool\nthe wine, and check the too violent fermentation, which arising in the\nhalf full casks, might dissipate the volatile spirits, before they are\nproperly secured and entangled by the acid. Hence the liquor might be\nsour indeed, but at the same time flat, and would never become a sharp\nand strong vinegar.\n10. Application and uses have frequently been found for materials,\nwhich before were supposed to be of no value. The grains, after the\nbrewer has drawn his worts out of them, are generally used for the\nfeeding of cattle; but I do not know that hops, after boiling, have\nbeen employed to any purpose. Is there nothing more left in this\nvegetable, after it has imparted the virtue wanted to the beer? All\nplants burnt in open air yield alkaline salts, though in a greater or\nless quantity, according to the quality of the plants. Boerhaave says\nthat those which are austere, acid, or aromatic, yield in their ashes\na great abundance of salts, and these being put in fusion, and mixed\nwith flint or sand, run into glass. Hops thrown, after decoction, in\nno great quantity on the fire, cause the coals to vitrify, or as it\nis generally termed, to _run into clinkers_. If therefore the remains\nof the hops were burnt in open air, or in a proper furnace, it seems\nmost likely that no inconsiderable quantity of somewhat like pot ashes\nmight be obtained, and this, considering the many tun weight of hops\nemployed in large cities, and thrown away as useless, might become an\nobject of private emolument to the brewer, and of public benefit to the\nkingdom.\nFINIS.\nFOOTNOTES:\n[1] Vide Dr. Pringle\u2019s experiments in his book of observations on the\ndiseases of the army, p. 350, 351 & seq.\n[2] There is a very singular exception in regard to iron itself, in\nthis respect. It is only a certain degree of heat that expands this\nmetal; (and that much less than any other either more or less dense)\nwhen melted, it occupies a less space than when in a solid form. This\nought to caution us against an entire dependence on general rules,\nby which nature doth not appear to be wholly restricted. See Mem. de\nl\u2019Acad. des Scienc. p. 273.\n[3] See Dr. Lewis\u2019s Philosophical Commerce of Arts, p. 42.\n[4] See Martine\u2019s Dissertation on Heat. What the degree of cold was\nwhich fixed mercury at St. Petersburg, I do not recollect.\n[5] It requires seven or eight days. (See Dissertation sur la glace par\nMons. de Mayran.) Paris edition, 1749. Page 191.\n[6] Lately, indeed, by such intense cold as can only be procured with\nthe greatest art, and in the coldest climates, mercury is said to have\nbeen stagnated, or fixed.\n[7] By Dr. Hales\u2019s experiments made for discovering the proportion\nof air generated from different bodies, it appears that raisin wine,\nabsorbed, in fermenting, a quantity of air equal to nearly one third of\nits volume; and ale, under the like circumstances, absorbed one fifth.\n[8] In the northern part of England, the usual time of steeping barley\nin the cistern is about 80 hours.\n 40 bushels of barley wetted 1 hour, will guage then in the couch 40 bushels, that\n is, if drained from its exterior moisture.\nHere the barley is supposed to be fully saturated with the water; and\nthese 40 bushels of barley, guaged (after 80 hours wetting in the\ncistern) in the couch, will be 50 bushels; but when again guaged on\nthe floor, from the effect of the roots, and sometimes the shoots,\noccasioning the corn to lie hollow, here the 40 bushels of barley will\nshew as 80 bushels. Vide Ramsbottom, page 113, &c.\nand 13.\n[10] When the medium heat of the dryness of the malt, and of the heat\nof the extracts, are so high as to require the liquors to be forced\nor precipitated, in order to become pellucid, part of the oils which\nsupported them sound, being carried down by the precipitant, they\nwill be less capable of preserving themselves, after having been\nprecipitated, than they were before.\n[11] I chose this manner of expressing the quantity of moisture\nreceived in ground malt from the air, as it is the most easy for the\ndirection of the first extract.\n[12] Part I. Sect XII. p. 124.\n[13] See page 56.\n[14] For the properties answerable to the degrees, see page 124.\n[15] It may be observed that, in the first and last degrees for drying\nmalt, sometimes we say one degree more, sometimes a degree less.--The\nexperiments we have made do not admit of a geometrical exactness,\nnor does the practice of brewing require it; small errors in beers\nare effectually removed by age, and these variations have often been\nadopted in the tables, for the conveniency of dividing into whole\nnumbers.\n[17] _Purl_, is pale ale, in which bitter aromatics, such as wormwood,\norange peel, &c. are infused, used by the labouring people, chiefly in\ncold mornings, and a much better and wholesomer relief to them, than\nspiritous liquors.\n[18] 152, to which 2 degrees must be added, for what is lost in the\nextracts coming away, or 154 degrees, being the heat of the mash for\nkeeping small beer, after amber; as this number is less than 166\ndegrees, the last mash of the amber, consequently, in the computation\nmade, to find how much of the quantity of the liquor used, is to be\nmade to boil, to give the true degree of heat to the mash of small,\nthe difference of heat required in this mash, 154, and the heat of the\ngoods 162 or 8, is to be multiplied by the volume of the goods, and\nthe product in this case subtracted; whereas, in the operations for\nbrewing, whose heat gradually increased every mash, it is to be added.\n[19] We had rather attribute to this cause, the inferior quality of\nthe Worcestershire hops, than to what is reported. That some planters\nin that county suffer their hops to be so ripe on the poles, that they\nbecome very brown before they are gathered: to recover their color, on\nthe fire of the kiln they strew brimstone, which brings them to a fine\nyellow; the dryness and harshness this acid occasions, they correct by\nsprinkling the hops with milk, from whence they bag closer, and require\nlittle straining, but two ingredients more pernicious to the forming\ngood beers, perhaps, could not have been thought of, than milk and\nbrimstone.\n[20] This rule only takes place for such climates as are of the same\nheat with ours; for when drinks are brewed to be expended in more\nsouthern countries, or to undergo long voyages, twenty pounds of hops\nto one quarter of malt have been used with success.\n[21] If, of the whole quantity of hops grown in one year, one half is\nput into bags, whose tare is one tenth of their whole weight, and the\nother half is put in pockets, whose tare is one fortieth of their whole\nweight; if the excise office allows one tenth for tare upon the whole,\nand the excise or weighing officers, are content with one ninth, as by\ntheir marks, and the weight when sold to the brewer, appears to be the\nfact; then somewhat like one twentieth part more hops are grown, than\nwhat pays duty, or than the excise officers report to be the case.\n[22] Forty shillings per hundred weight, are supposed to be the mean\ndifference between new and old hops, and ought to be estimated in\nproportion to the quantity of old left in hand, and that of new hops\ngrown, in order to ascertain the value of the last.\n[23] B. stands for Barrels, F. for Firkins, G. for Gallons.\n[24] When there are but two worts in brown strong, keeping strong,\nkeeping pale small, or common small, the boiling is to be observed as\nmarked for the second and third worts.\n[25] The small cask, called a _pin_, is one eighth part of a barrel.\n[26] By new malt, I understand such, as has not lost the whole of the\nheat received on the kiln, and by old, such as is of equal heat with\nthe air, or such which has laid a sufficient time to imbibe part of its\nmoisture.\n[27] At the time when the first edition of this work was published,\nporter or brown beers were brewed with very high dried malts;\nexperience has shewn to the generality of the trade and to the author,\nthis practice to be erroneous, the reasons why have before, and perhaps\nhereafter will again, be spoken of. In compliance with this improvement\n(though between the two proposed brewings, so great a variety will not\nappear) I have founded my calculations for porter, on malts dried so as\nbest will answer this purpose.\n[28] B. stands for barrels, F. for firkins, G. for gallons, and the\nnumbers past the comma, where the inches are expressed, for decimals;\n34 gallons are here allowed to the barrel, in compliance to the excise\ngauging, as these calculations were made without the bills.\n[29] The half degree omitted in this mash will be added to the next.\n[30] Different quantities of water are differently affected by the same\nportion of fire; when the ebullition is just over, and the surface\nof the liquor is become smooth; if some of it is, by a cock, drawn\nfrom the bottom of the copper, where the coldest water always is, the\nremaining part, having a greater proportion of fire than before, again\nbegins to boil, though not affected by any increase of heat.\n[32] G. C. stands for great copper, L. C. stands for little copper.\n[33] Deduction from the first mash for heat created by effervescence\nand hard corns. See the calculation above.\n[34] Additions to the mashes on account of heat lost, by the liquor\ncoming from little copper, and by mashing and standing. See page 293.\n[35] The charge of the first liquor is for 11 barrels, with a deduction\nof 2 inches, according to the gauges of the coppers, page 221. These\ntwo inches answer to the 8 degrees of heat for the effervescence, hard\ncorns, and new malt. See computation above.\n[36] The second and following mashes are to be charged with as many\nmore inches of boiling water, as answer to the fourth part of the\nnumber of degrees of heat lost by the refrigeration of the mashes. See\npage 294.\n[37] In beers intended for long keeping, the fermentation is to be\ngoverned by the heat of the worts or musts, more than by that of the\nexterior air.\n[38] A must or wort, when under fermentation, from its internal motion,\nincreases in heat 10 degrees, and no keeping beers, when under this\nact, should exceed a heat of 60 degrees; for this reason, worts of this\nsort should at first be set to ferment at a heat of 50 degrees, and 50\ndegrees is nearly the mean of the heats these liquors are impressed\nwith, when deposited in cellars, from the time of their being formed,\nto that of their coming into use. Their long continuance in this\nstate is the reason why six pints of yeast per quarter of malt is a\nsufficient quantity to be used when the heat of the air is at or below\n50 degrees. If, through necessity, processes of this sort are to be\ncarried on when the mean heat of the natural day is more than this, the\nquantities indicated in the table will be the fittest rule.\n[39] Though the air bubbles produced from malt liquors are more\nuniform, as to their size or consistence, than those of natural\nwines, yet they are not perfectly so; for this reason, and because it\nrequires a greater power to cause a wort or must of malt to ferment,\nthan it does to keep this act continued, after it is once begun, it\nis necessary, at first, to apply such a sufficient quantity of yeast\nas will obtain this purpose; therefore, one half of the remaining six\ngallons of yeast is put to the wort on its first coming down.\n[40] The yeast or air bubbles produced from natural wines, vary not\nonly in their consistence, but also in their volume; so that, in their\nact of fermentation, a progressive effect is the consequence of this\nwant of uniformity. The yeast or air bubbles of barley wines are more\nuniform; to imitate nature, it is necessary to apply this principle of\nfermentation by degrees, to cause a progressive effect only. Feeding\nof drink is the only means to gain this end; thereby the newly applied\nyeast maintains the drink in its required agitation, in a similar\nmanner as the increased heat and action raised by fermentation causes\nthe air bubbles in natural wines to act and explode, in proportion\nto their consistence, and to the quantity of elastic air the bubbles\ncontain; and so requisite it is periodically to apply more yeast to\nthis sort of liquor, or regularly to feed it with this enlivening\nprinciple, that, in very hot weather, when this, through carelessness,\nhas been omitted, I have known this ale to become foxed or putrefied,\nand could attribute this accident to no other cause but to a neglect\nof this sort, as the worts had been regularly brewed, laid thin in the\ncoolers, received all the cold the night could give them, and the tun\nin which the drink was worked was perfectly clean.\n[41] I confess this chapter is rather a matter of curiosity, an\neffusion of fancy, than of any use to me known; if I have suffered it\nto remain, it has been to shew that when we have long reflected upon\na subject, our ideas often lead us beyond power of practice; and with\nthis farther view, that, perhaps, it may become of service in the\nhands of some more ingenious and more penetrating artist than myself.\nHowever, if I trouble my reader with it, it may be said to be in\nimitation of an author far superior to myself in rank and knowledge.\n[42] It must be observed, the wines of France in general make the best\nbrandies, and of these, such which justly are termed green wines, (and\nsoon would become acid) this leads us to the nature of the grain, and\nof the extractions to procure an equal, pure, nutty spirit. Barley,\ndried scarcely to the denomination of malt, and extracted with the\nlowest medium, or perhaps one inferior to this, most likely would\nanswer this purpose. I have tried the experiment in a very imperfect\nmanner, and found it answer beyond expectation.\n Acids, what, 2\n Air, principal agent in fermentation, 19, 23\n ---- why it slacks malt, 20\n ---- is not easily expelled from bodies, 21\n ---- expelled from worts by long boiling, 84\n ---- heat of, relative to brewing, 145\n Alcohol, what, 2\n ---- most effectually dissolves resins, 38\n Algebraic rules of proportion for mixing cold and hot water, 271-285\n Alkali, what, 2\n ---- its great power as a solvent, 37\n Backs _being set_, reason, 306\n Barley, defined, 89\n ---- viscous and replete with acids, 90\n ---- consequence of its germinating, 90\n ---- its state in the field, 91\n ---- Effect of heating in the mow, 92\n ---- heat which destroys its vegetative power, 92, 93\n ---- mow-burned, unfit for malting, 93\n ---- how much it loses by malting, 100\n ---- may be dried without germinating, 102\n Beers, why deposited in cellars, 47\n ---- best brewed in pure air, 85, 86\n Bird, Mr. his thermometer, 43\n Body of a wort _not opened_, what, 320, 321\n Boiling, how effected, 3\n ---- necessary for worts, and management, 224\n Brandies of France and Spain compared, 353\n Brown ale, what, 198\n Burton ale, what, 196\n Cellars, temperature, 156, 186\n ---- management of beer, 331\n Cleansing keeping beers, 319\n ---- common small, 321\n Cloudy beer, how to be treated, 337\n Cocculus Indicus, infamous practice of using it, 340\n Cold greatest, at London, 145\n Cooling-in explained, 254\n Coppers, method of calculating heights, 220\n Division of water for a brewing, 235-239\n Dorchester beer, what, 200\n Earths defined, 33\n ---- sometimes used in precipitation, 33\n Effervescence, whence, 79\n Elements, for forming pale beers, 172\n Elements for forming amber, 195, 251\n ---- keeping small beer, 197\n ---- pale keeping strong and small, 239\n Expansion, singular exception in, 14\n ---- differs in different fluids, 18\n ---- of water just boiling, 26\n Experiments on Thames, New River, and Hampstead water, 31\n Extraction defined, 160\n ---- four different modes, 163\n Extracts under and over-heated shew similar signs, 29\n Feeding drink, what, 323\n Fermentation, what, 6, 66\n ---- its several stages, 66-73\n ---- its effects, 78\n ---- term too generally applied, 78\n ---- artificial, defined, 80\n ---- signs and effects, 318\n Ferments, what, 84\n Fining beers, 336\n Fire, nature and properties, 13\n ---- expands all bodies, 14\n ---- how it strengthens some bodies, 15\n ---- loosens the texture of malt, 15\n ---- preserves bodies, 15\n ---- how to regulate its degrees, 16\n Flowers of wine, what, 311\n Foxed, what, 7\n Germinating heats of France, Spain, &c., 57-59\n Grapes, their taste in different states, 51\n ---- under what heat produced and ripened, 51, 55\n ---- why not produced at Jamaica, 54, 60\n ---- how to discover their properties, 64\n Grey beer, how to be treated, 337\n Grinding malt, 157\n Hard corns, heat they cause in mashes, 295\n Heat, medium of London, 17, 145, 148, 150\n ---- dissolves more parts than water can contain, 26\n ---- difference in shade and sun, 52, 156\n ---- greatest at London, in the shade, 145\n Hops, nature and properties, 201\n ---- whence difference of Worcestershire & Kentish, 203\n ---- useful in extraction, 213\n ---- calculation to regulate purchasing, 13\n ---- imposition on purchasers, 216\n ---- volume estimated when boiled, 222\n ---- perhaps useful after being boiled, 356\n Incidents causing heat of extracts to vary from calculation, 289\n Isinglass, what, 7\n ---- use and application, 336\n Lees of wine, what, 311\n Lengths in brewing, explanation, 217\n Malting, process, 94, 126\n Malts, alter in color the more they are dried, 48\n ---- incapable of retaining more fire than is in external air, 99\n ---- cannot be made in hot weather, 103\n ---- first degree of heat that constitutes them, 105\n ---- degree which charrs them, 107\n ---- effect different degrees has upon them, 108-112\n ---- properties, 113\n ---- their virtue in wort contained in amazing small space, 270\n Mashes, four, their different heats, 62\n Mashing, 286\n Maturating and germinating heats, 57-59\n Menstruums, doctrine of, 34-38\n ---- water, oils, and salts, the principal in brewing, 35\n Must from grapes, constituent parts, 66\n Oils, constituent principles, 35\n Old hock, what, 199\n Precipitation, what, 9\n ---- a remedy for diseased beer, 334\n Processes of two brewings computed, 271\n ---- reduced to one point of view, 297-303\n Purl, what, 193\n Putrefaction, whence, 78\n Rain, which most fruitful, 53, 54\n Remedies for diseased beer, 334\n Salts, a principal menstruum, 36, 37\n ---- their nature, 37, 38\n Sealing hermetically, how performed, 7\n Sick beers, how to be treated, 338\n Signs general, directing the processes in brewing, 327\n Spirits\u2019 pungent, exhaling from a fermenting must, 350, 351\n ---- of malt might equal those of wine, 352\n Spontaneous pellucidity, how produced, 319\n Stale beers, how to be treated, 339\n Steeping barley, how practised in the north, 94\n Stock of beer proper, 331\n Stubborn beers, how to be treated, 337\n Table of changes of color in malt by heat, 115\n ---- shewing the age beers will require with medium heats, 119\n ---- shewing the tendency beers have to become fine, 124\n ---- shewing medium heat at London at eight in the morning, 148\n Table shewing medium heat of the air at London, 150\n ---- of incidents affecting heat in brewing, 155\n ---- shewing proper dryness of malt, 162\n ---- shewing the quantity of fermentable principles residing in malt, 168\n ---- to determine heat of first and last extract, 170\n ---- ditto for porter, 175\n ---- shewing color of grain, 184\n ---- shewing medium heat of each process, 185\n ---- shewing heat of first and last extracts in common small beer, 191\n ---- shewing value of hops in degrees, 208\n ---- shewing the quantity of hops to a quarter of malt in porter, 209\n ---- ditto common small beer, 210\n ---- shewing the medium price hops should bear, 215\n ---- of lengths, 219\n ---- of gauges of coppers, 221\n ---- of time of boiling each beer, 228\n ---- of volume of malt to reduce grist to liquid measure, 254\n ---- shewing great evaporation of water in brewing, 256\n ---- shewing volume of malt equal to one barrel of water, 267\n ---- of effervescence of malt, 292\n ---- shewing the _times_ worts should be let down, 308\n ---- shewing _heat_ at which they should be let down, 309\n ---- shewing depth of head in cleansing small beer, 321\n ---- determining taste of malt liquors, 345\n Taste, reason of the difference in malt liquors, 342\n Technical terms explained, 1-12\n Thermometer, when first known in England, 39\n ---- its improvements, 40-43\n ---- assists to discover the heat of bodies when blended, 45\n ---- discovers the strength of a wort, 47\n ---- ---- quality of hops, 48\n ---- absurdity of brewers to reject it, 49\n Times proper for brewing, 146\n Two brewings, circumstances relating to them brought into one point of view, 297-303\n Vegetables, why fit for wines, 74-76\n Vinegar of beer equal to that of wine, 355\n ---- best made from strongest liquors, 355\n Waste water in brewing each beer, 230-233\n Water, its expansion by boiling, 14\n ---- becomes of equal heat with the air, 21\n ---- at what degree it changes to ice, 21\n ---- boiled, its appearance when froze, 21\n ---- which makes the strongest extracts, 22\n ---- being light, a good property, 24\n ---- great quantities evaporated in brewing, 25\n ---- its ultimate parts less than those of air, 25\n ---- necessary to fermentation, 27\n ---- excellency of drinks too often attributed to, 29\n ---- how examined, 30\n ---- its division into worts and mashes, 234-252\n Water, boiling--the proper state and time for cooling in, 290\n Wines, general definition, 50\n ---- Tockay and Canary, 52\n ---- the most certain signs of their wholesomeness, 86\n ---- their basis, 160\n Worts, sometimes over-hopped, 27\n ---- height in coppers cast up to fix the length, 223\n ---- cooling-management, 304\n Yeast, replaces the air lost by boiling worts, 22\n ---- heat at which it acts, 305\n ---- nature and contents, 311\n ---- quantity for small beer, 315\n ---- ---- strong beer and porter, 316\n ---- bitten, what, 320\nEnd of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Theory and Practice of Brewing, by \nMichael Combrune\n*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF BREWING ***\n***** This file should be named 56784-0.txt or 56784-0.zip *****\nThis and all associated files of various formats will be found in:\nProduced by Chris Curnow, Turgut Dincer and the Online\nfile was produced from images generously made available\nby The Internet Archive)\nUpdated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will\nbe renamed.\nCreating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright\nlaw means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,\nso the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United\nStates without permission and without paying copyright\nroyalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part\nof this license, apply to copying and distributing Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm\nconcept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,\nand may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive\nspecific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this\neBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook\nfor nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,\nperformances and research. They may be modified and printed and given\naway--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks\nnot protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the\ntrademark license, especially commercial redistribution.\nSTART: FULL LICENSE\nTHE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE\nPLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK\nTo protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free\ndistribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work\n(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase \"Project\nGutenberg\"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full\nProject Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at\nwww.gutenberg.org/license.\nSection 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic works\n1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm\nelectronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to\nand accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property\n(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all\nthe terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or\ndestroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your\npossession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a\nProject Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound\nby the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the\nperson or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph\n1.B. \"Project Gutenberg\" is a registered trademark. It may only be\nused on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who\nagree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few\nthings that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works\neven without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See\nparagraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this\nagreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm\nelectronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.\n1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (\"the\nFoundation\" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection\nof Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual\nworks in the collection are in the public domain in the United\nStates. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the\nUnited States and you are located in the United States, we do not\nclaim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,\ndisplaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as\nall references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope\nthat you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting\nfree access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm\nworks in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the\nProject Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily\ncomply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the\nsame format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when\nyou share it without charge with others.\n1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern\nwhat you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are\nin a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,\ncheck the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this\nagreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,\ndistributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any\nother Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no\nrepresentations concerning the copyright status of any work in any\ncountry outside the United States.\n1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:\n1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other\nimmediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear\nprominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work\non which the phrase \"Project Gutenberg\" appears, or with which the\nphrase \"Project Gutenberg\" is associated) is accessed, displayed,\nperformed, viewed, copied or distributed:\n This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and\n most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no\n restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it\n under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this\n eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the\n United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you\n are located before using this ebook.\n1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is\nderived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not\ncontain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the\ncopyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in\nthe United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are\nredistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase \"Project\nGutenberg\" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply\neither with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or\nobtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm\ntrademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.\n1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted\nwith the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution\nmust comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any\nadditional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms\nwill be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works\nposted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the\nbeginning of this work.\n1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm\nLicense terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this\nwork or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.\n1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this\nelectronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without\nprominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with\nactive links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project\nGutenberg-tm License.\n1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,\ncompressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including\nany word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access\nto or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format\nother than \"Plain Vanilla ASCII\" or other format used in the official\nversion posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site\n(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense\nto the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means\nof obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original \"Plain\nVanilla ASCII\" or other form. Any alternate format must include the\nfull Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.\n1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,\nperforming, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works\nunless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.\n1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing\naccess to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works\nprovided that\n* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from\n the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method\n you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed\n to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has\n agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project\n Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid\n within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are\n legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty\n payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project\n Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in\n Section 4, \"Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg\n Literary Archive Foundation.\"\n* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies\n you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he\n does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm\n License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all\n copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue\n all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm\n works.\n* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of\n any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the\n electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of\n receipt of the work.\n* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free\n distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.\n1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than\nare set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing\nfrom both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The\nProject Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm\ntrademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.\n1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable\neffort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread\nworks not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project\nGutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm\nelectronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may\ncontain \"Defects,\" such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate\nor corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other\nintellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or\nother medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or\ncannot be read by your equipment.\n1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the \"Right\nof Replacement or Refund\" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project\nGutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project\nGutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project\nGutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all\nliability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal\nfees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT\nLIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE\nPROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE\nTRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE\nLIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR\nINCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH\nDAMAGE.\n1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a\ndefect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can\nreceive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a\nwritten explanation to the person you received the work from. If you\nreceived the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium\nwith your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you\nwith the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in\nlieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person\nor entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second\nopportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If\nthe second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing\nwithout further opportunities to fix the problem.\n1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth\nin paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO\nOTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT\nLIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.\n1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied\nwarranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of\ndamages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement\nviolates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the\nagreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or\nlimitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or\nunenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the\nremaining provisions.\n1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the\ntrademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone\nproviding copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in\naccordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the\nproduction, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm\nelectronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,\nincluding legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of\nthe following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this\nor any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or\nadditions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any\nDefect you cause.\nSection 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm\nProject Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of\nelectronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of\ncomputers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It\nexists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations\nfrom people in all walks of life.\nVolunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the\nassistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's\ngoals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will\nremain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project\nGutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure\nand permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future\ngenerations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary\nArchive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see\nSections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at\nwww.gutenberg.org\nSection 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation\nThe Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit\n501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the\nstate of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal\nRevenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification\nnumber is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary\nArchive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by\nU.S. federal laws and your state's laws.\nThe Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the\nmailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its\nvolunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous\nlocations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt\nLake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to\ndate contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and\nofficial page at www.gutenberg.org/contact\nFor additional contact information:\n Dr. Gregory B. Newby\n Chief Executive and Director\n gbnewby@pglaf.org\nSection 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg\nLiterary Archive Foundation\nProject Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide\nspread public support and donations to carry out its mission of\nincreasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be\nfreely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest\narray of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations\n($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt\nstatus with the IRS.\nThe Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating\ncharities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United\nStates. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a\nconsiderable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up\nwith these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations\nwhere we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND\nDONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular\nstate visit www.gutenberg.org/donate\nWhile we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we\nhave not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition\nagainst accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who\napproach us with offers to donate.\nInternational donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make\nany statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from\noutside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.\nPlease check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation\nmethods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other\nways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To\ndonate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate\nSection 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.\nProfessor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project\nGutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be\nfreely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and\ndistributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of\nvolunteer support.\nProject Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed\neditions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in\nthe U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not\nnecessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper\nedition.\nMost people start at our Web site which has the main PG search\nfacility: www.gutenberg.org\nThis Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,\nincluding how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary\nArchive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to\nsubscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.", "source_dataset": "gutenberg", "source_dataset_detailed": "gutenberg - The Theory and Practice of Brewing\n"}, {"created_timestamp": "06-10-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0003", "content": "Title: 10 Sunday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge a clear morning. Heard Mr. Appleton expound those words in 1. Cor. 12 Chapt. 7 first verses, and in the afternoon heard him preach from those words in 26 of Mathew 41 verse, watch and pray that ye enter not into temptation.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-11-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0004", "content": "Title: Monday [11 June].\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge, a fair morning, and pretty warm. About 2 o\u2019Clock there appeared some symptoms of an approaching shower, attended with some thunder, and lightning.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-20-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0013", "content": "Title: 20 Wednesday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge, a most Charming and Beautifull Scene is this morning displayed. All nature wears a Chearfull garb, after so plentifull a Shower as we were favoured with the Last night, receving an additionall lustre from the sweet influences of the Sun.\u2014This Day, I (in the religious Phylosopher) read the following experiment, (viz) that the filings of iron, mix\u2019d with sulphur and kneaded to a Dough By the addittion of Cold water will in a few hours Become warm, and at last Be set on fire. Which is undoubtedly true, and if so I think that it affords a very probable method of solving the phaenomina of subterraneous fires. For it is highly probable that there are abundance of the particles of iron, Sulphur, and water which, (By the flux of water perhaps in the subterraneous Caverns,) may Be Brought together, and then it appears By the precedent experiment, that this effect (viz a fire) will Be produced. At 2 o\u2019Clock heard Mr. Winthrop\u2019s lecture in the Hall, in which he was employed in evincing the sphaeroidall form of the earth, which he Did, from the vibrations of pendula, the precession of the aequinox, and from actual mensuration of Degrees at the aequinox and the poles. \u2014After which I extracted the following Hydrostatical Laws from the religious Phylosopher (viz) 1st: if a Body is to be Carried upwards in any liquor, an equall Bulk of said liquor must gravitate or weigh more than such a Body. 2ndly. that in order to Cause a Body to sink in a liquor, an equal Bulk of said liquor must weigh less than the Body. 3rdly. if you would have the Body, neither to rise or fall But preserve it\u2019s place in any part of the liquor, an equal quantity of the said liquor must weigh equally with the Body.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-22-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0015", "content": "Title: 22 Fryday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge, a Charming, pleasant morning, read Dr. Niewentyts Demonstration Concerning the rays of light emitted from a Burning Candle in a second of time, which he Computes to Be 418660 39/: Particles.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-24-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0017", "content": "Title: 24 Sunday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge, a Cloudy morning, heard Mr. Cotton of New-town vociferate from the 19. of Proverbs 2nd verse. In the afternoon, from those words in the 37th. Psalm and 4th. verse, Delight thyself in the Lord and he shall give thee thy Desires.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-25-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0018", "content": "Title: 25. Monday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge, a very rainy, morning, at 11 o\u2019Clock Disputed from the question assigned us last tuesday But on which we Did not then Dispute By reason of Mr. Mayhews Being employed in taking an account of the Books and other things, Contained in the Library in order to the Printing a new Catalogue thereof.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-26-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0019", "content": "Title: 26 Tuesday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge, a very rainy Day, as it has remained since yesterday-morning. By reason of my illness omitted Disputing from this question, generalia aestuum phaenomina solvuntur ab atractione solis et lunae.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-27-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0001-0020", "content": "Title: 27 Wednesday.\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n At Colledge. A Clowdy morning. Afternoon, together with Lock, took a ride to Watertown-Bridge and from thence round through Brookline Back to Colledge again.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-29-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Adams/02-01-02-0004-0002-0001", "content": "Title: 29 [June 1753\u2013January 1754?].\nFrom: Adams, John\nTo: \n Sat out from Boston, home where having tarried 7, or 8 Days I set out on a journey together with Mr. Adams to Piscataqua, to which I went By way of Litchfeild, going firstly from Boston over Charlston ferry through Charlestown, Mistick, Menotomy, Lexington, Bedford, Bilerica, Chensford, Dracut to which I passed from Chensford over the river. From Dracut I proceeded to Nottingham, Londonderry, Hamstead, Kingston, Kensington, Hampton, Greenland, Newington where having tarried about a fortnight and vizitted Portsmouth, I returned home and at the appointed time return\u2019d to Colledge where I have been ever since, save that I went home once for a fortnight.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-02-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0149", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Franklin, 2 January 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, John\nDear Brother\nPhilada. Jan. 2. 1753\nYours of the 12th past gave me a great deal of Pleasure, as it informed me that you are better and have reason to think the Stone either lessen\u2019d or made smoother. I pray God to continue it to a perfect Cure.\nWhen you have a little Leisure please to inform me how our Fathers Estate turns out as I hear every thing is now sold. Who bought the House, and what did it sell for? I feel some affection for that old fashioned Clock. It had I remember a sweet Bell; as it has been so long in the Family, I hope some of you have bought [it].\nYou have never mention\u2019d any thing to me of my Electrical Papers nor of that on the Peopling of Countries, nor that on Meteorology, which have passed thro\u2019 your Hands; So I conjecture you have either not had time to read them, or do not like them.\nWe are all well, and join in wishing you and Sister and the Girls a happy New Year. I am Your affectionate Brother\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-15-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0150", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [William Parsons], 15 January 1753\nFrom: Parsons, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nWhen I left Philadelphia and every Friend and Acquaintance that was dear to me it was with a View and, as I then thought, with a study [sic] Resolution to lead a quiet and private Life without even so much as thinking of publick Affairs, other than paying Taxes and Fines if any should be imposed upon me for not appearing if at any Time I should be called upon to appear abroad. How far I have kept to that Resolution you are not a Stranger. However be that as it will I can assure you my dear old Friend that since my venturing abroad again into the World Things have a very different Appearance to what they used to have. When I consider my old Acquaintance and indeed when I reflect upon the Conduct of the People of Philadelphia in general I am ready to cry out That there is no Virtue, Truth or Sincerity without the Liberties of Philadelphia. Not that I forget there are some even there that have too little of all three. Whether it be that People are realy worse who live far back in the Country or that they want Knowledge or that it is only the want of being carefully looked after I must not take upon me to determine. But this I can truly say that I never saw or heard of so much Schemeing low Contrivance and Insincerity in all the Time I lived in Philadelphia as I have seen in the little Time since I left it. These Considerations have prevailed upon me to write to you, not by way of Direction or Petition but as one Friend writes to another tho\u2019 I must confess that if you were not a Member of the Honourable House I should hardly have troubled you now about the Situation of any of the publick Affairs of this County. Some of which are the Occasion of uneasiness to some of the Inhabitants. And amongst other Things the great Power of the Sherif which with us is at present something extraordinary. As he is not only Sherif: but Treasurer of the County and Clerk to the Commissioners and Assessors. His Father is president of our Court, his Wife\u2019s Father and several of his very intimate Friends make up almost our whole Bench of Justices. And some of these with a Jury of his own summoning are the Persons who are to adjust and allow all his Accounts with the publick. By this I would not be understood to cast any Reflection upon any of the Justices for whom in general I have a very great Esteem but human Nature is Frail and the Power of Friendship and paternal Affection are very prevailing. The Power of Sherif is almost exorbitant as he is the sole judge of Elections and himself a Candidate. And has it wholly in his own power to summons who he pleases for Jurymen. And our Sherif besides all this acts publickly as a Justice of the Peace for this County by virtue of a Commission of the Peace granted before his Sheriffalty and how far that is agreable to Law others may determine it. People with us think it shews a strong desire after Dominion. If I remember right I have heard you mention another (and I think a much better) way of summoning Juries that attend at the Courts at Westminster. And what if the same Method were to be practised here? Truly it could not be worse but very probably would be much better in many Cases than the Method now in use. As I imagine your Head and Mind will be filled with other publick Business by this Time I will take up no more of your Time than to desire you will give my hearty Service to all Friends of which you are to take a great Share to your self From Dear Sir Your Affectionate humble Servant.\n Endorsed: Janry. 15th. 1753. Letter to Mr. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-27-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0151", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 27 January 1753\nFrom: Collinson, Peter\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nLondn Jany 27 1753\nTho\u2019 I am much engaged yett I cannot Lett Mesnard Sail without Acquainting you how Matters stand Here.\nand first for Business\nThe Paduasoye is the best and I hope will please your Good Wife\u2014it is well paper\u2019d and is Packed in a Trunk By John Samuel who haveing other Silk Goods it was putt with his to have the Drawback. As there is three different Breadths in Paduasoyes and no mention which Twenty yards of Broad that is \u00be yds. wide (which is the breadth made fitt for Cloths) and is always made Richer and better then the Narrows would be too much\u2014wee have therefore sent a full Quantity for a Suite. The price is not in proportion to the great Advance on Raw Silk.\nThe Tenn pound bill is Like to be protested\u2014it has been denied payment, but it must lay out its Time, possibly they may think better on It, if not, it will be regularly protested\u2014for your Sake and Security returned.\nIn the Hurry I am in I wrote you, 2 or 3: parcells per Capt. Lyon and sent Books, Turky Wheat for our Friend Elliot. Luckyly came a French trans[lation] to my Hands of your Electrical Experiments which I then Sent with Muschenbroeks Essays\u2014all have been committed to the Care of Messrs. Neat & Neve who putt them up with their packetts and Letters.\nPere Bosckovisch\u2019s Disertats not to be had here nor any other peices on Electricity from Abroad. All these as I have said in my last is most likely to be Had from Holland\u2014if you have a Correspondent there.\nIn my last by Lyon I told you what passed between your proprietor and Mee who has orderd Mr. Peters to make the Academy a present of \u00a3500.\nI have now to Thank you my Dear Friend for yours of December 2. The Packett with all the Books is come safe to hand. I am extreamly obliged to you for your Kind Present of your Votes which are very Entertaining to observe the progress of your Settlement.\nI perceive your Example has Stir\u2019d up your Neighbours of New York to Imitate It. The Authors Scheme is right to keep the Money and apply the Interest for Immediate use. I Shall Send it to your proprietors for his Objections are answer\u2019d for have[ing?] the Seat of Learning at the Capital.\nYour Laudable Publick Spirit is ever Exerting it Self for the good of the Community. I heartyly Wish you Success in your Expedition to the Benefit of Trade for there is no hopes of a North west passage if I may Credit a Mapp lately published by the French in which they have laid down all the Coast from California to above the Artic Circle. They make indeed a River from about Hudsons bay Derived from a Great Inland lake full of Islands and another river falling from that lake into the Eastern Ocean above California. As soone as this Mapp is publishd Here which is soone Expected I will send one. There is a Sett of Opulent Merchants have been projecting a Scheme for Carrying on a Trade to the Labrador Coast and have laid It before the Board of Trade who approve their Scheme and as it will be attended with a great Expence they Desire a Charter for 20 or 30 years. The Maryland Parson has Sett all this project on foot. He is Volatile Blade and Great Poet. But this Affair for the present is at a Stand. Your Petition no doubt, but will have its Effect\u2014for all Trade ought to be open and Free to all Our kings Subjects.\nYour proprietor Desired to see Douglas. He takes it amiss he must be beholden to Others to Send Him Such Tracts that treat of his Colony. He will be Glad to hear he is Dead for He resented Something he had Said before. I think the No. I sent Him are 18: 19: 20: 21 and perhaps 22. As they are out of my Hands cannot be Certain.\nDoctor Mitchell has the Mapp &c. and He has the French Mapp and is to make his report of it to the Royal Society to whome it was presented.\nI expect Mr. Jackson every Evening to Call on Mee and then I will give Him your Presents.\nPray Send another Account of your births and Deaths for by an Accedent I was deprived of It.\nI am glad Greenwood and M[oses?] Bartram gott Safe. If I have not time to write to J. Bartram give my love and thanks for his book and tell Him the Ship is Safe arrived with the box of Seeds and plants. I am much yours\nP Collinson\nI have had Just now brought Mee from Barbary a Barly of a Particular species I never saw before. Pray give to J. Bartram 2 or 3 Ears, keep some your self and send some to our Friend Eliot. Capt. Child has it.\nThis barly I intend to send per Mesnard in some package.\nThe Paduasoye is putt up with Capt. Childs Goods in his Trunk IC No. 5. and a Little parcell with the barly.\n16 yd Rich broad Paduasoye at 12s.\n Addressed: To \u2002Benn: Franklin Esqr \u2002in Philadelphia \u2002per Cap Mesnard", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-29-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0152", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Alexander, 29 January 1753\nFrom: Alexander, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nThe rare transits of Venus across the sun\u2019s surface were among the most important astronomical occurrences in the eighteenth century because they offered astronomers opportunities to calculate the solar parallax\u2014the angle subtended at the sun by the earth\u2019s radius\u2014and thus not only provided a basis for computing the actual distance from the earth and other planets to the sun but completed the Newtonian system by establishing scalar distances. The last transits had occurred in 1631 and 1639, but the first was at night and the second was imperfectly observed. Late in the century Edmund Halley had devised a method to determine the parallax by using observations made at different points on the earth of the times of Venus\u2019 transit. His method was modified and improved in the second quarter of the eighteenth century by Joseph-Nicolas Delisle, professor of mathematics in the Coll\u00e8ge Royal de Paris. Astronomers looked forward to applying them to the transits which would occur in 1761 and 1769.\nMeanwhile in 1753 there was to be a transit of Mercury, and though observations of it would not yield the solar parallax, they would provide a check on astronomical calculations and a means of checking longitude. Moreover, as American philosophers realized, the observations would provide experience to use in the greater events of the next decade.\nFranklin printed a calculation of the forthcoming transit in his almanac for 1753. Then in February 1753 he received from James Alexander translations of Delisle\u2019s instructions to a Jesuit astronomer for making observations at Quebec. He printed fifty copies in a four-page leaflet, and distributed them among philosophical friends in other colonies, sending six, for example, to his nephew Benjamin Mecom, printer of the Antigua Gazette, just as Delisle was sending notices to European astronomers. Excerpts from the leaflet were printed in the Boston Weekly News-Letter, March 29; and the Pennsylvania Gazette, April 5, reinforced the notice by printing an appeal of the Royal Society to observe the transit and forward the results to London.\nAccordingly preparations were made. In Philadelphia Franklin proposed to use the telescope belonging to the Library Company. The New Yorkers thought themselves particularly well equipped, for they had three telescopes, Alexander\u2019s watch with a second hand, \u201cand the proprietors Quadrant will do to rectifie the Clock.\u201d Professor John Winthrop was asked to be ready in Boston. As it fell out, however, the day was cloudy in New York and probably elsewhere on the coast, and no observations were made in North America. Only in Antigua, in the British American colonies, could the transit be observed: the results were sent to Franklin, who duly forwarded them to the Royal Society.\nSir\nNew York. January 29. 1753\nAbout a week ago the papers whereof that herewith Mark\u2019t A is a Translation were sent to Peruse, and on my returning them With a Translation I beged Leave to Communicate Coppies of them to You and Dr. Colden with Liberty if you thought proper to print them or any Part of them. In Answer To which I obtained the Leave coppied at the end of Them and Struck out La Gallissonieres name, for the reason in the Leave.\nThe Delay of that Leave put me upon Dipping into the Abridgment of the Philosophical Transactions to see what [was] there said of the matters in those papers, and from thence I made the Extracts in the paper Herewith Mark\u2019t B. by which I find that that which had baffled all the Art of man hitherto To discover with any Tolerable Certainty (Vizt. the Suns Distance from the Earth) may with great Certainty be Discovered by the Transit of Venus over the sun the 26 of May 1761 Old Stile, if well Observed in the East Indies and here and these Observations Compared Together.\nIt Would be a great honour To our young Colledges in America if they forthwith prepared themselves with a proper apparatus for that Observation and made it. Which I Doubt not they would Severally Do if they were Severally put in mind of it and of the great Importance that that Observation would be To Astronomy and that the missing that One Observation cannot be retrieved for 250 years To come.\nYou have on so many Occasions Demonstrated Your Love To Literature and the good of Mankind in General that I thought no person so proper as your self to think of the ways and means of perswadeing these Colledges to prepare themselves for taking that Observation and in order to it you may make what use you please of the papers herewith, only not my name.