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{"architectures": ["LlamaForCausalLM"], "attention_bias": false, "attention_dropout": 0.0, "bos_token_id": 128256, "eos_token_id": 128257, "head_dim": 64, "hidden_act": "silu", "hidden_size": 2048, "initializer_range": 0.02, "intermediate_size": 8192, "max_position_embeddings": 131072, "mlp_bias": false, "model_type": "llama", "neuron": {"compiler_version": "2.15.128.0+56dc5a86", "input_specs": {"chosen": ["<|im_start|>user\nCould corporal punishment be an effective deterrent to crime in the United States? Discuss both sides of the argument, citing evidence from the text. Answer according to: PERSPECTIVE ON CORPORAL PUNISHMENT : Would 'Caning' Work Here? No! : It's not a deterrent; it is discriminatory and cruel, and it would seriously harm our justice system.\nJEROME H. SKOLNICK Jerome H. Skolnick is a professor of jurisprudence and social policy at UC Berkeley's School of Law and president of the American Society of Criminology.\nWhen Michael Fay, an 18-year-old American, was sentenced to a \"caning\" for vandalism in Singapore, the initial reaction in this country was one of outrage; even President Clinton criticized the sentence as excessive and reportedly is seeking to have it withdrawn. But almost immediately, there was a backlash of Americans asking: If severe corporal punishment helps to maintain public order in Singapore, would it not be good policy here?\nI don't think so, although I am sometimes angry enough at criminals to be tempted to advocate it.\nSingapore canings are brutal. A martial artist strikes the offender's bare buttocks (in Fay's case, six lashes) with a half-inch rattan cane moistened to break the skin and inflict severe pain. The loss of blood is considerable and often results in shock.\nCorporal punishment is not necessary to achieve public order, even in Singapore. Other countries do not employ corporal punishment, yet their streets are relatively free of random violence.\nThere are also principled reasons for opposing corporal punishment.\nFrom antiquity to the present, law scholars have generally agreed that to be just, the punishment should be proportionate in severity to the crime. Under this principle of \"just deserts,\" murderers may be executed, but not speeders. How many of us would consider the brutal flogging of a teen-ager as a just desert for vandalizing property?\nFay's caning seems like excessive punishment to me. The Singapore authorities do not disagree. The caning may be overly harsh, they acknowledge, but it will, they say, deter other youths tempted to commit crimes against property.\nThe evidence for this assumption is sparse and unclear. In 1960, a British Home Office research group (the Cadogan Committee) undertook a study of 3,000 cases of violent robbery, virtually the only offense where corporal punishment was still being imposed in Britain. The researchers found that robbers who were flogged were slightly more likely to be again convicted of robbery with violence than those who were not flogged.\nYet the study is inconclusive. The difference between the two groups was not statistically significant. Besides, those who were flogged might have repeated their offenses not because they were flogged, but because the authorities lashed only those who were perceived to be the most violent and most likely to repeat their crimes.\nIt could also be argued by advocates of corporal punishment that the most violent robbers weren't walloped harshly enough. After all, they weren't caned on the buttocks by a martial arts expert whose thrashing could send them into shock. Corporal punishment, the advocates would contend, is a deterrent only if it is adequately severe.\nThat brings us to this question: Assuming that our Constitution was amended to allow corporal punishment, were we to start down that road, how would we know where to stop? Historically, corporal punishment has included burning, branding, blinding, mutilation and amputation. In some countries, people sentenced to death were drawn and quartered, that is, partly strangled and, while still alive, disemboweled and torn apart. If we abandon the just-desert principle, how far down the road of pain does the quest for deterrence carry us?\nAnd if we permit corporal punishment to be judicially determined, how will we control its administration in our correctional institutions? Once the corporal punishment barriers are down, won't we be inviting prison guard and police brutality?\nAnother factor to consider: Our prisons are disproportionately occupied by members of minority groups. In 1991, the United States had the highest incarceration rate in the world, 426 per 100,000. Predictably, those who will be beaten and branded and mutilated in this new American justice system will be disproportionately young, male and black and possibly Latino. Aren't racial tensions in this country high enough as it is?