\n Endorsed: Coppy Letter to Mr Franklin Janry 29 1753\n[Enclosure]\nSir\nWhat Put me upon giveing you the Trouble of this Was the Sight which a few Days agoe I had of some Letters from the Royall Academy of Sciences at Paris with directions for Observing in Canada the End of a Transit of Mercury over the sun Which is To happen on the 6. of may Next and by their Estimation about \u00be past five in the morning at Quebeck and that it Ends at or possibly before sun riseing at the Lac Superieur.\nThis made me Look into Lowthorpes Abridgment of the Transactions of the Royall Society at London page 431. and by that in the Longitude of 5\u00b0 West of London, (Which I suppose is nearly the Longitude of Phileadelphia as New York by many Observations of the Eclipses of Jupiters first Satellite Was found in 4h. 56\u2032 nearly) it would seem To me that the Transit would End three minutes after Five in the morning, but if it does, yet both Interior and Exterior Contacts at the end, may be seen at Phileadelphia and here the transition may be Seen some minutes before the Contacts, or yet Still Longer in Connecticut, Boston, Halifax, and Louisbourgh by reason of their greater Latitudes and Less Longitudes.\nThe Jesuits in China and the East Indies I doubt not will Observe it in Sundry places there as the Whole Continuance of Mercury on the sun will be there Visible and if well Observed there and the End well Observed in North America it will bid the fairest of anything hitherto had To give the Suns parrallax or distance from the Earth, for the Triangles made of the Observations in the East Indies With those here will have known Bases of above \u00be of The Diameter of the Earth; the Next Transit by page 432 is in 1756 but It will not be visible here.\nBut the Critical Time for Obtaining the suns Parrallax will Be the Transit of Venus over the sun (by page 436) the 26 of May 1761 Old Stile which in 5h. west Longitude I Esteem will end at 53\u2032 after 4 in the Morning and be visible at Phileadelphia for \u00bc of an hour after Sun rise and much Longer Northward and Eastward.\nJones\u2019s Abridgment of the Transactions, Vol. 4 page 213 &ca. has a Discourse of Edmund Halley concerning that transit of Venus and a figure of it and by good Observations of that, he Says, the parrallax of the sun may be Ascertained to 1/500 whereas I doubt of it\u2019s Being Certain now To \u00bc for Halley there Supposes it May be 12\u00bd Seconds Wheras Flamstead in Sundry places of the Transactions from his Observations of Mars when nearest the Earth Esteems it not To Exceed 10\u2033.\nBy Transactions Vol: 1. 435 and 436 you\u2019ll see that No Transit of Venus till the year 2004 Will be visible both here and in the East Indies at the Same time so that if this Opportunity be missed there Will be None so good for 250 Years To Come To Ascertain this Much Desired point of the Suns parrallax which being Known The parrallax of all the planets is of Course from thence found.\nAs there are Now Sundry Nurseries of Learning Springing Up in Pensilvania, Jersey, New York, Connecticut, and Boston; all ways Should be thought of To Induce each of those To provide a proper apperatus for makeing such Observations, Long before the year 1761 that they May be Expert at Takeing Observations of that Kind before that Transit Happens; and in the mean time To be Ascertaining the Longitudes of these places by Observations of the Eclipses of Jupiters first Satellite and the Latitudes of the places by good Quadrants for these things should Be Known and Ascertained to Render the Observations of the Transit of use for Ascertaining The parrallax.\nAnother Reason why preparation should be made in all these places for that Rare Event, is; that should it happen to be Cloudy in some of these places yet it may be Clear in Others and by means of them that have Clear weather the Great End may be Gained; that Event may Well be Called Rare as Horrox who says the Last Transit of Venus over the sun On November 24 1639 now 114 years ago is the Only one of the Posterity of Adam who has seen one of these Transits.\nI have said before that the suns Parrallax is not Ascertained To \u00bc part but it seems there is a much greater Difference in Opinion about it than that, for tho\u2019 it be Generally Taken now to be 10\u2033 yet the Book called Matho or the Cosmotheoria puerilis printed in 1740 Vol: 2 page 388 &ca. gives very plausible Reasons why it Cannot be Less than 20\u2033 and he thinks 26\u2033 a more Reasonable Number. For he shows that if the parrallax be Only 10\u2033 then the point of Equall Attraction Between the Sun and Earth, is but 45 Semidiameters of the Earth Distant from the Earth but the moons Distance is about 60 and therefore 15 SemiDiameters in it\u2019s Conjunction Nearer the Sun than the point of Equall Attraction and from thence he Concludes that as there the Attraction is greater To the sun than to the Earth it Could Never Adhere To the Earth but be Drawn from it Towards the sun and allowing the parrallax to be 20\u2033 yet even in that Case the moon Would be sometimes Beyond the point of Equal attraction and 26\u2033 Should be allowed To Keep it always within that Point, which Reasons prevailed with me to be of his Opinion Till I Saw Mr. Maclaurins Explanation of Sir Isaac Newtons philosophy which Demonstrates Clearly that tho\u2019 the moon Goes Without the point of Equall Attraction as Matho says, Yet it Will Adhere To the Earth by Means of its projectile free in its Orbit Round the Sun.\nTo Point out what apparatus of Instruments should be procured I Know of Nothing Better than To referr to the Abridgments of the Philosophical Transactions where multitudes of Observations of the Heavenly Bodys appear and the Instruments they were Observed with and how, And as To the Observations of the Transit of Mercury in particular and Instruments the Observers made use of, You\u2019ll see Largely in the Abridgment of Philosophick Transactions Vol: 8 page 194 To 208 and Vol: 4. 213 &ca. before mentioned.\nEach of these places which have not a Set of the Abridgments of the Philosophick Transactions should in the first place Get them Being in 9 Vol: quarto which as they will be Cheaper so will they be Much Easier To Turn To, than the Transactions themselves by Means of their Tables.\nI find by the preface To Halleys Tables page 3 that No. 386 of the Transactions Contains Halleys Corrections of his Numbers of Mercury. But that Volume 6 Containing that Number I have Lent To a Gentleman Living at 70 miles Distance from here.\nI Find by Halleys Tables that Macao in China is in 7h. 35\u2032 and Pekin in China in 7h. 45\u2032 East Longitude yet by reason of their Northern Latitudes and the suns Northern Declination at the times of Both the preceeding Transits they may see the ends of them Before the Sun Setts in those places.\nI have Computed what would be the Lengths of the Bases of triangles made of Observations at Phileadelphia and Observations in the following places in the East Indies, and found them as follows\nPlace\n Longitude\n Latitude\n Parts of the Earths Diameter Supposeing the whole to be 100,000\nLongitudes and Latitudes Taken from Halleys Tables\n Pekin in China\n Macao in China \nLongitudes and Latitudes Taken from a map of Asia by Bowain in 1714\nPondicheri\n Batavia\nOn the papers of Directions herewith Mark\u2019t A I Would Observe that I think them very good and that I find all or most of them in the Transactions and that if the Observer is acquainted With makeing Observations of that Kind they Seem Rather Too particular. If he is not acquainted, then the Neglect of Mentioning the Smoaking the Eyeglass before he Looks at the Sun thro\u2019 the Telescope and Quadrant (if they have not Smoak\u2019t plain Glasses fitted without the Eyeglass) may run the Observer into the Danger of Looseing an Eye. If he is to Observe the figure of the Sun Cast on a paper thro\u2019 the Telescope then the Darkning of the Room should have Been mentioned.\n Endorsed: Coppy of a Letter to Mr Franklin concerning transits of Mercury and Venus over the Sun to put the Colledges on observing them Janry 26 1753 B", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0153", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Franklin, [January 1753]\nFrom: Franklin, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Brother\n[January 1753]\nWith Regard to our fathers Estate I can only so far Inform you that the houshold Stuf as sold at Vendue amounted to a Little more than [illegible] old Tenor. The house and Land was apprisd at \u00a3200.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0154", "content": "Title: Jean-Antoine Nollet: Letters on Electricity, [January 1753?]\nFrom: Nollet, Jean-Antoine\nTo: \nIt was inevitable that Franklin\u2019s theories of electricity should meet with opponents and detractors. The most prominent of these was the Abb\u00e9 Nollet, the principal electrician of France, whose theories Franklin\u2019s controverted and whose authority Franklin\u2019s Experiments and Observations threatened. Nollet defended his views and attacked Franklin\u2019s in Lettres sur l\u2019Electricit\u00e9; and for some time thereafter electricians divided into Franklinists and anti-Franklinists.\nCharles Dufay had demonstrated that there are two kinds of electricity, which he called vitreous (made by rubbing glass, rock crystal, wool, jewels, and animals\u2019 hair and fur) and resinous (made by rubbing amber, silk, thread, and paper); and that each would attract the other, but repel the like kind. In 1746 Nollet, who had succeeded Dufay in reputation and influence, in his Essai sur l\u2019Electricit\u00e9 des Corps named the two kinds of electricity effluent and affluent. By this he meant that electric fluid is constantly streaming out of an electrified body and as constantly streaming in through pores, which he imagined must exist in every object. The theory provoked controversy in Europe, and Nollet defended and amplified his views in Recherches sur les causes particuli\u00e8res des ph\u00e9nom\u00e8nes \u00e9lectriques in 1749. This was the situation when Franklin\u2019s hypothesis of positive and negative states of one electric fluid appeared in his Experiments and Observations, published in London in 1751.\nAt the suggestion of Buffon, keeper of the Jardin des Plantes, Franklin\u2019s book was translated by Thomas-Fran\u00e7ois Dalibard, a botanist and geologist who had become interested in electricity and taken Delor\u2019s course in the latter\u2019s house in the Place de l\u2019Estrapade. To his translation Dalibard added an address to the reader and a short history of electricity, 90 pages in all, in which he did not even mention Nollet. This appeared early in 1752. On February 3 of that year Buffon, Delor, and Dalibard repeated Franklin\u2019s experiments at the country place of the Duc d\u2019Ayen at St. Germain-en-Laye, with such success that they determined to test his hypothesis of the identity of lightning and electricity. This was done in the famous experiment at Marly-la-Ville, May 10; and three days later Dalibard reported it to the Acad\u00e9mie des Sciences in Paris (see above, p. 302). He presented a supplementary report on July 5, concluding that lightning and electricity are indisputably identical. Though Delor and Dalibard failed in their attempt to repeat the experiment on June 7, a successful repetition was performed by Le Monnier at St. Germain-en-Laye shortly afterwards.\n\u201cL\u2019abb\u00e9 meurt de chagrin de tout cela,\u201d Buffon wrote a little maliciously to a friend. Nollet might well do so. After all, his work had been totally ignored in Dalibard\u2019s history of electricity, he was receiving no credit for his earlier suggestion that lightning and electricity might be the same, and the experiment to prove the point had been conducted without his knowledge, advice, or presence. On May 17 in a representation against Dalibard\u2019s report he asked the Academy to postpone publication until further confirmation could be obtained, and demanded that his own priority be recognized in any publication approved by the Academy. On July 1 the Academy decided to postpone publication of both Dalibard\u2019s memoir and Nollet\u2019s representation. Meanwhile a commission of the Academy examined Nollet\u2019s journal and reported unanimously on August 23 that they had witnessed the experiments recorded in it and that the results appeared to be as reported there. On September 6 the Academy ordered that Dalibard\u2019s second memoir should also be postponed.\nMeanwhile Nollet prepared a defense of his theories and questioned Franklin\u2019s in a series of nine essays in the form of letters, six of them addressed to Franklin. The book was published about January in 1753. Nollet raised some important questions, but in general refused to recognize the possibility that Franklin was correct. He gave the American little credit for originality, and his tone was almost everywhere offensively condescending. The main points of these letters are summarized below. Nollet\u2019s book is not reprinted in full since the papers are letters in form only and Franklin did not reply to them.\nLetter I. To Maria Angelo Ardinghelli. \u201cContenant l\u2019Histoire des D\u00e9couvertes qui se sont faites, sur l\u2019Electricit\u00e9 dans le courant de l\u2019Ann\u00e9e 1752,\u201d pp. 1\u201323. Most of the experiments reported in Franklin\u2019s Experiments and Observations have already been published in Europe; but Nollet does not charge Franklin with plagiarism: it was only likely that a man of the New World, engaged in business, might not know what was happening in Europe or receive European books. Franklin had proposed the lightning rod, but had not erected one: was this because there were no thunder storms in Philadelphia or because he was sufficiently aware of the reasons why the experiment would fail and so did not take the trouble to make it? Dalibard had performed it, drawing sparks from clouds, at Marly-la-Ville on May 10; and Delor did likewise in Paris a few hours later. But Nollet insists that Franklin\u2019s proposal to draw the destructive power of lightning from clouds by rods is erroneously founded. Only five or six months before, the identity of lightning and electricity was a conjecture; thanks to Franklin and others who shared his views it now appeared to be an incontestable truth.\nLetter II. To Benjamin Franklin, July 1, 1752. \u201cQui doit servir d\u2019introduction \u00e0 celles qui suivent,\u201d pp. 24\u201338. As no mention was made of him by Franklin in the Experiments and Observations or by Dalibard in his \u201cHistoire abr\u00e9g\u00e9e\u201d prefixed to the French translation, Nollet identifies himself as an electrical experimenter who began his work after M. Dufay and before the Germans, and cites his Essai sur l\u2019Electricit\u00e9, 1746, and Recherches sur les causes particuli\u00e8res des ph\u00e9nom\u00e8nes \u00e9lectriques, 1749, of which he is sending copies to Franklin. All Nollet\u2019s explanations of electrical phenomena are based on the principles of simultaneous effluence and affluence. Effluent matter flows out of every part of an electric body; affluent matter, which is similar, comes into the electric body by all means from the atmosphere and nearby bodies; and these two currents flow at the same time, though in opposite directions. This theory is supported by other physicists; Nollet invites Franklin to repeat his (Nollet\u2019s) experiments, and he wants further information from Franklin before accepting the latter\u2019s theory. Some of Franklin\u2019s experiments, hailed by his English and French publishers as new discoveries, had already been performed in Europe; perhaps because of his remoteness from Europe, Franklin was unacquainted with them.\nLetter III. To Benjamin Franklin. \u201cSur la nature de la mati\u00e8re \u00e9lectrique,\u201d pp. 39\u201359. On the subject of the analogy between electricity and common fire, Nollet thinks Franklin must be displeased that his editors have said of him that he \u201cexhibits to our considerations, an invisible, subtle matter, disseminated through all nature \u2026 which has escaped our observations\u201d; for this had in fact been recognized and has long been recognized as a powerful force which kills animals and pierces both hard and fragile bodies. Franklin\u2019s first three letters led Nollet to think he was in perfect agreement with other physicists on the nature of electrical matter; but when in the fourth Franklin distinguished electric fire from common fire (see above, III, 374\u20135), he took a different line from them. That there was such a difference Franklin has not proved. Nollet also rejects Franklin\u2019s theory of cold fusion (see above, III, 375\u20136) and his assertion that glass is impermeable to electricity (see above, p. 25). In short, the notion that there are two kinds of fire is unsupported by experiment or by logical or plausible arguments; it is only a hypothesis.\nLetter IV. To Benjamin Franklin. \u201cDans laquelle on prouve que le verre n\u2019est point imperm\u00e9able au fluide \u00e9lectrique,\u201d pp. 60\u201382. Nollet describes several experiments which in his opinion prove that glass is permeable by electricity. He offers an explanation of Franklin\u2019s \u201cmagical picture\u201d experiment (see above, III, 358\u20139).\nLetter V. To Benjamin Franklin. \u201cSur diff\u00e9rents faits concernants l\u2019exp\u00e9rience de Leyde,\u201d pp. 83\u2013128. Nollet asserts that Franklin\u2019s conclusions about the Leyden jar differ from his and those of other European electricians. Specifically challenging Franklin\u2019s reasoning and methods, he rejects Franklin\u2019s conclusions that: 1. the power of giving an electric shock rests solely in the glass of the jar and not in the water (see above, III, 356); 2. the Leyden jar loses as much electrical fire from one of its surfaces as it receives from the other (see above, III, 354); 3. when one surface of a charged jar loses its electrical fluid, the bottle cannot regain equilibrium except by an exterior communication (see above, III, 356); 4. a Leyden jar is discharged through the same outlet by which it was charged (see above, III, 353). Nollet asserts that many of the phenomena for which Franklin\u2019s explanations are inadequate can be explained by the doctrine of effluence and affluence, \u201cwhich is not a system, but a well proved fact.\u201d Nollet invites Franklin to repeat his own experiments and to examine Nollet\u2019s.\nLetter VI. To Benjamin Franklin. \u201cSur le pouvoir des Pointes,\u201d pp. 129\u201353. Nollet believes Franklin has overstated the case for the power of points. He asks: 1. how, if the electrical atmosphere is regarded as a tranquil fluid resting everywhere on the surface of the electrical body and taking a shape like the body, Franklin explains electrical wind; 2. how, if these atmospheres surround electrised bodies by the attraction the latter exert, they can be five or six feet in extent, as Franklin recognizes; and he questions the assertion that points have the property of both attracting and repelling electrical fluid. Nollet is still sure that what is called the power of points does not belong precisely and only to points; the effects they produce may also be owing to the surfaces between the pointed ends of a body.\nLetter VII. To Benjamin Franklin. \u201cSur l\u2019analogie du Tonnerre avec l\u2019Electricit\u00e9,\u201d pp. 154\u201397. Dalibard and Delor have performed the experiment which Franklin conceived. The notion that lightning and electricity are identical has often been proposed before, by Nollet and others; but the Marly experiment proves that they are two effects of the same principle. Can Franklin really believe that lightning is now in men\u2019s control? What evidence is there that a lightning-charged cloud large enough to cover a city, will be emptied in a few minutes by means of a rod or metal wire no larger than a finger? Anyone who would credit such an idea would propose preventing floods by inserting small tubes into the banks of streams. If points were enough, would not clock towers serve? Nollet proposed an apparatus to test the character of lightning and ring bells by its power. He regards as mere invention and ingenuity Franklin\u2019s concept about clouds of the sea and of the land, electrised and nonelectrised; and examines \u00a7\u00a7 11\u201323 of Franklin\u2019s fourth letter (see above, III, 367\u20139). In conclusion he invites Franklin to correspond with him.\nLetter VIII. To M. Jallabert, pp. 198\u2013223. Nollet sends a copy of the French translation of Franklin\u2019s Experiments and Observations and a copy of the Abb\u00e9 Maugin\u2019s Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale et particuli\u00e8re de l\u2019\u00e9lectricit\u00e9. Jallabert will be pleased with them, but should know that most of the experiments have been previously performed elsewhere.\nLetter IX. To M. Boze. \u201cDans laquelle on expose les raisons qui ont p\u00fb retarder les nouvelles d\u00e9couvertes dont il a \u00e9t\u00e9 question dans les Lettres pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes,\u201d pp. 224\u201340. Replies to Boze\u2019s letter of July 20; advises him to read Franklin\u2019s Experiments in the original English.\n\u201cExp\u00e9riences faites en presence de Messieurs Bouguer, de Montigny, de Courtivron, d\u2019Alembert and le Roi, Commissaires nomm\u00e9s par l\u2019Acad\u00e9mie,\u201d pp. 241\u201362. A record of experiments made by Nollet, June 14\u2013August 29, 1752.\nNollet\u2019s defense could not be ignored. William Watson gave an account of its contents to the Royal Society, May 13, 1753, without discussion or criticism, so that he seemed to receive Nollet\u2019s views favorably, though he had formerly claimed he anticipated Franklin\u2019s theories. In Philadelphia Franklin repeated the Abb\u00e9\u2019s experiments and discovered that some results were quite different from what Nollet had reported and that all could be explained completely by his own principles. He began to prepare \u201ca civil Letter\u201d in reply, but decided against it when others came to his defense. One of these was Father Beccaria of Italy; another was the son of his old friend Cadwallader Colden. But Nollet\u2019s conduct and tone rankled, and Franklin referred to the incident from time to time, even thirty years afterwards, as an example of what pride and stubbornness can lead a scientist into. When he visited Paris in 1767 the two men did not meet.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0156", "content": "Title: William Dampier: Accounts of Water Spouts, 1753\nFrom: Dampier, William\nTo: \nI\nA Spout is a small ragged piece or part of a Cloud hanging down about a Yard, seemingly from the blackest part thereof. Commonly it hangs down sloping from thence, or sometimes appearing with a small bending, or elbow in the middle. I never saw any hang perpendicularly down. It is small at the lower-end, seeming no bigger than one\u2019s Arm, but still fuller towards the Cloud, from whence it proceeds.\nWhen the Surface of the Sea begins to work, you shall see the Water, for about 100 Paces in Circumference, foam and move gently round till the whirling Motion increases: And then it flies upward in a Pillar, about 100 Paces in Compass at the bottom, but lessening gradually upwards to the smallness of the Spout it self, there where it reacheth the lower-end of the Spout, through which the rising Sea-water seems to be conveyed into the Clouds. This visibly appears by the Clouds increasing in bulk and blackness. Then you shall presently see the Cloud drive along, although before it seemed to be without any Motion: The Spout also keeping the same Course with the Cloud, and still sucking up the Water as it goes along, and they make a Wind as they go. Thus it continues for the space of half an Hour, more or less, until the sucking is spent, and then breaking off, all the Water which was below the Spout, or pendulous piece of Cloud, falls down again into the Sea, making a great Noise with its fall and clashing Motion in the Sea.\nIt is very dangerous for a Ship to be under a Spout when it breaks, therefore we always endeavour to shun it, by keeping at a distance, if possibly we can. But for want of Wind to carry us away, we are often in great fear and danger, for it is usually calm when Spouts are at work; except only just where they are. Therefore Men at Sea, when they see a Spout coming, and know not how to avoid it, do sometimes fire Shot out of their great Guns into it, to give it air or vent, that so it may break; but I did never hear that it proved to be of any Benefit.\nAnd now being on this Subject, I think it not amiss to give you an account of an Accident that happened to a Ship once on the Coast of Guinea, sometime in or about the Year 1674. One Captain Records of London, bound for the Coast of Guinea, in a Ship of 300 Tuns, and 16 Guns, called the Blessing; when he came into the Lat. 7 or 8 degrees North, he saw several Spouts, one of which came directly towards the Ship, and he having no Wind to get out of the way of the Spout, made ready to receive it by furling his Sails. It came on very swift and broke a little before it reached the Ship; making a great Noise, and raising the Sea round it, as if a great House or some such Thing, had been cast into the Sea. The Fury of the Wind still lasted, and took the Ship on the Starboard-bow with such Violence, that it snapt off the Boltsprit and Fore-mast both at once, and blew the Ship all along, ready to over-set it, but the Ship did presently right again, and the Wind whirling round, took the Ship a second time with the like Fury as before, but on the contrary side, and was again like to over-set her the other way. The Mizen-mast felt the Fury of this second Blast, and was snapt short off, as the Fore-mast and Boltsprit had been before. The Main-mast, and Main-top-mast, received no Damage, for the Fury of the Wind (which was presently over) did not reach them. Three Men were in the Fore-top when the Fore-mast broke, and one on the Boltsprit, and fell with them into the Sea, but all of them were saved. I had this Relation from M. John Canby, who was then Quarter-master, and Steward of her; one Abraham Wise was Chief Mate, and Leonard Jefferies second Mate.\nWe are usually very much afraid of them: Yet this was the only Damage that ever I heard done by them. They seem terrible enough, the rather because they come upon you while you lie becalmed, like a Log in the Sea, and cannot get out of their way: But though I have seen, and been beset by them often, yet the Fright was always the greatest of the Harm.\nII\n \u2026 We had fair clear Weather, and a fine moderate Gale from South-East to East by North: But at Day-break, the Clouds began to fly, and it lightned very much in the East, South-East and North-East. At Sun-rising, the Sky look\u2019d very red in the East near the Horizon; and there were many black Clouds both to the South and North of it. About a Quarter of an Hour after the Sun was up, there was a Squall to the Windward of us; when on a sudden one of our Men on the Fore-castle called out that he saw something astern, but could not tell what: I look\u2019d out for it, and immediately saw a Spout beginning to work within a Quarter of a Mile of us, exactly in the Wind. We presently put right before it. It came very swiftly, whirling the Water up in a Pillar about 6 or 7 Yards high. As yet I could not see any pendulous Cloud, from whence it might come; and was in Hopes it would soon lose its Force. In 4 or 5 Minutes Time, it came within a Cable\u2019s Length of us, and past away to Leeward; and then I saw a long pale Stream, coming down to the whirling Water. This Stream was about the Bigness of a Rainbow: The upper End seem\u2019d vastly high, not descending from any dark Cloud, and therefore the more strange to me; I never having seen the like before. It past about a Mile to Leeward of us, and then broke. This was but a small Spout, not strong nor lasting; yet I perceived much Wind in it, as it past by us.\nIII\nWe saw the day before, betwixt 2 and 3, a Spout but a small distance from us. It fell down out of a black Cloud, that yielded great store of Rain, Thunder and Lightning: This Cloud hovered to the Southward of us for the space of three Hours, and then drew to the Westward a great pace; at which time it was that we saw the Spout, which hung fast to the Cloud till it broke; and then the Cloud whirl\u2019d about to the South-East, then to East-North-East; where meeting with an Island, it spent it self and so dispersed; and immediately we had a little of the Tail of it, having had none before.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "02-28-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0157", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Bowdoin, 28 February 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Bowdoin, James\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Feb. 28. 1753\nThe enclos\u2019d is a Copy of a Letter and some Papers I received lately from a Friend, of which I have struck off Fifty Copies by the Press, to distribute among my ingenious Acquaintance in No. America, hoping some of them will make the Observations proposed. The Improvement of Geography and Astronomy is the common Concern of all polite Nations, and I trust our Country will not miss the Opportunity of Sharing in the Honour to be got on this Occasion. The French Originals are dispatch\u2019d by Express over Land to Quebeck: I doubt not but you will do what may lie in your Power, to promote the Making these Observations in New England, and that we may not be excell\u2019d by the American French, either in Diligence or Accuracy. We have here a 3 foot reflecting Telescope, and other proper Instruments; and intend to observe at our Academy, if the Weather permit. You will see by our Almanack, we have had this Transit under Consideration before the Arrival of these French Letters.\nDr. Colden\u2019s Book was printed in England last Summer, but not to be publish\u2019d till the Meeting of Parliament. I have one Copy, however, which I purpose shortly to send you.\nWith great Esteem and Respect, I am, Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Bowdoin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "02-28-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0158", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 28 February 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Colden, Cadwallader\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Feb. 28. 1753\nI return you herewith Professor Kanster\u2019s Remarks. As far as I am able to judge, the Translation is just, and your Answer a good one. I am pleas\u2019d with the Omission of that part of a Paragraph relating to the German and Pensilvanian Electricians, and have corrected the Copy as you direct. I have but one other Alteration to propose, which is, to omit some Part of the last Paragraph, and read the rest thus;\u2014\u201dAfter all, Mr. Colden must think himself obliged to the Professor, for exposing the Difficulties his Treatise lies under in the Opinion of others, as thereby an Opportunity is given of explaining his Doctrine more fully to their Satisfaction.\u201d For it seems to me not so proper to make Acknowledgement for his Translating your Piece, as if it were a Favour, when he tells the World he did it by Command: And I apprehend it unnecessary, and that it may look like too great a Fondness for Complement, to draw one from him by Consequence; viz. That he did not think it a trifling Performance, or he would not have taken the Trouble, &c. since he himself freely says, that the many new, good and just Thoughts contain\u2019d in it, made him willingly undertake the Task enjoin\u2019d him. Besides that it is not clear he could have refus\u2019d to obey the Command he received, whatever might have been his private Sentiments. The Ship I intended to forward these Papers by to Mr. Collinson, has stay\u2019d much longer than I expected, and now I am told will not sail before the End of next Month, so that I may possibly receive your Directions concerning this propos\u2019d Alteration before she sails.\nI find I was not wrong in my Apprehensions that your Book would be incorrectly printed. I hope however, that the Errata will be in England time enough to be published with the Work; and I thank you for sending them to me. I have corrected the Book accordingly, and given it one Reading; but it is not a Piece to make sudden Remarks on, as one might of a Poem or other Performance on common Subjects. I must read and consider it yet more attentively; at present I can only tell you, that some Things in it please me exceedingly; some I do not yet clearly understand; and one or two Positions I think wrong; of all which you shall hear more fully in my next. On the whole it gives me great Satisfaction, when I consider it as a Work that will not only improve Philosophy, but do Honour to America.\nI am sorry I have not, as you expect, anything new to communicate to you on the Subject of Electricity. My Time and Thoughts have of late been much engag\u2019d in other Matters: And ever since I heard of your being furnish\u2019d with an Apparatus, I have hoped rather to receive Information of new Discoveries from you, than expected to send you any. If your other philosophical Pursuits do not prevent your Application to the Experiments you propos\u2019d to make on various Salts, &c. I shall still hope it. Your Skill and Expertness in Mathematical Computations, will afford you an Advantage in these Disquisitions, that I lament the want of, who am like a Man searching for something in a dark Room, where I can only grope and guess; while you proceed with a Candle in your Hand.\nWe are preparing here to make accurate Observations on the approaching Transit of Mercury over the Sun. You will oblige us much by sending the Account you have received from Lord Macclesfield of his great mural Quadrant. I congratulate you on your Discovery of a new Motion in the Earth\u2019s Axis: You will, I see, render your Name immortal.\nI believe I have not before told you, that I have procur\u2019d a Subscription here of \u00a31500 to fit out a Vessel in Search of a NWest Passage: she sails in a few Days, and is called the Argo, commanded by Mr. Swaine, who was in the last Expedition in the California, Author of a Journal of that Voyage in two Volumes. We think the Attempt laudable, whatever may be the Success: if he fails, Magnis tamen excidit ausis.\nWith great Esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\n Addressed: To \u2002The honble. Cadwalader Colden Esqr \u2002Coldengham \u2002Free \u2002B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "03-06-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0160", "content": "Title: Jonathan Todd to Jared Eliot, 6 March 1753\nFrom: Todd, Jonathan\nTo: Eliot, Jared\nRevd and Dear Sir,\nEast Guilford, March. 6. Anno Domi 1753\nI number it among the fortunate Occurrences of my Life that I have been indulged an Interest in your Friendship. I wish I could better deserve it. Amongst many other agreable Pleasures this Way deriv\u2019d, I esteem it a considerable One, to enjoy the Benefit of Seeing now and then Some entertaining Pieces communicated to your Self by Some of your ingenious Correspondents. Amongst all of which I have not been better pleased with any, than those ingenious Pieces of Mr. Franklin you have favour\u2019d me with the Reading of.\nI have Sometimes almost come to a Determination to endeavour by your Assistance to get into an Acquaintance with that Gentleman, a chief one in the Republick of Letters, whose Parts, Industry and Learning are known in both Englands; and devoted to the Welfare of Mankind.\nBut considering the Barreness of my Genius, cramp\u2019d by my low Circumstances and many other Disadvantages, I have been discourag\u2019d from pursuing the Same. It is doubtless fit that I be contented with the Privilege of enjoying in Some Measure the Benefit of the Correspondence between Him and yourself. I remember the Satyrical Lines of Persius:\nRespue quod non es, tollat sua munera cerdo:\nTecum habita, et noris quam sit tibi curta Supellex.\nHowever, Dear Sir, I venture to trouble you with two or three Thoughts that came into my Mind, in reading that curious Manuscript, which you last favour\u2019d me with the Sight of, intitl\u2019d, Physical and Meteorological Conjectures &c. which, if you please you may communicate to that learned Gentleman, not so much as real Objections to his Conjectures and Suppositions, but, as imaginary Ones to be entirely removed by Him, when he revises the Same.\n\u201cAir and Water mutually attract each other,\u201d saith that Gentleman: \u201cHence Water will dissolve in Air, as Salt in Water.\u201d I think, that he hath demonstrated, that the Supporting of Salt in Water, is not owing to its Superficies being increas\u2019d, because the Specifick Gravity of Salt is not alter\u2019d by dividing of it, any more than that of Lead; Sixteen Bullets of which, of an ounce each, weigh as much in Water as One, of a Pound. But yet, when this came to be applied to the Supporting of Water in Air, I found an Objection rising in my Mind.\nIn the first Place, I have always been loth to Seek for any new Hypothesis, or particular Law of Nature to account for any Thing that may be accounted for, from the known general and universal Laws of Nature: It being an Argument of the infinite Wisdom of the Author of the World to effect so many Things by one general Law. Now I had thought that the rising and Support of Water in Air might be accounted for from the general Law of Gravitation, by only Supposing the Spaces occupied by the Same Quantity of Water increas\u2019d.\nAnd with Respect to the Lead, I queried thus in my own Mind, whether if the Superficies of a Bullet of Lead should be increas\u2019d four or five fold by an internal Vacuity, it would weigh the Same in Water as before. I mean if a Pound of Lead Should be formed into a hollow Globe empty within, whose Superficies Should be four or five Times as big as that of the Same Lead, when a Solid Lump, it would weigh as much in Water as before. I suppos\u2019d it would not. If this Concavity was filled with Water, perhaps it might: If with Air, it would weigh, at lest, as much less as the Difference between the Weight of the included Air and that of Water.\nNow altho\u2019 this would do nothing to account for the Dissolution of Salt in Water, the Smallest Lumps of Salt being no more hollow Spheres, or anything of the like Nature than the greatest, yet perhaps it may account for Water\u2019s rising and being Supported in Air. For we know that Such hollow Globles or Bubbles abound upon the Surface of the Waters; which even by the Breath of our Mouths we can cause to quit the Water, and rise in the Air.\nThese Bubbles, I us\u2019d to suppose to be Coats of Water containing within them Air rarified and expanded with Fire; and that therefore the more Friction and Dashing there is upon the Surface of the Waters, and the more Heat and Fire, the more they abound.\nAnd I us\u2019d to think that altho\u2019 Water be specifically heavier than Air, yet such a Bubble filled only with Fire and very rarify\u2019d Air may be lighter than a Quantity of common Air of the Same cubical Dimensions; and therefore ascend. For the rarifi\u2019d Air inclosd may more fall short of the Same Bulk of common Air in Weight, than the watery Coat exceeds a like Bulk of common Air in Gravity.\nThis was the Objection in my Mind, tho\u2019, I must confess I know not how to account for the watry Coat\u2019s encompassing the Air as above mention\u2019d; without allowing the Attraction between Air and Water, which the Gentleman Supposes. So that I don\u2019t know but that this Objection examin\u2019d by that Sagacious Genius will be an additional Confirmation of the Hypothesis.\nThe Gentleman observes, that \u201cA certain Quantity of Moisture should be every Moment discharg\u2019d and taken away from the Lungs,\u201d and hence accounts for the Suffocating Nature of Snuffs of Candles, as impregnating the Air with Grease, between which and Water there is a natural Repellency, and of Air that hath been frequently breathed in, which is overloaded with Water; and for that Reason can take no more Air. Perhaps the same Observation will account for the Suffocating Nature of Damps in Wells.\nBut then, if the Air can Support and take off but Such a Proportion of Water, and it is necessary that Water be so taken off from the Lungs, I queried with myself, how it is we can breath in an Air full of Vapours, so full as that they continually precipitate. Dont we see the Air overloaded, and casting forth Water plentifully, when there is no Suffocation?\nThe Gentleman again observes, that \u201cThe Air under the Equator and between the Tropicks being constantly heated and rarified by the Sun, rises; it\u2019s Place is Supplied by Air from Northern and Southern Latitudes, which coming from Parts where the Air and Earth had less Motion, and not Suddenly acquiring the quicker Motion of the Equatorial Earth, appears an East Wind blowing westward. The Earth moving from West to East and Slipping under the Air.\u201d\nIn reading this two Objections occur\u2019d to my mind.\nFirst, that it is Said the Trade Wind doth not blow in the Forenoon but only in the Afternoon.\nSecondly, that either the Motion of the Northern and Southern Air towards the Equator is so Slow as to acquire almost the same Motion as the Equatorial Air, when it arrives there, So that there will be no Sensible Difference, or else the Motion of the Northern and Southern Air towards the Equator is quicker and must be Sensible, and then the Trade Wind must appear either as a South East or Northeast Wind: South of the Equator a South East Wind; North of the Equator, a Northeast. For the apparent Wind must be compounded of the Motion from North to South or Vice versa, and of the Difference between it\u2019s Motion from West to East, and that of the Equatorial Air.\nSir. Notwithstanding these Objections I am greatly pleas\u2019d with that Manuscript: It is the most Satisfying Solution of many Pheenomena of Nature I have seen. And \u2019tis not because I am not charmed with the Piece, that I desire you to present these Objections to that ingenious Gentleman; tis only to give him an Opportunity to remove them. If you think it will be too much Trouble to the Gentleman, to be so lengthy in them as I have been, you may represent them as Short as you please. I am &c.\nJonathan Todd", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "03-07-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0161", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 7 March 1753\nFrom: Collinson, Peter\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy Dear Friend\nLond. March 7: 1753\nI hope Mine by First Ships with some Books for L:C: [Library Company] as per account on other side and for thyself was Abbe Nolet Letters\u2014are come safe to hand.\nAs Lord Bolingbroke in his Letters that I sent last [autu]mn has insinuated very severe reflections on the authenticity of the Old and New Testament, I have collected the several Replies and Vindications per the most Eminent Hands and had them bound together which I hope will prove of Service to Convince those that have too precipitately fell in with his Way of thinking.\nOur Friend Cave has so many Irons in the Fire Some will burn and that is the Case thy aditional papers are not yett publishd. I have Just received Letters per Stockham in which I am acquainted that an Electrical Machine is Erected on purpose by the Kings Orders and a Physitian constantly attends to Make Experiments on Rhumatick Distempers with great Success and Wonderfull Cures have been performed.\nPlease to tell J: Bartram all my Letters for him are putt in his Box of Seeds Directed for Him and there is Two paper parcells for the Lib. Company under thy Address\u2014all to the Care of Messrs. Neat & Neave.\nYour proprietor has lost his Son and Heir a fine Boye to the Great Greife of the Family. It is very Variously Reported Here, but pray tell Mee what is the general Estimation of the Income of your Province to the proprietary Family and whence doth it arise.\nWee have at last received the Tenn pound bill but after much trouble and being Noted He thought fitt to pay it. I hope the [parcel] Paduasoye is come safe in Capt. Childs Trunk Mark\u2019d IC No 8 shiped by John Samuell and gives content.\nI have received none since thine of Novb 19: which I answerd per Mesnard &c. I am much Obliged for the Votes. Mr. Jackson has them to Peruse. I deliverd to him Johnsons Noticia [Noetica] which he took kindly.\nPray send Mee the Account of your births and Burials. I am my Dear friend Much yours\nP Collinson\nThe Inclosed Letter is for our friend Elliot[?] per Mr. [unfinished].\nThe Duke of Argyle Desires Mee to procure for Him Doc. Douglas Works to the Time of his Death, the price I will place to your Credit account. Pray oblige us so farr as to send it per first opportunity.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "03-15-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0162", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jehu Curtis, 15 March 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Curtis, Jehu\nSir,\nPhilada. March 15. 1753\nWe send herewith all the Bills in a Trunk, containing as follows\n1st Sort\nQuire, containing\n2d Sort\nQuire containing\n3d Sort\nQuire containing\n4th Sort\nQuire of half Sheets\nIn the above, it is to be observed, that there are 100 of the 1s. 6d. Bills, more than there should be, which must be cut off, and put among the Overplus.\nThe Overplus is as follows\n1st Sort\nSheets, which is one Short of our Memorandum\n 2d Sort\nSheets which is one over\n 3d Sort\nSheets which is three over\n 4th Sort\nhalf Sheets, which is right.\nSo that I either made some small Mistake in our first Counting, or in this, I cannot tell which, for the Boat is just going, and we have not time to count again.\nWe send also, 49 Law Books.\nI am glad to hear you are getting the better of your Fit of the Gout. I have at this Instant a violent Pain in my Head, that half distracts me. I wish it were in my Foot, I think I could bear it better. Our Compliments to Mrs. Curtis, I am, Sir, Your obliged humble Servant\nB Franklin\nYou will receive the Key of the Trunk per Post.\n[For a letter from Aaron Burr, March 20, 1753, see below, p. 514.]", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "03-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0164", "content": "Title: Supplemental Experiments and Observations on Electricity, Part II, [March 1753]\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nFranklin continued to send Peter Collinson reports of his electrical experiments through 1750\u201352, and Collinson gave them to Edward Cave to publish. On March 7, 1753, Collinson apologized for the printer\u2019s slowness (see above, p. 455), but the pamphlet finally appeared later that month. It sold for sixpence and contained only twenty-four pages\u2014a title page with verso blank and twenty-two pages of text numbered consecutively with those of the Experiments and Observations of 1751. The contents, which have appeared in the present volume under their proper dates, are recapitulated here:\nLetter V. Franklin to Collinson, July 27, 1750. pp. 89\u201392.\nLetter VI. Franklin to Colden, [October 31] 1751. pp. 93\u20134.\nQueries and Answers, referr\u2019d to in the foregoing Letter. pp. 95\u20138.\nAn Experiment towards discovering more of the Qualities of the Electric Fluid. p. 98.\nLetter VII. Kinnersley to Franklin, Feb. 3, 1752. pp. 99\u2013101.\nLetter VIII. Franklin to Kinnersley, March 2, 1752. p. 102.\nLetter IX. Franklin to Kinnersley, March 16, 1752. pp. 103\u20136.\nLetter X. Franklin [to the Public], Oct. 19, 1752. pp. 106\u20138.\nLetter XI. Franklin [to Collinson], [October 1752]. pp. 108\u20139.\nAdditional Errata in Part I. to the printed Electrical Papers.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "03-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0165", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Bowdoin, [March 1753?]\nFrom: Bowdoin, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\n By the post I received your favor, enclosing several printed letters relating to the transit of Mercury over the sun. A gentleman here, who is provided with the proper instruments, and well skilled in astronomy, intends to make the necessary observations; to whom, as well as to several others, I shall communicate said letters. The rarity of the appearance, and the improvement in geography and astronomy to be expected from it, will induce them, I hope, to make their observations with such accuracy as shall answer the end proposed.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "04-12-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0166", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Bowdoin, 12 April 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Bowdoin, James\nSir\nPhilada. April 12. 1753\n I have shipt 18 Glass Jarrs in Casks well pack\u2019d, on board Capt. Branscombe for Boston. 6 of them are for you, the rest I understand are for the College. Leaf Tin, such as they use in silvering Looking Glasses, is best to coat them with; they should be coated to within about 4 or 5 Inches of the Brim. Cut the Tin into Pieces of the Form in the Margin, and they will comply better with the Bellying of the Glass, one Piece only should be round to cover the Bottom; the same Shapes will serve the Inside. I had not Conveniency to coat them for you, and feared to trust any body else, Mr. Kinnersly being abroad in the W Indies. To make the Pieces comply the better they may be cut in two where the cross Lines are. They reach from the Top, to the Edge of the round Piece which covers the Bottom. I place them in loose Rims of Scabboard something like a small Sieve, in which they stand very well. If you charge more than one or two together, pray take care how you expose your Head to an accidental Stroke; for I can assure you from Experience, one is sufficient to knock a stout Man down; and I believe a Stroke from two or three in the Head, would kill him.\nHas Dr. Colden\u2019s new Book reach\u2019d you in Boston. If not, I\u2019ll send it to you.\nWith great Respect, I am, Sir Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nThe Glassmaker being from home, I cannot now get the Account.\nThe Tin is laid on with common Paste made of Flour and Water boil\u2019d together and the Pieces may lap over each other a little.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "04-12-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0167", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 12 April 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Colden, Cadwallader\nDear Sir\nPhilada. April 12.1753\nI received your Favour of March 20. and a subsequent one without Date, containing the Description of Lord Macclesfield\u2019s Mural Quadrant. No Vessel has sail\u2019d hence for England these three Months, but one goes next Week by which I shall send your Answer to the German Professor, corrected as you direct.\nI see it is not without Reluctance that the Europeans will allow that they can possibly receive any Instruction from us Americans. Kanster opposes your Principles, and Nollet mine. He has lately wrote and published 6 Long Letters, directed to me, on the Subjects of my Pamphlet, in which he imagines he has taken me all to pieces. I have read and consider\u2019d them, and remain of the same Sentiments. In one or two Places, he seems to apply to the superstitious Prejudices of the Populace, which I think unworthy of a Philosopher: He speaks as if he thought it Presumption in Man, to propose guarding himself against the Thunders of Heaven! Surely the Thunder of Heaven is no more supernatural than the Rain, Hail or Sunshine of Heaven, against the Inconveniencies of which we guard by Roofs and Shades without Scruple.\nBut I can now ease the Gentleman of this Apprehension; for by some late Experiments I find, that it is not Lightning from the Clouds that strikes the Earth, but Lightning from the Earth that Strikes the Clouds. They are electrified negatively and the Earth positively. This will seem a surprizing Position to you and to all Mankind; It will, when demonstrated, make a great Alteration in our Theory: But as to the Methods propos\u2019d for Practice, to guard against the Mischiefs of Lightning, they remain the same. You are the first I communicate this to, not only as a Mark of my Respect, but that you may consider if it has any Relation to your Principles. I only request that you would not divulge it at present.\nIt is expected that I should answer Mons. Nollet. You see, this must at present engage the little Leisure my other Affairs afford me, and oblige me to defer explaining my self at large on the Objections I have to your Book. I must own too, that I am under some Apprehensions of sinking in your Esteem by it, unless I could well support those Objections; and I am diffident of my self, knowing my Deficiency in Mathematical Knowledge and in such Reasoning as must in some Degree depend upon it. I will confide however in your Candor, and tell you, that I cannot, after long considering the Point, persuade my self that there is in Matter any such Principle as is imagined under the Term Vis Inertia. I even conceit that the contrary may be demonstrated, i.e. that Matter gives no Resistance to Motion. But in this, all the World is against me, and with you; so that I have reason to be diffident, and slow. If I do not admit the Principle, I must think all you have said to explain it, wrong. After this Acknowledgement, I think you will be in no pain about my Objections, if you were before. But if you will send me another Copy of your Book, (for I cannot spare this) I will communicate it to a Person of Worth and Candour, and of a very philosophic Genius, to whom these abstract Researches are more familiar and more engaging than to me; and who will be, I think, such a Correspondent as you desire. He lives near Boston, and therefore to save Postage to you both, let me be the Medium of your litterary Commerce. I may then with your Permission have an Opportunity of seeing what passes between you, and perhaps assisting now and then with occasional Remarks. I think it behoves us all to join Hands for the Honour of the American Philosophy. The Gentleman is Mr. James Bowdoin, who with a great Fortune has a most amiable Character.\nI thank you for the Transcript of Lord Macclesfield\u2019s Letter, and for the Hints concerning our Observation of the Transit. I wish we may have fair Weather, for I think nothing else will now be wanting.\nI send you some Ears of Barley from Barbary, which our common Friend Mr. Collinson sent me. It is said to be of an extraordinary Kind for Goodness; perhaps it may suit our Climate if the Seed can be sav\u2019d, to which End Mr. Collinson advises sowing it in a Garden at first, where Care may be taken of [it].\nI sent you last Post, a Catalogue of [torn] about your Place with a Letter from Linneus [which] I hope got safe to hand. The late Magazines ([both?] London and Gentleman\u2019s) for several Months, have Extracts from, or Summaries of particular Parts of your Book, and promise a Continuance; by which I see it will make a great Noise. You will scarce allow me to congratulate you on these Occasions, reserving to yourself an exclusive Privilege of complimenting your Friends, in which I think you are a little arbitrary.\nWith sincere Esteem and Respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant\nB Franklin\n Addressed: To \u2002The honble Cadwalader Colden Esqr \u2002Coldengham \u2002Free \u2002BF.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "04-12-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0168", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jared Eliot, 12 April 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Eliot, Jared\nDear Sir\nPhilada. April 12. 1753\nI received your Favour of March 26. and thank you for communicating to me, the very ingenious Letter from your Friend Mr. Todd, with whom, if it may be agreable to him, I would gladly entertain a Correspondence. I shall consider his Objections till next Post.\nI thank you also for the Hint concerning the Word Adhesion, which should be defin\u2019d. When I speak of Particules of Water adhering to Particles of Air, I mean not a firm Adhesion but a loose one, like that of a Drop of Water to the End of an Icicle before freezing. The firm Adhesion is after it is frozen.\nI conceive that the original constituent Particles of Water are perfectly hard, round and smooth. If so, there must be Interstices, and yet the Mass incompressible. A Box fill\u2019d with small Shot, has many Interstices, and the Shot may be compress\u2019d because they are not perfectly hard. If they were, the Interstices would remain the same, notwithstanding the greatest Pressure, and would admit Sand, &c. as Water admits Salt.\nOur Vessel, named the Argo, is gone for the N.W. Passage; and the Capt. has borrowed my Journals of the last Voyage, except one Vol. of a broken Set, which I send you. I enclose a Letter from our Friend Mr. Collinson: and am promis\u2019d some Speltz which I shall send per next Post.\nThe Tatler tells us of a Girl who was observ\u2019d to grow suddenly proud, and none could guess the Reason, till it came to be known that she had got on a pair of new Silk Garters. Lest you should be puzzel\u2019d to guess the Cause when you observe any thing of the kind in me, I think I will not hide my new Garters under my Petticoats, but take the Freedom to show them to you, in a Paragraph of our Friend Collinson\u2019s last Letter viz.\u2014But I ought to mortify, and not indulge, this Vanity; I will not transcribe the Paragraph.\u2014Yet I cannot forbear. \u201cIf any of thy Friends (says Peter) should take Notice that thy Head is held a little higher up than formerly, let them know; when the Grand Monarch of France strictly commands the Abb\u00e9 Mazeas to write a Letter in the politest Terms to the Royal Society, to return the Kings Thanks and Compliments in an express Manner to Mr. Franklin of Pennsilvania, for the useful Discoveries in Electricity, and Application of the pointed Rods to prevent the terrible Effects of Thunderstorms. I say, after all this, is not some Allowance to be made if the Crest is a little elevated. There are four Letters containing very curious Experiments on thy Doctrine of Points and its Verification, which will be printed in the New Transactions. I think now I have stuck a Feather on thy Cap, I may be allowed to conclude in wishing thee long to wear it. Thine, P. Collinson.\u201d On reconsidering this Paragraph, I fear I have not so much Reason to be proud as the Girl had; for a Feather in the Cap is not so useful a Thing, or so serviceable to the Wearer, as a Pair of good Silk Garters. The Pride of Man is very differently gratify\u2019d, and had his Majesty sent me a Marshal\u2019s Staff, I think I should scarce have been so proud of it as I am of your Esteem, and of subscribing my self with Sincerity Dear Sir, Your affectionate Friend and humble Servant\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "04-19-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0169", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Smith, 19 April 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Smith, William\nSir\nPhilada. April 19. 1753\nI received your Favour of the 11th Instant, with your new Piece on Education, which I shall carefully peruse; and give you my Sentiments of it as you desire, per next Post.\nI believe the young Gentlemen, your Pupils, may be entertain\u2019d and instructed here in Mathematics and Philosophy to Satisfaction. Mr. Allison (who was educated at Edinburgh, or Glasgow) has been long accustomed to teach the latter, and Mr. Grew the former, and I think their Pupils make great Progress. Mr. Allison has the Care of the Latin and Greek School, but as he has now three good Assistants in that School, he can very well afford some Hours every Day for the Instruction of those who are engag\u2019d in higher Studies. The Mathematical School is pretty well furnished with Instruments. The English Library is a good one, and we have belonging to it a midling Apparatus for Experimental Philosophy, and purpose speedily to compleat it. The Loganian Library, one of the best Collections in America, will shortly be opened; so that neither Books nor Instruments will be wanting; and as we are determin\u2019d always to give good Salaries, we have reason to believe we may have always an Opportunity of choosing good Masters, upon which, indeed, the Success of the whole depends. We are oblig\u2019d to you for your kind Offers in that Respect, and when you are settled in England, we may occasionally make use of your Friendship and Judgment.\nYour former Piece I read with great Approbation and Pleasure, and could never conceive what it was that could provoke the Treatment you met with on that Occasion.\nIf it suits your Conveniency to visit Philadelphia, before your Return to Europe, I shall be extreamly glad to see and converse with you here, as well as to correspond with you after your Settlement in England. For an Acquaintance and Communication with Men of Learning, Virtue and Publick Spirit, is one of my greatest Enjoyments.\nI do not know whether you ever happen\u2019d to see the first Proposals I made for the Erecting this Academy. I send them enclos\u2019d. They had (however imperfect) the desired Success, being follow\u2019d by a Subscription of \u00a34000 towards carrying them into Execution. And as we are fond of receiving Advice, and are daily improving by Experience, I am in hopes we shall in a few Years see a perfect Institution.\nI am very respectfully, Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Smith", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-02-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0170", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Ringgold, 2 [May?] 1753\nFrom: Ringgold, Thomas\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nChestr-Town May [?] 2d 1753\nOne Patrick Caron with us is the Man that took up Kelly one of the Murderers of Davis and This same Man has been taken up with us on Suspicion of being a Confederate in that affair but from all the Testimony that cou\u2019d be procured to two severel Grand Jurys at our November and March Courts nothing is found against him and he is discharged, so that, no Imputation can be against him further. But be that as it will in such Cases Faith must be kept with those Person\u2019s or no Discoverys wou\u2019d be made, were he guilty. But the Matter as I said appears otherwise. He has applied to me to get the Money due as the Reward published to be given to the Person that shou\u2019d take any one of those Men. I shall be much obliged if you\u2019l do me the Favor to inform by the Return of the Post what step is necessary for him to take to get the Money. He has a Certificate from the Justice of the Peace before whom Kelly was carried, whether an Order with that will not be sufficient and on whom it must be drawn.\nI am Sir your Humble Servant in Haste the post waiting\nTh Ringgold\n Addressed: To \u2002Benjn. Franklin Esqre \u2002Philada.\nEndorsed: Mr Ringolds Letter concerng. Karon", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-03-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0171", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jared Eliot, 3 May 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Eliot, Jared\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. May 3. 1753.\nI received your Essay last Post, and my Presses being at present engag\u2019d in some publick Work that will not admit of Delay, I have engag\u2019d Mr. Parker to print it out of hand at New York. You may expect to see it done in two or three Weeks. The Pacquet was not seal\u2019d, and I observ\u2019d that the Tables showing the Culture of sundry Fields were not with the rest of Mr. Jackson\u2019s Papers. Perhaps you did not design them for the Press.\nI wish the Barbary Barley may grow. I have some of it, and have sow\u2019d it; but it seem\u2019d to me to have been cut too green. I have formerly heard it reckon\u2019d the finest Barley in the World, and that it makes a great Part of the Food of the Inhabitants.\nI think I have never been more hurried in Business than at present; yet I will steal a few Minutes, to make an Observation or two on Mr. Todd\u2019s Ingenious Letter to you.\n1. The Supposing a mutual Attraction between the Particles of Water and Air, does not seem to me to be introducing a new Law of Nature; such Attractions taking Place in many other known Instances.\n2. Water is specifically 850 Times heavier than Air. To render a Bubble of Water then specifically lighter than Air, it seems to me that it must take up more than 850 times the Space it did before it form\u2019d the Bubble; and within the Bubble should be either a Vacuum or Air rarified more than 850 times. If a Vacuum, would not the Bubble be immediately crush\u2019d by the Weight of the Atmosphere? And no Heat we know of will rarify the Air any thing near so much; much less the common Heat of the Sun, or that of Friction by the Dashing on the Surface of the Water. Besides, Water agitated ever so violently produces no Heat, as has been found by accurate Experiments.\n3. A hollow Sphere of Lead, has a Firmness and Consistency in it, that a hollow Sphere of fluid unfrozen Water cannot be suppos\u2019d to have. The Lead may support the Pressure of the Water \u2019tis immerg\u2019d in, but the Bubble could not support the Pressure of the Air if empty within.\n4. Was ever a visible Bubble seen to rise in Air? I have made many when a Boy with Soap Suds and a Tobacco Pipe; but they all descended when loose from the Pipe, tho\u2019 slowly, the Air impeding their Motion. They may indeed be forc\u2019d up by a Wind from below, but do not rise of themselves, tho\u2019 filled with warm Breath.\n5. The Objection relating to our Breathing moist Air, seems weighty, and must be farther consider\u2019d. The Air that has been breath\u2019d has doubtless acquir\u2019d an Addition of the perspirable Matter, which Nature intends to free the Body from, and which would be pernicious if retain\u2019d, or return\u2019d into the Blood. Such Air then may become unfit for Respiration, as well for that Reason, as on Account of its Moisture. Yet I should be glad to learn by some accurate Experiment whether a Draft of Air two or three times inspired and exspired, (perhaps in a Bladder) has or has not acquired more Moisture than our common Air in the dampest Weather.\nAs to the Precipitation of Water in the Air we breathe, perhaps it is not always a Mark of that Air\u2019s being overloaded. In the Region of the Clouds, indeed, the Air must be overloaded (its Coldness considered) if it lets fall its Water in Drops, which we call Rain; but those Drops may fall thro\u2019 a dryer Air near the Earth; and accordingly we find, that the Hygroscope sometimes shows a less Degree of Moisture during a Shower, than at other times when it does not rain at all. The dewy Dampness that settles on the Insides of our Walls and on our Wainscots, seems more certainly to denote an Air overloaded with Moisture, and yet this is no sure Sign. For after a long-continu\u2019d cold Season, if the Air grow suddenly warm, the Walls, &c. continuing their Coldness longer, will for some time condense the Moisture of such Air, \u2019till they grow equally warm; and then they condense no more, altho\u2019 the Air is not become dryer. And on the other Hand after a warm Spell, if the Air grow cold, tho\u2019 moister than before, the Dew is not so apt to gather on the warm Walls. A Tankard of cold Water, will, in a hot and dry Summer\u2019s Day, collect a Dew on its Outside. Tankard of hot Water will collect none in the moistest Weather.\n6. \u2019Tis, I think, a Mistake, that the Trade Winds blow only in the Afternoon. They blow all Day, and all Night; and all the Year round, except in some particular Places. The Southerly Sea Breezes on your Coast indeed blow chiefly in the Afternoon. In the very long Run from the West Side of America to Guam among the Philippine Islands, Ships seldom have occasion to hand their Sails, and yet they make it in about 60 Days, which could not be if the Wind blew only in the Afternoon.\n7. That really is, which the Gentleman justly supposes ought to be on my Hypothesis. In Sailing southward, when you first enter the Trade Wind, you find it N.E. or thereabouts, and it gradually grows more East as you approach the Line. The same Observation is made of its changing from S. East to East gradually, as you come from the Southern Latitudes to the Equator.\nI have not yet had Time to transcribe my Paper on the Increase of Mankind, but hope to do it shortly, and shall be glad of your and Mr. Todd\u2019s Sentiments on it. My Respects to that Gentleman; and be assured that I am, very affectionately, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Elliot", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-09-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0173", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 9 May 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Collinson, Peter\nAlthough this is one of Franklin\u2019s most important letters, there has been difficulty about both its date and its recipient. Moreover, it has never been printed accurately, nor can it be here, for no Franklin autograph has been found. The two fullest surviving versions, and those nearest to Franklin\u2019s style, are the copy among the Hardwicke Papers in the New York Public Library and that among the Shaftesbury Papers in the Public Record Office. They are by different copyists, each with his own ideas about punctuation, capitalization, and paragraphing. Very occasionally they differ also in phraseology, and neither conforms fully to Franklin\u2019s normal usage in all these matters. The Hardwicke copy is printed here because it seems on the whole a little closer to what he probably wrote. The American Philosophical Society version, docketed in an unknown hand, was never Franklin\u2019s; it is the work of a careless copyist who, though in a few instances his version followed Franklin probably more closely than either of the first two, omitted phrases, reversed word order, and spelled, capitalized, and punctuated as Franklin would not have done. By and for whom these copies were made is not known, but it may be mentioned that in 1753 Philip Yorke, first Baron Hardwicke (later raised to an earldom) was lord chancellor, and that the fourth Earl of Shaftesbury was a member of the Society for the Relief and Instruction of Poor Germans.\nThe fourth manuscript version, in the British Museum, has been the occasion of much speculation. It contains only that third of the letter which relates to the Germans; it is in Peter Collinson\u2019s hand, headed \u201cBenn Franklin Esqr. Observations of the present State of the Germans in the province of Pensilvania In a Letter to R: J: Esqr. Philadelphia May 5th. 1753\u201d; and it is incorporated in an undated letter from Collinson to Rev. Caspar Wettstein. The discrepancy between Collinson\u2019s date of May 5 and the date of May 9 in all other versions is probably only another example of the Quaker merchant\u2019s careless penmanship; but the explicit statement that the letter was addressed to Richard Jackson presents a problem. The surviving Franklin-Jackson correspondence makes it clear, however, that Franklin addressed the letter to Collinson, and that Collinson immediately sent Jackson a copy. The endorsement on the Hardwicke copy also supports the conclusion that Collinson was the addressee. The most plausible explanation seems to be that, in sending the copy to Wettstein, Collinson did not wish, for some reason, to be known as the recipient\u2014and sharer\u2014of Franklin\u2019s sentiments on the Germans.\nThere is still a fifth version: it omits a few sentences and breaks off near the end, but it is fuller than the Collinson copy. It was printed in the Gentleman\u2019s Magazine in 1834, and was reprinted by Sparks, Smyth, and Van Doren, none of whom knew the copies in the New York Public Library, the Public Record Office, and the American Philosophical Society.\nFranklin\u2019s grasp of the problems created for the English by a large, unassimilated, German-speaking population in Pennsylvania impressed Collinson, who not only showed the letter to English friends, but wrote Cadwallader Colden about it. Colden asked at once for a copy, but Franklin declined to send one, saying it contained nothing new to an American. Meanwhile in London, urged on by friends of Pennsylvania, notably by young William Smith, who was there for ordination, a group of English philanthropists formed the Society for the Relief and Instruction of Poor Germans to establish English schools and win the Pennsylvania Germans to the British interest.\nSir\nPhiladelphia May 9th. 1753\nI received your Favour of the 29th. August last and thank you for the kind and judicious remarks you have made on my little Piece. Whatever further occurs to you on the same subject, you will much oblige me in communicating it.\nI have often observed with wonder, that Temper of the poor English Manufacturers and day Labourers which you mention, and acknowledge it to be pretty general. When any of them happen to come here, where Labour is much better paid than in England, their Industry seems to diminish in equal proportion. But it is not so with the German Labourers; They retain the habitual Industry and Frugality they bring with them, and now receiving higher Wages an accumulation arises that makes them all rich.\nWhen I consider, that the English are the Offspring of Germans, that the Climate they live in is much of the same Temperature; when I can see nothing in Nature that should create this Difference, I am apt to suspect it must arise from Institution, and I have sometimes doubted, whether the Laws peculiar to England which compel the Rich to maintain the Poor, have not given the latter, a Dependance that very much lessens the care of providing against the wants of old Age.\nI have heard it remarked that the Poor in Protestant Countries on the Continent of Europe, are generally more industrious than those of Popish Countries, may not the more numerous foundations in the latter for the relief of the poor have some effect towards rendering them less provident. To relieve the misfortunes of our fellow creatures is concurring with the Deity, \u2019tis Godlike, but if we provide encouragements for Laziness, and supports for Folly, may it not be found fighting against the order of God and Nature, which perhaps has appointed Want and Misery as the proper Punishments for, and Cautions against as well as necessary consequences of Idleness and Extravagancy.\nWhenever we attempt to mend the scheme of Providence and to interfere in the Government of the World, we had need be very circumspect lest we do more harm than Good. In New England they once thought Black-birds useless and mischievous to their corn, they made [Laws] to destroy them, the consequence was, the Black-birds were diminished but a kind of Worms which devoured their Grass, and which the Black-birds had been used to feed on encreased prodigiously; Then finding their Loss in Grass much greater than their saving in corn they wished again for their Black-birds.\nWe had here some years since a Transylvanian Tartar, who had travelled much in the East, and came hither merely to see the West, intending to go home thro\u2019 the spanish West Indies, China &c. He asked me one day what I thought might be the Reason that so many and such numerous nations, as the Tartars in Europe and Asia, the Indians in America, and the Negroes in Africa, continued a wandring careless Life, and refused to live in Cities, and to cultivate the arts they saw practiced by the civilized part of Mankind. While I was considering what answer to make him; I\u2019ll tell you, says he in his broken English, God make man for Paradise, he make him for to live lazy; man make God angry, God turn him out of Paradise, and bid him work; man no love work; he want to go to Paradise again, he want to live lazy; so all mankind love lazy. Howe\u2019er this may be it seems certain, that the hope of becoming at some time of Life free from the necessity of care and Labour, together with fear of penury, are the mainsprings of most peoples industry.\nTo those indeed who have been educated in elegant plenty, even the provision made for the poor may appear misery, but to those who have scarce ever been better provided for, such provision may seem quite good and sufficient, these latter have then nothing to fear worse than their present Conditions, and scarce hope for any thing better than a Parish maintainance; so that there is only the difficulty of getting that maintainance allowed while they are able to work, or a little shame they suppose attending it, that can induce them to work at all, and what they do will only be from hand to mouth.\nThe proneness of human Nature to a life of ease, of freedom from care and labour appears strongly in the little success that has hitherto attended every attempt to civilize our American Indians, in their present way of living, almost all their Wants are supplied by the spontaneous Productions of Nature, with the addition of very little labour, if hunting and fishing may indeed be called labour when Game is so plenty, they visit us frequently, and see the advantages that Arts, Sciences, and compact Society procure us, they are not deficient in natural understanding and yet they have never shewn any Inclination to change their manner of life for ours, or to learn any of our Arts; When an Indian Child has been brought up among us, taught our language and habituated to our Customs, yet if he goes to see his relations and make one Indian Ramble with them, there is no perswading him ever to return, and that this is not natural [to them] merely as Indians, but as men, is plain from this, that when white persons of either sex have been taken prisoners young by the Indians, and lived a while among them, tho\u2019 ransomed by their Friends, and treated with all imaginable tenderness to prevail with them to stay among the English, yet in a Short time they become disgusted with our manner of life, and the care and pains that are necessary to support it, and take the first good Opportunity of escaping again into the Woods, from whence there is no reclaiming them. One instance I remember to have heard, where the person was brought home to possess a good Estate; but finding some care necessary to keep it together, he relinquished it to a younger Brother, reserving to himself nothing but a gun and a match-Coat, with which he took his way again to the Wilderness.\nThough they have few but natural wants and those easily supplied. But with us are infinite Artificial wants, no less craving than those of Nature, and much more difficult to satisfy; so that I am apt to imagine that close Societies subsisting by Labour and Arts, arose first not from choice, but from necessity: When numbers being driven by war from their hunting grounds and prevented by seas or by other nations were crowded together into some narrow Territories, which without labour would not afford them Food. However as matters [now] stand with us, care and industry seem absolutely necessary to our well being; they should therefore have every Encouragement we can invent, and not one Motive to diligence be subtracted, and the support of the Poor should not be by maintaining them in Idleness, But by employing them in some kind of labour suited to their Abilities of body &c. as I am informed of late begins to be the practice in many parts of England, where work houses are erected for that purpose. If these were general I should think the Poor would be more careful and work voluntarily and lay up something for themselves against a rainy day, rather than run the risque of being obliged to work at the pleasure of others for a bare subsistence and that too under confinement. The little value Indians set on what we prize so highly under the name of Learning appears from a pleasant passage that happened some years since at a Treaty between one of our Colonies and the Six Nations; when every thing had been settled to the Satisfaction of both sides, and nothing remained but a mutual exchange of civilities, the English Commissioners told the Indians, they had in their Country a College for the instruction of Youth who were there taught various languages, Arts, and Sciences; that there was a particular foundation in favour of the Indians to defray the expense of the Education of any of their sons who should desire to take the Benefit of it. And now if the Indians would accept of the Offer, the English would take half a dozen of their brightest lads and bring them up in the Best manner; The Indians after consulting on the proposal replied that it was remembered some of their Youths had formerly been educated in that College, but it had been observed that for a long time after they returned to their Friends, they were absolutely good for nothing being neither acquainted with the true methods of killing deer, catching Beaver or surprizing an enemy. The Proposition however, they looked on as a mark of the kindness and good will of the English to the Indian Nations which merited a grateful return; and therefore if the English Gentlemen would send a dozen or two of their Children to Onondago the great Council would take care of their Education, bring them up in really what was the best manner and make men of them.\nI am perfectly of your mind, that measures of great Temper are necessary with the Germans: and am not without Apprehensions, that thro\u2019 their indiscretion or Ours, or both, great disorders and inconveniences may one day arise among us; Those who come hither are generally of the most ignorant Stupid Sort of their own Nation, and as Ignorance is often attended with Credulity when Knavery would mislead it, and with Suspicion when Honesty would set it right; and as few of the English understand the German Language, and so cannot address them either from the Press or Pulpit, \u2019tis almost impossible to remove any prejudices they once entertain. Their own Clergy have very little influence over the people; who seem to take an uncommon pleasure in abusing and discharging the Minister on every trivial occasion. Not being used to Liberty, they know not how to make a modest use of it; and as Kolben says of the young Hottentots, that they are not esteemed men till they have shewn their manhood by beating their mothers, so these seem to think themselves not free, till they can feel their liberty in abusing and insulting their Teachers. Thus they are under no restraint of Ecclesiastical Government; They behave, however, submissively enough at present to the Civil Government which I wish they may continue to do: For I remember when they modestly declined intermeddling in our Elections, but now they come in droves, and carry all before them, except in one or two Counties; Few of their children in the Country learn English; they import many Books from Germany; and of the six printing houses in the Province, two are entirely German, two half German half English, and but two entirely English; They have one German News-paper, and one half German. Advertisments intended to be general are now printed in Dutch and English; the Signs in our Streets have inscriptions in both languages, and in some places only German: They begin of late to make all their Bonds and other legal Writings in their own Language, which (though I think it ought not to be) are allowed good in our Courts, where the German Business so encreases that there is continual need of Interpreters; and I suppose in a few years they will be also necessary in the Assembly, to tell one half of our Legislators what the other half say; In short unless the stream of their importation could be turned from this to other Colonies, as you very judiciously propose, they will soon so out number us, that all the advantages we have will not [in My Opinion] be able to preserve our language, and even our Government will become precarious. The French who watch all advantages, are now [themselves] making a German settlement back of us in the Ilinoes Country, and by means of those Germans they may in time come to an understanding with ours, and indeed in the last war our Germans shewed a general disposition that seems to bode us no good; for when the English who were not Quakers, alarmed by the danger arising from the defenceless state of our Country entered unanimously into an Association within this Government and the lower Countries [Counties] raised armed and Disciplined [near] 10,000 men, the Germans except a very few in proportion to their numbers refused to engage in it, giving out one among another, and even in print, that if they were quiet the French should they take the Country would not molest them; at the same time abusing the Philadelphians for fitting out Privateers against the Enemy; and representing the trouble hazard and Expence of defending the Province, as a greater inconvenience than any that might be expected from a change of Government. Yet I am not for refusing entirely to admit them into our Colonies: all that seems to be necessary is, to distribute them more equally, mix them with the English, establish English Schools where they are now too thick settled, and take some care to prevent the practice lately fallen into by some of the Ship Owners, of sweeping the German Goals to make up the number of their Passengers. I say I am not against the Admission of Germans in general, for they have their Virtues, their industry and frugality is exemplary; They are excellent husbandmen and contribute greatly to the improvement of a Country.\nI pray God long to preserve to Great Britain the English Laws, Manners, Liberties and Religion notwithstanding the complaints so frequent in Your public papers, of the prevailing corruption and degeneracy of your People; I know you have a great deal of Virtue still subsisting among you, and I hope the Constitution is not so near a dissolution, as some seem to apprehend; I do not think you are generally become such Slaves to your Vices, as to draw down that Justice Milton speaks of when he says that\n\u2014\u2014sometimes Nations will descend so low\nFrom reason, which is virtue, that no Wrong,\nBut Justice, and some fatal curse annex\u2019d\nDeprives them of their outward liberty,\nTheir inward lost. Parad: lost.\nIn history we find that Piety, Public Spirit and military Prowess have their Flows, as well as their ebbs, in every nation, and that the Tide is never so low but it may rise again; But should this dreaded fatal change happen in my time, how should I even in the midst of the Affliction rejoice, if we have been able to preserve those invaluable treasures, and can invite the good among you to come and partake of them! O let not Britain seek to oppress us, but like an affectionate parent endeavour to secure freedom to her children; they may be able one day to assist her in defending her own\u2014Whereas a Mortification begun in the Foot may spread upwards to the destruction of the nobler parts of the Body.\nI fear I have [already] extended this rambling letter beyond your patience, and therefore conclude with requesting your acceptance of the inclosed Pamphlet from Sir Your most humble servant\nB: Franklin\n Endorsed: Franklin\u2019s letter to Collison from Philadelphia date 9th May 1753", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-09-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0174", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 9 May 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nDear Sir\nPhilad. May 9. 1753\nI have your Favour of Jany. 30 and thank you for the Civility shown on my Recommendation to Mr. Harris. What you mention concerning the Books, was not at all amiss.\nNeither the 2d Vol. of Bower\u2019s History of the Popes, nor Delaresse\u2019s Art of Painting, nor Crito, are to be found in Mr. Hall\u2019s Trunks.\nI have settled a Nephew of mine in Antigua, in the Place of Mr. Smith, deceas\u2019d. I take him to be a very honest industrious Lad, and hope he will do well there, and in time be of some Use to you as a Correspondent. Please to send him a little Cargo of Books and Stationary, agreable to the Invoice over Leaf. I will send you a Bill on this Account perhaps by next Ship.\nPlease to tender my Compliments to Mrs. Strahan and Master Billy. I am, Dear Sir, Your obliged and most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nWhat is become of A. Drummond\u2019s Travels? Will they be printed?\n3 Ream best Propatria Paper, cut\n2 Ditto Pot\n1 Ditto fine Post 500 best Quills\n3 Doz Inkpowder, British\n2 lb Wafers, some large\n1 Doz common Bibles\n1 Doz Testaments\n1 Doz Psalters\n2 Doz Primmers.\nAnd a few of your newest and most saleable Books, amounting in the whole to about \u00a325 Sterling.\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr Wm Strahan \u2002Printer in New Street \u2002near Fleetstreet \u2002London \u2002Per Capt. Reeves", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-14-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0175", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Perkins, 14 May 1753\nFrom: Perkins, John\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir,\nBoston, May 14, 1753\nI received your letter of April last, and thank you for it. Several things in it make me at a loss which side the truth lies on, and determine me to wait for farther evidence.\nAs to shooting stars, as they are called, I know very little, and hardly know what to say. I imagine them to be passes of electric fire from place to place in the atmosphere, perhaps occasioned by accidental pressures of a non-electric circumambient fluid, and so by propulsion, or allicited by the circumstance of a distant quantity minus electrified, which it shoots to supply, and becomes apparent by its contracted passage through a non-electric medium. Electric fire in our globe is always in action, sometimes ascending, descending, or passing from region to region. I suppose it avoids too dry air, and therefore we never see these shoots ascend. It always has freedom enough to pass down unobserved, but, I imagine, not always so, to pass to distant climes and meridians less stored with it.\nThe shoots are sometimes all one way, which, in the last case, they should be.\nPossibly there may be collections of particles in our atmosphere, which gradually form, by attraction, either similar ones per se, or dissimilar particles, by the intervention of others. But then, whether they shoot or explode of themselves, or by the approach of some suitable foreign collection, accidentally brought near by the usual commotions and interchanges of our atmosphere, especially when the higher and lower regions intermix, before change of winds and weather, I leave.\nI believe I have now said enough of what I know nothing about. If it should serve for your amusement, or any way oblige you, it is all I aim at, and shall, at your desire, be always ready to say what I think, as I am sure of your candour. I am, &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0176", "content": "Title: John Perkins: Causes of Water Spouts, 1753\nFrom: Perkins, John\nTo: \nSpouts have been generally believ\u2019d Ascents of water from below, to the Region of the Clouds, And Whirlwinds the Means of Conveyance. The World has been very well satisfied with these Opinions, and prejudiced with Respect to any Observations about them. Men of Learning and Capacity have had many Opportunitys in passing those Regions where these phenomena were most frequent, but seem industriously to have declin\u2019d any Notice of them, unless to escape Danger, as a Matter of mere Impertinence in a Case so clear and certain as their Nature and Manner of Operation are taken to be. Hence it has been difficult to get any tolerable Accounts of them. None but those they fell near can inform us any thing to be depended on; three or four such Instances follow, where the Vessels were so near, that their Crews could not avoid knowing something remarkable with Respect to the Matters in Question.\nCapt. Jno. Wakefield, Junr., passing the Streights of Gybralter, had one fall by the Side of his Ship; it came down of a sudden, as they think, and all agree that the Descent was certain.\nCapt. Langstaff, on a Voyage to West-Indias, had one come across the Stern of his Vessel, and pass\u2019d away from him. The Water came down in such Quantity that the present Capt. Melling, who was then a common Sailor at Helm, says it almost drown\u2019d him, running into Mouth, Nose, Ears, &c. and ads, that it tasted perfectly fresh.\nOne pass\u2019d by the Side of Capt. Howland\u2019s Ship, so near that it appear\u2019d pretty plain that the Water descended from first to last.\nMr. Robert Spring was so near one in the Streights of Mallacca, that he could perceive it to be a small very thick Rain.\nAll these assure me, that there was no Wind drawing towards them, nor have [I] found any others that have observ\u2019d such a Wind.\nIt seems plain, by these few Instances, that Whirlwinds do not always attend Spouts; and that the Water really descends in some of them. But the following Considerations, in Confirmation of this Opinion, may, perhaps, render it probable that all Spouts are Descents.\nIt seems unlikely that there should be two Sorts of Spouts, One ascending and the other descending.\nIt has not yet been prov\u2019d that any one Spout ever ascended. A specious Appearance is all that can be produced in favour of this; And those who have been most positive about it, were at more than a League\u2019s Distance when they Observ\u2019d, as Stuart and others, if I am not mistaken. However, I believe it impossible to be certain whether Water ascends or descends at half the Distance.\nIt may not be amiss to consider the Places where they happen most. These are such as are lyable to Calms from departing Winds on both Sides, As on the Borders of the \u00c6quinoctial Trade, Calms on the Coast of Guinea, In the Streights of Mallacca, &c. Places where the under Region of the Atmosphear, is drawn off Horozontally. I think they dont come where the Calms are without departing Winds; And I take the Reason to be, that such Places, and Places where Winds blow towards one-another, are lyable to Whirlwinds, or other Ascents of the lower Region, which I suppose contrary to Spouts. But the former are lyable to descents, which I take to be necessary to their Production. Agreable to this, it seems reasonable to believe, that any Mediterranean Seas should be more subject to Spouts than others. The Sea usually so call\u2019d is so. The Streights of Mallacca is. Some large Gulphs may probably be so, in Sutable Latitudes; So the Red Sea, &c. and all for this Reason, that the heated Lands on each Side, draw off the under Region of Air, and make the upper descend, whence sudden and wonderfull Condensations may take place, and make these Descents.\nIt seems to me, that the Manner of their Appearance and Procedure, favour the Notion of a Descent.\nMore or less of a Cloud, as I am inform\u2019d, always appears over the place first; then a Spattering on the Surface of the Water below; and when this is advanced to a considerable Degree, the Spout emerges from the Cloud, and descends, and that, if the Causes are sufficient, down to the Place of the Spattering, with a Roaring in Proportion to the Quantity of the Discharge; then it abates, or stops, sometimes more gradually, sometimes more suddenly.\nI must observe a few Things on these Particulars, to show how I think they agree with my Hypothesis.\nThe preceeding Cloud over the Place shows Condensation, and, consequently, tendencie downwards, which therefore must naturally prevent any Ascent. Besides that, so far as I can learn, a Whirlwind never comes under a Cloud, but in a clear Sky.\nThe Spattering may be easily conceiv\u2019d to be caus\u2019d by a Stream of Drops, falling with great Force on the Place, imagining the Spout to begin so, when a sudden and great Condensation happens in a contracted Space, as the Ox Eye on the Coast of Guinea.\nThe Spout appearing to descend from the Cloud seems to be, by the Stream of nearly contiguous Drops bringing the Air into Consent, so as to carry down a Quantity of the Vapour of the Cloud; and the pointed Appearance it makes may be from the descending Course being swiftest in the Middle, or Center of the Spout. This naturally drawing the outer parts inward, and the Center to a Point; And that will appear formost that moves swiftest. The Phenomenon of Retiring and Advancing, I think may be accounted for, by supposing the progressive Motion to exceed or not equal the Consumption of the Vapour by Condensation. Or more plainly thus: The descending Vapour which forms the apparent Spout, if it be slow in its progress downwards, is condens\u2019d as fast as it advances, and so appears at a Stand; When it is condens\u2019d faster than it advances, it appears to retire; and vice versa.\nIt\u2019s Duration and Manner of Ending, are as the Causes, and may vary by several Accidents.\nThe Cloud it self may be so circumstanc\u2019d as to Stop it; as when, extending Wide, it weighs down at a Distance round about, while a small Circle at the Spout being exonerated by the Discharge, ascends and shuts up the Passage. A new Determination of Wind may, perhaps, Stop it too. Places lyable to these Appearances are very lyable to frequent and sudden Alterations of it.\nSuch Accidents as a Clap of Thunder, Firing Cannon, &c. may Stop them, And the Reason may be, that any Shock of this Kind may occasion the Particles that are near coheering immediatly to do so; and then the whole, thus condens\u2019d, falls at once (which is what I suppose is vulgarly called the breaking of the Spout) and in the Interval, between this Period and that of the next Set of Particles being ready to Unite, the Spout Shuts up. So that if this reasoning is just, these Phenomena agree with my Hypothesis.\nThe usual Temper of the Air, at the Time of their Appearance, if I have a right Information, is for me too; it being then pretty cool for the Season and Climate; and this is worth Remark, because cool Air is weighty, and will not ascend; besides, when the Air grows cool, it shows that the upper Region descends, and conveys this Temper down; and when the Tempers are equal, no Whirlwind can take Place. But Spouts have been known, when the lower Region has been really cold. Gordon\u2019s Spout in the Downs is an Instance of this (vid. Phil. Trans.) where the Upper Region was probably not at all cooler, if so cold as the lower: It was a cold Day in the Month of March; Hail follow\u2019d, but not Snow; And it is observable, that not so much as Hail follows or accompanys them in Moderate Seasons and Climes, when and where they are most frequent. However, it is not improbable, that just about the place of Descent may be cooler than the neighbouring Parts, and so favour the wonderfull Celerity of Condensation. But, after all, Should we allow the under Region to be ever-so-much the hottest, and a Whirlwind to take Place in it: Suppose then the Sea Water to ascend, it would certainly cool the Spout, and then, Querie, whether it would not very much, if not wholy, obstruct it\u2019s Progress.\nIt commonly rains when Spouts disappear, if it did not before, which it frequently dos not, by the best accounts I have had; but the Clouds encreases much faster after they disappear, and it soon rains. The first shows the Spout to be a contracted Rain, instead of the diffus\u2019d one that follows; And the Latter that the Cloud was not form\u2019d by ascending Water, for then it would have ceas\u2019d growing when the Spout vanish\u2019d.\nHowever, it seems that Spouts have sometimes appear\u2019d after it began to rain; But this is one way a Proof of my Hypothesis, Vizt. as Whirlwinds dont come under a Cloud.\nI forgot to mention, That the Increase of Cloud, while the Spout subsists, is no Argument of an Ascent of Water, by the Spout. Since Thunder Clouds sometimes encrease greatly while it rains very hard.\nDiverse Effects of Spouts seem not so well accounted for any other way as by Descent.\nThe Bush round the Feet of them seems to be a great Spray of Water made by the Violence of Descent, like that in great Falls of Water from high Precipices.\nThe great Roar, like some vast inland Falls, is so different from the Roar of Whirlwind, by all Accounts, as to be no ways compatible.\nThe throwing Things from it with great Force, instead of carrying them up into the Air, &c.\nThere seems some probability that the Sailors traditionary Belief that Spouts may break in their Decks, and so destroy Vessels, might originate from some Facts of that Sort in former Times. This Danger is apparent on my Hypothesis, but it seems not so on the other: And my Reason for it is, that the whole Column of a Spout from the Sea to the Clouds, cannot, in a natural way, even upon the largest Suppositions, Support more than about three Feet Water, and from truly supposable Causes, not above One Foot, as may appear more plainly by and by. Supposing now the largest of these Quantitys to rise, it must be disseminated into Drops, from the Surface of the Sea to the Region of the Clouds, or higher; for this reason it is quite unlikely to be collected into Masses, or a Bodie, upon its Falling; but would descend in Progression according to the several Degrees of Altitude the different portions had arriv\u2019d at when it receiv\u2019d this new Determination.\nNow that there cannot more rise upon the common Hypothesis than I have mention\u2019d, may appear probable, if we attend to the only Efficient Cause in suppos\u2019d ascending Spouts, vizt. Whirlwinds.\nWe know that the Rarifaction of the lower, and the Condensation of the upper Region of Air, are the only natural Causes of Whirlwinds. Let us then suppose the Former as hot as their greatest Summer Heat in England, and the Latter as cold as the Extent of their Winter. These Extreams have been found there to alter the Weight of the Air 1/10, which is equal to a little more than three Feet Water. Were this Case possible, and a Whirlwind take place in it, It might act with a Force equall to the mention\u2019d Difference. But as this is the whole Strength, so much Water could not rise; therefore to allow it due Motion upwards, we must abate, at least, one 4th. part, perhaps more, to give it such a swift ascension as some think usual. But here several Difficulties occur, at least they are so to me. As, whether this Quantity would render the Spout Opaque? Since it is plain that in drops it could not do so. How, or by what Means it may be reduced small enough? Or, if the Water be not reduced into Vapour, what will suspend it in the Region of the Clouds when exonerated there? And, if vapouris\u2019d while ascending, How it can be dangerous by what they call the breaking? For it is difficult to conceive how a condensative Power should instantaneously take Place of a rarifying and disseminating one.\nThe Sudden Fall of the Spout, or, rather, the Sudden Ceasing of it, I accounted for, in my Way, before. But it seems necessary to mention something I then forgot. Should it be said to do so, (i.e.) to fall, because all the lower rarified Air is ascended, whence the Whirlwind must cease, and its burden drop; I cannot agree to this, unless the Air be observ\u2019d on a Sudden to have grown much colder, which I cant learn has been the Case. Or Should it be Suppos\u2019d that the Spout was, on a Sudden, obstructed at the Top, and this the cause of the Fall, however plausible this might appear, yet no more Water would fall than what was at the same Time contain\u2019d in the Column, which is often, by many and satisfactory Accounts to me, again far from being the Case.\nWe are, I think, sufficiently assur\u2019d, that not only Tonns, but Scores or Hundreds of Tonns descend in one Spout. Scores of Times\nBut, after all, it dont appear that the above mention\u2019d different Degrees of heat and Cold concurr in any Region where Spouts usually happen, nor, indeed, in any other.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-19-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0177", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Mitchell, 19 May 1753\nFrom: Mitchell, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir\nYork May 19. 1753\nI Received yours of April 28. Your order on me in favour of Mrs. Benger for one Hundred Dollars, shall be punctualy paid when presented, as was your order on me for fifty Pounds. I shall by Next post send an Account of the Stoves paid and those on hand. I am Your Obedient Servant\nJames Mitchell\nThe Inclosed is for my Son in Law, Expected your way from Fiall, if you heare of his Arrival at New York pray send it to him.\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr. Benjamin Franklan \u2002Philadelphia \u2002Free J. Mitchell", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-25-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0178", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Message to the Governor on Paper Currency, 25 May 1753\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: \nOn consideration of the report of the committee on paper currency, trade, and population, submitted August 19, 1752 (see above, p. 344), the Assembly on January 18, 1753, sitting as a committee of the whole, unanimously approved three resolutions:\n\u201cThat it is the Opinion of this Committee [i.e., of the whole], that it is necessary that the Paper-money of this Province should be re-emitted for a further Time.\n\u201cThat it is the Opinion of this Committee, that there should be a Sum struck, to exchange the ragged and torn Bills, now by Law current within this Province.\n\u201cThat it is the Opinion of this Committee, that there is a Necessity of a farther Addition to the Paper-money, at present current by Law within this Province.\u201d\nThe House then appointed a committee to draft a bill agreeable to these resolves; it was composed of Edward Warner, Evan Morgan, Benjamin Franklin, Mahlon Kirkbride, Joseph Gibbons, James Wright, John Wright, John Armstrong, Moses Starr, and James Burnside. A money bill for \u00a320,000 was brought in January 19; it passed the House January 24; but Governor Hamilton announced, January 26, he could not approve it, being \u201cwell assured the Dislike raised in Britain, of the Bills of Credit in the Plantations, by the late too general and undistinguishing Complaints, still so warmly subsists, as to make any Application to the Crown, about our Currency, at this Time very unseasonable.\u201d The House deferred further consideration until the next sitting.\nThey resumed consideration on May 23 and the next day appointed Edward Warner, John Smith, Benjamin Franklin, Hugh Roberts, Mahlon Kirkbride, Joseph Gibbons, Arthur Patterson, John Wright, Joseph Armstrong, Moses Starr, and James Burnside to draft a message to the governor accompanying the bill, which they returned unchanged. This message, approved by the House May 25, is printed here. Governor Hamilton returned the bill on August 29 with several amendments. The House, however, adhered to its version; the governor insisted on his amendments; and on September 5 another message was sent to the governor.\nMay it please the Governor,\nThe Governor\u2019s Apprehension, at our last Sitting, that the Dislike raised in Great-Britain of the Bills of Credit in the Plantations by the late too general and undistinguishing Complaints, so warmly subsisted, as to make any Application to the Crown about our Currency at that Time unseasonable, induced the House, notwithstanding their different Sentiments, to make a short Adjournment, to consider farther of the Weight of that Objection; and also of the Sums by that Bill proposed to be made, and continued current in this Province. And now, when we reflect, that tho\u2019 the Complaints against a Paper Currency, arising from the Excesses of some Colonies therein, were indeed at first too general and undistinguishing, so as to occasion the Bringing into Parliament a Bill for restraining the same in all the Colonies; yet, as upon strict Enquiry (a State of our Currency then lying before them) the Parliament thought fit to alter the bill, and lay the Restraint only on those Colonies where that Currency had been abused, we cannot but look on this as distinguishing in our Favour; especially as we are assured, that no Complaints were ever made of our Currency by the British Merchants, trading hither, who only could be affected [by] it; but that on the contrary they have, whenever called upon for their Opinion by the Parliament or the Lords of Trade, appeared openly and warmly in its Favour, and declared (as they did in 1739, when our Act for Eighty Thousand Pounds, the present Sum, was under Consideration) \u201cThat it was not only a reasonable Sum, but absolutely necessary for carrying on the Commerce of the Country;\u201d which appears by the Report of the said Lords, made on that Occasion to the Council. And as the Exports from Britain to this Province, of which we have authentic Accounts, had then, in the three preceding Years, amounted to no more than One Hundred Seventy-nine Thousand Six Hundred Fifty-four Pounds, Nine Shillings, and Two-pence, Sterling; and now in the Years 1749, 1750, and 1751, they amount to Six Hundred Forty-seven Thousand Three Hundred Seventeen Pounds, Eight Shillings, and Nine-pence, Sterling; and our Numbers of People, and Domestic Trade, and the Occasions for a Medium of Commerce, are equally increased, there cannot, we think, be any Doubt, but the British Merchants will now likewise be of Opinion, that the small Addition we at present propose is absolutely necessary, tho\u2019 they may not think it so suitable to our Circumstances as a larger Sum; One Hundred Thousand Pounds of Paper Currency bearing by no Means the same Proportion to our Trade now, as Eighty Thousand Pounds did then. And it is certain, that as the Money circulating among us diminishes, so must our Trade and Usefulness to Great-Britain, and our Consumption of its Manufactures, diminish.\nUpon the Whole, we intreat the Governor to consider the distressing Circumstances under which the Trade, and in Consequence the whole Province must languish, if, contrary to our Expectations, the Bill we now present him should not be enacted into a Law. And we are well assured, that as the Governor has been pleased to declare his Sentiments of the many Advantages we derive from the Use of Paper Money, his transmitting it Home, in a true Light, will make our Application to the Crown as effectual as it is seasonable.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "05-25-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0179", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Grievances: Report, 25 May 1753\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Grievances\nTo: \nOn January 23, 1753, four petitions from \u201ca considerable Number of the Inhabitants\u201d of Northampton County and a certificate from two of the assessors were presented to the Pennsylvania Assembly. They complained that Sheriff William Craig, holding several county offices, had too much unchecked power, they charged that his method of summoning juries might influence them unduly when passing on his public accounts; that he continued to act as a justice of the peace, thus combining the functions of prosecutor and judge; and that his practice of holding court in local taverns encouraged malicious prosecutions by private persons. The House referred the matter of Craig\u2019s acting as a justice to the governor; and Hamilton corrected the abuse at once by canceling the commission. The other complaints were sent to the Grievance Committee, which consisted of Joseph Trotter, Franklin, George Ashbridge, and Peter Worrall (augmented a few days later by the addition of Edward Warner, Evan Morgan, Joseph Stretch, and Hugh Roberts).The committee\u2019s report, submitted May 25 and printed here, contained a record of Craig\u2019s subsequent actions.\nHaving considered the report, the House ordered Craig to appear before it. He defended his conduct, refuted allegations made against him, and charged that the petition had been maliciously drafted and circulated by John Jones, one of the county assessors and an original commissioner to lay out the county. The House examined Craig and Jones several times, August 28\u201330, ordered that Craig be reprimanded for his neglect of the summons of the Grievance Committee, and took no further notice of Jones. more than can be contained in the Trunk of it, should we suppose water to ascend.\nWe the Committee of Grievances, to whom Part of the Petition from Northampton County, containing sundry Complaints of the Conduct of William Craig, Esq; Sheriff of the said County, was referred, do report,\nThat having met and considered the said Petition, we directed the Clerk to make out and transmit a Copy thereof to the said Sheriff, and acquaint him by Letter, that the Committee were willing to hear what he might have to say in his Justification, before they made their Report to the House; and appointed the first of February for that Purpose. We also directed that Notice should be given to some of the principal Petitioners, that they might also attend and be heard in support of the Allegations contained in their Petition.\nOn the Day appointed for such Hearing, several of the Petitioners attended accordingly, but the said William Craig not appearing, the Committee adjourned to the Day following, when they received a Letter said to be from the said Craig, requesting a farther Day; which the Committee allow\u2019d, and appointed the 21st Instant, of which he had due Notice. Several of the Petitioners again attended on the said Day, but the Sheriff has not appeared, nor sent his Reasons.\nYour Committee however are informed by the Petitioners attending, that the principal Causes of Complaint set forth in their Petition are removed, the Sheriff having for some Time past declined acting as a Justice of the Peace, and likewise given up the Office of Treasurer of the County.\nBut the Petitioners attending, do now farther complain, and say, That the Commissioners and Assessors of their County having appointed to meet at Eastown, to hear Appeals on the 7th of February, the said Craig, as their Clerk, did by Letters to some of them, alter the Place of Meeting, and appointed his own House, 17 Miles distant, where only four Assessors, and two of the Commissioners being met (the others, who had no Notice of the Change, being gone to Eastown) the Choice of a new Treasurer was proposed; and, tho\u2019 objected to as an unfair Proceeding, no Notice having been given in the Letters by which they were summoned of the Intention to make such Choice at that Time, and the Board not being full, yet it was carried by the Votes of two Assessors, with the two Commissioners, and one James M\u2019Callister was said to be chosen, who accordingly undertook the Office. But a certain Schoolmaster, who sometimes acts as Clerk to the said Craig, receiving the Money as brought in by the Collectors, and giving Receipts therefor, signed with the Name of said M\u2019Callister, tho\u2019 not wrote or sign\u2019d by him, nor said to be on his Behalf, they apprehend that the said M\u2019Callister only colours the Office of Treasurer for the said Craig, who by the abovementioned Artifice procured him to be chosen; and that the said M\u2019Callister will not by such Receipts be accountable for the Monies received.\nThe Complainants produced to your Committee one of the said Receipts, which appears on Comparison not to be the Hand Writing of the said M\u2019Callister, nor sign\u2019d by him; but to be of the same Hand Writing with the Letter the Committee receiv\u2019d as from William Craig; they produced also the Protest of John Holder, one of the Assessors, against proceeding to the Choice of a Treasurer as aforesaid, with one of the Letters of Notice appointing that Meeting. All which we lay before the House, and the whole is humbly submitted by\nEdward Warner,\nJoseph Stretch,\nEvan Morgan,\nPeter Worrall,\nB. Franklin,\nJoseph Trotter.\nHugh Roberts,", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-04-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0181", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Elizabeth Gardner, 4 June 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Gardner, Elizabeth\nSister Elizabeth\nPlease to receive the Bearer into the Hospital, and entertain him there till the Physicians have considered his Case. Your Friend and Servant\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-04-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0182", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 4 June 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nSir\nPhilada. June 4. 1753\nThe above is a Copy of mine per Reeves. This is only to request you would send me here, the Quarto Abridgement of the Philosophical Transactions, except the first five Volumes which I have. Send me also Fielding\u2019s Proposals for employing the Poor. In haste, I am Yours ut supra\nB Franklin\nAll well. Mr. Hall out of town. The 5 Vols of Transactions I have, are abridg\u2019d by Lowthorp and Jones.\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr William Strahan \u2002Printer \u2002London \u2002Per the Carolina \u2002Capt. Mesnard", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-06-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0183", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Huey, 6 June 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Huey, Joseph\nFew of Franklin\u2019s letters were more often copied in the eighteenth century than this, or more frequently printed in the nineteenth. Probably most of the copyists approved the author\u2019s views; a few certainly reprobated them: the editor of the Port Folio, for example, printing this \u201ccurious specimen of the doctor\u2019s liberality of sentiment on religious subjects,\u201d warned readers against \u201cthe blandishments of a plausible and affected benevolence \u2026 the germ of deism, the embryon of rancour against church establishments, the feverish symptoms of a malecontent; and those daring doctrines, \u2018at which both the priest and philosopher may tremble.\u2019\u201d\nThroughout its history in manuscript and print, uncertainty about the recipient has curiously persisted. William Temple Franklin said it was addressed to George Whitefield, which is impossible, for Whitefield was in England and could not have written a letter of \u201cthe 2d Inst.\u201d which Franklin answered on the sixth. Many have followed him, however, including Sparks, who saw Franklin\u2019s original draft addressed to Huey but would not confute Temple Franklin\u2019s authority with the evidence of his own eyes. One surviving manuscript version suggests that Alexander Giles Frobisher was the recipient; and several printed versions declare it was sent to \u201ca minister of the Gospel in the Southern part of New Jersey.\u201d But Franklin\u2019s manuscript draft reads clearly, as Bigelow pointed out, \u201cLetter to Joseph Huey.\u201d\nAlmost nothing is known of Huey. When Franklin sent a copy of the letter to President Stiles, March 9, 1790, he described his correspondent as \u201ca zealous Religionist whom I had relieved in a paralytic Case by Electricity, and who being afraid I should grow proud upon it, sent me his serious, tho\u2019 rather impertinent, Cautions.\u201d Huey may have been \u201ca minister of the Gospel in the Southern part of New Jersey,\u201d but no clergyman of that name is known to have served there. According to Smyth, he came from Lancaster County, Pa.\nSir,\nPhilada. June 6. 1753\nI received your kind Letter of the 2d Inst. and am glad to hear that you increase in Strength; I hope you will continue mending till you recover your former Health and Firmness. Let me know whether you still use the cold Bath, and what Effect it has.\nAs to the Kindness you mention, I wish it could have been of more Service to you. But if it had, the only Thanks I should desire is, that you would always be equally ready to serve any other Person that may need your Assistance, and so let good Offices go round, for Mankind are all of a Family.