\nFinally, corporal punishment advocates might argue that beating and mutilation are cheaper than imprisonment. Not necessarily. It would depend on whether caning is the sole mandated punishment or an add-on. Note that Michael Fay was fined and sentenced to four months of jail time in addition to the caning.\nThe same offenses committed here might have earned Fay, as a first offender, a 30-day jail sentence, a fine and several hundred hours of community service, in the form of street and car cleaning, as a condition of probation. To me, that appears a just desert for spray-painting parked cars and harboring \"stolen property\" (a stash of street signs).\nCorporal punishment may be tough, but it's not very smart, and neither is it cheap, just or necessary.<|im_end|>\n<|im_start|>assistant\nPerspective on Corporal Punishment: Would 'Caning' Work Here? No! : It's not a deterrent; it is discriminatory and cruel, and it would seriously harm our justice system.\nJerome H. Skolnick argues against the use of corporal punishment in the United States, citing evidence from research and historical examples. He argues that corporal punishment is not necessary to achieve public order, and that it goes against the principle of \"just deserts\" by imposing harsh penalties on offenders that are disproportionate to their crimes. Skolnick also raises concerns about the potential for abuse and discrimination in the administration of corporal punishment, and argues that it would be a step backwards for the justice system.\nThe evidence against corporal punishment is sparse and unclear, according to Skolnick. The Cadogan Committee report on the effectiveness of corporal punishment in Britain found that those who were flogged were slightly more likely to be convicted of robbery with violence again, but the difference was not statistically significant. Additionally, Skolnick argues that corporal punishment would be inadequate to deter the most violent offenders, and that it would open up a Pandora's box of questions about where to draw the line in terms of the severity of penalties.\nFurthermore, corporal punishment would be highly discriminatory and unfair, according to Skolnick. It would disproportionately affect members of minority groups, and would be a step backwards for the justice system. The high incarceration rate in the United States is a concern, and corporal punishment would not address the underlying issues that lead to mass incarceration.\nIn conclusion, Skolnick argues that corporal punishment is not necessary to achieve public order, and that it goes against the principle of \"just deserts.\" It would be a step backwards for the justice system, and would have potential for abuse and discrimination in its administration.<|im_end|>\n"], "chosen_attention_mask": [1, 512], "chosen_input_ids": [1, 512], "chosen_labels": [1, 512], "prompt": ["Could corporal punishment be an effective deterrent to crime in the United States? Discuss both sides of the argument, citing evidence from the text. Answer according to: PERSPECTIVE ON CORPORAL PUNISHMENT : Would 'Caning' Work Here? No! : It's not a deterrent; it is discriminatory and cruel, and it would seriously harm our justice system.\nJEROME H. SKOLNICK Jerome H. Skolnick is a professor of jurisprudence and social policy at UC Berkeley's School of Law and president of the American Society of Criminology.\nWhen Michael Fay, an 18-year-old American, was sentenced to a \"caning\" for vandalism in Singapore, the initial reaction in this country was one of outrage; even President Clinton criticized the sentence as excessive and reportedly is seeking to have it withdrawn. But almost immediately, there was a backlash of Americans asking: If severe corporal punishment helps to maintain public order in Singapore, would it not be good policy here?\nI don't think so, although I am sometimes angry enough at criminals to be tempted to advocate it.\nSingapore canings are brutal. A martial artist strikes the offender's bare buttocks (in Fay's case, six lashes) with a half-inch rattan cane moistened to break the skin and inflict severe pain. The loss of blood is considerable and often results in shock.\nCorporal punishment is not necessary to achieve public order, even in Singapore. Other countries do not employ corporal punishment, yet their streets are relatively free of random violence.\nThere are also principled reasons for opposing corporal punishment.\nFrom antiquity to the present, law scholars have generally agreed that to be just, the punishment should be proportionate in severity to the crime. Under this principle of \"just deserts,\" murderers may be executed, but not speeders. How many of us would consider the brutal flogging of a teen-ager as a just desert for vandalizing property?\nFay's caning seems like excessive punishment to me. The Singapore authorities do not disagree. The caning may be overly harsh, they acknowledge, but it will, they say, deter other youths tempted to commit crimes against property.