\nFor my own Part, when I am employed in serving others, I do not look upon my self as conferring Favours, but as paying Debts. In my Travels and since my Settlement I have received much Kindness from Men, to whom I shall never have any Opportunity of making the least direct Return. And numberless Mercies from God, who is infinitely above being benefited by our Services. These Kindnesses from Men I can therefore only return on their Fellow-Men; and I can only show my Gratitude for those Mercies from God, by a Readiness to help his other Children and my Brethren. For I do not think that Thanks, and Compliments, tho\u2019 repeated Weekly, can discharge our real Obligations to each other, and much less those to our Creator.\nYou will see in this my Notion of Good Works, that I am far from expecting (as you suppose) that I shall merit Heaven by them. By Heaven we understand, a State of Happiness, infinite in Degree, and eternal in Duration: I can do nothing to deserve such Reward: He that for giving a Draught of Water to a thirsty Person should expect to be paid with a good Plantation, would be modest in his Demands, compar\u2019d with those who think they deserve Heaven for the little Good they do on Earth. Even the mix\u2019d imperfect Pleasures we enjoy in this World are rather from God\u2019s Goodness than our Merit; how much more such Happiness of Heaven. For my own part, I have not the Vanity to think I deserve it, the Folly to expect it, nor the Ambition to desire it; but content myself in submitting to the Will and Disposal of that God who made me, who has hitherto preserv\u2019d and bless\u2019d me, and in whose fatherly Goodness I may well confide, that he will never make me miserable, and that even the Afflictions I may at any time suffer shall tend to my Benefit.\nThe Faith you mention has doubtless its use in the World; I do not desire to see it diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it in any Man. But I wish it were more productive of Good Works than I have generally seen it: I mean real good Works, Works of Kindness, Charity, Mercy, and Publick Spirit; not Holiday-keeping, Sermon-Reading or Hearing, performing Church Ceremonies, or making long Prayers, fill\u2019d with Flatteries and Compliments, despis\u2019d even by wise Men, and much less capable of pleasing the Deity. The Worship of God is a Duty, the hearing and reading of Sermons may be useful; but if Men rest in Hearing and Praying, as too many do, it is as if a Tree should value itself on being water\u2019d and putting forth Leaves, tho\u2019 it never produc\u2019d any Fruit.\nYour great Master tho\u2019t much less of these outward Appearances and Professions than many of his modern Disciples. He prefer\u2019d the Doers of the Word to the meer Hearers; the Son that seemingly refus\u2019d to obey his Father and yet perform\u2019d his Commands, to him that profess\u2019d his Readiness but neglected the Works; the heretical but charitable Samaritan, to the uncharitable tho\u2019 orthodox Priest and sanctified Levite: and those who gave Food to the hungry, Drink to the Thirsty, Raiment to the Naked, Entertainment to the Stranger, and Relief to the Sick, &c. tho\u2019 they never heard of his Name, he declares shall in the last Day be accepted, when those who cry Lord, Lord; who value themselves on their Faith tho\u2019 great enough to perform Miracles but have neglected good Works shall be rejected. He profess\u2019d that he came not to call the Righteous but Sinners to Repentance; which imply\u2019d his modest Opinion that there were some in his Time so good that they need not hear even him for Improvement; but now a days we have scarce a little Parson, that does not think it the Duty of every Man within his Reach to sit under his petty Ministrations, and that whoever omits them offends God. I wish to such more Humility, and to you Health and Happiness, being Your Friend and Servant\nB Franklin\n Endorsed: Letter to Joseph Huey", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-14-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0184", "content": "Title: Memorandum of Agreement with Samuel Holland, 14 June 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nLancaster [June 14, 1753]\nMemorandum of Agreement made this 14th Day of June 1753, between Benjamin Franklin and Samuel Holland Printers, viz.\nThat the said Benjamin Franklin doth let to the said S. Holland, his Printing Press and Types with other Printing Materials, now in the Possession of said Saml Holland at Lancaster except half the Long Primer Roman and Italic, on these Terms viz. That the said Samuel Holland pay therefor the Sum of Twenty Pounds per Annum, in four Quarterly Payments, the first Payment on Michaelmas Day next, and shall keep the Types in good Order, clean and free from Pye, the Press and other Materials in good repair, and shall not suffer the Rent of the House in which they are at any Time kept, to be more than one Quarter in Arrear; And when the said B. Franklin or Saml Holland shall either of them incline to vacate this Agreement, the Party so inclining shall give the other at least Three Months Notice. And the said Benjamin Franklin, or his legal Representatives shall be at liberty to visit and View the said Printing Press and Materials whenever he or they shall think fit, to see in what order they are keept. And the said Saml Holland doth hereby promise to make the above Payments, and perform the rest of this Agreement punctually, so far as regards him.\nSamel Holland B Franklin\n Endorsed: Agreement B Franklin and S. Holland Lancaster Office", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-14-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0185", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Holland: Bond, 14 June 1753\nFrom: Holland, Samuel\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nKnow all Men by these Presents, That I Samuel Holland of the Borough of Lancaster and Province of Pensilvania, Printer am Held and firmly bound unto Benjamin Franklin of the City of Philadelphia, Printer in the Sum of Two Hundred Pounds Lawful Money of America to be paid to the said Benjamin Franklin, his certain Attorney, Executors, Administrators or Assigns, To which Payment well and truly to be made, I do bind my self, my Heirs, Executors and Administrators, firmly by these Presents Sealed with my Seal Dated the Fourteenth Day of June in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty three in the 26th Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the second by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, &c.\nThe Condition of this Obligation is such, That if the Above-bounden Samuel Holland, his Heirs, Executors, Administrators, or any of them, shall and do well and truly pay or cause to be paid unto the above-named Benjamin Franklin, his certain Attorney, Executors, Administrators or Assigns, the just and full Sum of One hundred Pounds Lawful Money aforesaid, on the Fourteenth Day of June, which will be in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and Fifty four, with lawful Interest for the same without any Fraud or further Delay, then the above Obligation to be Void, or else to be and remain in full Force and Virtue.\nSamel Holland\nSealed and Delivered in the Presence of us James Parker Cha: Thomson\nLancaster: Printed by S. Holland, at the Post-Office\nEndorsed: S. Holland to B Franklin Bond for \u00a3100\n[On reverse:] Sometime in the Summer 1756 when I was out of the Province, Nathaniel Holland paid my Wife Sixty Pounds in part of the within Bond\nB Franklin\nNote. S. Holland owes me about \u00a325 more on Note and Account.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-20-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0186", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Shervington, 20 June 1753\nFrom: Shervington, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nSir,\nAntigua, June 20, 1753\nMr. Benjamin Mecom having received half a dozen circulatory letters from you relating to Mercury\u2019s transit over the sun the 6 of last May, he put them into my hands. One would have sufficed for our island, as we are not overburthen\u2019d with men, who have a taste that way. Hereunder I send you the result of my observation thereof.\n *Dr. Charles Rose, who was in Antigua at this time, says, that these observations were taken by Capt. Richard Tyrrel, of the said island, and who is possessed of a valuable collection of astronomical instruments, made by Mr. Bird in the Strand, London, and that Mr. Shervington only was present.\nSunday, May 6, at 6h 7\u2032 51\u2033, I observed the western limb of Mercury to touch the western limb of the sun; and, at 6h 10 \u203237\u2033, he touch\u2019d the same with his eastern limb, and totally disappear\u2019d. Lat. of the place 17\u00b0 0\u2032 N. Lon. by estimation 61\u00b0 45\u2032 W. from London.\nThis was taken by a Graham\u2019s watch, and corrected by two altitudes taken by a most exquisite quadrant; viz.\nAt 6h 58\u2032 7\u2033, I observed the distance of the sun\u2019s upper limb from the zenith = 72\u00b0 21\u2032 30\u2033. And at 9h 31\u2032 5\u2033, I observed the same = 36\u00b0 17\u2032 0\u2033.\n By the common process (which you may have, if necessary) I found the watch was 0\u00b0 4\u2032 4\u2033 28\u2034 too fast;\n \u2020Mr. Shervington has taken the mean of these two altitudes from the error of his watch; and there can be no doubt that his observation is a good one, which, compared with that made in Surry-street by Mr. Short, p. 199, l. i. &c. fixes the longitude of the place of his observation in Antigua 4h 5\u2032 30\u2033, or 61\u00b0 22\u2032 30\u2033, west of St. Paul\u2019s, London.\n therefore,\nh\nFrom \u2014 \u2014 \u2014\nTake \u2014 \u2014 \u2014\nTrue apparent time of Mercury\u2019s exit here,\nPray impart your observation to Your Well-wisher,\nWilliam Shervington", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-21-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0187", "content": "Title: Request for Information on Lightning, 21 June 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \n\u2042 Those of our Readers in this and the neighbouring Provinces, who may have an Opportunity of observing, during the present Summer, any of the Effects of Lightning on Houses, Ships, Trees, &c. are requested to take particular Notice of its Course, and Deviation from a strait Line, in the Walls or other Matter affected by it, its different Operations or Effects on Wood, Stone, Bricks, Glass, Metals, Animal Bodies, &c. and every other Circumstance that may tend to discover the Nature, and compleat the History of that terrible Meteor. Such Observations being put in Writing, and communicated to Benjamin Franklin, in Philadelphia, will be very thankfully accepted and acknowledged.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-26-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0188", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 26 June 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Collinson, Peter\nDear Friend\nNewhaven in Connecticut June 26. 1753\nI received a Letter from you on the Road hither, with one of the supplemental Papers on Electricity; and a Letter from our Friend Kalm. I condole with you sincerely on the Death of good Mrs. Collinson: I do not, however, offer to comfort you by Arguments drawn from Philosophy or Religion; such will readily occur to a Person of your Understanding and Piety. Natural Affections must have their Course. The best Remedy of Grief is Time.\nI am now on a Journey to Boston, where I purpose to continue till the Heats are over, and from thence shall write to you. With this you will receive two of Mr. Elliot\u2019s 4th Essays (one of them for Mr. Jackson) and a Poem on Visiting our Academy by Mr. Smith, Author of two Pieces I have already sent you on Education, one entitled The College of Mirania. He is now here with me, and intending soon for England, will deliver this to you, with his own hand.\nIn one of your late Letters, you mention\u2019d, that besides the bountiful Benefaction then sent us, by the Proprietary, he meditated some Endowments for the Academy, if he should find it answer his Expectations. I hope it will answer and even exceed his Expectations. We now only want a Person in the Academy, qualified to teach the higher Parts of Learning, and finish the Youth in their Education. This Finishing, given by the Proprietors Beneficence, would in my Opinion leave the most lasting Impressions of Gratitude and Respect, and be productive of the best Effects, in a due Regard and Veneration for the Family among those who by their Education and Stations will be most capable of serving it; especially as the Professor himself, being under the greatest Obligation to the Founders, may take all Opportunities of making and fixing those Impressions in the Minds of his Pupils. I only hint this to you; as a Thought now occurs to me, that this Bearer, Mr. Smith, who has already given great Satisfaction as a Tutor to some young Gentlemen, and appears by his Mirania to have excellent Notions of Education, tho\u2019 he goes home with other Views, may possibly be prevail\u2019d on to engage in that Service, if proper Steps were taken with him. If you should think with me as to the Expediency and Utility of this Matter, I know I need not urge your Goodness to take some early Opportunity of proposing it to the Consideration of the Proprietors.\nWith great Esteem and Affection, I am, Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "06-28-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0189", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 28 June 1753\nFrom: Franklin, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nHonoured Sir,\nPhilada. June 28. 1753\nI wrote you last Week; since which Nothing new has occurr\u2019d, worth communicating save a [paper?] publish\u2019d by Chattin, that has made a great Noise here; one of which I inclose for your Perusal. It has given great Pleasure to many, and only [angered?] those, as I can learn, whose Approbation of it would be a Condemnation of their own Conduct. There are many Conjectures in Town about its Author; most People, however, seem to attribute it to a Gentleman now out of the Province, and, indeed, I can\u2019t help thinking they have judg\u2019d right; if so, there was no great Occasion of the Inclosed being sent you.\nI have ship\u2019d the 50 Ream of Paper, you order\u2019d, to Minott & Hatton, in Jamaica. The Capt. would not take it under Nine [Pence per?] Ream. I sent Holland the Cuts and Copy of the Almanack. He writes me word that he has two Forms of it ready to impose, and hopes to [have] the whole done by the Middle of August. [He] has likewise wrote to me for a Pound of Vermilion, and desires to know if you left [?] any Orders about sending him some [Payment?] for the Almanack, and if you have not [to] enquire whether Schutz has left any [of?] the Buck for him. I have not seen [Schutz?] as yet, and as you left no Orders on that [I] can say Nothing now about it; but I [shall?] send him the Vermilion per this Post. [If?] I find Schutz has not sent any Paper, shall [take?] Care that he has some.\nYesterday agreeable to your Directions, I took the Management of the Post-Office upon me: I trust my Conduct therein, and in all other Respects, will be such as to give you no Cause to regret my having that Mark of your Favor.\nThe whole Family are well, and, with many of your Friends, desire to be kindly remember\u2019d to you. Mr. Kinnersley return\u2019d last Week; he tells me he has discover\u2019d Nothing new in the Electrical Way; and I understand he has [clear\u2019d?] about \u00a3200 Sterling.\nIf it would not be too much Trouble, I should be glad you wou\u2019d cause my Name to be put down as one of the Subscribers, for the 2d Vol. of Prince\u2019s Chronology; also to purchase the first Volume for me, together with the 3 Vols. of the American Magazine. Aunt Mecom has some Money in her Hands for a Ticket I sent her, which she will pay you [as?] I believe it will be sufficient to defray the Cost. I am Your obliged and dutiful Son\nWm: Franklin\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr Benjn. Franklin \u2002now at \u2002Boston", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "03-20-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-04-02-0190", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Aaron Burr, 20 March 1753\nFrom: Burr, Aaron\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMr. Franklin.\nSir\nYour Febry. 28. with the enclos\u2019d Letters was very acceptable. I am sorry we [are] not provid\u2019d with Instruments to observe the approaching Transit of Mercury. But have long since been determined to be ready for Venus 1769. By Mr. Evans\u2019s Advice I wrote to one Mr. Adams\u2019s in London sending a Catalogue of Instruments for a philosophical Apparatus, desiring to know his Price, designing to purchase as far as the small stock we have raised for that Purpose will go, but can gett no Answer from him.\nThis Spring I propose to send for such as are most needed and add as we are able.\nI should esteem it a Favour you communicated the Observations on Mercury. If the Weather admits of the making any.\nI add but my hearty Wishes that the general Design of promoting usefull Knowledge in the World may be still attended with desired Success and am with great Respect your most humble Servant.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "07-03-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0001", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 3 July 1753\nFrom: Collinson, Peter\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nReceived June the 30. 1753. On Board the London for Philadelphia One long Case Mark\u2019d L4MC No. 1 which I promise to Deliver (Dangers of the sea Excepted).\nJa Shirley\npaid Freight and primage 6s.\nbesides one Brown paper bundle of Books of which I cannot give the particulars for I am Just come to Town and To Morrow the Letters are taken away and I go out of Town by 5 in the Morning so I have only Time to Tell my Dear friend that I received his Two Large Pacquetts with variety of Articles Inclosed for which I am under many Obligations. I have dispatch\u2019d the Letter with 2d Part of Electricity to Paris.\nIn the New Transactions you\u2019l find my Good Friend I am no banterer [?] but I shine with borrowed Light.\nI shall by next Ship send the Articles that was Lost for but this Day I received the pacquets and the Ship is gone so nothing can be Done.\nI cannot possibly write to my friend J Bartram. Pray tell him to send Eight Boxs of Seeds and those that Doctor Mitchell Ordred Last year. I am mightyly pleased with Billys Performances. In the Long Case is 2 New Mapps. I am my Dear friend Truly yours\nP Collinson\nThere is a parcell of Seed to our friend J Elliot. Pray tell him I could not write.\n Addressed: To \u2002Benn: Franklin Esqr \u2002in Philadelphia \u2002Per Cap Shirley", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "07-12-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0002", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 12 July 1753\nFrom: Franklin, William\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nPhilada. Thursday July 12. 1753\nOn Sunday last, about 45 Minutes after 3 in the Morning, a Dwelling House, one of a continued Row on the West Side of Second-Street in this Town, was struck by Lightning, but, being at that Time untenanted, no Person was hurt. About 6 aClock the same Morning, I went to take a View thereof, and at that Time made some Notes of the Course which I observ\u2019d the Lightning to have taken in its Passage, and also of some of its Effects on the House, which then appear\u2019d to me not unworthy of Notice.\nThe Course is as follows, viz.\nThe Lightning, or Matter thereof, (supposing it to have enter\u2019d at the Top of the House, as is the general receiv\u2019d Opinion), first struck the South East Corner of the Easter-most Chimney; from which Place it can be trac\u2019d downwards, by Cracks and other Marks on the South Side of the said Chimney, in a Diagonal Line, to the Bottom of a Kind of Bulk-Head, or Place rais\u2019d above the Roof, to go out on the Top of the House, and reaching from one Chimney to the other; that it then appears to have gone up the E. Side of the Roof, near the Edge of the S. Side of the Bulkhead, to the Ridge, and from thence descended the W. Side of the Roof, by the like Way, to the Bulk-head Door, which it split, and melted Part of an Iron Staple on the Inside of the Westermost Side of the Door Frame; that from thence its Course was continu\u2019d down the W. Side of the Roof, by the S. Side of the Western Chimney, till it came to a Place where the Roof bent or slaunted downwards, along the Ridge of which Bent it turn\u2019d and pass\u2019d Southward to a Dormer Window, flat on the Top, and which projected about 3 Feet from the Roof, where again it turned, and by the upper and N. Side of the Dormer proceeded W. to the further End; that from thence it was conducted downwards by the Leads and Window-frame on the N. Side of the said Window to a kind of Pent-House, about 2 feet wide, the wooden Moulding on the under Side of which was much shatter\u2019d, and a round Hole made therein, as if done by a Bullet fir\u2019d from a common Swivel Gun; that its Course was then down to the Northermost Window of the 2d Story, where it diffus\u2019d itself amongst the Leads, and went out at the Iron Window Hook, that hung down from the Southermost Side of the said Window, about a Foot below the Point of which it made a considerable Breach in the Wall, and drove the Plaistering on the Inside, to the opposite Side of the Roof that from thence it made a small crack in the Wall down to a Ledge (or single Row of Bricks projecting about 3 Inches from the Wall, which the Bricklayers term a Water Table or Water Fall) about mid-way between the Windows of the 1st and 2d Story, and from there plowing, or scooping, as it were, the outside of the Wall all the Way down to the upper and Southermost Part of the Northermost Window of the 2d Story, which it entirely drove into the Room; that the Lightning then diffus\u2019d itself in the Leads, and descended by them to the Northermost Window Hook, from the Point of which it jump\u2019d to the Upper and Eastermost Corner of a Window over the Door of a Kitchen adjoining to the Northermost Side of the back Part of the House, and fronting the South; that from thence it was conducted by Leads to the lower and Westermost Corner of said Window, from which Place it again jump\u2019d across to the Kitching Window, at the Distance of about 2 Feet, making all the Way a Hollow in the Brick Wall between, as if done by a large Iron Scoop; that in this last Window it divided itself very much, as might be seen by the Leads, which were in most Places melted; that from hence no Traces of it appear, except just at the Points of the Iron Hooks, fix\u2019d to each Side of the Window-Frames, which were about 2 Feet from the Ground; to where, it might have been conducted by the Moisture on the Walls, which was very considerable, there having a great Quantity of Rain fell the Night before.\nObservations of the Effects.\n1. That the large black cloud, from whence the Fire is generally thought to have issued, came from the South West, yet the Chimney on the back Part or W. Side of the House, tho\u2019 equal in Heighth to that on the Front or East Side, and but about 9 Feet Distance, was not at all affected, its first Appearance upwards, as mention\u2019d before, being on the S.E. Corner of the Eastermost Chimney.\n2. That the under Part of one of the Bricks in a small Ledge that went round the Chimney, about a Foot from the Top, had a Piece knock\u2019d out of it, as if done by a Blow of a Hammer, or some other Force from underneath; the Bottom of the Fracture being the whole Breadth of the Ledge, and the upper Part terminating to a sharp Edge, as is represented in the Margin; the upper Side of the Ledge was no otherways hurt than but by a small Crack proceeding from the Fracture underneath; and the Lightning appears, as if by the Resistance it met with from the Ledge, to have been forc\u2019d into the Chimney, thro\u2019 the Mortar between the Ledge and the Brick underneath.\n3. That the East Side of the Roof, up which the Fire must have pass\u2019d, supposing it to have enter\u2019d from above, was noways damag\u2019d, except just at the Ridge, where the thin Edge of the Shingles appear\u2019d to have been thrown up by it; but the thick End of the Shingles lay perfectly close from the Bottom of the Eastermost Chimney to the Ridge, as did all those on the E. Side of the Roof.\n4. That on the West Side of the Roof, quite from the extreme End of the Dormer Window to the Ridge, in the Track before described, the thick Ends of the Shingles are all thrown upwards, as if done by some Instrument forc\u2019d underneath them.\n5. That the Splinters near the Hole in the wooden Moulding of the under Part of the Pent-House, before described, were all drove upwards, as if occasion\u2019d by a Bullet being shot against it from below.\n6. That several of the upright Parts of the Window Frames were, in many Places, much shattered; and all the Pieces that were split or torn off from them, were broadest at the Bottom, and terminating almost to a Point at the Top; whereas the contrary might have been expected to have happen\u2019d, if the Force which split them came from above.\n7. That the under Side of the Ledge or Water-Table, between the 1st and 2d Storys, was considerably more damag\u2019d than the upper, and a Piece drove out of it, as in the Ledge near the Top of the Chimney.\n8. That the Lightning went considerably out of its nearest Way, (supposing it to have proceeded either from above or below) for the Sake of the Leads of the Windows, and Iron Hooks, Staples &c. of the Window-Frames; which were all much melted and stain\u2019d thereby. Several Panes of Glass were also a little melted, and appear\u2019d somewhat colour\u2019d, round the Edges, near where the Leads surrounded it and those Parts of the Leads being thin, and not sufficient to conduct the whole of the Flash, were melted; but the thick Parts of the Leads, (which separate the Panes from each other) conducted it freely, and without being the least damag\u2019d.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "07-13-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0003", "content": "Title: Charter of the Academy of Philadelphia, 13 July 1753\nFrom: Francis, Tench\nTo: \nWith the Academy organized and functioning (see above, IV, 101), the trustees, thinking a charter would give the institution prestige and permanence, on June 9, 1752, directed one of their number, Tench Francis, then attorney general of the province, to prepare a draft to send to London for the approval of the Proprietors. On April 10 Richard Peters informed the trustees that the Penns had given their assent and ordered the governor to sign the instrument and that they would give the Academy \u00a3500. On July 13 seventeen trustees (not including Franklin, who was in Boston on post office business) waited in a body on Governor Hamilton, who then signed the charter and ordered the provincial seal affixed. The Academy was now a corporation; it did not become a college until May 14, 1755, when an additional charter was granted.\nSeveral words missing in the manuscript and some punctuation, largely lacking in the copy of record, have been silently supplied from Francis N. Thorpe, Benjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania (Washington, 1893), pp. 68\u201370. The original charter does not survive.\nThomas Penn and Richard Penn true and absolute Proprietaries, and Governors in Chief, of the Province of Pennsylvania and Counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, To all persons to whom these Presents shall Come, Greeting: Whereas the Wellbeing of a Society depends on the Education of their Youth as well as in great Measure the Eternal welfare of every Individual, by impressing on their tender minds Principals [sic] of Morality and Religion, instructing them in the several dutys they owe to the Society in which they live, and one towards another, giving them the knowledge of Languages and other parts of useful Learning necessary thereto, in order to render them serviceable in the several Publick Stations to which they may be called; And Whereas it hath been represented to Us by Thomas Lawrence, William Allen, John Inglis, Tench Francis, William Masters, Lloyd Zachary, Samuel M\u2019Call, Junior, Joseph Turner, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Leech, William Shippen, Robert Strettle, Philip Syng, Charles Willing, Phineas Bond, Richard Peters, Abraham Taylor, Thomas Bond, Joshua Maddox, William Plumsted, Thomas White, William Coleman, Isaac Norris, and Thomas Cadwalader of our City of Philadelphia Gentlemen, that for the erecting, establishing and maintaining an Academy within our said City as well to instruct Youth for Reward, as poor Children whose indigent and helpless Circumstances demand the Charity of the opulent part of mankind, several Benevolent and Charitable Persons have generously paid and by Subscriptions promised hereafter to pay into their Hands as Trustees for the Use of the said Academy divers Sums of Money; which Sums already paid, they the said Trustees have expended in the Purchase of Lands well situated and a Building commodious for the Uses aforesaid within our said City, in maintaining an Academy there as well for the Instruction of Poor Children on Charity as others whose Circumstances have enabled them to pay for their Learning, for some time past, and in furnishing the said Academy with Books, Maps, Mathematical Instruments, and other Necessaries of General Use therein according to the Intentions of the Donors; And Whereas the said Trustees, to facilitate the Progress of so good a Work and to perfect and perpetuate the same have humbly besought Us to incorporate them and their Successors, Now know Ye that We, favouring such Pious, Useful, Generous and Charitable Designs, hoping through the favour of Almighty God this Academy may prove a Nursery of Virtue and Wisdom and that it will produce Men of Dispositions and Capacities beneficial to Mankind in the various occupations of Life but more particularly suited to the Infant State of North America in general, and for other Causes and Considerations Us hereto specially moving, have Granted, Ordained, Declared, Constituted and Appointed, And by these Presents We do for us, our Heirs and Successors Grant, Ordain, Declare, Constitute, and Appoint that the said Thomas Lawrence, William Allen, John Inglis, Tench Francis, William Masters, Lloyd Zachary, Samuel M\u2019Call, Junior, Joseph Turner, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Leech, William Shippen, Robert Strettle, Philip Syng, Charles Willing, Phineas Bond, Richard Peters, Abraham Taylor, Thomas Bond, Joshua Maddox, William Plumsted, Thomas White, William Coleman, Isaac Norris, and Thomas Cadwalader and such others as shall be from Time to Time chosen, nominated or elected in their place and stead, shall be one Community, Corporation and Body Politick to have Continuance for Ever by the name of The Trustees of the Academy and Charitable School in the Province of Pennsylvania and that by the same name they shall have perpetual Succession, and that they and their Successors by that Name shall be able and Capable in Law to purchase, have, take, receive and enjoy to them and their Successors in fee and in Perpetuity or for any other or lesser Estate or Estates any Manors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Annuities, Pensions or other Hereditaments within the said Province of Pennsylvania or three Lower Counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex by the Gift, Grant, Bargain, Sale, Alienation, Enfeoffment, Release, Confirmation, or Devise of any Person or Persons, Bodies Politick or Corporate capable to make the same; And Further that they may take and receive any Sum or Sums of Money or any kind, manner or Portion of Goods or Chattels that shall to them be given, granted or bequeathed by any Person or Persons, Bodies Politick or Corporate capable to make a Gift, Grant or Bequest thereof, and therewith to erect, set up, maintain and Support an Academy or any other kind of Seminary of Learning in any place within the said Province of Pennsylvania where they shall Judge the same to be most necessary and convenient for the Instruction, Improvement and Education of Youth in any kind of Literature, Erudition, Arts and Sciences which they shall think fitting and proper to be taught; And We do hereby grant and ordain that the said Trustees and their Successors by the Name aforesaid shall be able in Law to Sue and be sued, plead and be impleaded in any Court or Courts before any Judge, Judges or Justices within the said Province of Pennsylvania, the three lower Counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex and elsewhere in all and all manner of Suits, Complaints, Pleas, Causes, Matters and demands of whatsoever kind, nature, or form they be, and all and every other Matters and things therein to do in as full, ample and effectual a Manner as any other Person or Persons, Bodies politick or Corporate within that part of the Kingdom of Great Britain called England or within the said Province of Pennsylvania or lower Counties in the like cases may or can do; And We do hereby give and grant unto the said Trustees and their Successors full Power and authority to make, have and use a Common Seal with such Stamp and Inscription as they shall think proper and the same to Change, break, alter and renew at their pleasure. And Further in order to continue and perpetuate this Community and Corporation We do Grant, ordain and declare that when anyone or more of the present or future Trustees of this Academy shall remove his or their Habitation or Habitations and shall dwell at the distance of Five Miles from the Seat of the said Academy at that Time or shall go and reside out of the Province of Pennsylvania although at a place nearer to the said Academy than Five Miles or shall happen to die or be otherwise disabled from performing the Office and Duty of a Trustee or Trustees, the other Trustees shall as soon after as they conveniently can proceed to Elect and choose one or more fit Person or Persons then residing within Five Miles of the said Academy and within the said Province to fill the place or places of such absenting, deceased or disabled person or persons. And We do also for Us, our Heirs and Successors Give and Grant to the said Trustees and Corporation and their Successors full Power and Authority in all Time and Times Coming to make, ordain and enact all such Rules, Ordinances, Laws and Statutes, and from Time to Time to alter and amend the same as they shall Judge most convenient, reasonable and needfull for the good Government of the said Community, the management of the Affairs thereof and the effectual promotion of the good Ends hereby intended. Provided always that the said Rules, Ordinances, Laws and Statutes be not repugnant to the Laws and Statutes then in force in the kingdom of Great-Britain or to the Laws then in force in our said Province of Pennsylvania. And Lastly We do for us and our Successors Grant, Declare and Ordain that these our Letters Patent and Charter and every Clause, Sentence and Article herein contained shall be in all Things firm, valid, sufficient, and effectual in the Law unto the said Trustees, Community and Corporation and their Successors according to the purport and Tenor hereof, without any further Grant or Toleration from us our Heirs or Successors to be procured or obtained.\nIn Witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made Patent. Witness James Hamilton Esquire Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief in and over the said Province of Pennsylvania at the City of Philadelphia the Thirteenth day of July in the Twenty seventh Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the second who now is King of Great Britain, France and Ireland &c. and in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and fifty three 1753.\nJames Hamilton [L. S.]\nRecorded 16th. July 1753", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "07-16-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0004", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Hugh Roberts, 16 July 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Roberts, Hugh\nDear Friend\nBoston July 16. 1753\nBy a Vessel yesterday from London I receiv\u2019d the enclos\u2019d from the Agent Rd. Patridge, which please to communicate to the Speaker.\nI had a delightful Journey hither, and have felt but one hot Day since my Arrival. On the Road I often thought of you and wish\u2019d for your Company, as I pass\u2019d over some of the best punning Ground perhaps in the Universe.\nMy Respects to Mrs. Roberts, and to all our old Friends of the Junto, Hospital, and Insurance. I purpose to set out on my Return in about ten Days, to have the Pleasure of seeing them and Philadelphia again. I am, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr Hugh Roberts \u2002at Philadelphia \u2002Free B Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "07-20-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0005", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 20 July 1753\nFrom: Collinson, Peter\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nLondn July 20 1753\nIt is a great pleasure to Mee to receive so many repeated Instances of my Dear friends regard for Mee, In his Sundry favours of Aprill 17: May 9 June 1.\nI omitted in a Hurry in mine by Shirley to tell you that your \u00a360 Bill on Lane is accepted and shall be applyed as you have Directed. I know not who Mr. Blair Is or where he Dwells Elce should Inquire after Him for I hear Nothing from Him about the Thermometers.\nI am glad to hear Such Success attended Mr. Peters Sermon. A Good Cause Eloquently handled cant fail of Effecting Good Hearts. Charity is a Very Moveing Topick and never will Want Advocates, you will find Good providence Will Raise up Friends and Means to Support so Laudable an Undertaking. You may perceive the Good hand underneath, in your proprietors Bounty. I hope He will prove a nursing Father to your Infant Undertakeing. Tho He was Averse to Its Institution yett I hope not only a Benevolent Mind but Interest will lead Him to Support your Seminary so conducive to the General Good. My Little Influence will always tend to promote its Welfare.\nI Heartyly Wish Success to Capt. Swain. I shall be Impatient to Hear the Success of his Voyage. General Dobs was with Mee to Day and is prepareing for his Government. Unless I am greatly deceived I take Him to be every Way Quallified for his post and for the Improvement of that Province. Wee know the French Very Well Subject to Levity Hights and Extreams. I am glad the Tumor is allay\u2019d by the Abbe\u2019s cooling Digestives, but he\u2019s farr from Dealing candidly or Ingeniously, the Effect of his pride who look\u2019d on himself as the Prince of Electricians\u2014but on a Sudden Springs up a Little Cloud from the West that Eclipses all his brightness but Dalibard and Buffon gave him no Quarter but what is Worse He\u2019s farr from being Honesst, for He had Erected a Machine at Paris to make your Experiments, and had Gott a Sett of people about him to Vouch that they could not be Verified and undoubtedly all the Citty would have rung with It.\nButt very remarkable it Happend, that a Noble Man knowing the Abbe apparatus being ready after He had seen your Experiments Verified before the King at took post to see how the Abbe far\u2019d and when He came on the Stage the Abbe and his Creatures putt on Grave looks and Shook their Heads Intimateing things did not Succeed. This putt the Noble man quite out of Temper and on a Nice Inquirey and Observation found out the Juggle and Contrivance, gave them their Due in high Langage and publish\u2019d the base and Juggling Intention all over Paris. Now on reading this and the King of Frances approbation as you will see in the Transactions, if the Tumor should Rise again what will allay It. This will lead you to understand my former Paragraph. You have repair\u2019d Our Loss in the births and Burials Last sent which our friend Cave will publish for they may be of Service in Calculations.\nAtt the same Time that Wee are Concernd at your Disappointment Yett Wee much applaud your Ingenuity and Industry to Instruct your Neighbours on the Transit of Mercury. A Ship is Just arrived and I wonder no Account is come of It from our friend Alexander nor from any other part of your Continent that I hear which is a great Disappointment to our Astronomers.\nYour Letter is forwarded to Mons. Dalibard by a Safe Conveyance as soone as I received It and a Supplement with It. One I sent before to Mr. Buffons.\nI am getting Books &c. ready to send per this Ship. It is now past Eleven a Clock so good Night.\nP Collinson\nI am not sure wether the books &c. will be gott ready to Come by this Ship. The book &c. will come in the Lydia. Cap. Reeve.\n Addressed: To \u2002Benn: Franklin Esq \u2002In Philadelphia", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "07-23-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0006", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 23 July 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, William\nDear Son,\nBoston July 23. 1753\nI am pleas\u2019d to learn by yours of the 12th that you have taken a circumstantial Account of the Appearances at Trumbles\u2019s House, which you think sufficient to establish my new Hypothesis of the Direction of Lightning.\nMr. Kinnersley has sent me a Pane of the Glass with a Letter in which he mentions his Suspicions that the Stroke was upwards. I now write him a short Account of the Experiments I made before I left home, and refer him to you for the Explanation according to the new Hypothesis, which I have not now time to give him at length.\nI hope the 60 Ream of Paper, Law Size, No 2. which I order\u2019d Shutz to make for Mr. Holbrook here, is come down from the Mill before this time. Send it per first Vessel to that Gentleman.\nI purpose to set out next Monday, God willing, on my Return; and hope to be at home about the Middle of August, not exceeding the 20th.\nMy Compliments to all Enquiring Friends. I am, Dear Son, Your affectionate Father\nB Franklin\nP.S. Enclos\u2019d you have a Letter from your Uncle, with a Power of Attorney. The Affair requires immediate Care, and I write at his Request, to desire you would do what is proper in it before you deliver the Letters that come by this Post, because otherwise others may be beforehand. The Case is this.\nYou remember Pitts that married Molly Yeldhall. He was a Factor for this Joseph Grant, and fell in his Debt I forget how much. Grant su\u2019d him, and he gave Grant a Mortgage on a Piece of Ground and House in Walnut Street that lets for \u00a315 or 20 per annum. It was before mortgag\u2019d to Capt. Greenway for \u00a3100 who was to take Principal and Interest out of the Rent as they arose, so I suppose the \u00a3100 is now near if not quite paid off, and that Grant\u2019s Mortgage will come in play and be paid in its Turn. The Land was intail\u2019d by Molly\u2019s Father, so it can not be held by Virtue of the Mortgage after her Son comes of Age, but that will not be these 9 or 10 Years. The Design of this Power is, that you may attach for Franklin and Williams, Grant\u2019s Right to that Land by Virtue of his Mortgage. I suppose the Mortgage is recorded. I recommend this Affair to your Diligence which I hope will be effectual. Your loving Father\nB F\nPitts and Wife join\u2019d in the Mortgage, and I think I was an Evidence it must be about 8 or 9 Years ago. Isaac Griffitts was Grant\u2019s Attorney.\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr Wm Franklin \u2002at the Post Office \u2002Philadelphia\nEndorsed: July 23 1753 \u2003Franklin vs Grant.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "07-25-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0007", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Harvard College: Degree of Master of Arts, 25 July 1753\nFrom: Harvard College\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nFranklin\u2019s first academic honor was from Harvard. On July 23, 1753, the President and Fellows recommended him to the Overseers for the degree of master of arts, citing his \u201cgreat Improvements in Philosophic Learning, and particularly with Respect to Electricity, Whereby his Repute hath been greatly advanc\u2019d in the learned World, not only in Great-Britain, but ev\u2019n in the Kingdom of France also.\u201d The Overseers approved the next day; the diploma was prepared and signed on July 25, and President Edward Holyoke presented it to Franklin two days later, with a tin box, emblazoned with the college arms, to keep it in.\nSenatus Academiae Cantabrigiensis in Nov. Anglia Omnibus in Christo Fidelibus praesentes has Literas inspecturis vel audituris Salutem in Domino sempiternam.\nQuandoquidem Dominus Benjamin Franklin Armgr: de Philadelphia Americana, Experimentis non vulgaribus, praesertim circa Miranda Vis electricae Phaenomena Philosophiam locupletavit, unde apud Doctos non in Britannia solum verum etiam in Gallia Fama Ejus percrebuit, et Ipse de Orbe literato optime meruit Nos igitur Studiosi, debitis Doctrinae Honoribus, hujusmodi Homines ornandi, eo Consilio ut, ad Scientiam ulterius promovendam, et Ipse et alii incitarentur.\nNotum Facimus Quod (consentientibus Honorandis admodum et Reverendis Academiae nostrae Inspectoribus) Virum antedictum dignum judicavimus, Qui Gradu in Artibus Magistrali donetur; Ideoque Dominum Benjaminem Franklin Armigerum Magistrum in Artibus, decrevimus constituimus et renunciavimus, Dantes et concedentes Ei omnia Insignia, Jura et Privilegia, Dignitates ac Honores, ad Gradum Suum Spectantia.\nIn cujus Rei Testimonium Literis hisce communi Academiae Sigillo munitis, Nomina nostra Subscripsimus. Cantabrigiae Anno Salutis humanae quinquagesimo tertio supra milesimum et Septingentesimum Octavo Calendarum Sextilis.\nEdvardus Holyoke Praeses.\n Henricus Flynt\n Socij.\nJosephus Sewall\n Edvardus Wigglesworth\n Nathanael Appleton\nJosephus Mayhew\nThos. Hubbard Thesaurarius.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "08-10-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0008", "content": "Title: General Post Office: Appointment of Franklin and Hunter, 10 August 1753\nFrom: General Post Office\nTo: \nAugust 10th: 1753\nOrdered that Mr. Benjamin Franklin, of Philadelphia, in Pensylvania, and Mr. William Hunter of Williamsburgh, in Virginia, be appointed Deputy Postmasters and Managers of all His Majesty\u2019s Provinces and Dominions, on the Continent of North America, in the stead of Elliott Benger Esqr: Deceased, to commence this day, at an Allowance or Salary of \u00a3600 per annum to be paid out of the Money arising from the Postage of Letters passing and repassing through the said provinces and Dominions of North America.\nIn the margin: For their Commissions, vide, Commission Book.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "08-12-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0009", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 12 August 1753\nFrom: Collinson, Peter\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy Dear Friend\nI have much to say but am on the Eve of marrying My Daughter and many Orders in hast from Abroad that I can only add a few Lines to Informe you that your bill of 60 pound is Accepted, and I Intend to pay Osbourn \u00a350. The remainder is for your Disposal when I can find time to Lett you know the Ballance.\nYour Impartial Account of the state of the Germans came very Seaseonably to awaken the Legislature to take some Measures to Check the Increase of their Power. A Coppy was Desir\u2019d by 2 of the Members for the German Affairs to show Mr. Pelham [and] Lord Hallifax. With my Thoughts How to remedy or redress Impending Evils I have Drawn up 7 Proposals which you shall see\u2014but alas, I am no ways Equal to that Task but was obliged to Do It but that Province is Yours, Who is so well Versed in your Constitution and the Nature of the People that possibly what I propose may be Impracticable in the Reason of things which I cannot be thought to know or understand. I am much concernd for the French Expedition to Ohio. I gave that Paragraph to the Minister but Alas what can He do without the Concurrence of many More. I am with Cordial Esteem thy Sincere Friend\nP Collinson\nHow your Proprietors are taken up cannot say but it highly becomes them to bestirr themselves for I think its plain their Estate is In Danger. Pray Tell John Bartram I have so many affairs on the Anvil that I think I cannot write to Him.\nI expect by first Vessell thy thoughts on the Means most practicable to Secure your Constitution. I wish I had leisure to take more Notice of thine of June 1: Aprill 17 and May the 9. I am much obliged for the Various Papers.\nMr. Smith\u2019s a Very Ingenious Man. Its a Pitty but He was more Solid, and Less flighty.\nThe Books Mapps &c. I hope is safely arrived per Capt. Shirly.\nOur Connoiseurs are greatly Disappointd for the bad Luck that Attended the View of the transit of Mercury but your Zeal to promote that Observation is not Enough to be Commended. Is it 5 degrees, or 25 degrees west of London. I wonder I heare nothing from Mr. Alexander or Mr. Colden on this Transit. I don\u2019t yett hear of any Account of It, from any of our Colonies. Doc. Kersley and his Friends used formerly to be Sending their Observations on Coelestial Phenomena.\nI writt to you both by the Sarah Cap. Mitchell July 20th.\nMonsr. Dalibards Letter Came Just in Time. It ought to have good things in it for its very Dear postage, 5s. I have paid Osborn fifty pounds this Day Augt. 16.\n[Enclosure]\nHints Humbly proposed to Incorporate the Germans more with the English and Check the Increase of their Power\n1st\nTo Establish More English Schools amongst the Germans.\n2dly\nTo Encourge them to Learn English Lett an Act of Parliament pass in Great Britain to disquallifie every German from accepting any Place of Trust or Profit Civil or Military Unless both He and His Children can speake English inteligibly.\n3d\nTo prohibit any Deeds, Bonds, or writeings &c. to be Made in the German Language.\nTo Suppress all German Printing Houses that print only German. Half German half English in a Page of Books or publick News papers To be Tolerated.\n5th\nTo prohibit all Importation of German books.\nTo Encourage the Marriages of Germans with English and Contra by some Priviledge or Donation from the Publick.\n7ly\nTo Discourage the sending More Germans to the Province of Pensilvania When Inhabitans are so much Wanted in Georgia, North Carolina and Nova Scotia &c.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-05-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0012", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 5 September 1753\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly\nTo: \nAfter considering the report of a committee on the suspending clause, which Governor Hamilton insisted upon as a condition for approving the \u00a320,000 money bill (see immediately above), the House appointed Evan Morgan, Franklin, Hugh Roberts, Mahlon Kirkbride, and George Ashbridge to draft a reply to the governor\u2019s message of August 29. The reply was reported and approved on September 5.\nMay it please the Governor,\n[September 5, 1753]\nUpon receiving a Message from the Governor of the Twenty-ninth of August last, with some few Amendments to the Bill for striking Twenty Thousand Pounds to be added to the present Currency of this Province, which the Governor is pleased to acknowledge is not an exorbitant Sum, and to which Amendments he presumed we could have no Objection, we were in Hopes that the repeated Applications of this, and our preceding Assemblies, had induced him at length to give his Assent to the Bill upon such Terms as the House might comply with, consistent with their Honour, and the Trust reposed in them by their Constituents: But we are under the Necessity of assuring the Governor, the Clause proposed to be added to that Bill is so far from being free from Objections, that we apprehend it to be destructive of the Liberties granted to the People of this Province by the Royal and Provincial Charters, and is injurious to the Proprietaries Rights; and as such we have unanimously resolved it upon the Report of a Committee of this House; to whose Care we had also recommended the Examination of our Laws, a considerable Number of which were enacted under the immediate Powers of the Crown; and we are well assured, there has never been one single Instance of the Passing of any Law under the Restrictions now contended for by the Governor from the first Settlement of our Province to this Day. This has led us into an Enquiry, why so dangerous an Experiment should be now pressed upon us, as we conceive, without the least apparent Necessity.\nThe Governor, it is true, has been pleased to inform us, that it is founded upon an Instruction from the Lords Justices to the late Governor, but we intreat he would consider, how far an additional Instruction, dated in 1740, expresly directed to a former Governor; and which in its own Nature appears temporary, and the Ends long since answered, can be binding upon him.\nThat tho\u2019 it was directed to a Governor of this Province, it neither did, nor could, suit our Circumstances either at that Time, or any other Time before or since; that it was temporary, and that the Ends proposed by that Instruction have been answered, appear very clear to us when we consider, that the effectual putting in Execution the Act of the Sixth of Queen Anne, for ascertaining the Rates of foreign Coins in America, the various and illegal Currencies introduced in several of the Colonies, the miserable Defection from that Act, as well as the respective Acts by which such Currencies were originally issued, the Discouragement it brought on the Commerce of Great-Britain, the Confusion in Dealings, and the Lessening of Credit in those Parts, are the Foundations both of the Address of the House of Commons to the King, and in Pursuance of that Address, of the additional Instruction, to which the Governor is pleased to refer.\nThat this could never suit our Province at any Period since the Emission of our Bills of Credit, must be very apparent to the Governor himself, and is most clearly demonstrable from the Dates of the Address of the House of Commons, and additional Instruction, with the Report of the Board of Trade, and Royal Assent to the Act for emitting the largest Sum of Bills of Credit that had ever been current amongst us.\nThe Address of the House of Commons we find to be on the 25th of April, 1740, the additional Instruction on the 21st of August following, founded upon that Address; and about the same Time, to wit, on the 16th Day of April, 1740, the Lords of Trade upon the Act for the more effectual preserving the Credit of our Paper Money, &c. and the Act for reprinting, exchanging and re-emitting all the Bills of Credit, and for striking the further Sum of Eleven Thousand One Hundred and Ten Pounds Five Shillings, &c. report, \u201cThat as these Acts relate to Paper Money, they took the Sense of the Merchants trading to that Province upon them, who were of Opinion, that they were not only reasonable, but likewise necessary for carrying on the Commerce of that Country;\u201d and in Pursuance of that Report, on the 12th Day of May, 1740, the King was graciously pleased to confirm those Acts in a full Council.\nIf then the Governor will be pleased to compare the Dates of the Report of the Board of Trade with the Address of the House of Commons, the Confirmation of our Paper Money Acts, and the Lords Justices Instruction, we make no Doubt he must be sensible, that Bills of Credit, emitted in Virtue of Laws, reported to be not only reasonable, but the Sum itself so emitted necessary, for carrying on the Commerce of the Country, cannot possibly agree with Bills of Credit illegally issued, by Means whereof the Trade of Great-Britain is discouraged, Confusion in Dealings introduced, and all Credit lessened; and in Consequence the Instruction, or the Address of the House of Commons, could not possibly suit the Circumstances of this Province at that Time.\nTo evidence this more clearly, if that can be, the Report of the Board of Trade to the House of Commons the Twenty-first of January, 1740, sets forth, that in Pursuance of the Address abovementioned, on the Twenty-fifth of April preceding, his Majesty had been pleased to direct them to prepare, in order to lay before the then Sessions of Parliament, an Account of the Tenor and Amount of the Bills of Credit which had been issued in the several British Colonies, &c. Whereupon they did immediately send circular Letters to all the Governors of his Majesty\u2019s Plantations in America, reciting the said Address, and directing them forthwith to prepare and transmit the several Accounts therein required, as by a Copy of one of the said circular Letters, which they had thereunto annexed, would more fully appear; from whence it is unquestionably clear, that the Lords of Trade formed one circular Letter to be sent thro\u2019 all the Colonies however differently circumstanced; and this nearly in the Terms both of the Instruction of the Lords Justices, and of the Address of that Honourable House, on the 25th of April preceding; altho\u2019 at the same Time they acknowledge, that being destitute of proper Information, it could not be expected they should be able to lay before the House an adequate Remedy for the Evils complained of, and the rather because the Circumstances of the several Provinces being various and very different, each Province might require a distinct Consideration. But they proceed to say, being desirous as far as in them lay, to comply with the Intentions of the House, they would humbly propose that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to repeat his Orders to his Governors of the Plantations, not to give their Assent for the future to any Bill or Bills, for the Issuing or re-issuing of Paper-money in any of their respective Governments, without a Clause be inserted in such Act, declaring that the same shall not take Effect, until the said Act shall be approved by his Majesty; and then add, \u201cWe hope these Propositions for reducing and discharging the Paper-currency in the Plantations, may have a good Effect in those Governments which are held by immediate Commission under his Majesty, but we are very doubtful whether they will produce the like Effect in the Charter Governments, who do apprehend themselves, by their particular Charters and Constitutions, to be very little dependant upon the Crown, and for that Reason seldom pay that Obedience to his Majesty\u2019s Orders, which might reasonably be expected from them.\u201d\nThat the Board of Trade should consider and report this to the House of Commons, as a doubtful Expedient; that a Bill to enforce the Orders and Instructions of the Crown in America, should have been since repeatedly brought into the House, and tho\u2019 supported by Members of great Weight and Influence, at length rejected by the Justice of a British Parliament; that the Governor himself should have represented this very Bill to the Assembly of this Province as a Bill, he took for granted, they were all sensible to be of a mischievous Tendency, and would give their Agent full Instructions to oppose, should it become necessary; that the Honourable Proprietaries had laboured indefatigably, and with Success, to avert the Mischiefs threatened this Province from the Passing of that Bill, and had it in Command from them to assure that Assembly of their Assistance upon all future Occasions, wherein the Welfare and Happiness of the People of this Province might be concerned; that this should be so in the Year 1749, and nevertheless that the Governor should be now pleased, without any apparent Necessity, to contend for the proposed Amendment, we own we are at a Loss to understand.\nThat the Instruction was designed as a temporary Expedient, we think will appear from the Report of the Board of Trade, on the Twenty-first of January, 1740, abovementioned, five Months after the Date of the additional Instruction from the Lords Justices; at which Time that Board had not received Returns in Answer to their circular Letters, from any of his Majesty\u2019s Governors, on that Subject, except only from the Lieutenant-Governor of New-York; in this Uncertainty, destitute, as they report, of proper Information, they propose that his Majesty would be pleased to repeat his Orders to his Governors of Plantations, not to give their Assent to any Paper-money Bills for the future, without the Clause as above; but notwithstanding this was addressed to the House of Commons, at the next Sessions after the Date of the additional Instruction to Governor Thomas, which had taken its Rise from an Address of that Honourable House, in their preceding Sessions, we cannot learn, and have good Reason to believe the Crown has never been pleased to repeat those Orders, at least to the Governors of this Province.\nThat the Ends proposed by that additional Instruction have been answered by the full Examination of all the States of Bills of Credit in the American Plantations by the Parliament, and an Act in Pursuance of that Enquiry, passed in the Year 1751, appears clear to us from the Report of our Committee; and that, since the Passing of that Act, we are left in the full Possession of our Rights, in regard to a Paper Currency, we doubt not the Governor will concur with the Sentiments of this House.\nThe Governor, long since the Date of that Instruction, has received a Commission from our Proprietaries, with the Approbation of the Crown, and we hope and presume, he is at full Liberty to pass all our Acts upon the Terms granted us by the Royal and Provincial Charters; and as the additional Instruction, upon which the Governor has been pleased to ground his Amendment proposed to our Bill, appears long since to have answered the Ends proposed, we hope the Governor will think that neither himself or the Freemen of this Province, are at this Time at all concerned therein, and will not put us under the disagreeable Necessity of examining the Validity of that Instruction; but that he will be now pleased to comply with the general Voice of the People, and the repeated unanimous Applications of their Representatives, in granting them, and the Trade of this Province, this seasonable Relief, by giving his Assent to the Bill as it now stands.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-11-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0013", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee: Report on the Governor\u2019s Message, 11 September 1753\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee\nTo: \nOn September 7 Governor Hamilton returned to the Assembly the Bill for Striking Twenty Thousand Pounds, with a long message rebutting the arguments the House had raised in its reply of September 5 (see above, p. 29). In particular, he pointed out that in 1746 the Assembly had not objected in principle to the instruction requiring a suspending clause in bills for issuing paper currency, but had persuaded Governor Thomas to approve a currency measure simply as a wartime emergency. Hamilton still insisted on the suspending clause in the pending bill. Upon hearing his message read, the House voted unanimously not to add the clause and appointed a committee to prepare a report on the message, consisting of Evan Morgan, Joshua Morris, Franklin, Hugh Roberts, Mahlon Kirkbride, Richard Walker, George Ashbridge, James Wright, John Wright, David McConnaughy, John Armstrong, Moses Starr, and James Burnside. They presented it on September 11, the last day of the session; it was unanimously approved and recommended to the consideration of the next Assembly.\n[September 11, 1753]\nAs the Governor has been pleased to return the Bill for striking Twenty Thousand Pounds, to be made current, and emitted on Loan, and for re-emitting and continuing the Currency of the Bills of Credit of this Province, in a Manner which denies any further Access to him on that Head, except on the Alternative of accepting the additional Clause proposed to be added to that Bill; and as that Clause, upon the Vote of the House, has been unanimously rejected, we have now no other Method to secure ourselves from future Insinuations of being unfaithful to the high Trust reposed in us by our Constituents, but by leaving our Sentiments of the Governor\u2019s Amendment, and Message, on our Minutes, in the clearest Manner we are able.\nIn Obedience therefore to the Orders of the House, we have considered the Governor\u2019s Message of the seventh Instant, sent down with the Bill, and have likewise re-considered the Votes of this House, to which the Governor is pleased to refer, as a Proof that the Governor and Assembly in the Year 1746 thought the Lords Justices additional Instruction, upon which the said Clause is founded, was neither illegal or temporary, or destructive of the Liberties granted to the People of this Province.\nThe Governor is pleased to say, it appears to him the then Assembly have clearly admitted the Validity of that Instruction, in ordinary Cases, and that they only hoped the Governor on reconsidering the Royal Instruction, might think himself at Liberty to give his Assent to a Bill for a further Sum of Money in Bills of Credit, when any extraordinary Emergency required it. And yet, notwithstanding the Governor\u2019s private Sentiments, it appears clear to us, that both the then Governor, and the House too, agreed in the essential Point, that the additional Instruction of the Lords Justices was not binding upon either of them; for it is beyond all Contradiction, that altho\u2019 Governor Thomas had sent down that Instruction to a former Assembly, and had again mentioned it at that Time, yet he gave his Assent to the Bill for granting Five Thousand Pounds for the King\u2019s Use, and the Money was raised, as we apprehend, in direct Opposition to the Instruction, which expresly enjoins the Governor, \u201cand he is thereby required, upon Pain of his Majesty\u2019s highest Displeasure, not to give his Assent to, or pass any Act whereby Bills of Credit may be issued in Lieu of Money, without a Clause be inserted in such Act, declaring that the same shall not take Effect until the said Act shall be approved by his Majesty, his Heirs or Successors;\u201d without the least Distinction between ordinary and extraordinary Cases; and if the Assembly made use of those Distinctions to induce the Governor to think himself at Liberty to pass that Bill, and in Effect did convince him that the Instruction was not to be submitted to upon its own Terms, we must own he had a greater Regard to the Sentiments of that Assembly, than we have any Reason to believe our Governor has to the repeated Requests of this House. And we have no Reason to doubt, if we could prevail upon our Governor to give his Assent to our Paper-money Bill, this House would as readily assure him, they hoped he might think himself at Liberty to pass that Bill, and all other Bills presented to him by the Representatives of the Freemen of this Province, not only upon extraordinary Emergencies, but in all ordinary Cases too, without the least Apprehensions of his Majesty\u2019s Displeasure, so far as those Laws were consistent with the Royal Charter.\nThe Governor proceeds, \u201cThat there has not been an Instance of passing any Law in this Province under the Restrictions contained in the Amendment, may be very true; but he cannot think any Thing further can be inferred from thence, than that no such Instruction was ever sent to the Governors of this Province before the Year 1740, otherwise it is reasonable to conclude they would have paid the same dutiful Obedience to it, as was done by your late Governor.\u201d Your Committee are at some Loss upon this Paragraph, whether they ought to produce other and older Instructions than the Year 1740, lest the Governor should think himself obliged to pay a strict Obedience to these also; but as they are already printed in your Votes, which must now soon appear, and the House probably will not order them to be erased, we shall only say, that there was an additional Instruction by the Lords Justices to Governor Keith, dated the 23d of July, 1723, without any Limitation of Time (and we do not think it necessary to search for any more of them) the Original of which we presume must be in the Governor\u2019s Possession, commanding him, among other Matters, in these Words, \u201cYou are to take Care, that for the future you do not pass any private Act, without a Clause inserted therein, suspending the Execution of such Act, until his Majesty\u2019s Royal Approbation shall be had thereof;\u201d which notwithstanding the Governor neither does, and we hope never will think himself obliged to observe.\nHaving now taken it for granted the Instruction was allowed by the Governor and Assembly to be valid, without Limitation of Time in the Year 1746, the Governor is pleased to say, \u201cWhy then an Instruction allowed to be in Force in 1746, and still unrevoked, should be deemed to be of no Effect, tho\u2019 the State of our Paper Currency has not suffered the least Alteration since that Time, is what he cannot comprehend.\u201d\nIt is our Misfortune that the Governor has been pleased to keep our Bill, the only Bill of this Year, to this our last Session, without the least Intimation that he apprehended himself at all concerned or bound by an additional Instruction to Governor Thomas, in the Year 1740, and now so suddenly to foreclose us from any further Messages or Conferences on a Bill of so much Importance; otherwise we cannot doubt he must have been made sensible, that the State of our Paper-Currency (and our Trade too) has suffered a very considerable Alteration within the Period the Governor is pleased to mention.\nThat the States of all the Paper-Currencies in America at, and since, that Time, under a parliamentary Enquiry, have been since carefully examined by the House of Commons, appears by their Votes; and that the Sum current among us has likewise suffered an Alteration, and a Diminution, is consistent with our own Knowledge, who have now sunk One Thousand Pounds, besides the Fifteen Hundred Pounds sunk by former Assemblies, in Discharge of so much of the Five Thousand Pounds granted to the King\u2019s Use by the very Act to which the Governor refers.\nBut the Governor, unhappily for us, \u201cis sincerely of Opinion, that the Royal Instruction is of the same Force at present as it was in the Year 1746; and that he cannot bring himself to think that he can ever be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to it, until the same shall be revoked, or that he may be otherwise discharged from it by his Majesty\u2019s Authority.\u201d Unfortunate Pennsylvania, under such Sentiments! If the King should judge all the Purposes of that Instruction answered, upon passing the Paper-money Act, laid before him by his Parliament in 1751, we must nevertheless for ever continue under the Burden of it, without Redress: And if we should suppose the Governor is restricted by the Proprietaries from giving his Assent to the Emission of any further Sum in Bills of Credit, as we have very little Reason to doubt, if then the Proprietaries should be pleased to withdraw that Restriction, and leave him at Liberty to pass all our Acts upon the Terms granted us by our Charters, what will this avail, if the Governor continues to think he can never be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to this additional Instruction?\nUnder these Circumstances how must the Proprietaries, or Free-men of this Province, conduct themselves to the Satisfaction of the Governor, in order to be once more restored to the Rights granted to the Proprietaries and People of this Province by the Royal and Provincial Charters? That the Proprietaries may have some Influence over him, is not improbable; but how far the good People, or their Representatives, may expect to have any, on this, or any other Occasion, we fear is too evident.\nThe Governor is pleased to say, in Answer to our Message of the 5th Instant, upon the mischievous Tendency of the Bill brought into Parliament in 1749, \u201cThat he is still of the same Opinion with regard to that Bill, but thinks a moderate Share of Penetration is sufficient to distinguish between an Act to enforce all Orders and Instructions of the Crown of whatever Nature, and a Royal Instruction, founded on an Address of the Parliament, that only relates to one particular Point, in which his Majesty\u2019s Prerogative may be supposed to be concerned, and besides is plainly calculated to do Justice between Man and Man; and we must certainly allow him to be Judge of the Necessity he is under of paying Obedience to the King\u2019s Instruction, when a Disregard of it is threatened with his Majesty\u2019s highest Displeasure.\u201d\nUpon which your Committee beg Leave to remark: They apprehend all Royal Orders and Instructions subject the Governors to whom they are directed, and their Successors too, as the Governor is pleased to inform us, to the Royal Displeasure, unless such Instructions are revoked by his Majesty\u2019s Authority; and yet we cannot find that Governor Keith, to whom it was directed, or Governor Gordon, his Successor, or Governor Thomas, or our present Governor, have ever thought themselves under any Danger of incurring his Majesty\u2019s Displeasure for a total Neglect, and direct Disobedience to the additional Instruction of the Lords Justices in 1723, the Original of which we make no Doubt, as well as of the Instruction of 1740, is in the Governor\u2019s Possession; and the Substance of both we know to be printed with the Minutes of our House; \u201cWhy then an Instruction, allowed to be in Force in 1723, and still unrevoked, should be of no Effect,\u201d and an additional Instruction of the Lords Justices in 1740, possibly revoked by the Conduct of the succeeding Sessions of the same Parliament, upon whose Address to his Majesty that Instruction was founded, should be so strictly binding, \u201cis what we cannot apprehend.\u201d\nBut the Governor is pleased to say, \u201cWe must certainly allow him to be Judge of the Necessity he is under of paying Obedience to the King\u2019s Instruction, when a Disregard of it is threatened with his Majesty\u2019s highest Displeasure.\u201d\nIf then the Governor, when he takes it for granted that we must certainly leave him to judge for himself in this Case, is intended to mean, \u201cThat he cannot bring himself to think that he can ever be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to all Royal Instructions, until the same shall be revoked, or that he may be otherwise discharged from them by his Majesty\u2019s Authority;\u201d why then has he so totally disregarded the Lords Justices additional Instruction of 1723?\nOr if the Governor means, we must certainly leave him to judge of the Necessity of remembering or not remembering the Royal Instructions, as the one or the other may suit the Purposes of the Governor, to whom they are directed, or such of his Successors as may claim a Protection under them; How is this to be reconciled with the great Regard the Governor is pleased to declare he has to the Liberties and Privileges of the People?\nAgain, if he means Royal Instructions, if unknown to him, tho\u2019 possessed of the Originals, are not binding, and cannot be attended with any Danger of his Majesty\u2019s Displeasure, Why had he not been pleased to forget the Instruction of 1740, as well as the Instruction of 1723, since there appears no greater Danger, as far as we know, from a Disregard of the one than of the other?\nBut if the Liberty the Governor contends for can mean that we must allow him to judge for himself, how far he may or may not obey such Royal Instructions, at his own Risque (as his Majesty\u2019s highest Displeasure is threatened against him particularly) and at his own Pleasure too, then we must own we are at a Loss to distinguish any great Difference between the mischievous Tendency of an Act to enforce all Orders and Instructions of the Crown whatever, and the Necessity the Governor is pleased to think we are under to allow him the Power of inforcing them whenever he shall think fit; with this Preference however, that we would far rather chuse to submit ourselves, and our Cause, to the King, and the Justice of a British Parliament, that to the meer Will of our Governor, whether to inforce or disregard them, however they may have answered their Ends, or otherwise abated of their Force. And in the present Case, we hope the Governor, on Reflection, will pay some Regard to the Judgment of the same Parliament, from which the Address to the Crown had been preferred to issue this additional Instruction, who, altho\u2019 requested in their next Session, by the Board of Trade, to address the Crown again, that he would be pleased to repeat his Instructions to the Governors in his American Colonies, have not only never complied therewith, that we know of, but have since passed an Act for restraining the Issuing the Bills of Credit in those particular Colonies, where, after a full Enquiry, they found such Emissions injurious to the Trade of Great-Britain, or not calculated to do Justice between Man and Man, and have left us, as we presume, exonerated from the Burden of this additional Instruction, and in full Power over our Laws, upon the Terms of our Charters; and so long as we ask nothing farther than is warranted by these, we hope it neither will nor can interfere with the Royal Prerogatives.\nIt may be presumed the Representatives of this Province, when met in their Assemblies, have some valuable Privileges yet left, in framing their Laws, to do Justice between Man and Man, without the Aid of an additional Instruction; and we hope it cannot be expected that we should very easily part with those Rights, and depend on Royal Instructions, over which we are to allow the Governor the Power he is pleased to contend for; and we have no Reason to doubt, all Men of Understanding and Candour will prefer a regular Course of Laws, occasionally suited to the Times, and framed by the Representatives of the People annually chosen, and assented to by their Governor, to a Series of Instructions sent for that Purpose from so great a Distance.\nFor our own Part, we are fully satisfied and assured, that so long as we continue in our Duty and Loyalty to the best of Kings, who has been pleased to declare, \u201cThat nothing in this World can give him so much Pleasure as to see (his Subjects) a flourishing and happy People;\u201d and neither claim nor desire other or greater Privileges than those we have a Right to, under the Grant of his Royal Predecessors, we can have nothing to fear from the King or a British Parliament: And as it is our Duty to defend these in the best Manner we are able, in the faithful Discharge of so high a Trust we shall have the Satisfaction of our own Minds, and, we hope, the Countenance of all good Men, notwithstanding the Governor\u2019s Opinion, that the Charge made against this Province (among other Charter Provinces) by the Board of Trade, is not much to our Advantage.\nUpon the Whole, your Committee beg Leave to add, they apprehend it must be not only a Loss of Time to the Representatives, but a great Expence to the Country, to prepare Bills for the Governor\u2019s Assent, if he should be bound by private Instructions from our Proprietaries, and \u201cshould not be able to bring himself to think he could ever be freed from the Obligation of paying a strict Obedience to these Instructions until the same should be revoked.\u201d That there are such Obligations or Instructions which may possibly have some Weight in the present Dispute, as well as the additional Instruction of 1740, your Committee have good Reason to believe: In Order therefore to do Justice to our Governor, as well as our Constituents, and to save all unnecessary Expence, and Loss of Time to both, we submit to the Consideration of the House, how far they may judge it necessary to recommend this Enquiry to the succeeding Assembly. Submitted to the Correction of the House, by\nEvan Morgan,\nJames Wright,\nJoshua Morris,\nJohn Wright,\nBenj. Franklin,\nJohn Armstrong,\nHugh Roberts,\nMoses Starr,\nMahlon Kirkbride, \nJames Burnside.\nGeorge Ashbridge,", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-11-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0014", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee: Report on the Proprietors\u2019 Answer, 11 September 1753\nFrom: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee\nTo: \nIn August 1751 the Assembly sent a representation to the Proprietors asking them to reconsider their refusal to share in the expenses of Indian treaties (see above, IV, 188). On May 23, 1753, the Assembly asked the governor if he had yet received an answer. He sent it to them the next day and it was laid upon the table. A committee which included Franklin was appointed a few days later to consider the Proprietors\u2019 answer and prepare a report. When the committee presented its report, September 11, 1753, it was \u201cread, unanimously approved of, and ordered to be deposited among the other Papers belonging to this House.\u201d Only on December 31, 1754, were the representation of 1751, the Proprietors\u2019 answer, and the committee report entered on the Assembly minutes and so made public. When printed with the minutes of that date the answer and the report on it were set in parallel columns; here the heading of the Proprietors\u2019 answer is followed by the heading of the committee report and a prefatory note; then each numbered paragraph of the answer, set in italics, is followed by the corresponding paragraph of the report, set in roman.\nThe Proprietaries Answer to the Representation of the House of Representatives. Laid before the House, May 23, 1753.\nReport on the Proprietaries Answer, &c.\nSeptember 11, 1753.\nIn Obedience to the Order of the House, your Committee have considered the Representation made by a former Assembly to the Proprietaries concerning Indian Affairs, with their Answer delivered to this House; and since all further Application to the Proprietaries on the Subject of that Representation is now forbidden, and they seem to require that their Answer should be put on the Minutes of Assembly, we are of Opinion that the Representation not hitherto made publick should accompany it, with such of the following Remarks made on each Paragraph of the said Answer as the House shall think proper.\nGentlemen,\n1. The true and real Interest of the People whom you represent is, as it ought to be, the principal Object of our Concern: We shall, on all Occasions, shew them that we have it constantly in View: We will use our utmost Endeavours to procure it, at the Expence of our own private Fortunes, whenever it appears to us necessary; and, in considering the Matter of your Representation, shall endeavour to act such a Part as would be thought just, by Persons wholly disinterested, both with regard to us and them.\n1. On the first Paragraph of the Answer, we shall just observe, that the Declaration it contains is a noble One, and worthy of the Rank our Proprietaries hold among us; we only wish that in the present Case they had thought fit to give a Proof of the Sincerity with which it is made, such as would have been satisfactory to others, since our Assemblies are esteemed interested Judges.\n2. That the Representatives of the People are not so disinterested, seems most certain; wherefore, supposing they saw this Matter in a Light very different from that in which it appears to us, and that they were not actuated by any Inclination on the one Hand to oppose our Interest, or on the other to influence the weaker Part of the Electors by appearing zealous for theirs (which we would trust and hope is the Case) yet we may continue to differ in Sentiments from them on the Necessity of the desired Assistance, without being liable to any Imputation of neglecting the Interest of the Province in the Opinion of the World.\n2. The Insinuation in the second Paragraph, as if the Assembly were actuated by any Inclination to oppose the Proprietary Interests, we look upon to be injurious; and as groundless as the other Supposition, that the Members might have in View their future Election, of which we shall take farther Notice when we come to the sixth Paragraph, where it is again repeated. No Instance can be given of that Assembly\u2019s opposing, or attempting to oppose, the Proprietary Interest. It rather appears that they thought they were consulting those Interests in the very Point in Question, if it be consistent with the Proprietary Interest to have a good Understanding with the People; since the Representation expresly proposed a Method of preventing Misunderstandings for the future.\n 3. After we had ordered our Governor to give you the Answer, which he did, to your former Application, we had no Reason to expect a Repetition of the Application directly to ourselves; as you might well suppose we had considered the Matter before we had returned our first Answer, and the Repeating the Request could only produce the Repeating the Answer; the Occasion for which does not appear to us. It is possible, that one Purpose may be, in order to shew, more publickly, this Difference in Opinion between us and yourselves; and if that was ever intended, it will be convenient that we should set this Matter in a clear Light, (altho\u2019 it may make our Answer longer than we could wish) that the true State of the Matter may appear.\n3. In the third Paragraph, the Representation is treated as a mere Repetition of a former Application, and therefore improper, as \u201crepeating the Request could only produce the Repeating the Answer\u201d: But the Representation appears to your Committee to contain, not only a Repetition of the Request, but new Reasons in Support of it, and Answers to such as had been given for refusing it. And such a Repetition of an Application we think justifiable in all Cases; except where we can be sure that the first Thoughts of the Persons apply\u2019d to, are infallibly right; or if wrong, that they are incapable of hearing Reason.\n 4. We did not speak our own Sentiments only when we before said, We were under no greater Obligation to contribute to the publick Charges than any Chief Governor of another Colony: That was the Opinion of the Lords of Trade, when, upon an Application made to the King, by many considerable Inhabitants of the Province, that he would be pleased to give some Orders for their Defence; the Counsel, employed by the Agent of the House of Representatives, insisted, that, if any such Preparations were necessary, the Proprietaries ought to be at the Expence of them: But their Lordships declared it their Opinion, That we were not obliged to be at any Expence of that Nature, more than any other Governor in Chief of the King\u2019s Colonies.\n4. With Regard to the Opinion said to be declared by the Lords of Trade, \u201cthat our Proprietaries were no more obliged to contribute to Publick Charges than any other Governor in Chief of the King\u2019s Colonies;\u201d your Committee presume to suppose their Lordships could only mean, that as Governor in Chief the Proprietaries were not obliged by Law; and not, that as Proprietaries they were not obliged in Equity. The latter is the Point at present in Dispute between the Proprietaries and People of Pennsylvania, tho\u2019 in this Paragraph evaded. The Assembly mention no other Obligation but such as in their Opinion arises from Reason and Justice; they humbly submit their Reasons to the Proprietaries Consideration, and from their Equity only, they hope a Compliance with the Request. The Position understood as the Proprietaries would understand it, must as well hold good among the Governed as the Governors of the Colonies: For should the wealthiest Inhabitant say, he ought to pay no more towards publick Charges than any other Inhabitant, he would be right, considering him merely as an Inhabitant; but as a Possessor of Property, he would be wrong; and therefore Laws are made, obliging such as would not otherwise be just, to pay in Proportion to their Substance.\n 5. We are sensible that our honour\u2019d Father in the first Settlement of the Province, and at all Times after, was strictly careful to do Justice to the Indians, and purchased Land from them before it was settled; but, we believe, always at his own Charge; at least we do not find a single Instance of a Purchase having been made at the Expence of the People. So that what Share they had in such Purchases, we are at a Loss to know, other than the Benefits and Conveniences which arose from the mutual Exchange of friendly Offices with the Natives.\n5. The fifth Paragraph seems intended to combat an Assertion that the Purchases from the Indians were made with the People\u2019s Money. As we find no such Assertion in the Representation, we do not think it necessary at present to enquire how far, or in what Instances, the People have had a Share directly or indirectly in any such Purchases. The Representation only intimates, that the House conceived, Treaties for the Purchase of Land were made on more reasonable Terms to the Proprietaries for the Provincial Presents accompanying such Treaties: And that this was an additional Reason why the Proprietaries should bear a proportionable Part, at least, of the Expence of such Presents; since, besides their Share of \u201cthe common Benefits and Conveniencies, which arise from the mutual Exchange of Friendly Offices with the Indians,\u201d they reap a particular Advantage to themselves, and That a very considerable One. This Reason we apprehend is not answered in the present Paragraph; it is only evaded, by changing the State of the Question. A Subtlety, in our Opinion, unworthy the Dignity of the Proprietaries and the Chief Governors of a Province.\n 6. Had the necessary publick Charges amounted to more than the Revenue of the Province, and a general Tax been laid on the People to defray the same, there might then have been some Colour to desire that we should contribute; but as no such Tax has, for very many Years been, or need to be laid, and the Charge of Government amounts to little more than the one Half of the common and ordinary Revenue, the pressing thus unseasonably for our Contribution, appears, we conceive, as an Attempt to induce the weakest of the People to imagine yourselves to have an uncommon Regard to their Interests, and to be therefore the most proper Persons to be continued as their Representatives; and the Matters which might the rather induce us so to think, are the solemn Repetition of this Request, and treating it as if it was a Matter of great Value and Consequence; the Time of making your last Representation, just before an Election; and the printing the Report, and most extraordinary Resolutions, which were the Foundation of such your Representation, in your Votes, long before your Address could, by any Possibility, come to our Hands; which are such Matters as could not escape our Observation, and which would almost perswade us, that it was intended as an Address to the People, rather than to us.\n6. On the sixth Paragraph we would observe, That the Request to the Proprietaries, that they would be pleased to bear a Part of Indian Expences, was founded on the supposed Equity of the Case; and that they would consent to settle the Proportion to be paid by them, was proposed as a Means of preventing Dissatisfactions between them and the People. To these Points, this Paragraph only answers, that the People are able enough to pay these Expences without the Assistance of the Proprietaries. This likewise seems to be starting a new Question, and one that is beside the present Purpose: For tho\u2019 it were true that the People are able to pay, it does not follow that they should therefore pay unjustly, nor is it likely that they will be pleas\u2019d and satisfied with so doing, for such a Reason. The Proprietaries are likewise able to pay, they have Revenue enough, but they do not think this a sufficient Reason even to pay a Part, why then should it be thought sufficient to induce us to pay the whole? The Charge contained in this Paragraph, \u201cthat the Application was only an Attempt to induce the weakest of the People to imagine the House had an uncommon Regard to their Interests, and were therefore the most proper Persons to be continued their Representatives at the ensuing Election\u201d; your Committee think an absolute Mistake, and unsupported by the least Degree of Probability. For there had not been for some Years, nor was there expected to be, nor has there since been, any Contest at Elections between the Proprietary and popular Interests; nor if there had, would it have been necessary to take such Measures, the Proprietaries having, of late Years, no formidable Share of the People\u2019s Love and Esteem. Nor was the supposed Address in Fact made to the People; for the Representation has never yet been published; nor were the Votes containing those Resolutions published till after the Election was over. Nor is the Situation of an Assembly-man here so advantageous as to make it worth his while to use Artifice for procuring a Re-election; for when the Smallness of the Allowance, the Expence of Living, the Time he is absent from his own Affairs, and other Inconveniences are considered, none will suppose he can be a Gainer by serving the Publick in that Station.\n 7. Wherefore, on this Occasion, it is necessary that we should inform the People, through yourselves, their Representatives, that as, by the Constitution, our Consent is necessary to their Laws, at the same Time that they have an undoubted Right to such as are necessary for the Defence and real Service of the Country; so it will tend the better to facilitate the several Matters which must be transacted with us, for their Representatives to shew a Regard to us and our Interest: For, considering the Rank which the Crown has been pleased to give us in Pennsylvania, we shall expect from the Peoples Representatives, on all Occasions, a Treatment suitable thereto; and that, whilst we desire to govern the Province according to Law only, they should be as careful to support our Interests, as we shall always be to support theirs.\n7. But whether Assembly-men may or may not expect any gainful Advantages from that Station, we find our Chief Governors informing us in pretty plain Terms in the seventh Paragraph, that they themselves are not without such Expectations from theirs. They tell us, \u201ctheir Consent is necessary to our Laws, and that it will tend the better to facilitate the Matters which must be transacted with them, for the Representatives to shew a Regard to their Interest.\u201d That is, as we understand it, tho\u2019 the Proprietaries have a Deputy here, supported by the Province, who is or ought to be fully impower\u2019d to pass all Laws necessary for the Service of the Country, yet, before we can obtain such Laws, we must facilitate their Passage, by paying Money for the Proprietaries which they ought to pay, or in some other Shape make it their particular Interest to pass them. We hope, however, that if this Practice has ever been begun, it will never be continued in this Province; and that, since, as this very Paragraph allows, we have an undoubted Right to such Laws, we shall be always able to obtain them from the Goodness of our Sovereign, without going to Market for them to a Subject.\nYet however easy it may be to understand that Part of this Paragraph which relates to the Proprietaries Interest, your Committee are at a Loss to conceive why, in the other Part of it, the People are to be acquainted, \u201cthat the Crown has been pleased to give the Proprietaries a Rank, and that they expect from the Representatives a Treatment suitable thereto.\u201d We cannot find on perusing the Representation in Question, that it contains any Treatment unsuitable to their Rank. The Resolve of the House was, That to prevent Dissatisfactions on all Sides, they should be requested, in the most reasonable and most respectful Manner, to agree upon a Proportion of Indian Charges to be paid by them and the Province according to Justice: And it may be submitted to the Judgment of all impartial Persons, whether the Representation drawn in Pursuance of the Resolve, was not both reasonable in itself, and respectful in the Manner. It was not, as the Proprietaries represent it, an Address to the Publick. It is not to this Day made publick. It was a private Application to themselves, transmitted to them thro\u2019 the Hands of their Governor. Their true Interest (which they will always find to consist in just, equitable and generous Measures, and in securing the Affections of their People) was consulted in it; and one suitable Means proposed to obtain that End. As to Rank, the Proprietaries may remember, that the Crown has likewise been pleased to give the Assemblies of this Province a Rank; a Rank which they hold, not by hereditary Descent, but as they are the voluntary choice of a free People, unbrib\u2019d, and even unsollicited. But they are sensible that true Respect is not necessarily connected with Rank, and that it is only from a Course of Action suitable to that Rank they can hope to obtain it.\n 8. We are truly concerned, that you lay us under the Necessity of acquainting the Publick with the State of the Revenue of the Province; you have, in Part done it already, by acknowledging the Amount of the Excise to be Three Thousand Pounds a Year. The Interest of the Paper Money, as we conceive, is more than that Sum, which makes the common Revenue of the Province above Six Thousand Pounds a Year; the annual Expence of Government for a Series of Years (including Indian Charges) amounts to little more than Half that Sum: The Interest is paid by People who, no Doubt, find greater Advantage in the Use of the Money than the Interest they pay for it, otherwise they would not be so sollicitous to be admitted to borrow as they always have been. That Interest Money therefore cannot, with any Propriety, be called a Tax laid on the Province, or a Burden on the Inhabitants. The Excise itself is not a general Tax, to which all the Inhabitants must contribute, as it is paid by such only who buy Wine and spirituous Liquors, under certain Quantities; so that many People pay nothing of that Tax. Of all this Revenue, about Four Hundred Pounds a Year has, on an Average for Twenty Years past, (and great Part of that Time during War) been expended in Presents to the Indians, and Charges on their Account; which we cannot conceive to be a large Sum, in Proportion to the Revenue of the Province, for so great and important a Service as that of keeping the United Nations of Indians in the Interest of Great-Britain: We believe every disinterested Person will think the Sum very small, and, from the Manner of its being raised, not at all burdensome to the People: Besides which, had not Half that Money been expended on those Accounts, it is most certain all the same Excise would have been paid.\n8. Your Committee are quite surprized at the Concern the Proprietaries are pleased to express in their eighth Paragraph, on their being, as they say, laid under a Necessity of acquainting the Publick with the State of the Revenue of the Province: As if the State of that Revenue had ever been a Secret; when it is well known, and the Proprietaries themselves know, that the Publick Accounts are yearly settled, stated, printed, and published by the Assembly, and have been so for these Thirty Years past. Whatever private Reasons the Proprietaries may have to make a Secret of their Revenue, we know of none to make one of the Revenue of the Province, nor has it ever been attempted. Their following Observations, concerning the Nature of our Taxes, and the Distinction between general and particular Taxes, seem to your Committee not so just and accurate as might be expected: For we cannot conceive, that the Willingness of People to subject themselves to the Payment of Interest or Excise, by taking Money on Loan, or consuming spirituous Liquors, makes either the one or the other less a Tax. The Manner of laying a Tax, the easy Method of levying it, and the Benefits arising from the Disposition of it, may all tend to induce People to pay it willingly; yet it is still a Tax. And indeed all Taxes ought, upon the whole, to produce greater Good to a People, than the Money kept in their Pockets could do: In such Case, Taxes are no Burdens; but otherwise they are. Taxes, seemingly particular, are also more general than they are often supposed to be: The labouring Man must live: Excise the Materials of his Subsistence, and he generally finds Means to get more for his Labour.\nAfter estimating our whole present Revenue, as if it had been the same for twenty Years past, and would certainly continue, tho\u2019 the Proprietaries know it depends on temporary Acts near expiring, the Renewal of which is at best dubious, they conclude that Four Hundred Pounds a Year for Indian Expences is a small Sum, and that we are under no Necessity of being frugal, on this Account, of the Publick Money. This Four Hundred a Year is the Sum that they find has been paid on an Average for twenty Years past, and they take no Notice of its being a growing Charge, and that for the four last Years before the Representation, it amounted to near Twelve Hundred a Year, which we conceive disinterested Persons will think a very large Sum: And altho\u2019 the same Excise might have been raised, if not Half that Money had been expended, it does not seem to us to follow, that the Proprietaries ought not to have paid their just Proportion of it. If the Sum be small, their Proportion of it must have been smaller: And the Money so sav\u2019d might have been applied to some other Use, beneficial to the Publick; or have remained ready in the Treasury for any Emergency.\n 9. The whole Sum paid, in twenty Years, for Indian Services, is not more than, on a common Computation, our Family has paid, in the same Time, for Duties and Excises here, for the Support of his Majesty\u2019s Government; and which we choose to mention, in Answer to that Part of your Representation wherein you, unadvisedly, publish to the World, that our Estate, in America, is exempt from the Burdens borne by our Fellow Subjects in Great-Britain; such Matter might much more properly have been avoided; and at the same Time that we shew you, that we do pay all other Taxes here, that on Land only excepted, we must advise you to be very careful, not to put People here in Mind of that single Exemption. Several Proposals have been made for laying Taxes on North-America, and it is most easy to foresee, that the self-same Act of Parliament that shall lay them on our, will also lay them on your Estates, and on those of your Constituents.\n9. On the Ninth Paragraph your Committee will only observe, that the People of Pennsylvania do likewise pay Duties and Excise for the Support of his Majesty\u2019s Government; and other Taxes, which, considering their Ability, are perhaps proportionably equal to those paid by the Proprietary Family, or any other Subjects in England. We pay indeed as much as an Infant Colony can well bear, and we hope and believe the Justice of a British Parliament will never burden us with more. The Proprietaries Exemption was not published till now at their own Instance. It was made use of as a private Motive to themselves only, in the Representation.\n 10. We cannot allow that you have always paid your Interpreter to his Satisfaction, because we know we have charged ourselves with Gratifications to him, when the Assembly has refused to pay him what he thought his Services deserved; and we make no Doubt he can remember such Instances: However, with respect to any Expences of that Sort, and many others here, we entered into them without any Expectation of being repaid, and should think it far beneath us to send the Accounts of them to the House of Representatives, as your Agent, employed by yourselves, might do for the Expences incurred by him. What we might reasonably expect, is, a thankful Acceptance of our Endeavours to serve the Publick; and if you do not think proper to make even that Return, we shall, nevertheless, be fully satisfied with the Consciousness of having rendered the Province all the Services in our Power.\n10. On Enquiry, we have Reason to believe that the Interpreter\u2019s Bills of Charge against the Province, have always been allowed and paid; and where his Accounts have contained blank Articles for his Service, he has been ask\u2019d what would satisfy him, and the same has been allowed. We suppose the Instances alluded to, wherein the Assembly did not fully satisfy him, must have been such as the Proprietaries were concerned in by the Purchase of Lands, and a Part might accordingly be left for them to pay. We believe our Assemblies always have been, and we hope always will be, ready to acknowledge gratefully any Services render\u2019d to the Publick by the Proprietaries; and not merely to acknowledge them, but to make adequate Returns.\n 11. We do not conceive that any Act of Assembly does, or can establish, what you call a Monopoly in us for the Purchase of Lands: We derive no Right or Property from any such Law. It is under the King\u2019s Royal Charter that we have the sole Right to make such Purchases; and it is under that same Charter that every Settler has a Right, through us, to the Estate he possesses in the Province. The Act itself, which you seem to allude to, acknowledges this Right to be so granted to us by the Charter, and is only declaratory thereof to the People, advertising them of a certain Truth, that they are liable, according to the Laws of Great-Britain, to Penalties for contravening such Right.\n11. Whether the Monopoly of Lands, in Favour of the Proprietary, was established by the Royal Grant, or by Acts of Assembly, or by both, your Committee do not think it material at this Time to dispute, since the Reasoning in the Representation remains the same, viz. That those in whose Favour such Monopoly was erected, ought at least to bear a Part of the Expence necessary to secure them the full Benefit of it.\n 12. Your Assertion that Treaties for Land are made at a less Expence to us, on Account of Provincial Presents being given at the same time, does not appear to us to be founded on Fact: The last Purchase was made on no other Account, but purely to save the Province the Expence of making another Present to some Indians who came down after the Time that the principal Deputation had received the Presents intended for the whole, and were on their Return back; and the Land was bought very dear on that Account. Other Treaties for Land have been made when Provincial Presents have not been given; and we do not, or ever did, desire, that the Inhabitants should bear any Part of the Expence of Indians who come down solely at our Request to consent to the Sale of Lands, unless they stay on other publick Business also; and whenever they have come down on both Accounts, we are sensible the Expence has been divided in a Manner very favourable to the Publick.\n12. In the twelfth Paragraph, three Things appear somewhat extraordinary to your Committee. 1. That the Proprietaries should deny that Treaties for Land are made at less Expence on Account of Provincial Presents accompanying them; which we think any disinterested Judge would at least allow to be probable. 2. That they should say the last Purchase was made on no other Account, but purely to save the Province the Expence of a Present; as if they had no Occasion to purchase more Land of the Indians, or found no Advantage in it. 3. That to prove such Purchases were not the cheaper on Account of Provincial Presents accompanying them, they should give an Instance in which, they themselves say, the Purchase was the dearer for want of such Presents. If Purchases are dearer to the Proprietaries when no Provincial Presents accompany them, does not this clearly confirm the Assertion of the Assembly, that they are the cheaper when there are such Presents? And does it not prove what the Proprietaries deny?\n 13. We are far from desiring to avoid contributing to any publick Expence which it is reasonable we should bear a Part of altho\u2019 our Estate is not, by Law, liable to be taxed. As we already have been, so we doubt not we always shall be, at a far greater Expence in attending the Affairs of the Province, than our Estate could be taxed at, if all the Estates in the Province were rated to the Publick Charges, which would be the only fair Way of establishing a Proportion. If we were willing to consent to any such Matter, the Value of our Estate, and of the Estates of all the Inhabitants, ought to be considered, and the whole Expence proportionably laid upon the whole Value; in which Case, you would find, that the Expence which we voluntarily submit to, out of Affection to the Inhabitants, is much more than such our Proportion so laid would amount to: Besides these general Expences, the First of us sent Cannon, at his own Charge, to the Amount of above Four Hundred Pounds Sterling, for the Defence of our City of Philadelphia, neglected by a late House of Representatives; which, alone, is such a Sum as the Proportion of a Tax on our Estate would not in many Years amount to. And, as this is the Case, we are not disposed to enter into any Agreement with the House of Representatives for Payment of any particular Proportion of Indian, or other publick Expences, but shall leave it to them (to whom it of Right belongs) to provide for such Expences, as they shall judge necessary for the Publick Service.\n13. It appears by their thirteenth Paragraph that the Proprietaries think the Part they voluntarily submit to bear, and expect always to bear, of publick Expences, is greater than their Proportion, equitably laid, would amount to. If this be so, and they are, as they say, \u201cfar from desiring to avoid contributing to any publick Expence which it is reasonable they should bear a Part of, altho\u2019 their Estate is not by Law liable to be taxed;\u201d your Committee are at a Loss to conceive, why they should refuse, \u201cto enter into any Agreement for the Payment of any particular Proportion of Indian or other publick Expences,\u201d when such Agreement might save them Money, and is propos\u2019d to prevent Dissatisfactions, and to preserve Union and Harmony between them and the People; unless it be to shew their utter Contempt of such Union and Harmony, and how much they are above valuing the Peoples Regard.\nThe Charge on former Assemblies, that they neglected the Defence of the Proprietaries City, your Committee cannot but think unkind, when it is known to the World, that they gave many Thousand Pounds during the War to the King\u2019s Use, besides paying near Three Thousand Pounds at one Time, to make good the Damages done to the Masters of Servants, by the irregular and oppressive Proceedings of the Proprietaries Lieutenant; and that their not providing Cannon to defend the City, was not from Neglect, but other Considerations set forth at large in the printed Proceedings of those Times, needless now to be repeated. At the same Time it may be remember\u2019d, that tho\u2019 the Defence of the Proprietaries City, as they are pleas\u2019d to term it, by Batteries of Cannon, was more their Interest (we will not say Duty) than any other Person\u2019s whatsoever, and they now represent it as a Thing so necessary, yet they themselves really neglected, and even discouraged, it; while some private Gentlemen gave Sums nearly equal to that they mention, and many contributed vastly more, considering their Circumstances, by which Means those Batteries were not only compleated in Season, but the Defence of both Town and Country in that Way provided for; whereas this boasted Assistance of Four Hundred Pounds worth of Cannon, was sent, like Venetian Succours, after the Wars were over. Yet we doubt not, but the Proprietary who sent them has long since had the Thanks of those who receiv\u2019d them, tho\u2019 we cannot learn that they ever were favour\u2019d with any from him, for what they did and expended in Defence of his Share of the Province Property.\n 14. As you desire to appear willing, on your Parts, to ease your Constituents of a small Part of the Indian Expence, by throwing it upon us, we shall, on our Part, and hereby do recommend it to you, to give them a real and far greater Relief, by taking off a large Share of that only Tax which is borne by them. As the general Expence amounts to little more than Three Thousand Pounds a Year, we conceive it may very well be provided for out of the Interest of the Paper Money, and one Half of the present Excise; especially if we shall be induced, from the State of your Trade (which we expect soon to receive) to consent to an Encrease of your Paper Currency. This would ease the Inhabitants of about Fifteen Hundred Pounds a Year, which would be felt by many of them, when they would not be sensible of the Trifle you propose we should contribute to the Publick Expences. We have directed the Governor to consent to such a Law when you shall think fit to present it to him.\n14. The fourteenth Paragraph of the Proprietaries Answer seems calculated merely for the same Design with which they charge the Representation, viz. to amuse the weaker Part of the People. If they are really dispos\u2019d to favour the Drinkers of spirituous Liquors, they may do it without a Law, by instructing their Lieutenants to abate Half the Licence Fees, which would enable the Retailers to sell proportionably cheaper; or to refuse Licences to more than Half the present Number of Publick Houses, which might prevent the Ruin of many Families, and the great Increase of Idleness, Drunkenness and other Immoralities among us.\n 15. As we shall ever in the first Place endeavour to promote the real Interests of the good People of Pennsylvania, we make no Doubt of preserving an Union and Harmony between us and them, unless Men of warm or uneasy Spirits should unhappily procure themselves to be elected for Representatives, and should, for the Supporting of their own private Views, or Interests, influence their Brethren, otherwise honest and well-designing, to espouse their Cause; in such Case, indeed, Disputes may arise, wherein we shall engage with the utmost Reluctance; but even then, as we shall make the general Good the Rule of our Actions, we shall, on all such Occasions, if ever they should happen, steadily, and without wavering, pursue Measures the most likely to conduce to that good End.\n15. In Return to the good Resolutions expressed by the Proprietaries in their fifteenth Section, your Committee hope that future, as well as past Assemblies, will likewise endeavour to make the Publick Good the Rule of their Actions, and upon all Occasions consult the true Interest and Honour of the Proprietary Family, whatever may be the Sentiments or Conduct of any of its particular Branches. To this End, we think the honest and free Remarks contain\u2019d in this Report, may be more conducive than a Thousand flattering Addresses. And we hope, that when the Proprietaries shall think fit to reconsider this Matter, they will be persuaded, that agreeing to an equitable Proportion of Expence will be a good Means of taking away one Handle of Dissention from \u201cMen of warm uneasy Spirits, if such should ever unhappily procure themselves to be elected.\u201d\n 16. The Representatives being annually chosen, we are aware that we are not writing now to the same Persons who sent the Representation to us; the Persons most forward to push on a Measure (which, from the Answer, we directed our Governor to give to the former Application he was desired to make to us, must be supposed disagreeable) may not now be in the House, but may be succeeded by more prudent Persons, returned for their Places, who would be careful not to press a Matter too far, in which the Rights of the People are not really concerned: However, the Answer we give must be to the Representation sent us. And we desire, in any Matter of the like Nature, that the House will be satisfied with such an Answer as the Governor may have Orders to give on our Behalf.\nThomas Penny,Richard Penn.\n16. Yet if the Proprietaries are really desirous of preserving an Union and Harmony between themselves and this People, we cannot but be surprized at their last Paragraph, whereby they endeavour to cut off the Assemblies Access to them, in Cases where the Answers received from their Deputies, may not be thought agreeable to the Publick Good. No King of England, as we can remember, has ever taken on himself such State, as to refuse personal Applications from the meanest of his Subjects, where the Redress of a Grievance could not be obtain\u2019d of his Officers. Even Sultans, Sophys, and other Eastern absolute Monarchs, will, it is said, sometimes sit whole Days to hear the Complaints and Petitions of their very Slaves; and are the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania become too great to be addressed by the Representatives of the Freemen of their Province? If they must not be reason\u2019d with, because they have given Instructions, nor their Deputy because he has receiv\u2019d them; our Meetings and Deliberations are henceforth useless; we have only to know their Will, and to obey.\nTo conclude; if this Province must be at more than Two Thousand Pounds a Year Expence, to support a Proprietary\u2019s Deputy, who shall not be at Liberty to use his own Judgment in passing Laws [as is intimated to us in the fourteenth Section of the Answer we have been considering] but the Assent must be obtain\u2019d from Chief Governors, at three Thousand Miles Distance, often ignorant or misinform\u2019d in our Affairs, and who will not be apply\u2019d to or reason\u2019d with when they have given Instructions, we cannot but esteem those Colonies that are under the immediate Care of the Crown in a much more eligible Situation: And our sincere Regard for the Memory of our first Proprietary, must make us apprehend for his Children, that if they follow the Advice of Rehoboam\u2019s Counsellors, they will, like him, absolutely lose\u2014at least the Affections of their People. A Loss, which however they affect to despise, will be found of more Consequence to them than they seem at present to be aware of.\nAll which is humbly submitted to the Correction of the House by\nEvan Morgan,\nArthur Patterson,\nBenjamin Franklin,\nJohn Wright,\nHugh Roberts,\nJohn Armstrong,\nMahlon Kirkbride,\nMoses Starr,\nGeorge Ashbridge,\nJames Burnside.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-15-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0016", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter Collinson, 15 September 1753\nFrom: Collinson, Peter\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nMy Dear friend\nLond. Sept: 15: 1753\nAs no Ship will Sail from Hence in a Month or 3 Weeks I take this oppertunity to Send by the Way of New York. I thank you for your Letter by Mr. Smith who has been Several times With Mee and by all that I can Judge and haveing your approbation I have recommended Him to Mr. Penn. What Effects it will have I cannot Saye but to Strengthen It. I hope the Arch-Bishop of Canterberry will Joyne with Mee, and I do not doubt It, to recommend Him to Mr. Penn to Endow a Professorship in the Academy by Intitleing him Pennian professor I have Said every thing I could Suggest to Engage Him, to give the finishing Stroke to your Noble Institution.\nIts Prosperity rejoices my Heart. I hope Good Providence will Continue Its Influence over It, to the Latest Ages, that an unborn Offspring may Celebrate its Goodness and remember with Gratitude its First Founders.\nI am with Affection Yours\nP Collinson\nPray my Respects to your Son and thank Him for his Letter and Presents. I am much concern\u2019d his Journal never came to hand. I carefully Sent It. How it happ\u2019d to Miscarry cannot Saye.\n Addressed: To \u2002Ben Franklin Esqr \u2002Philadelphia", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-20-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0017", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Woodmason: Poetical Epistle, 20 September 1753\nFrom: Woodmason, Charles\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo Benjamin Franklin Esq; of Philadelphia, on his Experiments and Discoveries in Electricity.\nCooper River, S. Carolina, Sept. 20, 1753\n Let others muse on sublunary things,\nThe rise of empires and the fall of kings;\nThine is the praise, with bolder flight to soar,\nAnd airy regions, yet untrack\u2019d, explore;\nTo dictate science with imperial nod,\nAnd save not ruin by an iron rod.\n *By the application of a rod of iron, or a wire, the effect of thunder and lightening is prevented.