\nThe evidence for this assumption is sparse and unclear. In 1960, a British Home Office research group (the Cadogan Committee) undertook a study of 3,000 cases of violent robbery, virtually the only offense where corporal punishment was still being imposed in Britain. The researchers found that robbers who were flogged were slightly more likely to be again convicted of robbery with violence than those who were not flogged.\nYet the study is inconclusive. The difference between the two groups was not statistically significant. Besides, those who were flogged might have repeated their offenses not because they were flogged, but because the authorities lashed only those who were perceived to be the most violent and most likely to repeat their crimes.\nIt could also be argued by advocates of corporal punishment that the most violent robbers weren't walloped harshly enough. After all, they weren't caned on the buttocks by a martial arts expert whose thrashing could send them into shock. Corporal punishment, the advocates would contend, is a deterrent only if it is adequately severe.\nThat brings us to this question: Assuming that our Constitution was amended to allow corporal punishment, were we to start down that road, how would we know where to stop? Historically, corporal punishment has included burning, branding, blinding, mutilation and amputation. In some countries, people sentenced to death were drawn and quartered, that is, partly strangled and, while still alive, disemboweled and torn apart. If we abandon the just-desert principle, how far down the road of pain does the quest for deterrence carry us?\nAnd if we permit corporal punishment to be judicially determined, how will we control its administration in our correctional institutions? Once the corporal punishment barriers are down, won't we be inviting prison guard and police brutality?\nAnother factor to consider: Our prisons are disproportionately occupied by members of minority groups. In 1991, the United States had the highest incarceration rate in the world, 426 per 100,000. Predictably, those who will be beaten and branded and mutilated in this new American justice system will be disproportionately young, male and black and possibly Latino. Aren't racial tensions in this country high enough as it is?\nFinally, corporal punishment advocates might argue that beating and mutilation are cheaper than imprisonment. Not necessarily. It would depend on whether caning is the sole mandated punishment or an add-on. Note that Michael Fay was fined and sentenced to four months of jail time in addition to the caning.\nThe same offenses committed here might have earned Fay, as a first offender, a 30-day jail sentence, a fine and several hundred hours of community service, in the form of street and car cleaning, as a condition of probation. To me, that appears a just desert for spray-painting parked cars and harboring \"stolen property\" (a stash of street signs).\nCorporal punishment may be tough, but it's not very smart, and neither is it cheap, just or necessary."], "prompt_attention_mask": [1, 512], "prompt_input_ids": [1, 512], "question": ["Could corporal punishment be an effective deterrent to crime in the United States? Discuss both sides of the argument, citing evidence from the text. Answer according to: PERSPECTIVE ON CORPORAL PUNISHMENT : Would 'Caning' Work Here? No! : It's not a deterrent; it is discriminatory and cruel, and it would seriously harm our justice system.\nJEROME H. SKOLNICK Jerome H. Skolnick is a professor of jurisprudence and social policy at UC Berkeley's School of Law and president of the American Society of Criminology.\nWhen Michael Fay, an 18-year-old American, was sentenced to a \"caning\" for vandalism in Singapore, the initial reaction in this country was one of outrage; even President Clinton criticized the sentence as excessive and reportedly is seeking to have it withdrawn. But almost immediately, there was a backlash of Americans asking: If severe corporal punishment helps to maintain public order in Singapore, would it not be good policy here?\nI don't think so, although I am sometimes angry enough at criminals to be tempted to advocate it.\nSingapore canings are brutal. A martial artist strikes the offender's bare buttocks (in Fay's case, six lashes) with a half-inch rattan cane moistened to break the skin and inflict severe pain. The loss of blood is considerable and often results in shock.\nCorporal punishment is not necessary to achieve public order, even in Singapore. Other countries do not employ corporal punishment, yet their streets are relatively free of random violence.\nThere are also principled reasons for opposing corporal punishment.\nFrom antiquity to the present, law scholars have generally agreed that to be just, the punishment should be proportionate in severity to the crime. Under this principle of \"just deserts,\" murderers may be executed, but not speeders. How many of us would consider the brutal flogging of a teen-ager as a just desert for vandalizing property?