\nIf for thy birth, when latest times draw nigh,\nAs now for Homer\u2019s, rival cities vie;\nThis spot perhaps unmov\u2019d may hear the strife,\nContent to claim the vigour of thy life;\nTo shew thy tomb, like Virgil\u2019s shewn before,\nWith laurel, proof to lightning, covered o\u2019er.\nHappy that here we boast the guardian friend,\nWhere most the hostile elements contend:\nThis hour tremendous thunders strike my ear,\nKeen light\u2019nings dart, and threat\u2019ning clouds appear:\nNow fly the negroes from the impending storm!\nThe air how cold! this moment mild and warm.\nNow down it pours! the tempest shakes the skies,\nOn flashes flashes, clouds on clouds arise;\nThe noxious rattle snake with fear deprest,\nNow creeps for safety to his poisonous nest;\nBears, foxes, lynxes, seek the thickest brake,\nWolves, tygers, panthers in their caverns quake:\nNow allegators diving quit the strand,\nAnd birds unknown, in flocks repair to land;\nSmall riv\u2019lets swell to streams, and streams to floods,\nLoud whirlwinds rush impetuous thro\u2019 the woods,\nHuge oaks midst foaming torrents fiercely burn,\nAnd tall pines blasted from their roots are torn:\nThe bolt descends and harrows up the ground,\nAnd stones and sand are widely scatter\u2019d round;\nHow near the welkin breaks! now nearer still!\nBut now askance, it drives o\u2019er yonder hill;\nThe rain abates, the gloomy clouds retreat,\nAnd all is light, serenity and heat:\nThe change how sudden! but how frequent too!\nThe change, at length, without one fear I view:\nSedate, composed, I hear the tempest roll,\nWhich once with terror shook my boding soul!\nNo fire I fear my dwelling shou\u2019d invade,\nNo bolt transfix me, in the dreadful shade;\nNo falling steeple trembles from on high,\nNo shivered organs now in fragments fly,\n \u2020The steeple and organ of St. Philip\u2019s church at Charles Town, have been twice damaged by lightning.\nThe guardian point erected high in air,\nNature disarms, and teaches storms to spare.\nSo through the sultry deep unmov\u2019d I sail,\nWhen the wave whitens with a boding gale;\nA fire ball strikes the mast a silent blow,\nThen thunder speaks\u2014no further shalt thou go;\nQuick it descends the wire, around the shrouds,\nWhich checks the fury of the flaming clouds.\nWith hallow\u2019d wands strange circles once were made,\nTo gull an ign\u2019rant crowd, the jugglers trade;\nWithin the line no blue infernal fire,\nCould pierce, but hence, malignant powers, retire;\nWhat these pretended, Franklin, thou hast wrought,\nAnd truth is own\u2019d what once was fiction thought;\nWithin thy magic circle calm I sit,\nNor friends nor business in confusion quit;\nWhate\u2019er explosions dreadful break around,\nOr fiery meteors sweep the crackling ground.\nO friend, at once to science, and to man,\nPersue each noble and each gen\u2019rous plan;\nWith all the bliss beneficence obtains,\nBe thine whate\u2019er from gratitude it gains,\nBe thine those honours that are virtue\u2019s meed,\nWhate\u2019er to genius wisdom has decreed!\nAccept this off\u2019ring of an humble mind,\nBy sickness weaken\u2019d\u2014long to cares confin\u2019d:\nTho\u2019 yet untasted the Pierian spring,\nIn lonely woods she thus attempts to sing,\nWhere seldom muse before e\u2019er tun\u2019d a lay,\nWhere yet the graces slowly find their way:\nWild as the fragrant shrubs and blooming flow\u2019rs\nWhich nature scatters round o\u2019er artless bow\u2019rs.\nMore soft and sweet will be her future strain,\nShould this rude note thy approbation gain.\nC.W.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-22-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0018", "content": "Title: James Hamilton: Commission to Treat with the Indians, 22 September 1753\nFrom: Hamilton, James\nTo: \nThe renewal of the French advance into the Ohio Valley was signalized in June 1752 by the attack on the Indian town of Pickawillany. Awakening slowly to the threat, the Pennsylvania Assembly the following May voted \u00a3200 to the Twightwees as a condolence, and \u00a3600 to the other tribes on the Ohio for \u201cthe Necessities of Life\u201d\u2014a Pennsylvania euphemism for guns and ammunition. The French pushed steadily forward, erecting forts at Presque Isle, Le Boeuf, and Venango, scornful of warnings from Indians in the English interest. In early September Virginia held a conference with the Ohio Indians at Winchester, but it produced few results: the Indians withdrew their appeal for a fort but did consent that Virginia should erect a stronghouse to protect its present of ammunition. From Winchester the Indians went to Pennsylvania to get that colony\u2019s present, but refused to travel east of Carlisle. Governor Hamilton heard only on September 20 that they were coming, and then the report was they would reach Carlisle the next night. He quickly commissioned Richard Peters, secretary of the Council, Isaac Norris, speaker of the Assembly, and Franklin to proceed across the Susquehanna to meet them.\n[September 22, 1753]\nGeorge the Second, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, and so forth; To our Trusty and well-beloved Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklyn, Esquires, Greeting:\n Whereas, some Chiefs of the Indians of the Six Nations, of the Shawanese, of the Delawares, and of the Twightwees, living on the Waters of River Ohio, a Branch of the Mississippi, our Good Friends and Allies, have signified to our Governor of our Province of Pennsylvania that they are earnestly desirous to renew the Leagues of Amity subsisting between Us and their Nations, and are now waiting at Carlisle, in the County of Cumberland, within our said Province, for this Purpose: Know Ye, that judging it may greatly contribute to the Safety and Benefit of all our Loving Subjects, Inhabitants of Our said Province of Pennsylvania, to hold a Treaty with these Indians agreeable to their Request, and Reposing Special Trust and Confidence in your Loyalty, Abilities, and Circumspection, We have thought fit to nominate and appoint You the said Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklyn, and Every of You, our Commissioners on Behalf of our Governor of our Province of Pennsylvania aforesaid, to treat with the said Indians now at Carlisle, or with their or any or every of their Chiefs or Delegates, and with them to renew, ratify, and confirm the Leagues of Amity subsisting between Our said Province of Pennsylvania and the said Nations of Indians; And further, to do, act, transact, and finally to conclude and agree with the Indians aforesaid all and every other matter and thing which to You shall appear necessary, touching or in any wise concerning the Premises, as fully and amply to all Intents, Constructions, and Purposes, as Our Governor of Our Province of Pennsylvania aforesaid might or could do being Personally present. Hereby ratifying, confirming, and holding for firm and effectual whatsoever You, the said Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklyn, or any of You, shall Lawfully do in and about the Premises. In Testimony whereof We have caused the Great Seal of our said Province to be hereunto affixed. Witness, James Hamilton, Esquire, (by Vertue of a Commission from Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, Esquires, true and absolute Proprietaries of the said Province, And with Our Royal Approbation) Lieutenant Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Province aforesaid, and Counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware, at Philadelphia, the Twenty-Second Day of September, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty-three, and in the Twenty-Seventh Year of Our Reign.\nJames Hamilton", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-26-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0019", "content": "Title: Memorandum: Preliminary Conference with the Indians, 26 September 1753\nFrom: \nTo: \nPeters, Norris, and Franklin were commissioned on September 22 to meet the Indians at Carlisle and they proceeded to the westward immediately. They reached the house of Conrad Weiser, the province interpreter, on the Tulpehocken on September 24 and, setting out next morning and making all speed, they covered sixty miles and rode into Carlisle on the afternoon of September 26. The Indians had just arrived, in the company of George Croghan and Andrew Montour. The conference began inauspiciously, for the commissioners had outrun the wagons carrying the province\u2019s presents, and no formalities could begin until the goods were actually distributed. While they waited, the commissioners held informal conversations with Croghan, Scaroyady, and others about the treaty at Winchester and the temper of the Ohio Indians. To bind the Indians more closely to the British interest they ordered additional presents from an Indian trader. Incomplete notes of the conversations of September 26\u201330 are printed here. The treaty opened formally on October 1 (see below, pp. 84\u2013107).\n[September 26, 1753]\nThey drank Health to the English. We drank their Healths. They ours. They drank the King &c. We wish\u2019d them good Night; and told them we would send for them again tomorrow.\nOrders to all Tavern keepers and others not to let the Indians have any Spirituous Liquors.\nThursday 27. Sept.\nConsidering the Goods not come agreed to forbear further Treaty till their Arrival, It being necessary the Presents of Condolence should be first made to wipe away Tears, &c. of which we let the Indians know.\nEnquir\u2019d of Croghan and Montour concerning the Virginia Treaty and learnt that the Indians had now forbid the Virginians building the Fort at Mohongala. They would defend the Country themselves and drive off the French, provided they might be supply\u2019d with Powder and Lead. These should be lodg\u2019d in a particular Place under the Care of Trent, Guest, and Montour.\nThe Half King is gone to warn off the French. If they will not go he will strike &c.\nThe Council at Onondago neglect them. Therefore they will stir themselves.\nThe Virginia Presents chiefly fine Cloths, and a few Guns.\n Conrad Weiser talks privately with a few Indians, learns that the Cagnawaga Indians who came with the French were dissatisfied with the Expedition; &c.\nCommissioners Agree with J. Carson for a Quantity Goods to be sent hither tomorrow, at Philadelphia Price with the Carriage.\n12 or 14 Gentlemen dine with us at our Expence.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-27-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0020", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Elizabeth Douse: Mortgage Deed, 27 September 1753\nFrom: Douse, Elizabeth\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nFranklin\u2019s eldest sister Elizabeth (C.I) inherited from her first husband Joseph Berry a house and lot on Unity Street, Boston, and continued to live there with her second husband Richard Douse. On August 22, 1748, Richard and Elizabeth Douse mortgaged the property to Benjamin Franklin as security for a debt of \u00a360 Pennsylvania currency. Now, following Richard Douse\u2019s death, the date of which has not been found, his widow renewed the mortgage in her own name, this time acknowledging a debt of \u00a3100, which presumably included unpaid interest on the original obligation.\nApparently Franklin did not expect or intend that Elizabeth should repay the debt. In his 1757 will he bequeathed the mortgage to his youngest sister Jane Mecom, on condition that Elizabeth should enjoy undisturbed possession during her life, regardless of possible nonpayment of principal or interest. When Elizabeth died, August 25, 1759, and he took title, the property was appraised at \u00a3150 and the indebtedness had increased to \u00a3251 17s. 11\u2155d. In 1763 he had the house put in repair and rented and the income paid to Jane Mecom for the support of her insane son Peter. In 1784 he installed her in the house, where she lived for the rest of her life. In his last will, 1788, he bequeathed the property to her outright.\nSeptember 27, 1753\nAbstract: Elizabeth Douse (spelled \u201cDowse\u201d throughout) of Boston, widow, acknowledges a debt to Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia of \u00a3100 Pennsylvania currency, for which she has given bond of \u00a3200 for payment of principal and lawful interest. As further security and in consideration of the additional payment by him of five shillings, she hereby grants, sells, and confirms to Franklin that messuage or dwelling house with the land under it situated at the northerly end of Boston, bounded southeasterly on Unity Street, 22 ft. 9 in. in breadth; northeasterly on land of John Dodell, 59 ft. 2 in. in length; northwesterly partly on land belonging to Christs [sic] Church and partly on land formerly belonging to John Hobby, deceased, 22 ft. 9 in.; southwesterly on the land and house of Jonathan Brown; with the privilege of the drain belonging to the estate of Ebenezer Clough and all other drains she has any privilege to, together with all outhouses, buildings, rights, and appurtenances belonging to the premises. She covenants that she is the sole and lawful owner, and that the property is clear of all encumbrances except a deed of mortgage by Richard Douse of Boston, mariner, deceased, and herself to Benjamin Franklin, dated August 22, 1748; and she warrants the title. The condition of this deed is that if she pays Franklin the \u00a3100 debt with lawful interest on or before September 27, 1754, this deed is to become void; otherwise to remain in full force. Signed and sealed by Elizabeth Douse, September 27, 1753; witnessed by Thomas Hubbart and James Barker, Suffolk, Boston, October 4, 1753. Acknowledged, October 11, 1753, before John Phillips, justice of the peace.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "09-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0021", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, September 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Collinson, Peter\nPhiladelphia, September 1753.\nIn my former Paper on this Subject, wrote first in 1747, enlarged and sent to England in 1749, I considered the Sea as the grand source of Lightning, imagining its luminous Appearance to be owing to Electric Fire, produced by Friction between the Particles of Water and those of Salt. Living far from the Sea I had then no opportunity of making Experiments on the Sea Water: And so embraced this opinion too hastily.\nFor in 1750 and 1751, being occasionally on the Sea Coast, I found, by Experiments, that Sea Water in a Bottle, tho\u2019 at first it would by Agitation appear luminous, yet in a few hours it lost that Virtue; hence, and from this, that I could not by agitating a Solution of Sea Salt in Water produce any Light, I first began to doubt of my former Hypothesis, and to suspect that the luminous appearance in Sea Water must be owing to some other Principle.\nI then considered whether it were not possible, that the Particles of Air, being Electrics per se, might, in hard Gales of Wind, by their Friction against Trees, Hills, Buildings, &c. as so many minute electric Globes, rubbing against non-electric Cushions, draw the electric Fire from the Earth; and that the rising Vapours might receive that fire from the Air, and by such means the Clouds become electrified.\nIf this were so, I imagined that by forcing a constant violent Stream of Air against my Prime Conductor, by Bellows, I should electrify it negatively, the rubbing Particles of Air, drawing from it part of its natural Quantity of the electric Fluid. I accordingly made the Experiment, but it did not succeed.\nIn September 1752, I erected an Iron Rod to draw the Lightning down into my House, in order to make some Experiments on it, with two Bells to give Notice when the Rod should be electrified. A Contrivance obvious to every Electrician.\nI found the Bells rang sometimes when there was no Lightning or Thunder, but only a dark Cloud over the Rod; that sometimes after a Flash of Lightning they would suddenly stop; and at other times, when they had not rang before, they would, after a Flash, suddenly begin to ring; that the Electricity was sometimes very faint, so that when a small Spark was obtained, another could not be got for sometime after; at other times the Sparks would follow extremely quick, and once I had a continual Stream from Bell to Bell, the size of a Crow-Quill. Even during the same Gust there were considerable variations.\nIn the Winter following I conceived an Experiment, to try whether the Clouds were electrified positively, or negatively: but my pointed Rod, with its Apparatus, becoming out of Order, I did not refit it \u2019till towards the Spring, when I expected the warm Weather would bring on more frequent Thunder Clouds.\nThe Experiment was this: To take two Vials, charge one of them with Lightning from the Iron Rod, and give the other an equal Charge by the electric Glass Globe thro\u2019 the prime Conductor: When charged, to place them on a Table within three or four Inches of each other, a small cork Ball being suspended by a fine Silk Thread from the Cieling, so as it might play between the Wires. If both Bottles then were electrify\u2019d positively, the Ball being attracted and repelled by one, must be also repelled by the other. If the one positively, and the other negatively; then the Ball would be attracted and repelled alternately by each, and continue to play between them as long as any considerable Charge remained.\nBeing very intent on making this Experiment, it was no small Mortification to me, that I happened to be abroad during two of the greatest Thunder Storms we had early in the Spring; and tho\u2019 I had given orders in my Family that if the Bells rang when I was from home, they should catch some of the Lightning for me in electrical Vials, and they did so, yet it was mostly dissipated before my Return; and in some of the other Gusts, the Quantity of Lightning I was able to obtain, was so small, and the Charge so weak, that I could not satisfy myself: yet I sometimes saw what heighten\u2019d my Suspicions and inflam\u2019d my Curiosity.\nAt last, on the 12th. of April 1753, there being a smart Gust of some Continuance, I charged one Vial pretty well with Lightning, and the other equally, as near as I could judge, with Electricity from my Glass Globe; and having placed them properly, I beheld, with great surprize and pleasure, the Cork Ball play briskly between them; and was convinced that one Bottle was electrised negatively.\nI repeated this Experiment several times during that and in eight succeeding Gusts, always with the same Success: And being of Opinion (for Reasons I formerly gave in my Letter to Mr. Kinnersley, since printed in London) that the Glass Globe electrises positively; I concluded that the Clouds are always electrised negatively, or have always in them less than their natural Quantity of the electric Fluid.\nYet notwithstanding so many Experiments, it seems I concluded too soon; for at last, June the 6th. in a Gust which continued from five a Clock, P. M. to 7, I met with one Cloud that was electrised positively, tho\u2019 several that passed over my Rod before, during the same Gust, were in the negative State.\nThis was thus discovered:\nI had another concurring Experiment which I often repeated, to prove the negative State of the Clouds, viz. While the Bells were ringing, I took the Vial charged from the Glass Globe, and applied its Wire to the erected Rod. Considering That if the Clouds were electrised positively, the Rod, which received its Electricity from them, must be so too; and then the additional positive Electricity of the Vial would make the Bells ring faster: But, if the Clouds were in a negative State, they must exhaust the Electrical Fluid from my Rod, and bring that into the same negative State with themselves; and then the Wire of a positively charged Vial, supplying the Rod with what it wanted (which it was obliged otherwise to draw from the Earth by means of the pendulous brass Ball playing between the two Bells) the Ringing would cease \u2019till the Bottle was discharged.\nIn this manner I quite discharged into the Rod several Vials, that were charged from the Glass Globe, the electric Fluid streaming from the Wire to the Rod, \u2019till the Wire would receive no Spark from the Finger; and during this Supply to the Rod from the Vial, the Bells stopt ringing; but by continuing the Application of the Vial Wire to the Rod, I exhausted the natural Quantity from the inside Surface of the same Vials, or, as I call it, charged them negatively.\nAt length, while I was charging a Vial by my Glass Globe, to repeat this Experiment, my Bells, of themselves, stopt ringing, and after some pause began to ring again. But now when I approached the Wire of the charged Vial to the Rod, instead of the usual Stream that I expected from the Wire to the Rod, there was no Spark, not even when I brought the Wire and the Rod to touch; yet the Bells continued ringing vigorously; which proved to me, that the Rod was then positively electrify\u2019d, as well as the Wire of the Vial, and equally so; and consequently, that the particular Cloud then over the Rod was in the same positive State. This was near the End of the Gust.\nBut this was a single Experiment; which however destroys my first too general Conclusion, and reduces me to this, That the Clouds of a Thunder Gust are most commonly in a negative State of Electricity, but sometimes in a positive State.\nThe latter I believe is rare; for tho\u2019 I soon after the last Experiment set out on a Journey to Boston, and was from home most part of the Summer, which prevented my making farther Trials and Observations; yet Mr. Kinnersley returning from the Islands just as I left home, pursued the Experiments during my Absence, and informs me, that he always found the Clouds in the negative State.\nSo that for the most part in Thunder Strokes, \u2019tis the Earth that strikes into the Clouds, and not the Clouds that strike into the Earth.\nThose who are versed in electrical Experiments, will easily conceive that the Effects and Appearances must be nearly the same in either case; the same Explosion, and the same Flash between one Cloud and another, and between the Clouds and Mountains, &c. the same rending of Trees, Walls, &c. which the electric Fluid meets with in its Passage, and the same fatal Shock to animal Bodies; and that pointed Rods fixt on Buildings or Masts of Ships, and communicating with the Earth, or Sea, must be of the same Service in restoring the Equilibrium silently between the Earth and Clouds, or in conducting a Flash or Stroke, if one should be, so as to save harmless the House or Vessel: For Points have equal Power to throw off, as to draw on the electric Fire, and Rods will conduct up as well as down.\nBut tho\u2019 the Light gained from these Experiments makes no Alteration in the Practice, it makes a considerable one in the Theory. And now we as much need an Hypothesis to explain by what means the Clouds become negatively, as before to show how they became positively electrify\u2019d.\nI cannot forbear venturing some few Conjectures on this Occasion; They are what occur to me at present; and tho\u2019 future Discoveries should prove them not wholly right, yet they may in the mean time be of some use, by stirring up the Curious to make more Experiments and occasion more exact Disquisitions.\nI conceive then, that this Globe of Earth and Water, with its Plants, Animals and Buildings, have, diffused thro\u2019out their Substance, a Quantity of the Electric Fluid, just as much as they can contain, which I call the natural Quantity.\nThat this natural Quantity is not the same in all kinds of common Matter under the same Dimensions, nor in the same kind of common Matter in all Circumstances; but a solid Foot, for instance, of one kind of common Matter may contain more of the Electric Fluid than a solid Foot of some other kind of common Matter; and a pound weight of the same kind of common Matter, may, when in a rarer State, contain more of the electric Fluid than when in a denser State.\nFor the electric Fluid, being attracted by any Portion of common Matter, the Parts of that Fluid, (which have among themselves a mutual Repulsion) are brought so near to each other by the Attraction of the common Matter that absorbs them, as that their Repulsion is equal to the condensing Power of Attraction in common Matter, and then such Portion of common Matter will absorb no more.\nBodies of different kinds having thus attracted and absorbed what I call their natural Quantity, i.e. just as much of the electric Fluid as is suited to their Circumstances of Density, Rarity, and Power of Attracting, do not then show any Signs of Electricity among each other.\nAnd if more electric Fluid be added to one of these bodies, it does not enter, but spreads on the Surface, forming an Atmosphere, and then such Body shows Signs of Electricity.\nI have in a former Paper compared common Matter to a Sponge, and the electric Fluid to Water: I beg leave once more to make use of the same Comparison to illustrate farther my Meaning in this particular.\nWhen a Sponge is somewhat condensed by being squeezed between the Fingers, it will not receive and retain so much Water as when in its more loose and open State.\nIf more squeezed and condensed, some of the Water will come out of its inner Parts and flow on the Surface.\nIf the Pressure of the Fingers be intirely removed, the Sponge will not only resume what was lately forced out, but attract an additional Quantity.\nAs the Sponge in its rarer State will naturally attract and absorb more Water, and in its denser State will naturally attract and absorb less Water; we may call the Quantity it attracts and absorbs in either State, its natural Quantity, the State being considered.\nNow what the Sponge is to Water, the same is Water to the Electric Fluid.\nWhen a Portion of Water is in its common dense State, it can hold no more electric Fluid than it has; if any be added, it spreads on the Surface.\nWhen the same Portion of Water is rarifyed into Vapour, and forms a Cloud, it is then capable of receiving and absorbing a much greater Quantity; there is room for each particle to have an electric Atmosphere.\nThus Water in its rarifyed state, or in the form of a Cloud, will be in a negative State of Electricity; it will have less than its natural Quantity; that is, less than it is naturally capable of attracting and absorbing in that State.\nSuch a Cloud, then, coming so near the Earth as to be within the striking Distance, will receive from the Earth a Flash of the Electric Fluid; which Flash, to supply a great extent of Cloud, must sometimes contain a very great Quantity of that Fluid.\nOr such a Cloud, passing over Woods of tall Trees, may from the Points and sharp edges of their moist Top Leaves receive silently some Supply.\nA Cloud being by any means supplied from the Earth may strike into other Clouds that have not been supplied, or not so much supply\u2019d; and those to others, \u2019till an Equilibrium is produced among all the Clouds that are within striking Distance of each other.\nThe Cloud thus supplied, having parted with much of what it first received, may require and receive a fresh Supply from the Earth, or from some other Cloud, which by the wind is brought into such a Situation as to receive it more readily from the Earth.\nHence repeated and continual Strokes and Flashes \u2019till the Clouds have all got nearly their natural Quantity as Clouds; or \u2019till they have descended in Showers, and are united again with this terraqueous Globe, their Original.\nThus Thunder Clouds are generally in a negative State of Electricity compared with the Earth, agreeable to most of our Experiments; yet as by one Experiment we found a Cloud electrised positively, I conjecture that, in that Case, such Cloud after having received what was, in its rare State, only its natural Quantity, became compressed by the driving Winds, or some other means, so that part of what it had absorbed was forced out, and formed an electric Atmosphere around it in its denser State. Hence it was capable of communicating positive Electricity to my Rod.\nTo show that a Body in different Circumstances of Dilatation and Contraction is capable of receiving and retaining more or less of the Electric Fluid on its Surface, I would relate the following Experiment. I placed a clean Wine Glass on the Floor, and on it a small silver Cann. In the Cann I put about 3 yards of brass Chain, to one End of which I fastened a Silk Thread which went right up to the Cieling where it passed over a Pully, and came down again to my hand, that I might at Pleasure draw the Chain up out of the Cann, extending it \u2019till within a Foot of the Cieling and let it gradually sink into the Cann again. From the Cieling by another Thread of fine raw Silk, I suspended a small light Lock of Cotton, so as that when it hung perpendicularly, it came in Contact with the Side of the Cann. Then approaching the Wire of a charged Vial to the Cann, I gave it a Spark which flowed round it in an electric Atmosphere; and the Lock of Cotton was repelled from the Side of the Cann to the distance of about 9 or 10 Inches. The Cann would not then receive another Spark from the Wire of the Vial; but as I gradually drew up the Chain, the Atmosphere of the Cann diminished by flowing over the rising Chain, and the Lock of Cotton accordingly drew nearer and nearer to the Cann; and then, if I again brought the Vial Wire near the Cann, it would receive another Spark and the Cotton fly off again to its first Distance; and thus, as the Chain was drawn higher, the Cann would receive more Sparks; because the Cann and extended Chain were capable of supporting a greater Atmosphere than the Cann with the Chain gathered up into its Belly. And that the Atmosphere round the Cann was diminished by raising the Chain, and increased again by lowering it, is not only agreable to Reason, since the Atmosphere of the Chain must be drawn from that of the Cann, when it rose, and returned to it again, when it fell; but was also evident to the Eye, the Lock of Cotton always approaching the Cann, when the Chain was drawn up, and receding, when it was let down again.\nThus we see that Increase of Surface makes a Body capable of receiving a greater Electric Atmosphere: But this Experiment does not, I own, fully demonstrate my new Hypothesis; for the Brass and Silver still continue in their solid state, and are not rarify\u2019d into Vapour, as the Water is in Clouds. Perhaps some future Experiments on vapouriz\u2019d Water may set this Matter in a clearer Light.\nOne seemingly material Objection arises to the new Hypothesis, and it is this. If Water in its rarify\u2019d State as a Cloud, requires and will absorb more of the electric Fluid than when in its dense State as Water, why does it not acquire from the Earth all it wants at the Instant of its leaving the Surface, while it is yet near, and but just rising in Vapour? To this Difficulty I own I cannot at present give a Solution satisfying to myself. I thought however that I ought to state it in its full Force, as I have done, and submit the whole to Examination.\nAnd I would beg leave to recommend it to the Curious in this Branch of Natural Philosophy, to repeat with care and accurate Observation the Experiments I have reported in this and former Papers relating to positive and negative Electricity, with such other relative ones as shall occur to them, that it may be certainly known whether the Electricity communicated by a Glass Globe be really positive. And also I would request all who may have an Opportunity of observing the recent Effects of Lightning on Buildings, Trees, &c. that they would consider them particularly with a View to discover the Direction. But in these Examinations, this one thing is always to be understood, viz. That a Stream of the electric Fluid passing thro\u2019 Wood, Brick, Metal &c. while such Fluid passes in small Quantity, the mutually repulsive Power of its Parts is confined and overcome by the Cohesion of the Parts of the Body it passes through, so as to prevent an Explosion; but when the Fluid comes in a Quantity too great to be confined by such Cohesion, it explodes and rends or fuses the Body that endeavoured to confine it. If it be Wood, Brick, Stone, or the like, the Splinters will flie off on that Side where there is least Resistance. And thus when a Hole is struck thro\u2019 Paste board by the electrify\u2019d Jar, if the Surfaces of the Paste board are not confin\u2019d or compress\u2019d, there will be a Bur raised all around the Hole on both Sides the Pasteboard; but if one side be confined, so that the Bur cannot be raised on that side, it will be all raised on the other, which way soever the Fluid was directed. For the Bur round the outside of the Hole, is the Effect of the Explosion every way from the Center of the Stream, and not an Effect of the Direction.\nIn every Stroke of Lightning, I am of Opinion that the Stream of the electric Fluid moving to restore the Equilibrium between the Cloud and the Earth, does always previously find its Passage and mark out as I may say its own Course, taking in its way all the Conductors it can find, such as Metals, damp Walls, moist Wood, &c. and will go considerably out of a direct Course for the sake of the Assistance of good Conductors; and that in this Course it is actually moving, tho\u2019 silently and imperceptibly, before the Explosion in and among the Conductors; which Explosion happens only when the Conductors cannot discharge it as fast as they receive it, by reason of their being incompleat, disunited, or not of the best Materials for Conducting. Metalline Rods, therefore, of Sufficient Thickness, and extending from the highest Part of an Edifice to the Ground, being of the best Materials and compleat Conductors, will, I think, secure the Building from Damage; either by restoring the Equilibrium so fast as to prevent a Stroke, or by conducting it in the Substance of the Rod as far as the Rod goes, so that there shall be no Explosion, but what is above its Point, between that and the Cloud.\nIf it be asked what Thickness of a Metalline Rod may be supposed sufficient? in answer I would remark, that 5 large glass Jarrs, such as I have described in my former Papers, discharge a very great Quantity of Electricity, which nevertheless will be all conducted round the corner of a Book by the fine Filleting of Gold on the Cover, it following the Gold, the farthest way about, rather than take the shorter Course thro the Cover, that not being so good a Conductor. Now in this Line of Gold the Metal is so extreamly thin as to be little more than the Colour of Gold, and on an 8 vo. Book is not in the whole an Inch square and therefore not the 36th part of a Grain according to M. Reaumur; yet \u2019tis sufficient to conduct the Charge of 5 large Jarrs, and how many more I know not. Now I suppose a Wire of \u00bc Inch Diameter to contain about 5000 times as much Metal as there is in that Gold Line, and if so, it will conduct the Charge of 25,000 such Glass Jarrs, which is a Quantity, I imagine far beyond what was ever contained in any one Stroke of natural Lightning. But a Rod of \u00bd Inch Diameter would conduct four times as much as one of \u00bc.\nAnd with regard to Conducting; Tho\u2019 a certain Thickness of Metal be required to conduct a great Quantity of Electricity and at the same time keep its own Substance firm and inseparated; and a less Quantity, as a very small Wire for instance, will be destroy\u2019d by the Explosion; yet such small Wire will have answered the end of conducting that Stroke, tho\u2019 it become incapable of conducting another. And considering the extream Rapidity with which the electric Fluid moves without exploding, when it has a free Passage, or compleat metal Communication, I should think a vast Quantity would be conducted in a short time, either to or from a Cloud, to restore its Equilibrium with the Earth, by Means of a very small Wire; and therefore thick Rods should seem not so necessary. However, as the Quantity of Lightning discharged in one Stroke cannot well be measur\u2019d, and in different Strokes is certainly very various, in some much greater than in others; and as Iron (the best Metal for the Purpose, being least apt to fuse) is cheap; it may be well enough to provide a larger Canal to guide that impetuous Blast, than we imagine necessary: For though one middling Wire may be sufficient, two or three can do no harm. And Time, with careful Observations well compared, will at length point out the proper Size to greater Certainty.\nPointed Rods erected on Edifices may likewise often prevent a Stroke in the following manner. An Eye so situated as to view horizontally the under Side of a Thunder Cloud, will see it very ragged, with a Number of separate Fragments or petty Clouds one under another, the lowest sometimes not far from the Earth. These, as so many Stepping-Stones, assist in conducting a Stroke between the Cloud and a Building. To represent these by an Experiment. Take two or three Locks of fine loose Cotton, connect one of them with the Prime Conductor by a fine Thread of two Inches (which may be spun out of the same Lock by the Fingers) another to that, and the third to the second, by like Threads. Turn the Globe, and you will see these Locks extend themselves towards the Table (as the lower small Clouds do towards the Earth) being attracted by it: But on presenting a sharp Point erect under the lowest, it will shrink up to the second, the second to the first, and all together to the Prime Conductor, where they will continue as long as the Point continues under them. May not in like manner, the small electrised Clouds, whose Equilibrium with the Earth is soon restored by the Point, rise up to the main Body, and by that means occasion so large a Vacancy, as that the grand Cloud cannot strike in that Place?\nThese Thoughts, my dear Friend, are many of them crude and hasty, and if I were merely ambitious of acquiring some Reputation in Philosophy, I ought to keep them by me, \u2019till corrected and improved by Time and farther Experience. But since even short Hints, and imperfect Experiments in any new Branch of Science, being communicated, have oftentimes a good Effect, in exciting the attention of the Ingenious to the Subject, and so becoming the Occasion of more exact disquisitions (as I before observed) and more compleat Discoveries, you are at Liberty to communicate this Paper to whom you please; it being of more Importance that Knowledge should increase, than that your Friend should be thought an accurate Philosopher.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "10-18-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0022", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Bowdoin, 18 October 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Bowdoin, James\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Oct. 18. 1753\nI recollect that I promis\u2019d to send you Dr. Brownrigg\u2019s Treatise on Common Salt. You will receive it herewith. I hope it may be of use in the Affair of your Fishery. Please to communicate it to Capt. Erwin, Mr. Pitts, Mr. Boutineau, or any other of your Friends who may be desirous of seeing it.\nSince my Return from Boston, I have been to our Western Frontiers on a Treaty with the Ohio Indians. They complain\u2019d much of the Abuses they suffer from our Traders, and earnestly requested us to put the Trade under some Regulation. If you can procure and send me your Truckhouse Law and a particular Account of the Manner of executing it, with its Consequences, &c. so that we may have the Benefit of your Experience, you will much oblige me; and if you have found it a useful Law, I am in hopes we shall be induc\u2019d to follow your good Example.\nMy Compliments to Mrs. Bowdoin, and all enquiring Friends. With much Respect and Esteem I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Bowdoin\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr James Bowdoin \u2002Mercht \u2002Boston", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "10-27-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0024", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Johnson, 27 October 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Johnson, Samuel\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Oct. 27. 1753\nI herewith send you Twelve of the Noetica\u2019s. Ten are bound as you desired; which are all I have of that best Paper, the other two are more ordinary. I hope they will go safe to hand.\nMy sincere Respects to good Madam Johnson and your valuable Sons. With great Esteem and Regard, I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\n Addressed: To \u2002The Revd. Dr Saml Johnson \u2002at Stratford \u2002Connecticut \u2002With a Parcel", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "10-27-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0025", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 27 October 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Oct. 27 1753\nI have your Favour of June 27, and am quite surpriz\u2019d at the Conduct of Mr. Harris. He is return\u2019d to Maryland as I hear, a Parson!\nI have now received Bower\u2019s 2d Vol. and shall send to the Trenton Library to enquire after Crito and Delaresse.\nThe Sum was \u00a325 to which I limited the Books, &c. to be sent my Nephew Benja. Mecom. But if you have sent to the Amount of \u00a330, \u2019tis not amiss.\nI am now about to establish a small Printing Office in favour of another Nephew, at Newhaven in the Colony of Connecticut in New England; a considerable Town in which there is an University, and a Prospect that a Bookseller\u2019s Shop with a Printing House may do pretty well. I would therefore request you to bespeak for me of Mr. Caslon, viz.\nLong primmer, with Figures and Signs sufficient for an\nAlmanack\nRom. and Italic\nPica\nEnglish\nGreat Primer\nDouble Pica\nTwo line English\nTwo line Great Primer\nTwo line Capitals, and Flowers of different Founts\nQuotations\nAs Mr. Caslon has different Longprimmers, Pica\u2019s, &c. I beg the Favour of your Judgment to chuse and order the best.\nTo which add,\nA compleat good new Press\n2 pair Blankets\n2 pair Ballstocks\nSome Riglets, Gutter Sticks, Side Sticks, Quoins, &c.\n3 pair Chases of different Sizes, the biggest Demi\n2 folio Galleys, each with 4 Slices\n4 Quarto Galleys\nA few Facs, Head and Tail pieces, 3 or 4 of each\n2 Doz brass Rule\n2 good Composing Sticks\n2 Cags of Ink, one weak the other strong\nWith such another small Cargo of Books and Stationary as I desired you to send to Antigua, for a Beginning.\nMesnard sails in a Week or two, by whom I shall send you Bills for \u00a3100 Sterling. But desire you would immediately on receipt of this bespeak the Letter, &c. that we may not be disappointed of having them per first Ship to Newhaven or New York in the Spring. If sent to Newhaven, direct them to the Care of Mr. Thomas Darling, Merchant there. If no Vessel to Newhaven, then to New York, to the Care of Mr. Parker, Printer.\nInsure the whole.\nThe Furniture may be pack\u2019d in the large Case that contains the Press.\nIf you can persuade your Pressmaker to go out of his old Road a little, I would have the Ribs made not with the Face rounding outwards, as usual, but a little hollow or rounding inwards from end to end: And the Cramps made of hard cast Brass, fix\u2019d not across the Ribs, but longways so as to slide in the hollow Face of the Ribs. The Reason is, that Brass and Iron work better together than Iron and Iron; Such a Press never gravels; the hollow Face of the Ribs keeps the Oil better, and the Cramps bearing on a larger Surface do not wear as in the common Method. Of this I have had many Years Experience.\nI need not desire you to agree with the Workmen on the most reasonable Terms you can; and as this Affair will give you Trouble, pray charge Commissions. I shall not think my self a Whit the less oblig\u2019d.\nMy Compliments to Mrs. Strahan, Master Billy, &c. in which my Wife and Children join with Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr William Strahan \u2002Printer \u2002London \u2002via Bristol", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0026", "content": "Title: Treaty of Carlisle, 1 November 1753\nFrom: Peters, Richard,Norris, Isaac,Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nNovember 1, 1753.\nA Treaty, &c.\nTo the Honourable James Hamilton, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor, and Commander in Chief, of the Province of Pennsylvania, and Counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware,\nThe REPORT of Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin, Esquires, Commissioners appointed to treat with some Chiefs of the Ohio Indians, at Carlisle, in the County of Cumberland, by a Commission, bearing Date the 22d Day of September, 1753.\n May it please the Governor,\nNot knowing but the Indians might be waiting at Carlisle, we made all the Dispatch possible, as soon as we had received our Commission, and arrived there on the Twenty-sixth, but were agreeably surprized to find that they came there only that Day.\nImmediately on our Arrival we conferred with Andrew Montour, and George Croghan, in order to know from them what had occasioned the present coming of the Indians, that we might, by their Intelligence, regulate our first Intercourse with them; and were informed, that tho\u2019 their principal Design, when they left Ohio, was to hold a Treaty with the Government of Virginia, at Winchester, where they had accordingly been; yet they intended a Visit to this Province, to which they had been frequently encouraged by Andrew Montour, who told them, he had the Governor\u2019s repeated Orders to invite them to come and see him, and assured them of an hearty Welcome; and that they had moreover some important Matters to propose and transact with this Government.\nThe Commissioners finding this to be the Case, and that these Indians were some of the most considerable Persons of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, with Deputies from the Twightwees, and Owendaets, met them in Council, in which the Commissioners declared the Contents of their Commission, acknowledged the Governor\u2019s Invitation, and bid them heartily welcome among their Brethren of Pennsylvania, to whom their Visit was extremely agreeable. Conrad Weiser and Andrew Montour interpreting between the Commissioners and Indians, and several Magistrates, and others, of the principal Inhabitants of the County, favouring them with their Presence.\nThe Twightwees and Delawares having had several of their great Men cut off by the French and their Indians, and all the Chiefs of the Owendaets being lately dead, it became necessary to condole their Loss; and no Business could be begun, agreeable to the Indian Customs, till the Condolances were passed; and as these could not be made, with the usual Ceremonies, for want of the Goods, which were not arrived, and it was uncertain when they would, the Commissioners were put to some Difficulties, and ordered the Interpreters to apply to Scarrooyady, an Oneido Chief, who had the Conduct of the Treaty in Virginia, and was a Person of great Weight in their Councils, and to ask his Opinion, whether the Condolances would be accepted by Belts and Strings, and Lists of the particular Goods intended to be given, with Assurances of their Delivery as soon as they should come. Scarrooyady was pleased with the Application; but frankly declared, that the Indians could not proceed to Business while the Blood remained on their Garments, and that the Condolances could not be accepted unless the Goods, intended to cover the Graves, were actually spread on the Ground before them. A Messenger was therefore forthwith sent to meet and hasten the Waggoners, since every Thing must stop till the Goods came.\nIt was then agreed to confer with Scarrooyady, and some other of the Chiefs of the Shawonese and Delawares, on the State of Affairs at Ohio, and from them the Commissioners learned, in sundry Conferences, the following Particulars, viz.\n\u201cThat when the Governor of Pennsylvania\u2019s Express arrived at Ohio, with the Account of the March of a large French Army to the Heads of Ohio, with Intent to take Possession of that Country, it alarmed the Indians so much, that the Delawares, at Weningo, an Indian Town, situate high up on Ohio River, went, agreeable to a Custom established among the Indians, and forbad, by a formal Notice, the Commander of that Armament, then advanced to the Straits, between Lake Ontario and Lake Erie, to continue his March, at least not to presume to come farther than Niagara: This had not however any Effect, but, notwithstanding this Notice, the French continued their March; which, being afterwards taken into Consideration by the Council, at Logs-Town, they ordered some of their principal Indians to give the French a second Notice to leave their Country, and return Home; who meeting them on a River running into Lake Erie, a little above Weningo, addressed the Commander in these Words:\nThe second Notice delivered to the Commander of the French Army, then near Weningo.\n \u2003Father Onontio,\nYour Children on Ohio are alarmed to hear of your coming so far this Way. We at first heard you came to destroy us; our Women left off planting, and our Warriors prepared for War. We have since heard you came to visit us as Friends, without Design to hurt us; but then we wondered you came with so strong a Body. If you have had any Cause of Complaint, you might have spoke to Onas, or Corlaer (meaning the Governors of Pennsylvania, and New-York) and not come to disturb us here. We have a Fire at Logs-Town, where are the Delawares, and Shawonese, and Brother Onas; you might have sent Deputies there, and said openly what you came about, if you had thought amiss of the English being there; and we invite you to do it now, before you proceed any further.\nThe French Officer\u2019s Answer.\n \u2003Children,\nI Find you come to give me an Invitation to your Council Fire, with a Design, as I suppose, to call me to Account for coming here. I must let you know that my Heart is good to you; I mean no Hurt to you; I am come by the great King\u2019s Command, to do you, my Children, Good. You seem to think I carry my Hatchet under my Coat; I always carry it openly, not to strike you, but those that shall oppose me. I cannot come to your Council Fire, nor can I return, or stay here; I am so heavy a Body that the Stream will carry me down, and down I shall go, unless you pull off my Arm: But this I will tell you, I am commanded to build four strong Houses, viz. at Weningo, Mohongialo Forks, Logs-Town, and Beaver Creek, and this I will do. As to what concerns Onas, and Assaragoa (meaning the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia) I have spoke to them, and let them know they must go off the Land, and I shall speak to them again; if they will not hear me, it is their Fault, I will take them by the Arm, and throw them over the Hills. All the Land and Waters on this Side Allegheny Hills are mine, on the other Side theirs; this is agreed on between the two Crowns over the great Waters. I do not like your selling your Lands to the English; they shall draw you into no more foolish Bargains. I will take Care of your Lands for you, and of you. The English give you no Goods but for Land, we give you our Goods for nothing.\n We were further told by Scarrooyady, that when the Answer to this Message was brought to Logs-Town, another Council was held, consisting of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese, who unanimously agreed to divide themselves into two Parties, one to go to Virginia, and Pennsylvania, with Scarrooyady, and the other to go with the Half King to the French Commander, who had it in Charge to make the following Declaration, as their third and last Notice.\nThe third Notice, delivered by the Half King to the Commander of the French Forces.\n \u2003Father,\nYou say you cannot come to our Council Fire at Logs-Town, we therefore now come to you, to know what is in your Heart. You remember when you were tired with the War (meaning Queen Anne\u2019s War) you of your own Accord sent for us, desiring to make Peace with us; when we came, you said to us, Children, we make a Council Fire for you; we want to talk with you, but we must first eat all with one Spoon out of this Silver Bowl, and all drink out of this Silver Cup; let us exchange Hatchets; let us bury our Hatchets in this bottomless Hole; and now we will make a plain Road to all your Countries, so clear, that Onontio may sit here and see you all eat and drink out of the Bowl and Cup, which he has provided for you. Upon this Application of yours we consented to make Peace; and when the Peace was concluded on both Sides, you made a solemn Declaration, saying, Whoever shall hereafter transgress this Peace, let the Transgressor be chastised with a Rod, even tho\u2019 it be I, your Father.\nNow, Father, notwithstanding this solemn Declaration of yours, you have whipped several of your Children; you know best why. Of late you have chastised the Twightwees very severely, without telling us the Reason; and now you are come with a strong Band on our Land, and have, contrary to your Engagement, taken up the Hatchet without any previous Parley. These Things are a Breach of the Peace; they are contrary to your own Declarations: Therefore, now I come to forbid you. I will strike over all this Land with my Rod, let it hurt who it will. I tell you, in plain Words, you must go off this Land. You say you have a strong Body, a strong Neck, and a strong Voice, that when you speak all the Indians must hear you. It is true, you are a strong Body, and ours is but weak, yet we are not afraid of you. We forbid you to come any further; turn back to the Place from whence you came.\nScarrooyady, who was the Speaker in these Conferences, when he had finished this Relation, gave his Reason for setting forth these three Messages to the French in so distinct a Manner; because, said he, the Great Being who lives above, has ordered us to send three Messages of Peace before we make War: And as the Half King has, before this Time, delivered the third and last Message, we have nothing now to do but to strike the French.\nThe Commissioners were likewise informed, by Mr. Croghan, that the Ohio Indians had received from the Virginia Government a large Number of Arms in the Spring, and that at their pressing Instances a suitable Quantity of Ammunition was ordered in the Treaty at Winchester to be lodged for them, in a Place of Security, on this Side the Ohio, which was committed to the Care of three Persons, viz. Guest, William Trent, and Andrew Montour, who were impowered to distribute them to the Indians as their Occasions and Behaviour should require. That all the Tribes settled at or near Allegheny would take their Measures from the Encouragement which these Indians should find in the Province of Virginia; and that the kind Intentions of this Government in the Appropriation of a large Sum of Money for the Use of these Indians, in case they should be distressed by their Enemies, and their Hunting and Planting prevented, were well known to them by the repeated Informations of Andrew Montour and the Traders.\nConrad Weiser, to whom it was earnestly recommended by the Commissioners, to procure all the Information possible from the Indians of his Acquaintance, touching their Condition and Disposition, and the real Designs of the French, did likewise acquaint us, that all Persons at Ohio would have their Eyes on the Reception of those Indians, now at Carlisle, and judge of the Affection of this Province by their Treatment of them; and that as the intended Present was no Secret to those Indians, it was his Opinion, that the Whole should, at this Time, be distributed; for if any Thing can, such a generous Donation must needs attach the Indians entirely to the English.\nThese several Matters being taken into Consideration by the Commissioners, and the Governor having given them express Directions to accommodate themselves to the Circumstances of the Indians, as they should appear in examining them at the Place of Treaty, we were unanimously of Opinion, that an Addition should be made to the Goods bought at Philadelphia, in which a Regard should be had to such Articles as were omitted or supplied in less Quantities than was suitable to the present Wants of the Indians. On this Resolution the Lists of Goods were examined, and an additional Quantity bought of John Carson, at the Philadelphia Price, and usual Rate of Carriage.\nDuring these Consultations, it was rumoured that the Half King was returned to Logs-Town, and had received an unsatisfactory Answer, which was confirmed, but not in such Manner as could be positively relied on, by a Brother of Andrew Montour, and another Person who came directly from Allegheny. This alarmed the Commissioners, and made them willing to postpone Business till they should know the Certainty thereof, judging, that if the Half King was returned, he would certainly send a Messenger Express to Carlisle, with an Account of what was done by him; and from this the Commissioners might take their Measures in the Distribution of the Present.\nA Letter, wrote by Taaf, and Callender, two Indian Traders, dated the Twenty-eighth Day of September, from a Place situate a little on this Side Allegheny River, directed to William Buchanan, was given him the Morning of the first Day of October, and he immediately laid it before the Commissioners for their Perusal. In this Letter an Account is given, that the Half King was returned, and had been received in a very contemptuous Manner by the French Commander, who was then preparing with his Forces to come down the River; and that the Half King, on his Return, shed Tears, and had actually warned the English Traders not to pass the Ohio, nor to venture either their Persons or their Goods, for the French would certainly hurt them. On this News the Conferences with Scarrooyady, and the Chiefs of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese, were renewed, and the Letter read to them, at which they appeared greatly alarmed; but, after a short Pause, Scarrooyady, addressing himself to the Delawares and Shawonese, spoke in these Words:\n\u2003Brethren and Cousins,\nI Look on this Letter as if it had been a Message from the Half King himself: We may expect no other Account of the Result of his Journey. However, I advise you to be still, and neither say nor do any Thing till we get Home, and I see my Friend and Brother the Half King, and then we shall know what is to be done.\n The Forms of the Condolances, which depend entirely on Indian Customs, were settled in Conferences with Scarrooyady, and Cayanguileguoa, a sensible Indian, of the Mohock Nation, and a Person intimate with and much consulted by Scarrooyady, in which it was agreed to take the Six Nations along with us in these Condolances; and accordingly the proper Belts and Strings were made ready, and Scarrooyady prepared himself to express the Sentiments of both in the Indian Manner. And as the Goods arrived this Morning before Break of Day, the several Sorts used on these Occasions were laid out; and the Indians were told that the Commissioners would speak to them at Eleven a Clock.\nAt a Meeting of the Commissioners, and Indians, at Carlisle, the first Day of October, 1753.\nPRESENT,\nRichard Peters,\nEsquires, Commissioners.\nIsaac Norris,\nBenjamin Franklin,\nThe Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets.\nConrad Weiser,\nInterpreters.\nAndrew Montour,\nJames Wright,\nEsquires, Members of Assembly.\nJohn Armstrong,\nThe Magistrates, and several other Gentlemen and Freeholders of the County of Cumberland.\nThe Speech of the Commissioners.\nBrethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets,\nThough the City of Philadelphia be the Place where all Indians should go, who have Business to transact with this Government, yet at your Request, signified to Colonel Fairfax, at Winchester, and by him communicated to our Governor, by an Express to Philadelphia, he has been pleased on this particular Occasion to dispense with your coming there, and has done us the Honour to depute us to receive and treat with you at this Town, in his Place and Stead; this is set forth in his Commission, which we now produce to you, under the Great Seal of this Province, the authentick Sign and Testimony of all Acts of Government.\n \u2003Brethren,\nBy this String we acquaint you, that the Six Nations do, at our Request, join with us in condoling the Losses you have of late sustained by the Deaths of several of your Chiefs and principal Men; and that Scarrooyady is to deliver for both what has been agreed to be said on this melancholy Occasion.\nHere the Commissioners gave a String of Wampum.\nThen Scarrooyady spoke as follows:\n \u2003Brethren, the Twightwees and Shawonese,\nIt has pleased Him who is above, that we shall meet here To-day, and see one another; I and my Brother Onas join together to speak to you. As we know that your Seats at Home are bloody, we wipe away the Blood, and set your Seats in Order at your Council Fire, that you may sit and consult again in Peace and Comfort as formerly; that you may hold the antient Union, and strengthen it, and continue your old friendly Correspondence.\nHere a String was given.\n \u2003Brethren, Twightwees, and Shawonese,\nWe suppose that the Blood is now washed off. We jointly, with our Brother Onas, dig a Grave for your Warriors, killed in your Country; and we bury their Bones decently; wrapping them up in these Blankets; and with these we cover their Graves.\n Here the Goods were given to the Twightwees, and Shawonese.\n \u2003Brethren, Twightwees, and Shawonese,\nI, and my Brother Onas, jointly condole with the Chiefs of your Towns, your Women and Children, for the Loss you have sustained. We partake of your Grief, and mix our Tears with yours. We wipe your Tears from your Eyes, that you may see the Sun, and that every Thing may become clear and pleasant to your Sight; and we desire you would mourn no more.\nHere a Belt was given.\nThe same was said to the Delawares, mutatis mutandis.\nAnd then he spoke to the Owendaets, in these Words:\n \u2003Our Children, and Brethren, the Owendaets,\nYou have heard what I and my Brother Onas have jointly said to the Twightwees, Shawonese, and Delawares: We now come to speak to you. We are informed that your good old wise Men are all dead, and you have no more left.\nWe must let you know, that there was a Friendship established by our and your Grandfathers; and a mutual Council Fire was kindled. In this Friendship all those then under the Ground, who had not yet obtained Eyes or Faces (that is, those unborn) were included; and it was then mutually promised to tell the same to their Children, and Childrens Children: But so many great Men of your Nation have died in so short a Time, that none but Youths are left; and this makes us afraid, lest that Treaty, so solemnly established by your Ancestors, should be forgotten by you: We therefore now come to remind you of it, and renew it; we rekindle the old Fire, and put on fresh Fuel.\nHere a String was given.\nThe other Speeches, of burying the Dead, &c. were the same as those to the Twightwees, &c.\nAfter each had been spoken to, Scarrooyady proceeded thus:\n \u2003Brethren, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets,\nWe, the English, and Six Nations, do now exhort every one of you to do your utmost to preserve this Union and Friendship, which has so long and happily continued among us: Let us keep the Chain from rusting, and prevent every Thing that may hurt or break it, from what Quarter soever it may come.\nThen the Goods allotted for each Nation, as a Present of Condolance, were taken away by each, and the Council adjourn\u2019d to the next Day.\nAt a Meeting of the Commissioners, and Indians, at Carlisle, the 2d of October, 1753.\nPRESENT,\nThe Commissioners, The same Indians as Yesterday,\nThe Magistrates, and several Gentlemen of the County.\nThe Speech of the Commissioners.\n \u2003Brethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets,\nNow that your Hearts are eased of their Grief, and we behold one another with chearful Countenances, we let you know that the Governor, and good People of Pennsylvania, did not send us to receive you empty-handed; but put something into our Pockets, to be given to such as should favour us with this friendly Visit: These Goods we therefore request you would accept of, and divide amongst all that are of your Company, in such Proportions as shall be agreeable to you. You know how to do this better than we. What we principally desire, is, that you will consider this Present as a Token of our cordial Esteem for you; and use it with a Frugality becoming your Circumstances, which call at this Time for more than ordinary Care.\n \u2003Brethren,\nWith Pleasure we behold here the Deputies of five different Nations, viz. the United Six Nations, the Delawares, the Shawonese, the Twightwees, and the Owendaets. Be pleased to cast your Eyes towards this Belt, whereon six Figures are delineated, holding one another by the Hands. This is a just Resemblance of our present Union: The five first Figures representing the five Nations, to which you belong, as the sixth does the Government of Pennsylvania; with whom you are linked in a close and firm Union. In whatever Part the Belt is broke, all the Wampum runs off, and renders the Whole of no Strength or Consistency. In like Manner, should you break Faith with one another, or with this Government, the Union is dissolved. We would therefore hereby place before you the Necessity of preserving your Faith entire to one another, as well as to this Government. Do not separate: Do not part on any Score. Let no Differences nor Jealousies subsist a Moment between Nation and Nation; but join all together as one Man, sincerely and heartily. We on our Part shall always perform our Engagements to every one of you. In Testimony whereof, we present you with this Belt.\nHere the Belt was given.\n \u2003Brethren,\nWe have only this one Thing further to say at this Time: Whatever Answers you may have to give, or Business to transact with us, we desire you would use Dispatch; as it may be dangerous to you, and incommodious to us, to be kept long from our Homes, at this Season of the Year.\nAt a Meeting of the Commissioners, and Indians, the 3d of October, 1753.\nPRESENT,\nThe Commissioners, The same Indians as before.\nSeveral Gentlemen of the County. Scarrooyady, Speaker.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nWhat we have now to say, I am going to speak, in Behalf of the Twightwees, Shawonese, Delawares, and Owendaets.\nYou have, like a true and affectionate Brother, comforted us in our Affliction. You have wiped away the Blood from our Seats, and set them again in order. You have wrapped up the Bones of our Warriors, and covered the Graves of our wise Men; and wiped the Tears from our Eyes, and the Eyes of our Women and Children: So that we now see the Sun, and all Things are become pleasant to our Sight. We shall not fail to acquaint our several Nations with your Kindness. We shall take Care that it be always remembered by us; and believe it will be attended with suitable Returns of Love and Affection.\nThen one of the Twightwees stood up, and spoke as follows: (Scarrooyady Interpreter.)\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nThe Outawas, Cheepaways, and the French, have struck us. The Stroke was heavy, and hard to be borne, for thereby we lost our King, and several of our Warriors; but the Loss our Brethren, the English, suffered, we grieve for most. The Love we have had for the English, from our first Knowledge of them, still continues in our Breasts; and we shall ever retain the same ardent Affection for them. We cover the Graves of the English with this Beaver Blanket. We mourn for them more than for our own People.\nHere he spread on the Floor some Beaver Skins, sewed together in the Form of a large Blanket.\nThen Scarrooyady spoke as follows:\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nI SPEAK now on Behalf of all the Indians present, in Answer to what you said when you gave us the Goods and Belt. What you have said to us Yesterday is very kind, and pleases us exceedingly. The Speech which accompanied the Belt, is particularly of great Moment. We will take the Belt home to Ohio, where there is a greater and wiser Council than us, and consider it, and return you a full Answer. We return you Thanks for the Present.\nGave a String.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nLast Spring, when you heard of the March of the French Army, you were so good as to send us Word, that we might be on our Guard: We thank you for this friendly Notice.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nYour People not only trade with us in our Towns, but disperse themselves over a large and wide extended Country, in which reside many Nations: At one End live the Twightwees, and at the other End the Caghnawagas, and Adirondacks; these you must comprehend in your Chain of Friendship; they are, and will be, your Brethren, let Onontio say what he will.\nGave a String.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nI Desire you would hear and take Notice of what I am about to say now. The Governor of Virginia desired Leave to build a strong House on Ohio, which came to the Ears of the Governor of Canada; and we suppose this caused him to invade our Country. We do not know his Intent; because he speaks with two Tongues. So soon as we know his Heart, we shall be able to know what to do; and shall speak accordingly to him. We desire that Pennsylvania and Virginia would at present forbear settling on our Lands, over the Allegheny Hills. We advise you rather to call your People back on this Side the Hills, lest Damage should be done, and you think ill of us. But to keep up our Correspondence with our Brother Onas, we will appoint some Place on the Hills, or near them; and we do appoint George Croghan, on our Part, and desire you to appoint another on your Part, by a formal Writing, under the Governor\u2019s Hand. Let none of your People settle beyond where they are now; nor on the Juniata Lands, till the Affair is settled between us and the French. At present, George Croghan\u2019s House, at Juniata, may be the Place where any Thing may be sent to us. We desire a Commission may be given to the Person intrusted by the Government of Pennsylvania; and that he may be directed to warn People from settling the Indians Lands, and impowered to remove them.\nGave a Belt and String.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nAll we who are here desire you will hear what we are going to say, and regard it as a Matter of Moment: The French look on the great Number of your Traders at Ohio with Envy; they fear they shall lose their Trade. You have more Traders than are necessary; and they spread themselves over our wide Country, at such great Distances, that we cannot see them, or protect them. We desire you will call back the great Number of your Traders, and let only three Setts of Traders remain; and order these to stay in three Places, which we have appointed for their Residence, viz. Logs-Town, the Mouth of Canawa, and the Mouth of Mohongely; the Indians will then come to them, and buy their Goods in these Places, and no where else. We shall likewise look on them under our Care, and shall be accountable for them. We have settled this Point with Virginia in the same Manner.\nGave a String.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nThe English Goods are sold at too dear a Rate to us. If only honest and sober Men were to deal with us, we think they might afford the Goods cheaper: We desire therefore, that you will take effectual Care hereafter, that none but such be suffered to come out to trade with us.\nGave a String.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nYour Traders now bring scarce any Thing but Rum and Flour: They bring little Powder and Lead, or other valuable Goods. The Rum ruins us. We beg you would prevent its coming in such Quantities, by regulating the Traders. We never understood the Trade was to be for Whiskey and Flour. We desire it may be forbidden, and none sold in the Indian Country; but that if the Indians will have any, they may go among the Inhabitants, and deal with them for it. When these Whiskey Traders come, they bring thirty or forty Cags, and put them down before us, and make us drink; and get all the Skins that should go to pay the Debts we have contracted for Goods bought of the Fair Traders; and by this Means, we not only ruin ourselves, but them too. These wicked Whiskey Sellers, when they have once got the Indians in Liquor, make them sell their very Clothes from their Backs. In short, if this Practice be continued, we must be inevitably ruined: We most earnestly therefore beseech you to remedy it.\nA treble String.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nI HAVE now done with generals; but have something to say for particular Nations.\nThe Shawonese heard some News since they came here, which troubled their Minds; on which they addressed themselves to their Grandfathers, the Delawares; and said, Grandfathers, we will live and die with you, and the Six Nations: We, our Wives and Children; and Children yet unborn.\nN. B. This was occasioned by Conrad Weiser\u2019s having told them in private Conversation, that while he was in the Mohock Country, he was informed, that the French intended to drive away the Shawonese (as well as the English) from Ohio.\nScarrooyady then proceeded, and said, I have something farther to say on Behalf of the Shawonese.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nAt the Beginning of the Summer, when the News was brought to us, of the Approach of the French, the Shawonese made this Speech to their Uncles, the Delawares, saying, \u201cUncles, you have often told us, that we were a sensible and discreet People; but we lost all our Sense and Wits, when we slipp\u2019d out of your Arms; however, we are now in one another\u2019s Arms again, and hope we shall slip out no more. We remember, and are returned to our former Friendship, and hope it will always continue. In Testimony whereof, we give you, our Uncles, a String of ten Rows.\u201d\nThe Shawonese likewise, at the same time, sent a Speech to the Six Nations, saying, \u201cOur Brethren, the English, have treated us as People that had Wit: The French deceived us: But we now turn our Heads about, and are looking perpetually to the Country of the Six Nations, and our Brethren, the English, and desire you to make an Apology for us; and they gave eight Strings of Wampum.\u201d The Delawares and Six Nations do therefore give up these Strings to Onas, and recommend the Shawonese to him as a People who have seen their Error, and are their and our very good Friends.\nGave eight Strings.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nBefore I finish, I must tell you, we all earnestly request you will please to lay all our present Transactions before the Council of Onondago, that they may know we do nothing in the Dark. They may perhaps think of us, as if we did not know what we were doing; or wanted to conceal from them what we do with our Brethren; but it is otherwise; and therefore make them acquainted with all our Proceedings: This is what we have likewise desired of the Virginians when we treated with them at Winchester.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nI Forgot something which I must now say to you; it is to desire you would assist us with some Horses to carry our Goods; because you have given us more than we can carry ourselves. Our Women and young People present you with this Bundle of Skins, desiring some Spirits to make them chearful in their own Country; not to drink here.\nPresented a Bundle of Skins.\n \u2003Then he added:\nThe Twightwees intended to say something to you; but they have mislaid some Strings, which has put their Speeches into Disorder; these they will rectify, and speak to you in the Afternoon.\nThen the Indians withdrew.\nAt a Meeting of the Commissioners and Indians the 3d of October, 1753. P. M.\nPRESENT,\nThe Commissioners, The same Indians as before.\nThe Magistrates, and several Gentlemen of the County.\nThe Twightwees speak by Andrew Montour.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nHearken what I have to say to the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, and English.\nThe French have struck us; but tho\u2019 we have been hurt, it is but on one Side; the other Side is safe. Our Arm on that Side is entire; and with it we laid hold on our Pipe, and have brought it along with us, to shew you it is as good as ever: And we shall leave it with you, that it may be always ready for us and our Brethren to smoak in when we meet together.\n \u2003Here he delivered over the Calumet, decorated with fine Feathers.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nWe have a single Heart. We have but one Heart. Our Heart is green, and good, and sound: This Shell, painted green on its hollow Side, is a Resemblance of it.\nThe Country beyond us, towards the Setting of the Sun, where the French live, is all in Darkness; we can see no Light there: But towards Sun-rising, where the English live, we see Light; and that is the Way we turn our Faces. Consider us as your fast Friends, and good Brethren.\n \u2003\u2003Here he delivered a large Shell, painted green on the Concave-side, with a String of Wampum tied to it.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nThis Belt of Wampum was formerly given to the King of the Piankashas, one of our Tribes, by the Six Nations; that if at any Time any of our People should be killed, or any Attack made on them by their Enemies, this Belt should be sent with the News, and the Six Nations would believe it.\nThe Twightwees, when they brought this Belt to the Lower Shawonese Town, addressed themselves to the Shawonese, Six Nations, Delawares, and then to the English, and said;\n \u2003Brethren,\nWe are an unhappy People: We have had some of our Brethren, the English, killed and taken Prisoners in our Towns. Perhaps our Brethren, the English, may think, or be told, that we were the Cause of their Death: We therefore apply to you the Shawonese, &c. to assure the English we were not. The Attack was so sudden, that it was not in our Power to save them. And we hope, when you deliver this Speech to the English, they will not be prejudiced against us, but look on us as their Brethren: Our Hearts are good towards them.\nA large Belt of fourteen Rows.\n \u2003Brethren,\nOne of our Kings, on his Death-bed, delivered to his Son, the young Boy who sits next to me, these eight Strings of Wampum, and told him, \u201cChild, I am in Friendship with the Shawonese, Delawares, Six Nations, and English; and I desire you, if by any Misfortune I should happen to die, or be killed by my Enemies, you would send this String to them, and they will receive you in Friendship in my Stead.\u201d\nDelivers the Strings.\nThe following is a Speech of the Wife of the Piankasha King, after her Husband\u2019s Death, addressed to the Shawonese, Six Nations, Delawares, and English: \u201cRemember, Brethren, that my Husband took a fast Hold of the Chain of Friendship subsisting between your Nations: Therefore I now deliver up his Child into your Care and Protection, and desire you would take Care of him; and remember the Alliance his Father was in with you, and not forget his Friendship, but continue kind to his Child.\u201d\nGave four Strings black and white.\n \u2003Brethren, Shawonese, Delawares, Six Nations, and English,\nWe acquaint all our Brethren, that we have prepared this Beaver Blanket as a Seat for all our Brethren to sit on in Council. In the Middle of it we have painted a green Circle, which is the Colour and Resemblance of our Hearts; which we desire our Brethren may believe are sincere towards our Alliance with them.\nDelivered a Beaver Blanket.\nThen Scarrooyady stood up and said:\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nThe Shawonese and Delawares delivered this Speech to the Six Nations, and desired they would deliver it to the English; and now I deliver it on their Behalf.\n \u2003Brethren,\nWe acquaint you, that as the Wife of the Piankasha King delivered his Child to all the Nations, to be taken Care of, they desire that those Nations may be interceeded with, to take Care that the said Child may be placed in his Father\u2019s Seat, when he comes to be a Man, to rule their People. And the Six Nations now, in Behalf of the Whole, request, that this Petition may not be forgot by the English, but that they would see the Request fulfilled.\nGave four Strings.\nThen Scarrooyady desired the Six Nations Council might be made acquainted with all these Speeches: And added, that they had no more to say; but what they have said is from their Hearts.\nAt a Meeting of the Commissioners, and Indians,the 4th of October, 1753.\nPRESENT,\nThe Commissioners, The same Indians as before.\nThe Gentlemen of the County.\nThe Commissioners, unwilling to lose any Time, prepared their Answers early this Morning, and sent for the Indians; who having seated themselves, the following Speech was made to them:\n \u2003Brethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets,\nThe several Matters delivered by you Yesterday have been well considered; and we are now going to return you our Answers.\nThe Concern expressed by the Twightwees for the Death and Imprisonment of the English, with their Professions of Love and Esteem, denotes a sincere and friendly Disposition, which entitles them to our Thanks, and the Continuance of our Friendship; this they may certainly depend on.\n \u2003Brethren,\nYou have recommended to us the several Nations, who, you say, live in that great Extent of Country, over which our Traders travel to dispose of their Goods, and especially the Twightwees, Adirondacks, and Caghnawagas, who you say live at different Extremities, and have good Inclinations towards the English. We believe you would not give them this Character unless they deserved it. Your Recommendations always will have a Weight with us, and will dispose us in Favour of them, agreeable to your Request.\n \u2003Brethren,\nThe several Articles which contain your Observations on the Indian Traders, and the loose straggling Manner in which that Trade is carried on, thro\u2019 Countries lying at great Distances from your Towns; Your Proposals to remedy this, by having named three Places for the Traders to reside in, under your Care and Protection, with a Request, that the Province would appoint the particular Persons to be concerned in this Trade, for whom they will be answerable; What you say about the vast Quantities of Rum, and its ill Effects, and that no more may be brought amongst you; all these have made a very strong Impression upon our Minds; and was it now in our Power to rectify these Disorders, and to put Matters on the Footing you propose, we would do it with great Pleasure: But these are Affairs which more immediately concern the Government; in these therefore, we shall imitate your Example, by laying them before the Governor, assuring you, that our heartiest Representations of the Necessity of these Regulations shall not be wanting, being convinced, that unless something effectual be speedily done in these Matters, the good People of this Province can no longer expect Safety or Profit in their Commerce, nor the Continuance of your Affection.\n \u2003Brethren,\nWe will send an Account to Onondago of all that has been transacted between us.\nWe will assist you with Horses for the Carriage of the Goods given you.\nWe grant your Women and young Men their Request for Rum, on Condition it be not delivered to them until you shall have passed the Mountains.\nScarrooyady some Days ago desired us to give Orders for the Mending of your Guns, &c. and we did so; being obliged to send for a Gunsmith out of the Country, as no One of that Trade lived in the Town; who promised to come: But having broke his Word, it has not been in our Power to comply with this Request.\nHere the String given with the Request was returned.\nHaving delivered our general Answer, we shall now proceed to give one to what was said by particular Nations, as well by the Shawonese in the Forenoon, as by the Twightwees in the Afternoon.\n \u2003Brethren, Delawares, and Shawonese,\nWe are glad to see you in such good Dispositions to each other. We entreat you to do every Thing you can to preserve the Continuance of this agreeable Harmony. The Shawonese may be assured we retain no Manner of Remembrance of their former Miscarriages: We are perfectly reconciled, and our Esteem for their Nation is the same as ever.\nGave a large String.\n \u2003Brethren, Twightwees,\nWe shall take your several Presents, Shells, Strings, Beaver Blanket, and Calumet Pipe, with us, and deliver them to the Governor; that these, and the several Things said at the Delivery of them, may remain in the Council Chamber, at Philadelphia, for our mutual Use and Remembrance, whenever it shall please the Great Being, who sits above, to bring us together in Council again.\nGave a long String.\n \u2003Brethren,\nWe desire you will send these two Strouds to the young King, as an Acknowledgment of our affectionate Remembrance of his Father\u2019s Love to us, and of our Good-will to him.\nBe pleased to present to the Widow of the Piankasha King, our late hearty Friend, these Handkerchiefs, to wipe the Tears from her Eyes; and likewise give her Son these two Strouds to clothe him.\n Here two Handkerchiefs and two Strouds were given.\n \u2003Brethren Twightwees,\nWe assure you we entertain no hard Thoughts of you; nor in any wise impute to you the Misfortune that befel the English in your Town; it was the Chance of War: We were struck together; we fell together; and we lament your Loss equally with our own.\n \u2003Brethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets,\nWe have now finished our Answers; and we hope they will be agreeable to you: Whatever we have said, has been with a hearty Good-will towards you; our Hearts have accompanied our Professions, and you will always find our Actions agreeable to them.\nThen the Commissioners were silent; and, after a Space of Time, renewed their Speeches to them.\n \u2003Brethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Twightwees, and Owendaets,\nWe have something to say to you, to which we entreat you will give your closest Attention, since it concerns both us and you very much.\n \u2003Brethren,\nWe have held a Council on the present Situation of your Affairs. We have Reason to think, from the Advices of Taaf and Callender, that it would be too great a Risque, considering the present Disorder Things are in at Ohio, to encrease the Quantity of Goods already given you: We therefore acquaint you, that, though the Governor has furnished us with a larger Present of Goods, to put into your publick Store-house, as a general Stock, for your Support and Service, and we did intend to have sent them along with you; we have, on this late disagreeable Piece of News, altered our Minds, and determined, that the Goods shall not be delivered till the Governor be made acquainted with your present Circumstances, and shall give his own Orders for the Disposal of them. And that they may lie ready for your Use, to be applied for, whenever the Delivery may be safe, seasonable, and likely to do you the most Service; we have committed them to the Care of your good Friend George Croghan, who is to transmit to the Governor, by Express, a true and faithful Account how your Matters are likely to turn out; and on the Governor\u2019s Order, and not otherwise, to put you into the Possession of them.\nThis we hope you will think a prudent Caution, and a Testimony of our Care for your real Good and Welfare.\n \u2003Brethren,\nWe have a Favour of a particular Nature to request from your Speaker, Scarrooyady, in which we expect your Concurrence, and joint Interest; and therefore make it to him in your Presence.\nHere the Commissioners applying to Scarrooyady, spoke as follows:\n \u2003Respected Chief and Brother Scarrooyady,\nWe have been informed by Andrew Montour, and George Croghan, that you did at Winchester, in publick Council, undertake to go to Carolina, to sollicit the Release of some Warriors of the Shawonese Nation, who are said to be detained in the publick Prison of Charles-Town, on Account of some Mischief committed by them, or their Companions, in the inhabited Part of that Province; and these two Persons, who are your very good Friends, have given it as their Opinion, if, after you know what has passed at Ohio, you shall now leave this Company of Indians, and not return with them to their Families, and assist in the Consultations with the Half King, and their other Chiefs, what Measures to take in this unhappy Situation of your Affairs, all may be irrecoverably lost at Allegheny, and the Loss with Justice be laid at your Door. You may, perhaps, be afraid to disoblige the Shawonese, as it was at their Instance you undertook this Journey; but we intend to speak to them, and have no Doubt of obtaining their Consent; convinc\u2019d as we are, that the Release of these Prisoners will be sooner and more effectually procur\u2019d by the joint Interposition of the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia, than by your personal Sollicitation; in as much as our Governor, to whom we shall very heartily recommend this Affair, can send, with greater Dispatch, his Letters to Carolina, than you can perform the Journey; for at this Season, Opportunities present every Day of sending by Sea to Charles-Town; and an Express by Land may be dispatched to Governor Dunwiddie, as soon as we return to Philadelphia.\nGave a String.\nThe Shawonese Chiefs expressing Dissatisfaction at this Endeavour of the Commissioners to stop Scarrooyady, it gave us some Trouble to satisfy them, and obtain their Consent; but at last it was effected; and when this was signified to Scarrooyady, he made this Answer.\n \u2003Brother Onas,\nI Will take your Advice, and not go to Virginia at this Time, but go Home, and do every Thing in my Power for the common Good. And since we are here now together, with a great deal of Pleasure I must acquaint you, that we have set a Horn on Andrew Montour\u2019s Head, and that you may believe what he says to be true, between the Six Nations and you, they have made him one of their Counsellors, and a great Man among them, and love him dearly.\nScarrooyady gave a large Belt to Andrew Montour, and the Commissioners agreed to it.\nAfter this Difficulty was got over, nothing else remained to be done; and as the Absence of these Indians was dangerous, the Commissioners put an End to the Treaty, and took their Leave of them, making private Presents at parting, to such of the Chiefs, and others, as were recommended by the Interpreters to their particular Notice.\nThus, may it please the Governor, we have given a full and just Account of all our Proceedings, and we hope our Conduct will meet with his Approbation. But, in Justice to these Indians, and the Promises we made them, we cannot close our Report, without taking Notice, That the Quantities of strong Liquors sold to these Indians in the Places of their Residence, and during their Hunting Seasons, from all Parts of the Counties over Sasquehannah, have encreased of late to an inconceivable Degree, so as to keep these poor Indians continually under the Force of Liquor, that they are hereby become dissolute, enfeebled and indolent when sober, and untractable and mischievous in their Liquor, always quarrelling, and often murdering one another: That the Traders are under no Bonds, nor give any Security for their Observance of the Laws, and their good Behaviour; and by their own Intemperance, unfair Dealings, and Irregularities, will, it is to be feared, entirely estrange the Affections of the Indians from the English; deprive them of their natural Strength and Activity, and oblige them either to abandon their Country, or submit to any Terms, be they ever so unreasonable, from the French. These Truths, may it please the Governor, are of so interesting a Nature, that we shall stand excused in recommending in the most earnest Manner, the deplorable State of these Indians, and the heavy Discouragements under which our Commerce with them at present labours, to the Governor\u2019s most serious Consideration, that some good and speedy Remedies may be provided, before it be too late.\nRichard Peters,Isaac Norris,Benj. Franklin.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-08-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0027", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Clap, 8 November 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Clap, Thomas\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Nov. 8. 1753\nThe first Intimation I find of the New Airpump, is in a Piece of Mr. Watson\u2019s, read to the Royal Society, Feb. 20. 1752 where describing some Experiments he made in Vacuo, he says, \u201cThe more compleat the Vacuum, caeteris paribus, the more considerable were the Effects; and here I should not do Justice to real Merit, were I silent in regard to Mr. Smeaton. This Gentleman, with a Genius truly mechanical, which enables him to give to such Philosophical Instruments as he executes, a degree of Perfection scarce to be found elsewhere; this Gentleman, I say, has constructed an Air pump, by which we are impower\u2019d to make Boyle\u2019s Vacuum, much more perfect than heretofore. By a well-conducted Experiment, which admits of no doubt as to its Truth, I have seen by this Pump the Air rarified to 1000 Times its natural State; whereas commonly we seldom arrive at above 150. As the promotion of the mechanic Arts is a considerable Object of our excellent Institution, if this Gentleman could be prevail\u2019d upon to communicate to the Royal Society that particular Construction of his Air pump, which enables it to execute so much more than those commonly in Use, it would not fail to be an acceptable Present.\u201d So far Mr. Watson. [In the] April following, was read a Letter from Mr. Smeaton in which he describes his Improvements, and [gives a] Draft of his Pump; the whole too long to transcribe but it appears to me that the Machine being rather simplify\u2019d than made more complex, can scarce cost more than one of the old Sort, tho\u2019 the Price is not mention\u2019d. By only turning a Cock it is at pleasure made a Condensing Engine. An Advantage the others have not.\nI have seen nothing of your Searchers. Mr. Parker has receiv\u2019d Bower, but writes me, that he is at a Loss how to send it, and desires you would order somebody to call for it.\nI shall send the Dollars for Mr. Mix per next Post: For I fancy you will not now buy this Apparatus here, but chuse the new Airpump from England.\nMy Respects to all Friends, concludes, from Dear Sir, Your obliged humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Eliot\nI tho\u2019t it best to send this to You that so You might better Describe it to Mr. Collingson. I desire You would send it to me again.\nT. C.\n Addressed: [torn] Clap \u2002[torn] the College at \u2002Newhaven \u2002[torn]\nAddressed [by Clap]: the Rev \u2002Mr Jared [Eliot] \u2002of \u2002Killingworth", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-12-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0029", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Bowdoin, 12 November 1753\nFrom: Bowdoin, James\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nBoston November 12. 1753\nI received your Favour of the 18th Ult. accompanied with Dr. Brownrigg\u2019s Treatise on Salt which I shall comunicate to the Gentlemen you mention.\nAccording to your desire I send you our Law for regulating the Trade with the Indians. Our Indians formerly (as yours now) made great Complaints of the Abuses they suffer\u2019d from private Traders, which induced the Government to erect Truckhouses for them; where they have since been supplied with the Goods they wanted in a much better manner both in regard of the quality and price of them, and with more certainty than the private Traders could.\nThe Government used to put an Advance on the Goods supplied, but now they let the Indians have them in the small quantities they want at the same Rate they are purchased here in the whole sale way, and allow them for their Peltry what it sells for here: and notwithstanding, they are frequently complaining about the Prices of the exchanged Commodities, and say that the French supply them at a cheaper Rate and allow them more for their Skins than we do: but some allowance is to be made for this account of theirs.\nThe best method we can go into, is to supply them with what they want at the cheapest rate possible, which will not only undermine the French Trade with them, but in proportion thereto bring them into our Interest and Friendship against the French; for Trade and Commerce between Nation and Nation, especially when carried on to mutual advantage, have a natural Tendency to beget and confirm a mutual and lasting Friendship.\nAnother good Effect of this Method is, that it prevents the Indians being concerned with private Traders, for not being able to supply them at so low a Rate as the Government the Indians will not trade with them, and is therefore a more effectual Bar against private Trade than all the Laws that can be invented.\nPrivate Trade with the Indians has been fruitful of bad Consequences; for the Traders to make the better Bargain, or rather to cheat them used to give them their Fill of Strong Drink, which making them incapable of judging what was a proper Equivalent for their Skins, the Traders took them at their own price; but after the drunken Fit was over, they easily perceived the Cheat, and that the means of welcoming them, were only applied for the opportunity of effecting it. Beside the quarrels and Bloodshed which were frequently the Consequence of this Practice, it had an ill Influence in disaffecting them to the Government, which from the bad Conduct of a few Individuals they look\u2019d upon without discriminating properly, as made up of a bad People. But the setting up Truckhouses under good Regulations has remedied this Evil, and without doubt will continue to do so as long as they shall be maintained.\nOur Truckhouses are built in form of a Square, each Side 150 feet or more, at each Corner a Flanker in which is a couple of Cannon, three Sides of the square are built upon to accomodate the Garrison, for Store-houses &c. the whole surrounded with Pallisades.\nIn September last I was on an Interview with the Indians at George\u2019s and Kennebeck Rivers where we found them in a very pacific disposition. They had a Present made to them by the Government of \u00a3500. Lawful money which they were much pleased with; and they were no less pleased with the free Conversation that passed between the Commissioners and them.\nThis Present is to be renewed yearly, which we hope will have a good Effect upon them; especially as it will afford frequent Opportunities of our conversing together with freedom, and expressing our regard for them personally, which has a Tendency to (and we find by Experience really does) soften and humanize their savage Tempers.\nI have seen a short Account in the public News of a Gentleman at Petersbourg being killed by Lightning while he was making some Experiments to guard against the Effects of it: if you have or shall have a more particular account I shall be oblig\u2019d if you\u2019d comunicate it.\nWhen I was at the Eastward I had an Opportunity of observing the luminous Appearance of the Sea when disturbed; at the Head and Stern of the Vessel when under way it appear\u2019d very bright. The best Opportunity I had to observe it was in a Boat in Company with several Gentlemen going from Portsmouth about three miles to our Vessel lying at the mouth of Piscataqua River. Soon after we set off, we observed a luminous Appearance where the Oars dash\u2019d the Water: Some times it was very bright and afterwards as we rowed along gradually lessen\u2019d till almost imperceptible, and then reillumin\u2019d: This we took notice of several times in the Passage. When I got on board the vessel I order\u2019d a Pail to be dip\u2019d up full of Sea Water, in which on the water being moved a Sparkling Light appear\u2019d: I took a Linen Cloth and strain\u2019d some of the Water thro\u2019 it and there was a like appearance on the cloth which soon went off; but on rubbing the Cloth with my Finger it was renewed: I then carried the Cloth to the Light but could not perceive anything upon it which should cause that Appearance. Several Gentlemen were of Opinion that the separated Particles of putrified animal and other Bodies floating on the Surface of the Sea might cause that appearance; for putrid Fish &c. they said will cause it: and the Sea-Animals which have died, and other bodies putrified therein since the Creation might afford a sufficient Quantity of those Particles to cover a considerable Portion of the Surface of the Sea: which particles being differently dispersed might account for the different degrees of Light in the Appearances above-mentioned. But this account seems liable to this obvious Objection; that as putrid Fish &c. make a luminous Appearance without being moved or disturbed, it might be expected that the supposed putrified particles on the Surface of the Sea should always appear luminous where there is not a greater Light, and consequently that the whole Surface of the Sea covered with those particles should always in dark nights appear luminous without being disturbed: But this is not fact.\nAmong the rest I threw out my Conjecture that the said appearance might be caused by a great number of little Animals floating on the Surface of the Sea, which on being disturbed might by expanding their Fins, or otherwise moving themselves, expose such a part of their Bodies as exhibits a luminous Appearance in manner of the Glow Worm or Fire-Fly: That these Animals may be more numerous in some places than other, and therefore that the appearance abovementioned being fainter and stronger in different places might be owing to that: That certain Circumstances of Weather &c. might invite them to the Surface, on which in a Calm they might sport themselves and glow; or in Storms being forced up, make the same Appearance.\nThere is no difficulty in conceiving that the Sea may be sufficiently stock\u2019d with animalculae for this purpose; as we find all nature crouded with Life: but it seems somewhat difficult to conceive that such small Portions of Matter, even if they were wholly luminous should affect our Sight; much more so, when its supposed that only a part of them is luminous. But if we consider some other appearances we may find the same difficulty to conceive of them and yet we know they take place: For instance, The Flame of a Candle which tis said may be seen four miles round. The Light which fills this Circle of eight miles diameter was contained when it first left the Candle, within a Circle of half an Inch Diameter. If the Density of Light in these Circumstances be as those Circles to each other, that is, as the Squares of their Diameters; the Candle Light when come to the Eye will be 1027709337600 times rarer than when it quitted the half Inch Circle: now the aperture of the Eye thro\u2019 which the Light passes does not exceed 1/10 of an Inch Diameter, and the Portion of the lesser Circle which corresponds to this small portion of the greater Circle must be proportionably, that is, 1027709337600 times less than 1/10 of an Inch; and yet this infinitely small point (if you\u2019ll allow the Expression) affords Light enough to make it visible four Miles, or rather affords Light sufficient to affect the Sight at that distance.\nThe Smallness of the Animalculae is no objection then against this conjecture, for supposing them to be ten Thousand times less than the minimum visible, they may notwithstanding emit Light enough to affect the Eyes, and so cause the luminous appearance aforesaid. I send you this idle Conjecture for want of something better. Mrs. Bowdoin joins with me in Compliments to you and all Friends.\nI am with the greatest Esteem Sir Your most obliged humble Servant\nJames Bowdoin\nMr. Holbrook who keeps our Post Office desires the favour of you to let him know whether the Office of Deputy Post Master is in your Appointment.\nTo Benjamin Franklin Esqr.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-23-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0031", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 23 November 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Collinson, Peter\nDear Friend,\nPhiladelphia, Nov. 23, 1753\nIn my last, via Virginia, I promised to send you per next ship, a small philosophical pacquet: But now having got the materials (old letters and rough drafts) before me, I fear you will find it a great one. Nevertheless, as I am like to have a few days leisure before this ship sails, which I may not have again in a long time, I shall transcribe the whole, and send it; for you will be under no necessity of reading it all at once, but may take it a little at a time, now and then of a winter evening. When you happen to have nothing else to do (if that ever happens,) it may afford you some amusement.\nB.F.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-24-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0032", "content": "Title: Pennsylvania Hospital: Report of the Weekly Committee, 24 November 1753\nFrom: Pennsylvania Hospital\nTo: \nNovr: 24th 1753\nThe Weekly Committee appointed to attend the Hospital for the Month past, do Report as follows.\nOctr: 31st\nNo Application for Admission nor was any Discharg\u2019d.\nNovr: 3d\nMary Brown admitted 22d Sept. being cur\u2019d was order\u2019d to be discharg\u2019d.\nElizabeth Ellis of this City, Wife of Jos: Ellis, being a Lunatick was admitted, as a poor Patient, Doctor Cadwallader being Security to indemnify the Hospital as Usual.\n7th\nWilliam Hellen who is a Servant to John Blakley, being afflicted with corrosive Ulcers in his Arm was admitted as a private Patient at 10s. per Week to be paid by John Bleakly and he is under the Care of Dr: Thos: Bond.\nElizabeth Ellis above mention\u2019d being much amended was discharg\u2019d.\n10th\nNone apply\u2019d for Admittance nor were any discharg\u2019d.\nTheophilus Whaley, admitted 26 Sept. being cur\u2019d of old Ulcers in his Leg, is order\u2019d to be discharg\u2019d.\n17th\nFrancis Buckley a poor Sailor was admitted into the Hospital being in a very bad Condition with sore Legs. B Franklin is his Security to indemnify the Hospital as usual.\nTheophilus Whaley came to return Thanks for the Benefit he had received and gave his Promisary Note for three Pounds ten Shillings payable to the Treasurer, and said Note is given to the Matron to receive the Money when he shall be able to pay.\n21st\nThe Overseer of the Poor of Oxford applied in behalf of a Dropsical Man, and was told that upon engaging to pay for his Board and for his Burial in Case of his Death, he might be admitted.\nNone admitted or discharg\u2019d.\nWe have examin\u2019d the Matrons Account and find that she has paid for House Expences since the 27th of last Month including\n40s. to Eliza: Sweeting\nAnd that a Ballance was due to her atlast Settlement\nThat she received from the Treasurer\n And of Nathl Cope for his Note\n Ballance due to her is\nN.B. The Wood bought is 6\u00bd Cord at 18s. and Cording\n And the Account Beer\n This Sum is included in the within\n And that the Patients remaining in the Hospital are\nPoor\nOn Pay\nJames Steward\nWilliam Hellen\nChas. Dickinson\nDominicus Bartholomew\nFrancis Buckly\nJames Dorraugh\nThomas Hartley\nAnn Shebard\nAlice Hauskins\n Benja: Franklin\n Evan Morgan", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-27-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0035", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 27 November 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Nov. 27. 1753\nI inclose you a Bill of Philip Gibbes jr. drawn on Messrs. Lascelles and Maxwell, Merchants in London, for \u00a350 Sterling. Also a Bill of John Hutchings on Mr. James Buchanan Merchant London for \u00a350 Sterling which I hope will be readily paid. Twelve Pounds in these Bills is what I received of Mr. Dove for Mr. Young; the remaining \u00a388, please to carry to the Credit of my Account when received. I shall shortly send you another Bill.\nIn mine of the 27th October I wrote you to bespeak me a small Printing House, (of which I sent you an Invoice,) intended for a Nephew of mine at Newhaven in Connecticut. I suppose it will hardly be ready and pack\u2019d before you receive this, and in that Case, as I find I have French Cannon here to spare, that Fount may be omitted, and instead of it 40 lb. of 2 line Great Primer.\nWith great Respect I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant\nB Franklin\nMr. Strahan\n Addressed: To \u2002Mr William Strahan \u2002Printer \u2002London \u2002per Capt. Richey", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-29-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0036", "content": "Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Cadwallader Colden, 29 November 1753\nFrom: Colden, Cadwallader\nTo: Franklin, Benjamin\nDear Sir\nColdengham Novr 29th 1753\nI have your favour of the 25th of last month. While you are employed in affairs of consequence to the public I must submit to the Want of that pleasure which I allwise receive from your letters. You will oblige me much by a Copy of your Treaty with the Ohio Indians as I hope thereby to see that you are pursueing the Brittish interest among the Indians while it seems to be too much neglected in this Province.\nWe have at present no law in this Province for restraining the Trade to Canada except that by which a Duty is laid on Indian goods sold out of the City of Albany and applied for support of the Garison at Oswego. It is certain that a very considerable Trade is carried on between Albany and Canada by means of the Cachnuaga or French Indians all of them deserters from the Five Nations. When I was last at Albany there was at least 200 of them stout young fellows at one time in the Town. In this trade the Duty is evaded which the other Traders with Indians pay. The Indians have passports from the Government of Canada and I therefrom conclude that this Trade is thought beneficial to the French Interest and it may be great inducement to our Indians to desert by the benefite they receive from it for none are allowed to be the carriers between Albany and Canada but French Indians.\nI shall be in a longing expectation of seeing Mr. Bowdoin\u2019s observations on my book. Mr. Collinson sent me some remarks made on it by Professor Euler of Berlin. He writes much like a Pedant highly conceited of himself. Mr. Collinson has receiv\u2019d my answer which he proposed to communicate to Lord Macclesfield and others who take some notice of my book. Tho\u2019 I have several letters from Mr. Collinson he makes no mention of having receiv\u2019d the Answer to Professor Kastner which you sent him. In his last of the 15th of Septr. he tells me that you had obliged them with 3 curious papers on\nThe Increase of Mankind\nThe Properties and Phaenomena of the Air and\nThe present State of the Germans in America.\nI may hope to have the pleasure in a litle time of reading them as there is nothing from you which I do not read with much pleasure. When Mr. Bartram brought the papers from you which I now send back I was at New York thinking my self obliged to give my attendance there on my having received a long letter from the Earl of Halifax in July last in which he did me the honour of expressing himself with some esteem for me which I have the more reason to value on its being wrote after a mature consideration of our publick transactions. The great and unexpected changes which have happened since have unavoidably imployed my thoughts. The result I hope will leave me at ease in retirement. I could not therefor read your papers with attention till after my last return from New York about 4 weeks since. You will find inclosed what occurred to my thoughts in reading of them. Our knowlege in Meteorology is very defective. I have great expectations of the improvements you will make in it.\nI receiv\u2019d the Abbe Nollets letters only on Saturday last since which there has not been time to read them. I find none of these publick Teachers can bear to have their dictates to their Schollars contradicted or that any should be capable of acquiring knowlege without their assistance. The most unexpected remarks on my book I receiv\u2019d lately with a letter from Saml. Pike a person entirely unknown to me with a book he has lately published entituled Philosophia Sacra wherein he attempts to deduce the Principles of Physiology from the Hebrew Bible. He tells me that my Principles come nearest to the divine Standard and that my first litle essay lead him to the true meaning of several parts of the bible of any that have yet appeared. If his book had not come with his letter I should have suspected him to be a Wag. His remarks on the Principles of Action fill about 20 pages of the book. He concludes with these Words \u201cThus the Substance of What Mr. Colden asserts is regularly and mechanically explained by the Principles of revelation: and his Thoughts upon Philosophy are found to be an unexpected and undesigned confirmation of the philosophy of Scripture.\u201d However his book has not increased my vanity much.\nTo Mr. Franklin\n[Enclosure]\nThat power by which the air expands it self you attribute to a mutual repelling power in the particles which compose the Air by which they are seperated from each other with some degree of Force. Now this force on this supposition must not only act when the particles are in mutual contact but likewise when they are at some distance from each other. How can two bodies whether they be great or small act at any distance whether that distance be great or small without some thing intermediat on which they act? For if any body act on an other at any distance from it however small that distance be without some medium to continue the Action it must act where it is not which to me seems absurd.\nIt seems to me for the same reason equally absurd to give a mutual attractive power between any other particles supposed to be at a distance from each other without any thing intermediat to continue their mutual action. I can neither attract nor repel any thing at a distance without something between my hand and that thing like a string or a stick, nor can I conceive any mutual action without some such midle thing.\nThe increase of the surface of any body lessens its weight both in air and Water or in any other fluid as appears by the slow descent of leaf Gold in the air.\nThe observation of the different density of the Lower and Upper air from heat and cold is good and I do not remember it is taken notice of by others and the consequences well drawn but as to Winds they seem principally to arise from some other cause. Winds most generally blow from large Tracts of Land and from Mountains. Where I live on the North side of the Mountains we frequently have a strong Southerly Wind when they have as strong a northerly Wind or a Calm on the other side of these Mountains. The continual passing of Vessels on Hudson\u2019s through these Mountains give frequent Opportunities of observing this.\nIn the Spring of the year the Sea wind (by a piercing cold) is allwise more uneasy to me, accustomed to wind[s] which pass over a tract of Land than the Northwest winds.\nWater Spout\nYou have received the common notion of Water spouts which from my own occular observation I am perswaded is a false conception. In a Voyage to the West Indies I had an opportunity of observing many Water spouts. One of them passed nearer than 30 or 40 yards to the Vessel I was in which I viewed with a good deal of Attention and tho it be now 40 years since I saw it, it made so strong an impression on me that I very distinctly remember it. These Water spouts were in the Calm latitudes that is between the Trade and variable Winds in the month of July. That spout which came so near us was an inverted cone with Tip or Apex towards the sea and reached within about 8 foot of the Surface of the Sea its basis in a large black cloud. We were entirely becalmed. It passed slowly by the Vessel. I could plainly observe that a violent stream of Wind issued from the spout which made a hollow of about six feet Diameter in the Surface of the Water and raised the Water in a circular uneven ring round the hollow in the same Manner that a strong blast from a pair of bellows would do when the pipe is placed perpendicular to the Surface of the Water and we plainly heard the same kind of hissing noise which such a blast of wind must produce on the Water. I am very sure there was nothing like the sucking of Water from the Sea into the spout unless the spray which was raised in a ring to a small heighth could be mistaken for a raising of Water. I could plainly distinguish a distance of about 8 feet between the sea and the tip of the cone in which nothing interupted the sight which must have been had water been raised from the sea.\nIn the same Voyage I saw several other Spouts at a greater distance but none of them whose tip of the cone came so near the Surface of the Water. In some of them the Axis of the cone was considerably inclined from the perpendicular. Others of them were bent or arched but in none of them was there the least appearance of sucking up of Water. I believe that a Stream of Wind issued from all of them and it is from this stream of Wind that Vessels are often overset or founder at sea suddenly. I have heard of Vessels being overset when it has been perfectly calm the instant before the stream of Wind struck them and immediately after they were overset which could not otherwise be but by such a stream of Wind from a cloud.\nThat Wind is generated in Clouds will not admit of a Dispute. Now if such Wind be generated within the body of the Cloud and issues in one particular place while it finds no passage in the other parts of the cloud I think it may not be difficult to account for all the appearances in Water Spouts and from hence the reason of breaking those spouts by firing a cannon ball through them as thereby a horizontal vent is given to the wind. When the Wind is spent which dilated the cloud or the fermentation ceases which generates the air and Wind the Clouds may descend in a prodigeus fall of Water or rain. A Remarkable intestine motion like a violent fermentation is very observable in the cloud from whence the spout issues. No Salt Water I am perswaded was ever observed to fall from the Clouds which must certainly have happened if sea Water had been raised by a Spout.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "11-30-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0037", "content": "Title: Earl of Macclesfield: Speech Awarding the Copley Medal, 30 November 1753\nFrom: Macclesfield, George Parker, Earl of\nTo: \nGentlemen,\n[November 30, 1753]\nSir Hans Sloane being now dead, who was the surviving Trustee of the late Sir Godfrey Copley Bart., the Right of disposing of that Gentleman\u2019s annual Benefaction, is incontestably devolved upon your President and Council, who have accordingly taken that matter into consideration.\nAnd in deliberating thereupon, they thought it their Duty to keep these two points steadily in view, namely, the Advancement of Science and usefull Knowledge, and the Honour of this Society. To the attaining, both which ends, they were convinced, that a strictly just and impartial disposal of this Benefaction, in favour of those only who truly deserved it, would not a little conduce.\nSince such a disposition of it, if constantly practised, would greatly contribute to the credit of this Society; and at the same time would encourage a laudable emulation among learned and ingenious Men, who would thereby be induced to exert their faculties, and endeavour to excell each other, not only in making usefull and curious discoveries and improvements, but also in a readiness to communicate them to this respectable Body, who are extremely able to judge of their merit, and have it in their power to reward it, by bestowing upon them this desirable Prize. Desirable! not so much in regard to the intrinsick value of the Medal itself, as for the manner in which, and the Persons by whom it shall be adjudged to them. A Prize! which they will be proud to shew during their own lives, and will with pleasure transmit to their Posterity, as a lasting and honourable mark of the esteem wherein themselves were held by the Royal Society of London.