\nFay's caning seems like excessive punishment to me. The Singapore authorities do not disagree. The caning may be overly harsh, they acknowledge, but it will, they say, deter other youths tempted to commit crimes against property.\nThe evidence for this assumption is sparse and unclear. In 1960, a British Home Office research group (the Cadogan Committee) undertook a study of 3,000 cases of violent robbery, virtually the only offense where corporal punishment was still being imposed in Britain. The researchers found that robbers who were flogged were slightly more likely to be again convicted of robbery with violence than those who were not flogged.\nYet the study is inconclusive. The difference between the two groups was not statistically significant. Besides, those who were flogged might have repeated their offenses not because they were flogged, but because the authorities lashed only those who were perceived to be the most violent and most likely to repeat their crimes.\nIt could also be argued by advocates of corporal punishment that the most violent robbers weren't walloped harshly enough. After all, they weren't caned on the buttocks by a martial arts expert whose thrashing could send them into shock. Corporal punishment, the advocates would contend, is a deterrent only if it is adequately severe.\nThat brings us to this question: Assuming that our Constitution was amended to allow corporal punishment, were we to start down that road, how would we know where to stop? Historically, corporal punishment has included burning, branding, blinding, mutilation and amputation. In some countries, people sentenced to death were drawn and quartered, that is, partly strangled and, while still alive, disemboweled and torn apart. If we abandon the just-desert principle, how far down the road of pain does the quest for deterrence carry us?\nAnd if we permit corporal punishment to be judicially determined, how will we control its administration in our correctional institutions? Once the corporal punishment barriers are down, won't we be inviting prison guard and police brutality?\nAnother factor to consider: Our prisons are disproportionately occupied by members of minority groups. In 1991, the United States had the highest incarceration rate in the world, 426 per 100,000. Predictably, those who will be beaten and branded and mutilated in this new American justice system will be disproportionately young, male and black and possibly Latino. Aren't racial tensions in this country high enough as it is?\nFinally, corporal punishment advocates might argue that beating and mutilation are cheaper than imprisonment. Not necessarily. It would depend on whether caning is the sole mandated punishment or an add-on. Note that Michael Fay was fined and sentenced to four months of jail time in addition to the caning.\nThe same offenses committed here might have earned Fay, as a first offender, a 30-day jail sentence, a fine and several hundred hours of community service, in the form of street and car cleaning, as a condition of probation. To me, that appears a just desert for spray-painting parked cars and harboring \"stolen property\" (a stash of street signs).\nCorporal punishment may be tough, but it's not very smart, and neither is it cheap, just or necessary."], "rejected": ["<|im_start|>user\nCould corporal punishment be an effective deterrent to crime in the United States? Discuss both sides of the argument, citing evidence from the text. Answer according to: PERSPECTIVE ON CORPORAL PUNISHMENT : Would 'Caning' Work Here? No! : It's not a deterrent; it is discriminatory and cruel, and it would seriously harm our justice system.\nJEROME H. SKOLNICK Jerome H. Skolnick is a professor of jurisprudence and social policy at UC Berkeley's School of Law and president of the American Society of Criminology.\nWhen Michael Fay, an 18-year-old American, was sentenced to a \"caning\" for vandalism in Singapore, the initial reaction in this country was one of outrage; even President Clinton criticized the sentence as excessive and reportedly is seeking to have it withdrawn. But almost immediately, there was a backlash of Americans asking: If severe corporal punishment helps to maintain public order in Singapore, would it not be good policy here?\nI don't think so, although I am sometimes angry enough at criminals to be tempted to advocate it.\nSingapore canings are brutal. A martial artist strikes the offender's bare buttocks (in Fay's case, six lashes) with a half-inch rattan cane moistened to break the skin and inflict severe pain. The loss of blood is considerable and often results in shock.\nCorporal punishment is not necessary to achieve public order, even in Singapore. Other countries do not employ corporal punishment, yet their streets are relatively free of random violence.\nThere are also principled reasons for opposing corporal punishment.