\nAnd, on this occasion, I cannot but greatly applaud the happy instance, which our late most worthy President, Martin Folkes Esqr., gave of his Sagacity and Judgment, when he proposed that this Benefaction should not be paid in the current Coin of this or any other Country, which, being of common use and of a transitory nature, could retain in itself no inherent marks of honour with respect either to it\u2019s present or future Possessor; But that a Golden Medal, of the like or greater value, and adapted to this particular purpose, should be substituted in lieu thereof; which might be converted into Specie, if the Proprietor or his Descendants should at any time be so pleased; or might remain, under the same form, in the possession of himself and his Family after him, as a convincing testimony of his own real Merit.\nNor did your Council think, that it was at all fit and proper to confine this Benefaction within the narrow limits of any particular Country, much less of this Society itself.\nFor they were of opinion, that learned Men and Philosophers of all Nations ought to entertain more enlarged Notions; that they should consider themselves and each other, as Constituent Parts and Fellow-Members of one and the same illustrious Republick; and look upon it to be beneath Persons of their character, to betray a fond partiality for this or that particular district, where it had happened to their own lot either to be born or reside: But that their Benevolence should be universally diffused, and as extensive as the Knowledge they profess to pursue; and should be sensibly felt by all who, in their respective stations, contributed their proportion to the Common Stock of the whole, by their endeavours to promote and advance Science and usefull Knowledge; wherein alone the true Interest and Welfare of such a Republick consist.\nFor which reason, your Council judged it to be highly expedient that, Tros Rutulusve fuat, Whosoever should deserve well of that learned Republick in general, and of this Society in particular, should indifferently partake of your favours and honours.\nUpon these Principles your Council proceeded, in fixing their choice of a Person on whom this honourable Mark of Distinction should be this day conferred. And on such an occasion, they could not overlook the merit of Benjamin Franklin Esqr. of Pensilvania; who, though he be not a Fellow of this Society nor an Inhabitant of this Island, is a Subject of the Crown of Great Britain, and must be acknowledged to have deserved well of the Philosophical World, and of this learned Body in particular; to whom he has, at various times, caused to be communicated many of the Experiments he has made, and of which you have lately received a large collection, together with the conclusions which he imagines may be deduced from them; all which are contained in his printed Treatise upon the subject of Electricity.\nA Subject! known in part indeed long ago; but which, not many years since, was thought to be of little importance; and was at that time only applied to illustrate, in some degree, the Being and Nature of Attraction and Repulsion; nor was any thing much worth notice expected to arise from it.\nBut, to the honour of this Society and of the British Nation in general, let it be remembred; that the Person, who first attempted to explore the secrets of this then neglected subject, but which now appears to have a most surprizing share of power in Nature; and who gave occasion to the diligent researches, that have since been made into the Properties and Essence of it, was a Member of this Society, and a Native and Inhabitant of England: Who I am sorry to say is now no more; since it must have given him inexpressible pleasure to see, that what he had done with respect to Electricity, had occasioned those great and important discoveries, which have now been made in relation thereto.\nFor not only his Countrymen, but Foreigners also, were incited by what he had discovered, to make further experiments, and to push on, with a becoming Spirit, their enquiries into the nature of this extraordinary Phaenomenon: And the indefatigable pains of a learned Brother now present, were crowned with success even beyond expectation; and enabled him to make so considerable a Progress in explaining and forming a kind of System of Electricity, as now does, and will continue to do him the greatest honour, in all parts of the learned World.\nI am persuaded that it would offend this Gentleman\u2019s Modesty to hear, especially in this publick manner, those commendations which he justly deserves, and the high opinion, which not only my self but the whole Society entertain of his uncommon Skill and abilities, as well in other Branches of Knowledge, as in this whereof I have been speaking: For which reason I shall put a constraint upon my self, and forbear entring further into that Encomium which I really think to be due to him.\nThe Advances however, which this Gentleman and others had made towards laying open the nature of Electricity, though very considerable in themselves, left room for carrying on these enquiries still further. To this work Mr. Franklin earnestly applied himself: And as his Diligence and Ingenuity deserved, so they met with uncommon Success. For though some others might have begun to entertain suspicions of an Analogy between the effects of Lightning and Electricity; yet I take Mr. Franklin to be the first who, among other curious discoveries, undertook to shew from experiments, that the former owed it\u2019s origin entirely to the latter; and who pointed out an easy method, whereby any one might satisfie himself of the truth of the fact which he had so advanced.\nThis Method, which he had pointed out, was so much approved, and has been so successfully put in execution in many different places, that it remains no longer a matter of suspicion and doubt; but is clear and plain to a demonstration, that Electricity alone is the cause of that Tremendous Appearance, whose effects prove frequently so fatal in many parts of this Terraqueous Globe. And it were greatly to be wished, that some effectual and practicable way could be found out, by Mr. Franklin or others, to prevent, or at least to lessen, the mischiefs which too often attend that terrible Meteor.\nMr. Franklin\u2019s Book has, for some time, been in the hands of most who hear me; and large Accounts (drawn up by Foreigners as well as by the learned Gentleman before mentioned) of Mr. Franklin\u2019s numerous and curious experiments, have been laid before this Society; besides those Accounts which himself has more immediately caused to be communicated to us at various times. It would therefore be impertinent in me to trespass upon your patience, by entring into a detail of particulars, which I am satisfied you are all well acquainted with.\nTrue it is, that several learned Men, both at home and abroad, do not entirely agree with him in all the Conclusions he draws, and the Opinions which he thinks may be deduced from the Experiments he has made. But far be it from me, to pretend to decide those prints; more especially in this place and at this time. That Matter is yet in dispute; and if I am rightly informed, Mr. Franklin is now preparing to produce, in support of his sentiments, still further experiments; some of which, he flatters himself, will appear more surprizing, than any that have already been communicated to the World.\nLet it therefore suffice for the present to say, that even those Persons, who happen to differ with him in opinion as to some Points, universally acknowledge his great Merit. And particularly the learned Gentleman, whom I have more than once mentioned, is pleased to declare Mr. Franklin \u201cto be a very able and ingenious Man\u201d; and says \u201cthat he has a head to conceive and a hand to carry into execution, whatever he thinks may conduce to enlighten the subject matter of which he is treating\u201d; and although that Gentleman \u201ccannot agree with him in some of his opinions, yet he thinks scarce any body better acquainted with the subject of Electricity than Mr. Franklin.\u201d\nThese Testimonials therefore, given by so capable as well as unprejudiced Judges, in his favour; and more especially that Character of him which I have just now quoted; joined with that Opinion which every one who has read his book must entertain of him; will sufficiently justifie your Council in having adjudged to Mr. Franklin the Golden Medal for this year, as a Mark of Distinction due to his unquestionable Merit.\nMany and very considerable Advances and Improvements have, within the Space of some years past, been made in several Branches of Natural Knowledge; but there is ample room still remaining, for the inquisitive and able Philosopher to employ his skill and labour. The Book of Nature is a very large and comprehensive Volume; And notwithstanding no small Part of it has been unfolded and exposed to our view, by learned and ingenious Men of this and many other Countries; yet it still contains abundantly sufficient Matter to exercise our talents upon, and which justly ought to excite our curiosity, and encourage us to proceed with vigour, in our endeavours to bring to light, what is at present concealed from our eye.\nWe know that few things are of so occult and obstinate a nature, as not to yield to sagacity and Industry, and be forced to lay open their most hidden Properties to the diligent and ingenious Enquirer.\nIn confidence whereof, let us pursue with unwearied application and assiduity, our researches into every Branch of Natural Philosophy. Nor let us be discouraged from such pursuits by a mistaken Notion, that any part of it is too inconsiderable to deserve our regard and attention: Since who could have entertained any hopes, some years ago, that Electricity was capable of furnishing matter for so great and important discoveries, as have lately been made in relation thereto; and which at this time afford us a promising prospect of much more and greater, if due pains are not wanting, on our part, to search after them.\nIt is therefore to be hoped that those Gentlemen who have applied their thoughts and studies to lay open the amazing Properties of Electricity, will not sit down contented with the Progress that has already been made therein; but will rather be encouraged thereby to proceed diligently in the same work. And I flatter my self, that Mr. Franklin will consider this honourable Present, not only as a Reward, in some measure, of the Discoveries, with which he has already favoured the World, in relation to this very powerfull Agent in Nature; but also as a proper Incitement, to carry on still further his enquiries into this truly deserving and important subject.\nNor do I in the least doubt, that our worthy Brother, Mr. Peter Collinson, to whom (as Mr. Franklin resides in a remote Country) I shall recommend the care of conveying this Medal to him, will make use of all proper means, to induce him to persevere in so laudable an Undertaking.\n Endorsed: The Earl of Macclesfields Speech to the Royal Society on Tuesday the 30th: 9br: 1753 when He declared to them the Designation of Sir Godfrey Copleys Golden Medal for that year to Benjamin Franklin Esqr: of Pensilvania", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "12-04-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0038", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, 4 December 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Strahan, William\nDear Sir,\nPhilada. Dec. 4. 1753\nThis serves to enclose second Bills for One Hundred Pound Sterling, sent per Richey. I am, ut supra.\nB Franklin\n Addressed: To Mr Wm Strahan \u2002Printer \u2002London \u2002Per Capt. Mitchell.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "12-06-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0040", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwallader Colden, 6 December 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Colden, Cadwallader\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Dec. 6. 1753\nI receiv\u2019d your Favour of the 29th past, with some Remarks on my meteorological Paper, for which I thank you, and return some Observations on those Remarks, hoping by this Friendly Intercourse of Sentiments and Objections, some Advantage will arise to the Increase of true Knowledge.\nI sent you our Treaty some time since; you will find very little in it: But I have hopes it will introduce a Regulation of our Indian Trade, by the Government taking it in hand, and furnishing the Indians with Goods at the cheapest Rate without aiming at Profit, as is done by the Massachusetts; by which Means I think we must vastly undersell the French, and thereby attach the Indians more firmly to the British Interest.\nMr. Collinson certainly received your Answer to Kastner; I think one of his Letters to me mentions it.\nI send you herewith a Copy of my Paper on the Increase of Mankind; the only one I have, so must request you to return it. That on the Air, &c. is what you have already seen. The third mention\u2019d to you by Mr. Collinson, concerning the Germans is scarce worth sending, it will contain nothing new to you.\nI congratulate you on L. Halifax\u2019s Approbation of your Conduct in Publick Affairs. From such a Man the Honour is great, and the Satisfaction; But the Approbation of your own Mind is something more valuable in itself, and it is what I doubt not you will always enjoy.\nI should like to see Pike\u2019s Book some time or other when you can conveniently send it.\nWith great Esteem and Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant\nB Franklin\nC. Colden Esqr.\n[Enclosure]\nAnswer to the foregoing Observations\nI agree with you, that it seems absurd to suppose that a Body can act where it is not. I have no Idea of Bodies at a Distance attracting or repelling one another without the Assistance of some Medium, tho\u2019 I know not what that Medium is, or how it operates. When I speak of Attraction or Repulsion I make use of those Words for want of others more proper, and intend only to express Effects, which I see, and not Causes, of which I am ignorant. When I press a blown Bladder between my Knees, I find I cannot bring its Sides together, but my Knees feel a Springy Matter pushing them back to a greater Distance, or repelling them. I conclude that the Air it contains is the Cause. And when I operate on the Air, and find I cannot by Pressure force its Particles into Contact, but they still spring back against the Pressure, I conceive there must be some Medium between its Particles that prevents their Closing, tho\u2019 I cannot tell what it is. And if I were acquainted with that Medium, and found its Particles to approach and recede from each other according to the Pressure they suffer\u2019d, I should imagine there must be some finer Medium between them by which these Operations were performed.\nI allow that increase of the Surface of a Body may occasion it to descend slower in Air, Water, or any other Fluid; but do not conceive therefore that it lessens its Weight. Where the increas\u2019d Surface is so dispos\u2019d as that in its falling a greater Quantity of the Fluid it sinks in must be moved out of its Way, a greater Time is required for such Removal. Four square Feet of sheet Lead sinking in Water broadways, cannot descend near so fast as it would edgeways, yet its Weight on the Hydrostatic Ballance would I imagine be the same, whether suspended by the Middle or by a Corner.\nI make no doubt but that Ridges of high Mountains do often interrupt, stop, reverberate or turn the Winds that blow against them, according to the different degrees of Strength of the Winds, and the Angles of Incidence. I suppose too, that the cold upper Parts of Mountains may condense the warmer Air that comes near them, and so by making it specifically heavier, cause it to descend on one or both sides of the Ridge into the warmer Valleys, which will seem a Wind blowing from the Mountain.\nDamp Winds tho\u2019 not colder by the Thermometer, give a more uneasy sensation of Cold than dry ones. Because (to speak like an Electrician), they conduct better, that is, are better fitted to convey away the Heat from our Bodies; The Body cannot feel without itself; Our Sensation of Cold is not in the Air without the Body, but in those Parts of the Body which have been depriv\u2019d of their Heat by the Air. My Desk and its Lock are, I suppose of the same temperament when they have long been expos\u2019d to the same Air; but now, if I lay my Hand on the Wood, it does not seem so cold to me as the Lock; because (as I imagine) Wood is not so good a Conductor to receive and convey away the Heat from my Skin and the adjacent Flesh, as Metal is. Take a Piece of Wood of the Size and Shape of a Dollar between the Thumb and Fingers of one Hand, and a Dollar in like manner with the other Hand; place the Edges of both at the same time in the Flame of a Candle; and tho\u2019 the Edge of the wooden Piece takes Flame and the metal Piece does not, yet you will be oblig\u2019d to drop the latter before the former, it conducting the Heat more suddenly to your Fingers. Thus we can without Pain handle Glass and China Cups fill\u2019d with hot Liquors, as Tea, &c. but not silver ones. A Silver Teapot must have a Wooden Handle. Perhaps it is for the same Reason that woolen Garments keep the Body warmer than Linen ones equally thick. Woolen keeping the Natural Heat in, or, in other Words, not conducting it out to Air.\nIn Regard to Waterspouts, having in a long Letter to [a] Gentleman of the same Sentiment with you as to their Direction said all that I have to say in support of my Opinion, I need not repeat the Arguments therein contain\u2019d, as I intend to send you a Copy of it, by some other Opportunity for your Perusal. I imagine you will find all the Appearances you saw, accounted for by my Hypothesis. I thank you for communicating this Account of them. At present I would only say, that the Opinion of Winds being generated in Clouds by Fermentation, is new to me, and I am unacquainted with the Facts on which it is founded: I likewise find it difficult to conceive of Winds confin\u2019d in the Bodys of Clouds, which I imagine have little more solidity than the Fogs on the Earth\u2019s Surface. The Objection from the Freshness of Rain Water is a strong one, but I think I have answered it in the Letter above mentioned, to which I must beg Leave at present to refer you.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "12-06-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0041", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, 6 December 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Jackson, Richard\nSir\nPhilada. Dec. 6. 1753\nI received your Favour of the 29th June, with the curious astronomical Piece, for which please to accept my Thanks.\nOur Vessel fitted out for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage, is return\u2019d without entring Hudson\u2019s Bay, being prevented by unusual Quantities of Ice. She has, however, made some Discoveries of the Harbours on the Labrador Coast, that may be useful; and I believe we shall fit her out again in the Spring for a second Attempt. We are oblig\u2019d to you for your good Wishes, but more for giving us your Opinion concerning the Force of the Hudson\u2019s Bay Charter, with regard to Trade in the Bay.\nThe Thoughts you mention to have collected on the Subject of Paper Money and a provincial Bank, will be very acceptable to me, and may be of use to the Colonies in general. I beg you will take the first Opportunity of communicating them.\nI hope the Disorder you complain of, is, by this time thoroughly removed, and your Health perfectly restored, being, with the greatest Respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant,\nB Franklin\nP.S. I send you the enclos\u2019d Almanack for the Account it contains of the Increase of People in West Jersey.\nDr. Elliot writes me, that in their Town of Killingworth in which few or no Strangers come to settle, the People double every 15 Years, as appears by examining the Train band Lists taken annually.\n Addressed: To \u2002Richard Jackson Esqr \u2002Middle Temple \u2002London", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "12-13-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0043", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Bowdoin, 13 December 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Bowdoin, James\nDear Sir\nPhilada. Dec. 13. 1753\nI receiv\u2019d your Favour of the 12th ult. with the Law of your Province for Regulating the Indian Trade, for which I thank you, and for the Remarks that accompany it, which clearly evince the Usefulness of the Law, and I hope will be sufficient to induce our Assembly to follow your Example.\nI have yet received no Particulars of the unhappy Gentleman\u2019s Death at Petersburgh, (whose Fate I lament). One of the Papers says, that all the Letters from thence confirm the Account and mentions his Name (Professor Richmann) but nothing farther. No doubt we shall have a minute Account of the Accident with all its Circumstances, in some of the Magazines or the Transactions of the R. Society.\nThe Observation you made of the Sea Water emitting more and less Light in different Tracts pass\u2019d thro\u2019 by your Boat, is new; and your Manner of accounting for it ingenious. It is indeed very possible, that an extreamly small Animalcule, too small to be visible even by the best Glasses, may yet give a visible Light. I remember to have taken notice, in a Drop of Kennel Water magnify\u2019d by the Solar Microscope to the Bigness of a Cart Wheel, there were Numbers of visible Animalculae of various Sizes swimming about; but I was sure there were likewise some which I could not see, even with that Magnifier; for the Wake they made in Swimming to and fro was very visible, tho\u2019 the Body that made it was not so. Now if I could see the Wake of an invisible Animalcule, I imagine I might much more easily see its Light if it were of the luminous kind. For how small is the Extent of a Ship\u2019s Wake, compar\u2019d with that of the Light of her Lanthorn?\nMy Barometer will not show the luminous Appearance by agitating the Mercury in the Dark, but I think yours does. Please to try whether it will when agitated attract a fine Thread hung near the Top of the Tube.\nAs to the Answer to Nolet, if I were going on with it I should be extreamly glad of your peeping into it (as you say) now and then, that I might correct it by your Advice. The Materials in short Hints have been long collected and methodiz\u2019d; they only want to be cloth\u2019d with Expression. But soon after my Return from New England I receiv\u2019d the enclos\u2019d from Monsr. Dalibard, wherein he tells me that he is preparing an Answer not only to the Abb\u00e9, but to some others that have wrote against my Doctrine, which will be publish\u2019d the Beginning of this Winter. This, with a good deal of Business, and a little natural Indolence, have made me neglect finishing my Answer till I shall see what is done by him. Perhaps it may then appear unnecessary for me to do any thing farther in it. And will not one\u2019s Vanity be more gratify\u2019d in seeing one\u2019s Adversary confuted by a Disciple, than even by one\u2019s self? I am, however, a little concern\u2019d for Dalibard, when I find by his Letter, that he has been so far impos\u2019d on by the Abb\u00e9\u2019s confident Assertion that a charg\u2019d Bottle plac\u2019d on an Electric per se, loses its Electricity, as to attempt to account for it, when the Thing is absolutely not Fact. I have in answer wrote him my Sentiments on that and some other Particulars of the Abb\u00e9\u2019s Book, which I hope will get to hand before his answer is published.\nMy Compliments to your good Lady and all Friends. Please to acquaint her, that her Kinsman, Mr. Edward Shippen, was married last Week to Miss Francis, Daughter to our Attorney General, a young Lady of Merit and Fortune. I am, with the greatest Esteem and Regard, Dear Sir, Your most obliged humble Servant\nB Franklin\n Addressed: To \u2002James Bowdoin Esqr \u2002Boston \u2002Free \u2002B Franklin\nEndorsed: Mr. Benja. Franklin\u2019s Letter \u2003Decr. 15. 1753", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "12-27-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0045", "content": "Title: Franklin and Hall: Appeal to Subscribers, 27 December 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin,Hall, David\nTo: \nThe Subscribers to this Paper who live remote from Philadelphia, many of whom are many Years in Arrear, are once more requested to consider how impracticable it is for us to wait on every one of them at their Houses for the Money, and how easy it is for them to find proper Opportunities of conveying it to us. As a News-paper, which is a publick Convenience, cannot possibly be maintained under such Discouragements, we hope we shall be excused, if, for the future, we discontinue it to such as do not pay at the Year\u2019s End, and take some proper Method of recovering what has been long unjustly withheld from us.\nFranklin and Hall", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0047", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Franklin, 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Franklin, John\n[Missing] Riding offend the Part, and occasion small Ulcers. The Bougie or Wax Candle I have heard is excellent in such Cases. But whether it be an Ulcer in the Passages or a Stone, I believe Onion Pottage may be properly taken and to advantage as it lubricates, and at the same time is a Dissolvent of Calcarious Matter. Enclosed I Send you a Letter from the Revd. Mr. Jones to me, containing one he received from Govr. Ogle on the Virtues of this kind of Pottage. When you have perused please to return. With Love to all, I am Dear Brother, Yours affectionately\nB Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0048", "content": "Title: Post Office Instructions and Directions, 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: \nThe British post office in America, when Franklin and Hunter were appointed deputy postmasters general (see above, p. 18), had never paid its own expenses, much less provided an adequate return to the deputy postmasters. In 1753 the postmaster general determined to raise the salary of his American deputies from \u00a3200 to \u00a3600 (\u00a3300 for each man), but not to reimburse them for expenses. Thus it was to their interest to operate the system at a profit. Fortunately both Franklin and Hunter had been postmasters in their respective towns, and both were familiar with current American practices, particularly Franklin, who, as comptroller of the post office in America, had made a tour of inspection in the northern colonies in the summer and fall of 1753. Franklin and Hunter introduced a number of reforms, some of them so costly that they drew no income from their office for four years and actually ran into debt for \u00a3900. As part of the reorganization Franklin prepared careful instructions for the local postmasters. They filled two large printed sheets: one, headed Instructions, set forth the general regulations; the other, called Directions, illustrated the way to keep the required records and accounts. The dates of the hypothetical entries in the Directions suggest late 1753 as the probable date of composition and printing.\nI\nInstructions Given By Benjamin Franklin, and William Hunter, Esquires, His Majesty\u2019s Deputy Post-Masters General of all his Dominions on the Continent of North America, to their Deputy Post-Master, for the Stage of in the Province of\nImprimis, You are, previous to the entering upon your Office, to take the Oath required by the Act of the Ninth of Queen Anne (of which we have herewith sent you a Copy) before some one Justice of the Peace, for the County or Place where you reside; which, after being regularly certified, by the said Justice, you must return to our Comptroller at Philadelphia. And you are not to entrust or employ any Person or Persons under you, to receive, sort, mark, or deliver, any Letters or Pacquets, or be any otherways concerned in the Management of your Office; unless such Person or Persons shall likewise have first taken the Oath above-mentioned, which you are also to send to our said Comptroller in like Manner as your own. And for the Care and Fidelity of such Person or Persons, so employed by you, you are to be accountable.\n2. Item, You are to keep your Office, in a Place to be set apart for that Purpose, in good Order, and not to suffer the Letters to lie open in any Place, to which Persons, coming to your House, may have Access; nor suffer any Person whatsoever, but such as you entrust in the Execution of your Office, to inspect or handle the Letters at any Time, unless they are first delivered to them, for that Purpose, by you or some Person acting under you.\n3. Item, You are, upon the coming in of the Mail, and before you deliver any Letters, to observe the following Directions, viz.\n First, Carefully tell over the Letters charged to your Office twice at least, that you may be certain if the Number and Port of the Letters you receive, answer the Number and Port mentioned in the Bill or Bills sent you therewith. And if there be among them any Way or other Letters belonging to your Stage, not charged to you in any Bill, you are to mark them according to the Rates that other Letters are, or should be charged, from the respective Places whence they came to your Office, and enter them in your Book, as you will find particularly directed in the Precedent, mark\u2019d C. \n Secondly, Put the whole of the Letters received in the Mail belonging to your Stage, tho\u2019 they are sent from different Offices, or are Way-Letters, into one Heap or Parcel.\n Thirdly, Sort them alphabetically according to the Sir-names, and then enter them, in the same alphabetical Order, into a Book to be provided and kept for that Purpose only; and write the proper Date, and Names of the Places from whence received, at the Head of the List; and also set the Pennyweights and Grains, and Value in Currency, of each Letter, against the respective Names, as you will see done in the Specimen sent you herewith, mark\u2019d A.\n Fourthly, Having another Book, kept in the Manner as directed by particular Instructions sent you herewith, turn to the Account of Letters received into your Office (see the Precedent for this Account, mark\u2019d C) and make the proper Entries.\n4. Item, You are, when any of the Bills sent to you with Letters are overcharged, to mark on them those Parts that are so, and what they ought to have been; and preserve all the Bills you receive on a File. And when any Letters are overcharged, i.e. single Ones as Double, double Ones as Treble, &c. you are to make Allowances for such Overcharges to the Persons to whom the Letters are directed. And when any Letters are undercharged, double Ones as Single, treble Ones as Double, &c. you are to mark them as they ought to have been charged, and receive the Postage accordingly, taking Care to send a true Account thereof, by the first Post, in your Comptroller\u2019s Bill. And if there be, among the Letters charged to you, any which are not in your Delivery, and ought to have been sent to some other Place, you are then, if you know the proper Stage for their Delivery, to forward them there by the first Post; and if that Stage be farther distant from the Office they were first sent from than yours, you are to mark and charge them as they ought to have been mark\u2019d and charg\u2019d from thence, and mention them as forwarded in the Bill you send therewith; and you must likewise enter an Account of the Pennyweights and Grains of each Missent Letter so forwarded by you, in the Column for that Purpose; and note the same in your next Comptroller\u2019s Bill, that your Account may be credited therewith. And you are likewise to acquaint the Postmasters, from whose Offices any Bills or Letters may come over or under-charged, or missent to you, of the Mistakes they have made, by the first Post after you observe them, which you may do either on the Back of the Bills you send them, or by Letter, as is most convenient.\n5. Item, You are, if you find the Post has been longer in riding his Stage than he ought, to examine him strictly as to the Cause of it; and if he cannot give any just Reason, you must, by the next Post, acquaint his Master with it, and write what he says, that the Cause of his Delay may be known.\n6. Item, You are not to open or suffer to be opened any Mail or Bag of Letters, except such Bags as shall be sent unto you with Letters to be delivered at your Stage, unless there be an urgent Necessity; and in that Case you must always seal up the Bag again, with the Seal of your Office, and send a Note therein, specifying the Reason why the said Bag was broke open.\n7. Item, You are not to receive, or permit or consent to be received, at your Office, for the Port of any Letters or Pacquets, any Rates, but according to the Rates taxed or allowed for the Port of such Letters or Pacquets, in the Table of Rates herewith sent you, which you are to hang up in your Office in a Frame, to be preserv\u2019d for your Government, and the Satisfaction of all Persons paying such Postage.\n8. Item, You are not to trust any Person whatsoever for the Postage of Letters or Pacquets, but at your own Risque. And if any Sum, not exceeding Five Pounds Sterling, shall be due from any Person for Letters or Pacquets to them delivered by you, or which now is or shall be due for the Port of Letters or Pacquets by you or your Servants delivered to them, not exceeding that Value, you may recover the same by the afore-mentioned Act before Justices of the Peace, in the same Manner, and under the same Rules, as small Tithes are by the Laws of England to be recovered; and such Debts or Sums of Money are to be preferable in Payment, by the Person owing the same, or from whose Estate the same is or shall be due, before any Debt of any Sort to any private Person whatsoever.\n9. Item, You are to cause all Letters and Pacquets, received by you for Persons living in Town, which remain uncalled for on those Days they are brought to the Office, to be carefully delivered the next Morning as directed, so that the Persons receiving them may have convenient Time to return their Answers to your Stage to go by the next Return of the Post; and you are to allow the Person employed by you to deliver Letters aforesaid, to receive of the Persons to whom he delivers them, for his own Use, One English Copper Halfpenny for each Letter, over and above the Postage charged thereon. And when ever any Letters remain in your Office undelivered one Month after you have received them, you are to take a List of the Names of the Parties to whom the same are directed, and their Places of Abode, and publish it in one or all the News-Papers printed in your Province, if the Printers thereof send any of their Papers in his Majesty\u2019s Mail. And all those Letters which remain undelivered two Months after such Publication, you are to send to the General Post-Office, at Philadelphia, as Dead Letters, and your Account will be credited therewith accordingly: And if there be any particular Reason why any Letter was not delivered according to its Direction, mention the same on the Back of such Letter; and on each Bundle mark the Amount of Pennyweights and Grains it contains. If you omit sending the Dead Letters with your quarterly Account, you are to take Notice that you will have no Allowance made you for them till they are sent.\n10. Item, You are to use your best Endeavours to prevent any private Collection of Letters, by any Person whatsoever, within any of the Towns or Places under your Care; and if you find any private Collectors of Letters or Pacquets, you are constantly to return the Names, and Places of Abode, of all such Persons making such Collections, to our Comptroller aforesaid.\n11. Item, You are to do as much as in you lies, to collect all Letters and Pacquets within your said Stage, and the Districts thereof, to the End that they may be sent in his Majesty\u2019s Mails.\n12. Item, You are, until you receive other Directions from us, to continue the Posts in the same Rout, and observe the same Method of conveying Letters by them, in the several Bags, as has been hitherto usual from your Office.\n13. Item, You are not to deliver back any Letter put into your Office, unless you are sure it be to the same Person who wrote or brought the same; and if the Person who brought the Letter be not the Writer thereof, and should afterwards come to demand it back again, you are not to deliver it unless he shall bring you the same Superscription, written with the same Hand, and the Impression of the same Seal, wherewith such Letter was superscribed and sealed.\n14. Item, You are not to take Charge of, or send in the Mail, any Letters that have Money, Rings, Jewels, or any Thing else of Value, other than Paper or Parchment inclosed; but if any Persons apply to you to have such Things sent, you must acquaint them that they may, if they chuse to run the Risque, agree with the Post-rider for the same, it being allowed him as a Perquisite, to carry those Kind of Things for such Persons as chuse to entrust him therewith; but that you do not in any wise undertake to be accountable for the safe Deliverance thereof.\n15. Item, You are to permit any Person who desires it, to pay the Postage of any Letter he may put into your Office to be sent per Post; and you are to mark the same as Paid, and mention them as such in the Bill or Charge you send therewith; and also send, from Time to Time, in the Comptroller\u2019s Bill, a true and exact Account of the Number of Penny-weights and Grains that shall be so paid to you.\n16. Item, You are, upon the making up of the Mail, to observe the following Directions, viz.\n First, Carefully sort the Letters, according to the several Stages they are directed for, putting all those for each Stage into a separate Heap or Parcel.\n Secondly, Write on them the Name or Mark of your Stage, and the proper Rate, according to the Table of Rates sent you herewith, being strictly careful, that you neither over or under-rate them. And you are to observe that every single Piece of Paper, however small, or large, is to be tax\u2019d as a single Letter, unless there are wrote on it more Letters than one, or Bills of Exchange, Merchants Accompts, Invoices, Bills of Lading, Writs or Proceedings at Law; in that Case every Letter, Bill, Accompt, Invoice, &c. is to be rated and taxed as so many several and distinct Letters, tho\u2019 wrote on one and the same Piece of Paper; but Letters inclosing several Patterns of Cloth, Silk, Stuff, &c. not exceeding one Ounce Weight, to pay only as a double Letter, or two Pieces of Paper.\n Thirdly, Sort the Letters of each Parcel, into Single, Double, Treble, and Pacquets, Paid and Unpaid, Ship and Inland; and then enter them in that Order in the Bill or Charge to be sent therewith; and date, and sign the Bill with your Name.\n Fourthly, Then tie up the Letters of each Stage in separate Bundles, and enter the Amount of each Bill in your Books, as you will see done in the Precedent, marked Letter B, sent you herewith; and then putting the Letters into their respective Bags, tie the same, and seal them with the Seal of your Office.\n17. Item, You are not hereafter to suffer any Letter or Pacquet, to pass in his Majesty\u2019s Mail Post-free, unless you receive a special Order from us for that Purpose. And hereupon we now direct, that all Deputy Post-Masters, bearing Commission immediately from us shall have all the Letters to and from themselves, Post-free; always meaning that they shall not, under Colour of this Privilege, convey Letters for other People, who otherwise would be chargeable for the Postage thereof.\n18. Item, You are not, out of Friendship or Compliment to any Person whatsoever, to delay his Majesty\u2019s Post one Quarter of an Hour, beyond the usual and fixed Times of his Departure.\n19. Item, You are to direct the Post-riders, who go from your Stage, to wind their Horns once every five Miles, and three Times in every Town or Village, and upon the Meeting any Passenger on the Road; and also on his arriving at, and Half an Hour before his Departure from, your Office.\n20. Item, You are to keep a just and true Account of all Monies whatsoever received by you, for the Port of Letters or Pacquets; and at the End of each Quarter, That is to say, at Ladyday, Midsummer, Michaelmas, and Christmas, you are to make out a true and exact Account thereof, with your Disbursements, &c. in the Manner as is done in the Precedent sent you herewith, marked Letter D, and send the same to our Comptroller, at Philadelphia, with the Ballance thereof, either in Gold or Silver, or in the current Money of the Province wherein he resides, or in good Bills of Exchange, to be allowed of by him, and payable upon Sight in the said Province. For your Ease in making out this Account, you have printed Forms sent you.\n21. Item, You are strictly enjoined, not to take into your Service, any Rider who hath served any other Post-Master as a Servant to ride, without a Certificate, signed by the Master whom he last served, signifying that he had behaved himself honestly, and been diligent in the Performance of his Duty: And taking a Rider without such Certificate, you shall be answerable for all Faults committed by him with respect to the Post-Office. On employing any Rider, you are to cause him to sign the Bond, and take the Oath sent you herewith for that Purpose; you are to be particularly careful that such Rider perform his Duty in every Respect, and on his Failure, to sue his Bond, and prosecute him for Breach of Oath, as you shall see Cause.\n22. Item, You are constantly to observe whether the Bags coming to your Office for your Stage, be sealed with the respective Seals of the Offices from whence they came; and to seal, with a fair Impression of the Seal of your Stage, the several Bags which you send from thence.\n23. Item, You are diligently and faithfully to demean yourself in your said Employment, and to the utmost of your Ability and Skill, by all lawful Ways and Means, to promote His Majesty\u2019s Service in your Place, and from Time to Time to keep and observe all the abovementioned Orders and Instructions, and all such other Rules, Orders, Directions and Instructions, concerning the Management of your Place, as you shall receive from us, or our Comptroller aforesaid. And if any Misdemeanor shall be proved against you, you are quietly to submit, and render up your said Place, when we shall signify the same to you under our Hands and Seal of Office, notwithstanding any Agreement between us and you at the Entry into your said Employment.\nB. FranklinW. Hunter\nII\nDirections to the Deputy Post-Masters,for keeping their Accounts.\nA. Form of the Book for keeping an Alphabetical List of Letters, received every Mail, or from on Ship-board, referred to in the Third Instruction.\nDwt.\n Grs.\nReceived from the Ship Charles,\nCaptain Johnson, from London,\nOctober 3, 1753.\nA\nThomas Archer, 1 Single,\nJohn Ashurst, 1 Double,\nJames Cook, 1 Treble,\nT. Cox, a Packet, 1 Ounce wt.\nEdward Fitz Randolph, 1 Single,\nJames Hooper, 1 Double,\nCharles Haddock,\u2014\u20142 Ounces,\nMatthew Parke, 1 Single,\nGeorge Zeisieger, 1 Double,\nReceived from Boston, R. Island,\nNew-York, and Way Letters\nWilliam Bacon,\nGeorge Baker,\nJames Dobbs,\nCharles Dean,\nJohn Downing,\nBenjamin M\u2019Veaugh,\nO\nIsrael Oatley,\nCharles Osborne,\nGeorge Owen,\nJames Sadler,\nGeorge Savage, (Way Letter)\nThomas Suttle, Ditto\nPeter Stewart,\n(&c. &c. through the Alphabet)\nThe second Book referred to in your Instructions must be in Folio, of Post or Demy Paper, about fifteen Inches long, and Eighteen and a Half wide. The Quantity of Paper to be contained in it must be determined by the Number of Letters you receive and dispatch: A Book that will contain three, four, or more Years Transaction, will be best. You are to begin it with an Account of Letters sent from your Office, according to the following Specimen, mark\u2019d B. Every Time you dispatch a Mail, you are to turn to this Account, and fill it up from the Post-Master\u2019s Bills you send to each Office. After heading this Account (that you may have Room to carry it forward from Time to Time, as the Pages become fill\u2019d) you are to leave a Quantity of blank Paper after it, extending to about the Middle of your Book, where you must enter an Account of Letters received into your Office, according to the Form mark\u2019d C.\nB. Letters sent from the Post Office, at\n Date of the Bills sent.\n To what Officethe Letterswere sent.\n Number of UnpaidLetters.\n Number of paidLetters.\n FreeLetters.\n Single\n Double.\n Treble.\n Pacquet.\n Sums unpaid.\n Single\n Double.\n Treble.\n Pacquet.\nSums paid.\n Single\n Double.\n Treble.\n Pacquet.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\n October 4.\nBoston,\nRhode-Island,\nNew-York,\nAmboy,\n Sent Comptroler\u2019s Bill for the above Oct. 10.\nBrunswick,\nTrenton,\nBurlington,\nBoston,\nNew York,\nAmboy,\nBrunswick,\nTrenton,\nWilliamsburg,\nAnnapolis,\nNew-Castle,\nNew-York,\nDitto.\nBoston,\nNew-York,\nDitto.\nBoston,\nNew-York,\nRhode-Island,\nDitto.\nNew-York,\nBoston,\nDitto.\nNew-York,\nRhode-Island,\nNew-York,\nNew York,\nDitto.\nBoston,\nNew-York,\nAnnapolis,\nSent Comptroler\u2019s Bill for the above.\nC. Letters received into the Post-Office, at\n Time of Receiving.\n Names of the Offices, and Ships,from whence they were received.\n Date ofBills received.\n Unpaid Letters received.\n Way Letters received.\n Undercharged from other Offices.\n Overcharged from other Offices.\n Paid Letters received from other Offices.\n Forwarded to other Offices being Mis-sent.\nShip Letters.\n Number paid vfor.\n Belonging to this Office only.\nDwt.\n Grs.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\n Dwt.\n Grs.\nOct. 3.\nShip Charles, Johnson, from Lond.\nBoston,\nSept. 24.\nRhode Island,\nNew York,\nOct. 1.\nBoston,\nNew York,\nAnnapolis,\nBoston,\nNew-York,\nBrunswick,\nBoston,\nRhode-Island,\nNew-York,\nBrunswick,\nWilliamsburg,\nAnnapolis,\nBoyd\u2019s Hole,\nNo Bill.\nNov. 1.\nBoston,\nRhode-Island,\nNew-York,\nNew-York,\nNov. 5.\nRhode-Island,\nBoston,\nShip Harriet, from N. Carolina,\nBoston,\nNov. 5.\nNew-York,\nShip John, from Bristol,\nShip Amy, from London,\nBoston,\nRhode Island,\nNew-York,\nBrunswick,\nShip Freelove, from London,\nShip Happy, from Jamaica,\nBoston,\nRhode-Island,\nNew-York,\nAnnapolis,\nShip Adventure, from Barbados,\nDec. 5.\nNew-York,\nDec. 3.\nBrunswick,\nShip Sea-Horse, from London,\nBoston,\nNew-York,\nBrunswick,\nShip Hector, from Jamaica,\nNew-York,\nBrunswick,\nAnnapolis,\nThat you may be at no Loss to fill up each Column of this Account (mark\u2019d C) properly, observe the following Directions. On the Receipt of any Mail, lay all the Post-Masters Bills before you (having first examined whether they are right or no, as directed in the third Instruction.) Enter the Time of receiving in the first Column. From each of the Bills enter the Name of the Office in the second Column: The Date of the Bill in the Third: The Pennyweights and Grains of the Unpaid Letters you receive from such Office in the fourth Column, exactly according to the Foot of the Bill, whether right or wrong cast up, whether under or overcharged, because the 6th and 7th Columns will rectify the Mistake, if any. Enter the Amount of the Way Letters you receive from the Post-Man, belonging to your Stage only, and also the Amount of the Letters you deliver him from your Stage (not being charged to you in any Bill) to be left on the Road, for which he is to pay you the Postage, in the 5th Column. Enter the Under and Overcharges of each Bill in the 6th and 7th Columns, opposite to the Name of the Office where such Under or Overcharges were made. Enter the Amount of Paid Letters you receive from each Office, in the 8th Column, opposite to the Name of such Office. When you receive any Letters in the Mail, mis-sent, and which you have forwarded to other Offices, place the Amount of such Letters, as charged to you in the Bill, in the 9th Column. When you receive Letters from on board any Ship or Vessel, you are to enter the Name of such Vessel in the 2d Column; the Number of Letters you have paid the Captain or others for in the 10th Column; and the Amount of such of them as belong to your Office only, in the 11th Column, marking the Rates on them at the Time of receiving. Hence you may with little Trouble make up your Quarterly Account, as follows;\nD. Dr. The Post-Office at\tin\nFor one Quarter, ending\nCurrent Money\nDwt.\nGr.\ns.\nd.\nTo Postage of Letters which remained in the Office last Quarter,\n To Postage of paid Letters sent from this Office this Quarter,\n To Postage of unpaid Letters received from other Offices Ditto,\n To Postage of Way Letters belonging to this Office Ditto,\n To Postage of Letters undercharg\u2019d from other Offices Ditto,\n To the Amount of Ship Letters belonging to this Office Ditto,\nAccount with the General Post-Office of America, Cr.\n the Day of 17\n Current Money\nDwt.\n Gr.\nBy Postage of dead Letters sent to the General Post-Office this Quarter,\n By Postage of Letters remaining in this Office,\n By Letters mis-sent, being forwarded to other Offices,\n By Overcharge of Letters from other Offices,\n By 199 Pence, paid for Ship Letters,\n By a Quarter\u2019s Allowance for Salary, and Incidents, per Ct.\n By Ditto, paid the Rider between this Office and\n \u2003Balance carried to the Credit of the General Post-Office,\nFor filling up this Account, observe the following Directions:\nOn the Debtor Side,\nArticle 1st,\nWill be the same Sum as the second Article on the Creditor Side of your preceding Quarterly Account.\nFrom the Account of Letters sent from your Office, take the Amount of the paid Letters for the Quarter.\nTurn to the Account of Letters received into your Office, and from the fourth Column take the Amount of unpaid Letters received from other Offices.\nFrom the fifth Column in the said Account, take the Amount of Way Letters.\nFrom the sixth Column, take the Amount of Letters which came to you from other Offices, undercharged.\nFrom the eleventh Column, take the Amount of Ship Letters.\nOn the Creditor Side,\n Article 1st,\nWill be the Amount of dead Letters, you send with your Quarterly Account to the General Post-Office.\nTake the Amount of the Letters you keep in your Office, and place the Sum in Pennyweights and Grains opposite to this Article.\nFrom the ninth Column of the Account of Letters received into your Office, take the Amount of Letters sent by Mistake, and by you forwarded to other Offices.\nFrom the seventh Column of the said Account take the Amount of Letters overcharg\u2019d.\nFill this up from the tenth Column, with the Sum you have paid for Ship Letters during the Quarter.\nYour Quarter\u2019s Salary or Allowance.\nThe Wages you pay the Riders.\nThe Balance due to the General Post-Office.\nSum up the whole Amount of Pennyweights and Grains, on both Sides, and extend it in the current Coin of your Province, in the Columns for that Purpose, at the Rate you receive for Pennyweights and Grains. Then strike a Balance, due from you to the General Post-Office.\nSome of the Articles in the above Account will be often unnecessary, as when during the whole Quarter, you have received no mis-sent Letters; have not been under or overcharged; where the Office is not a Sea-port, &c. so that in the printed Account sent to the General Post-Office every Quarter, some of these Articles will remain blank.\nIt will be proper to copy the Quarterly Accounts you send to the General Post-Office into the latter Part of your Book.\nYou have now only an Account to raise for the General Post-Office; which, as it will take up but little Room, may be on the last Folio of your Book save one: To the Creditor Side of which Account, you must carry all your Quarterly Balances; and on the Debtor Side, charge all the Money you remit to, or pay by Order of, the Post-Master General, the Comptroller, or either of them.\nIn placing the aforementioned Accounts in different Parts of your Book, as directed, you may contrive it, as nearly as possible, that every Part of your Book may be filled at one and the same time.\nB. Franklin", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "01-01-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Franklin/01-05-02-0050", "content": "Title: From Benjamin Franklin to James Alexander, 1753\nFrom: Franklin, Benjamin\nTo: Alexander, James\nSuppose a tube of any length open at both ends, and containing a moveable wire of just the same length, that fills its bore. If I attempt to introduce the end of another wire into the same tube, it must be done by pushing forward the wire it already contains; and the instant I press and move one end of that wire, the other end is also moved; and in introducing one inch of the same wire, I extrude, at the same time, an inch of the first, from the other end of the tube.\nIf the tube be filled with water, and I inject an additional inch of water at one end, I force out an equal quantity at the other, in the very same instant.\nAnd the water forced out at one end of the tube is not the very same water that was forced in at the other end at the same time, it was only in motion at the same time.\nThe long wire made use of in the experiment to discover the velocity of the electric fluid, is itself filled with what we call its natural quantity of that fluid, before the hook of the Leyden bottle is applied to one end of it.\nThe outside of the bottle being at the time of such application, in contact with the other end of the wire; the whole quantity of electric fluid contained in the wire is, probably, put in motion at once.\nFor at the instant the hook, connected with the inside of the bottle, gives out; the coating, or outside of the bottle, draws in a portion of that fluid.\nIf such long wire contains precisely the quantity that the outside of the bottle demands, the whole will move out of the wire to the outside of the bottle, and the over quantity which the inside of the bottle contained, being exactly equal, will flow into the wire, and remain there, in the place of the quantity the wire had just parted with to the outside of the bottle.\nBut if the wire be so long as that one-tenth (suppose) of its natural quantity is sufficient to supply what the outside of the bottle demands, in such case the outside will only receive what is contained in one-tenth of the wire\u2019s length, from the end next to it; though the whole will move so as to make room at the other end for an equal quantity issuing, at the same time, from the inside of the bottle.\nSo that this experiment only shews the extream facility with which the electric fluid moves in metal; it can never determine the velocity.\nAnd, therefore, the proposed experiment (though well imagined, and very ingenious) of sending the spark round through a vast length of space, by the waters of Susquehannah, or Potowmack, and Ohio, would not afford the satisfaction desired, though we could be sure that the motion of the electric fluid would be in that tract, and not under ground in the wet earth by the shortest way.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "02-12-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-01-02-0026", "content": "Title: From George Washington to William Nelson, 12 February 1753 [letter not found]\nFrom: Washington, George\nTo: Nelson, William\n Letter not found: to William Nelson, 12 Feb. 1753. On 22 Feb. 1753 Nelson wrote to GW: \u201cI have received yours of the 12th Instant.\u201d", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "02-22-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-01-02-0027", "content": "Title: To George Washington from William Nelson, 22 February 1753\nFrom: Nelson, William\nTo: Washington, George\nSir\nYork Feby 22d 1753\nI have received yours of the 12th Instant, in which you express a Desire to be removed to the Adjutancy of the Northern Neck. I think the Thing so reasonable that I wish you may succeed: however, I presume You are not unaquainted, that two Gentlemen have apply\u2019d for it, & both strongly recommended; yet, Reason I hope will always prevail at the Board over Interest & Favour, upon which Principle You may expect all the Service that can be done you in the Affair by the Secretary, as well as by, Sir, Your most Hble Servt\nWm Nelson", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "10-30-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-01-02-0029", "content": "Title: Instructions from Robert Dinwiddie, 30 October 1753\nFrom: Dinwiddie, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\n[Williamsburg, 30 October 1753]\nInstructions for George Washington Esqr.\nWhereas I have receiv\u2019d Information of a Body of French Forces being assembled in an hostile Manner on the River Ohio, intending by force of Arms to erect certain Forts on the said River, within this Territory & contrary to the Peace & Dignity of our Sovereign the King of Great Britain.\nThese are therefore to require & direct You the said George Washington Esqr. forthwith to repair to the Logstown on the said River Ohio; & having there inform\u2019d Yourself where the said French Forces have posted themselves, thereupon to proceed to such Place: & being there arriv\u2019d to present Your Credentials, together with my Letter to the chief commanding Officer, &, in the Name of His Britanic Majesty, to demand an Answer from him thereto.\nOn Your Arrival at the Logstown, You are to address Yourself to the Half King, to Monacatoocha & other the Sachems of the Six Nations; acquainting them with Your Orders to visit & deliver my Letter to the French commanding Officer; & desiring the said Chiefs to appoint You a sufficient Number of their Warriors to be Your Safeguard, as near the French as You may desire, & to wait Your further Direction.\nYou are diligently to enquire into the Numbers & Force of the French on the Ohio, & the adjacent Country; how they are like to be assisted from Canada; & what are the Difficulties & Conveniencies of that Comunication, & the Time requir\u2019d for it.\nYou are to take Care to be truly inform\u2019d what Forts the French have erected, & where; How they are Garrison\u2019d & appointed, & what is their Distance from each other, & from Logstown: And from the best Intelligence You can procure, You are to learn what gave Occasion to this Expedition of the French. How they are like to be supported, & what their Pretentions are.\nWhen the French Commandant has given You the requir\u2019d & necessary Dispatches, You are to desire of him that, agreeable to the Law of Nations, he wou\u2019d grant You a proper Guard, to protect You as far on Your Return, as You may judge for Your Safety, against any stragling Indians or Hunters that may be ignorant of Yr Character & molest You.\nWishing You good Success in Yr Negotiations & a safe & speedy return I am Sr Yr hble Servt", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753}, {"created_timestamp": "10-30-1753", "downloaded_timestamp": "10-18-2021", "url": "https://founders.archives.gov/API/docdata/Washington/02-01-02-0030", "content": "Title: Passport from Robert Dinwiddie, 30 October 1753\nFrom: Dinwiddie, Robert\nTo: Washington, George\nVirginia[Williamsburg, 30 October 1753] \nTo All to whom these Presents may come or concern Greeting \nWhereas I have appointed George Washington Esqr. by Commission under the Great Seal, My express Messenger to the Comandant of the French Forces on the River Ohio, & as he is charg\u2019d with Business of great Importance to His Majesty & this Dominion.\nI do hereby Command all His Majesty\u2019s Subjects, & particularly require All in Alliance and Amity with the Crown of Great Britain, & all Others to whom this Passport may come agreeable to the Law of Nations, to be aiding & assisting as a Safeguard to the said George Washington & his Attendants: (viz.)\nin his present Message to & from the River Ohio as aforesaid\nGiven under my Hand & the Seal of the Colony at the City of Williamsburg this Thirtieth Day of October, One Thousand seven hundred, fifty & three, in the twenty seventh Year of His Britannick Majesty\u2019s reign.", "culture": "English", "source_dataset": "Pile_of_Law", "source_dataset_detailed": "Pile_of_Law_founding_docs", "source_dataset_detailed_explanation": "Letters from U.S. founders.", "creation_year": 1753} ]