\nFrom antiquity to the present, law scholars have generally agreed that to be just, the punishment should be proportionate in severity to the crime. Under this principle of \"just deserts,\" murderers may be executed, but not speeders. How many of us would consider the brutal flogging of a teen-ager as a just desert for vandalizing property?\nFay's caning seems like excessive punishment to me. The Singapore authorities do not disagree. The caning may be overly harsh, they acknowledge, but it will, they say, deter other youths tempted to commit crimes against property.\nThe evidence for this assumption is sparse and unclear. In 1960, a British Home Office research group (the Cadogan Committee) undertook a study of 3,000 cases of violent robbery, virtually the only offense where corporal punishment was still being imposed in Britain. The researchers found that robbers who were flogged were slightly more likely to be again convicted of robbery with violence than those who were not flogged.\nYet the study is inconclusive. The difference between the two groups was not statistically significant. Besides, those who were flogged might have repeated their offenses not because they were flogged, but because the authorities lashed only those who were perceived to be the most violent and most likely to repeat their crimes.\nIt could also be argued by advocates of corporal punishment that the most violent robbers weren't walloped harshly enough. After all, they weren't caned on the buttocks by a martial arts expert whose thrashing could send them into shock. Corporal punishment, the advocates would contend, is a deterrent only if it is adequately severe.\nThat brings us to this question: Assuming that our Constitution was amended to allow corporal punishment, were we to start down that road, how would we know where to stop? Historically, corporal punishment has included burning, branding, blinding, mutilation and amputation. In some countries, people sentenced to death were drawn and quartered, that is, partly strangled and, while still alive, disemboweled and torn apart. If we abandon the just-desert principle, how far down the road of pain does the quest for deterrence carry us?\nAnd if we permit corporal punishment to be judicially determined, how will we control its administration in our correctional institutions? Once the corporal punishment barriers are down, won't we be inviting prison guard and police brutality?\nAnother factor to consider: Our prisons are disproportionately occupied by members of minority groups. In 1991, the United States had the highest incarceration rate in the world, 426 per 100,000. Predictably, those who will be beaten and branded and mutilated in this new American justice system will be disproportionately young, male and black and possibly Latino. Aren't racial tensions in this country high enough as it is?\nFinally, corporal punishment advocates might argue that beating and mutilation are cheaper than imprisonment. Not necessarily. It would depend on whether caning is the sole mandated punishment or an add-on. Note that Michael Fay was fined and sentenced to four months of jail time in addition to the caning.\nThe same offenses committed here might have earned Fay, as a first offender, a 30-day jail sentence, a fine and several hundred hours of community service, in the form of street and car cleaning, as a condition of probation. To me, that appears a just desert for spray-painting parked cars and harboring \"stolen property\" (a stash of street signs).\nCorporal punishment may be tough, but it's not very smart, and neither is it cheap, just or necessary.<|im_end|>\n<|im_start|>assistant\nNo, corporal punishment is not an effective deterrent to crime in the United States. The evidence suggests that it is ineffective and can lead to more serious and violent crimes. The cost to the government of offering corporal punishment is also prohibitive, both in terms of taxpayer money, which could be used towards proven methods of rehabilitation, and human resources, which would be wasted on an ineffective punishment. In addition, corporal punishment can be seen as discriminatory and unfairly target minorities. Finally, it is against the law in the United States to inflict cruel and excessive punishments, making corporal punishment impossible to implement anyway.<|im_end|>\n"], "rejected_attention_mask": [1, 512], "rejected_input_ids": [1, 512], "rejected_labels": [1, 512], "source": ["ultrachat"]}, "model_class": "PeftModelForCausalLM", "num_neuron_cores_per_node": 2, "pipeline_parallel_size": 1, "precision": "bfloat16", "tensor_parallel_size": 1, "training": true}, "num_attention_heads": 32, "num_hidden_layers": 16, "num_key_value_heads": 8, "pad_token_id": 128257, "pretraining_tp": 1, "rms_norm_eps": 1e-05, "rope_scaling": {"factor": 32.0, "high_freq_factor": 4.0, "low_freq_factor": 1.0, "original_max_position_embeddings": 8192, "rope_type": "llama3"}, "rope_theta": 500000.0, "tie_word_embeddings": true, "torch_dtype": "bfloat16", "use_cache": true, "vocab_size": 128258}